Nineveh and its remainsAusten Henry Layard


LIBRARY
or THE
PEABODY MUSEUM OF AMERICAN
ARCHAEOLOGY AND ETHNOLOGY
Gift or
CHARLES P. BOWDITCH
(Class of 1863)
dº-Z
Received 3? &asy.” % /7/4.








N IN E W E H
ITS REMAINS.
VOL. II.


London:
A. and G. A. Spottiswoopk,
New-street-Square.








NINEVEH
AMD
ITS REMAINS:
WITH AN ACCOUNT OF A VISIT TO THE CHALDEAN
CHRISTIANS OF KURDISTAN, AND THE YEZEDIS,
OR DEVIL-WORSHD7PERS; AND AN ENQUIRY
INTO THE MANNERS AND ARTS OF
THE ANCIENT ASSYRIANS.
BY AUSTEN HENRY LAYARD, ESQ. D.C.L.

"She saw men pourtrayed upon the wall, the images of the Chaldeans pourtrayed with
Tennllion.
"Girded with girdles upon their loins, exceeding in dyed attire upon their h'ads, all
of them princes to look to, after the manner of the Bahylonians of Chaldea, the land of
their nattritr." EzEKiai.. Mill. 1*. 1»'
SIXTH EDITION.
IN TWO VOLUMES. —VOL. II.
LONDON:
JOHN MURRAY, ALBEMARLE STREET.
1854.


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ſº vg | ſoous alueuraniw fel inw. ullor
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N IN E V E H
AND
ITS REMAINS :
WITH AN ACCOUNT OF A VISIT TO THE CHALDAEAN
CHRISTIANS OF KURDISTAN, AND THE YEZIDIS,
OR DEVIL-WORSHIPPERS; AND AN ENGUIRY
INTO THE MANNERS AND ARTS OF
THE ANCIENT ASSYRIANS.
BY AUSTEN HENRY LAYARD, ESQ. D.C.L.
Z º
º
Ǻ
-- : saw men pourtrayed upon the wall, the images of the Chaldeans pourtrayed with
vermilion.
“Girded with girdles upon their loins, exceeding in dyed attire upon their heads, all
of them Fº to look to, after the manner of the Babylonians of Chaldea, the land of
their nativity.” Ezekiel, xxiii. 14, 15.
SIXTH EDITION.
IN TWO WOLUMES. – WOL. II.
LONDON :
JOHN MURRAY, ALBEMARLE STREET.
1854.


A S. Luso 6
o' Gºd (c. P. lºquºddº,
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CONTENTS
THE SECOND VOLUME.
CHAPTER XL
Death of Tahyar Pasha. Excavations carried on. Discoveries in
the North-west Palace. New Chambers and Bas-reliefs.
Ivory Ornaments and Cartouches with Hieroglyphics. Painted
Chambers. Pottery. Discovery of upper Chambers. Paintings
on the Walls. Pavement Slabs. Discoveries in the Centre of
the Mound. Tombs containing Vases and Ornaments. Their
Egyptian Character. Bas-reliefs collected together. Descrip-
tion of the Sculptures. Further Discoveries in the South-west
Edifice. Crouching Sphinxes. Sculptures. A Description of
the Bas-reliefs. Small Figures in unbaked Clay. A Beam of
Wood. Discovery of more Tombs in the South-east Corner —
of Chambers beneath them — of an arched or vaulted Boom.
Discoveries in various Parts of the Mound - - Page 1
CHAP. xn.
Excavations undertaken at Kalah Sherghat. Departure for the
Rains. Senidij. The Bitumen Pits. Abd'rubboa. My
Reception. Reach the Rains. Fears of the Workmen. Dis-
covery of a sitting Figure. Arab Encampment. Arab Life.
Excavations in the Mound. Discovery of Tombs. Remains of
Building. Description of the Mounds. Return to Nimroud 44


vi
CONTENTS.
CHAP. XIII.
System of Irrigation adopted by the ancient Assyrians. Want of'
Rain. Fears for the Crops. Preparations for the Removal of a
winged Bull and winged Lion. Construction of a Cart. Surprise
of the Natives. Discovery of a Bas-relief—of a Drain. Lower-
ing of the winged Bull. Its Removal from the Ruins. Excite-
ment of the Arabs. Rejoicings in the Village. The Bull
dragged down to the River. The removal of the Lion. Discon-
tent amongst the Arabs. They leave the Ruins. Rafts prepared
for the Transport of the Sculptures to Busrah. The Lion and
Bull placed upon them. Their Departure from Nimroud. Return
of the Arabs. Excavations commenced in the Pyramid. Con-
clusion of the Excavations at Nimroud. General Description of
the Ruins ------ Page 68
CHAP. XTV.
Excavations planned at Kouyunjik. Leave Nimroud. Remove
to Mosul. Discovery of a Building in Eouyunijik. Bas-reliefs.
General Description of the Sculptures. Excavations carried on
by Mr. Ross. His Discoveries. Bas-reliefs. A sculptured
Slab and Sarcophagus. Preparations for my Return to Con-
stantinople. Leave Mosul - - - - 115
PART IT.
CHAP. I.
Materials for the History of Assyria. Comparative Dates of
Monuments. Assyrian Writing. The Cuneiform. Its Varieties.
Assyrian Records. Writing Materials. Monumental Records,
Bricks and Tiles. Progress in Deciphering. Assyrian Monu-
ments of various Periods. The Ivory Ornaments. Cartouches.
Connection between Assyria and Egypt. Historical Evidence
of Period of Ninus. The Assyrian Dynasties. The Tombs at
Nimroud. Antiquity of Nineveh - - - 153


CONTESTS. TU
CHAP. IX
Semitic Origin of the Assyrians. Identification of the Site of
Nineveh. Dimensions of the City. Architecture of the Assy-
rians. Their first Cities. Building Materials. '.San-dried
Bricks. Alabaster. Painted Walls. The Roof and Ceiling.
Knowledge of Vaulting and the Arch. Pavement and Drains.
Description of an Assyrian Palace. The sculptured and pic-
torial Records. The Nature of the Buildings discovered^in
Assyria. Exterior Architecture. Private Houses. Absence
of the Column. Walls of the Cities. Their Towers and Gate-
ways ------ Page 236
CHAP. III.
The Arts amongst the Assyrians. Their Origin. Connection
between Assyrian and Greek Art. The Assyrian Origin of
Persian Art. Its Passage into Asia Minor. The Lycian
Sculptures. Various Greek Ornaments and Forms borrowed
from Assyria. Taste of Assyrians displayed in Embroideries,
Arms, and personal Ornaments—in domestic Furniture—in
Vessels of Gold and Silver. Paintings. Ezekiel's Description
of painted Bas-reliefs. Colours used by the Assyrians. Their
Dyes. Materials for Sculpture. Alabaster or Mosul Marble.
Limestone and Basalt. Knowledge of Mechanics. The Pulley.
Mode of Transport of Blocks of Stone - 290
CHAP. IV.
Costume of the Assyrian Kings. Their Arms. The Eunuchs.
Their Dress. The History of Parsondes. Officers of State. The
Warriors. Their Armour. Their Costume. Spearmen.
Archers. Helmets. Arms. Slingers. Shields. Regular
Troops. Chariots. Harness and Caparison of the Horses.
Cavalry. Horses ..... 319
CHAP. V.
Military System of the Assyrians. Magnitude of their Armies.
Their Pomp. Sieges. The Battering-ram and other Engines
of War. Mode of Defence. Scaling the Walls. Sack of a City.


Vlll
CONTENTS.
Treatment of the Captives and of the City. Knowledge of Ship-
building. Earliest Vessels. Later Vessels, as represented at
Khorsabad and Kouyunjik. Enemies of the Assyrians — distin-
guished by their Dress. Armenians and Parthians or Persians.
Captives and Tribute from India. The Arabs. The Jews. The
Babylonians. The Phoenicians. Northern Nations. Identifi-
cation of Enemies of the Assyrians with those of the Egyp-
tians ...... Page 362
CHAP. VI.
Private Life of the Assyrians. Public Festivals. Music. Manu-
factures. Embroideries and Carpets. Metals. Gold and Silver.
Iron and Copper. Ivory. Glass. Agriculture. Domestic
Animals. Wild Animals. The Lion. The Wild Bull. The
Ibex. Hunting. Parks or Paradises. Wild Animals brought
as Tribute. The Bactrian Camel, Elephant, and Bhinoceros.
Monkeys and Apes. Birds. Fish. Trees - - 409
CHAP. VH.
Beligion of the Assyrians. Distinctions between earliest and
latest Periods. Sabaeanism and Worship of the Heavenly Bodies.
Identity of Assyrian and Persian Systems of Fire-worship. The
Chaldaeans. Religious Emblems in the Sculptures. The winged
Figure in the Circle Baal or Belus. Hera, Venus, or Astarte.
Bhea. Nisroch or eagle-headed God. The Gryphon. Winged
Bulls and Lions. The Sphinx. Mythological Figures. Sym-
bolic Figures of Ezekiel. Oannes or the Man-fish. Fire-worship.
The Magi. Flowers and sacred Emblems. Influence of Beligion
on public and private Life. Mode of Burial Tomb of Ninus.
Death and Tomb of Sardanapalus. Conclusion - - 439


LIST OF PLATES, WOODCUTS, AND PLANS.
VOLUME II.
Procession of the Bull beneath the Mound of Nimroud. Frontispiece.
The King. (N. W. Palace, Nimroud.) Facing page 7.
Plan 4. Upper Chambers on the West Side of the Mound. (Nimroud.)
In page 14.
Enemy asking Quarter of Assyrian Horsemen. (S.W. Palace, Nimroud.)
In page 28.
Part of a Bas-relief showing a Pulley, and a Warrior cutting a Bucket
from the Rope. . In page 32.
Plan 5. Excavations in the South-east Corner of the Mound. (Nimroud.)
In page 39.
Sitting figure in Basalt, from Kalah Sherghat. In page 52.
Warriors hunting the Lion. (N.W. Palace, Nimroud.) Facing page 77.
Plan of excavated Ruins at Kouyunjik. Facing page 124.
The King in his Chariot returning from Battle. (Kouyunjik.)
Facing page 137.
Wedge or Arrow-head on an Altar. (From a Stone in the Bibliotheque
Nationale at Paris.) In page 181.
Scribes writing down the Number of Heads of the Slain, and the Amount
of the Spoil. (Kouyunjik.) In page 184.
Figures, and Cartouche with Hieroglyphics, on an Ivory Panel from the
N.W. Palace, Nimroud. Facing page 209.
The Egyptian Goddess Ken (from a Tablet in the British Museum); and
Assyrian Deity (?), the Astarte of the Assyrians and the Ken of the
Egyptians (from a Rock Tablet at Malthaiyah, near Mosul.)
In page 212.
Forms of Pottery found in the Tombs above the Ruins at Nimroud.
In page 219.
A House. (Kouyunjik.) The Interior of a Tent. (Kouyunjik.)
In page 271.
A Temple, or Fishing Pavilion, supported by Proto-Ionic Columns, and
standing in a River or artificial Lake. (Khorsabad.) In page 273.
VOL. II. a


X LIST OF PLATEs, wooDCUTS, AND PLANs.
Head of winged Bull. (Khorsabad and Kouyunjik.) Head of winged
Monster. (Persepolis.) In page 290.
Fragment of a Lycian Monument in the British Museum. In page 292.
Bas-relief from a Monument from Xanthus, in the British Museum.
- In page 293.
Assyrian Ornament. (Nimroud.) Greek Honeysuckle Ornaments.
In page 294.
Ornament on a Lath at Allahabad. Ornament. (N. W. Palace, Nim-
roud.) In page 295.
Ornaments. (N.W. Palace Nimroud.) In page 296.
Sacred Tree. (N. W. Palace Nimroud.) In page 297.
Ear-ring. (N. W. Palace, Nimroud.) Assyrian Ear-rings. (Khorsabad.)
Hilt of a Sword. (Khorsabad.) End of a Sword Sheath. (N. W.
Palace, Nimroud.) In page 298.
Handles of three Daggers carried in the Girdle. (N. W. Palace, Nim-
roud.) In page 299.
A Throne or Stool. (N.W. Palace, Nimroud.) In page 300.
A Stool. (Khorsabad.) An Arm-chair. (Khorsabad.) In page 301.
A Couch or Table. (Khorsabad.) A Footstool supported by Lion's
Paws. (N. W. Palace, Nimroud.) In page 302.
A Table, (N. W. Palace, Nimroud.) Altars, or Stands for Jars. (N. W.
Palace, Nimroud.) Cup with Handle. (Khorsabad.) In page 303.
Drinking Cup. (Khorsabad.) Vase from a Bas-relief (Khorsabad.)
In page 304.
Basket or Wessel carried by winged Figures. (Khorsabad.) In page 305.
Head-dress of the King. (N. W. Palace, Nimroud.) Head-dress of the
King. (Kouyunjik.) - In page 320.
A Sandal. (N. W. Palace, Nimroud.) A Sandal. (Khorsabad.)
In page 324.
A Spearman. (Kouyunjik.) Greave or Gaiter worn by Warriors.
(Khorsabad.) In page 337.
An Archer. (Kouyunjik.) Helmets. (Centre Palace, Nimroud.)
In page 338.
Circular Helmet. (Centre Palace, Nimroud.) In page 339.
Assyrian Warriors fighting with the Enemy. An Eagle is carrying away
the Entrails of the Slain. (Centre Palace, Nimroud.) In page 340.
Slinger. (Kouyunjik.) In page 344.
Assyrian Warrior with Spear and Shield. (Kouyunjik.) In page 345.
Warriors forming a Phalanx before the Walls of a besieged City. (Kouy-
unjik.) In page 348.
Assyrian Warriors in a Chariot. (S.W. Ruins, Nimroud; but originally
brought from the N.W. Palace.) Facing page 350.
Groom leading Horses. (From a Fragment discovered at Khorsabad,
and now in the British Museum.) In page 353.


LIST OF PLATES, wooDCUTS, AND PLANs. xi
Assyrian Chariot of the later Period. (S. W. Ruins, Nimroud.)
Facing page 356.
Horsemen—one drawing the Bow, the other holding the Reins of both
Horses. (N. W. Palace, Nimroud.) In page 357.
Head-dress of a riding Horse. (Kouyunjik.) In page 358.
A Horseman pursued by Assyrian Warriors. (Kouyunjik.) (From a Cast
in the British Museum.) Facing page 360.
Battering-ram, with moveable Tower containing Warriors. (N.W.
Palace, Nimroud.) In page 368.
Bas-relief representing Warriors before a besieged City. A Battering-
ram drawn up to the walls, and Captives impaled. (Centre Palace,
Nimroud.) - In page 369.
Warriors forcing Stones out of the lower Part of the Wall of a besieged
City. (S.W. Palace, Nimroud.) In page 372.
A City taken by Assault, and the Inhabitants led away Captive. (Kouy-
unjik.) Facing page 372.
Manacles for the Feet. (Khorsabad and Kouyunjik.) Manacles for the
Hands. (Khorsabad and Kouyunjik.) In page 376.
A pair of Scales for weighing the Spoil. (Khorsabad.) In page 377.
A Boat carrying a Chariot, and Men floating on inflated Skins.
In page 381.
A Ship. (Khorsabad.) In page 383.
Ship. (Kouyunjik.) Coin of uncertain Origin, conjectured to have been
struck in a City on the Syrian Coast during the Persian Occupation.
In page 386.
Castle of a maritime People, probably the Tyrians. (Kouyunjik.)
In page 388
A Galley. (Kouyunjik.) In page 389.
Flying Warrior discharging an Arrow. (N.W. Palace, Nimroud.)
In page 393.
A walled City standing on a River or on the Sea. (Centre Palace, Nim-
roud.) In page 395.
Captive Women in a Cart drawn by Oxen. (Centre Palace, Nimroud.)
In page 396.
Assyrian Horsemen pursuing a Man, probably an Arab, on a Camel.
(Centre Ruins, Nimroud.) Facing page 396.
Chariot carried away by the Assyrians, amongst other Spoil from a
captured City. (Khorsabad.) In page 399.
Enemies of the Assyrians discharging their Arrows behind them.
(Kouyunjik.) In page 402.
Bactrian or two-humped Camels. (Obelisk, Nimroud.) In page 433.
Elephant, the Ouran Outan (?), the Hounuman, or small Indian Monkey(?)
(Obelisk, Nimroud.) In page 434.


xii LIST of PLATE, wooDCUTS, AND PLANs.
The Bull, the Rhinoceros, and the Chikara, or large Indian Antelope (?)
(Obelisk, Nimroud.) In page 435.
The Bruh, or great Indian Monkey (?), and the Wanderoo, or named
Ape (?). (Obelisk, Nimroud.) In page 436.
Sacred Emblems suspended round the Neck of the King. (N.W. Palace,
Nimroud.) In page 446.
Emblems of the Deity. (N. W. Palace, Nimroud.) In page 448.
Winged Circle. (Pterium.) In page 449.
Idols carried in Procession by Assyrian Warriors. (S. W. Ruins, Nim-
roud.) Facing page 451.
Hera or the Assyrian Venus. (From a Rock Tablet near the ancient
Pterium.) Facing page 456.
A Gryphon. (N.W. Palace, Nimroud.) In page 459.
Winged Horse. (N.W. Palace, Nimroud.) In page 461.
Eagle-headed Figure. (S. W. Palace, Nimroud.) Warriors carrying a
Bird. (Centre Palace, Nimroud.) In page 462.
Lion-headed Figure. (S.W. Palace, Nimroud.) In page 463.
The Fish God. (Khorsabad.) In page 466
An Altar, resembling that on the Sassanian Coins. (Khorsabad.)
In page 467.
Fire-Altar. (Khorsabad.) In page 468.
Fire-Altar and Sacrifice. (Kouyunjik.) In page 469.
Altar, or Tripod. (From Khorsabad.) In page 470.


NINEVEH
AND
ITS REMAINS.
CHAPTER XL
DEATH OF TAHYAR PASHA. EXCAVATIONS CARRIED ON. — DIS-
COVERIES IN THE NORTH-WEST PALACE. NEW CHAMBERS AND
BAS-RELIEFS TVORY ORNAMENTS AND CARTOUCHES WITH HIERO-
GLYPHICS. PAINTED CHAMBERS POTTERY. DISCOVERY OP
UPPER CHAMBERS. PAINTINGS ON THE WALLS PAVEMENT
SLABS. — DISCOVERIES IN THE CENTRE OF THE MOUND.
TOMB3 CONTAINING VASES AND ORNAMENTS. — THEIR EGYPTIAN
CHARACTER. BAS-RELIEFS COLLECTED TOGETHER DESCRIP-
TION OF THE SCULPTURES. FURTHER DISCOVERIES IN THE
SOUTH-WEST EDIFICE.—CROUCHING SPHINXES SCULPTURES.—
A DESCRIPTION OF THE BAS-RELIEFS. SMALL FIGURES IN UN-
BAKED CLAY. A BEAM OF WOOD DISCOVERY OF MORE
TOMBS IN THE SOUTH-EAST CORNER. OF CHAMBERS BENEATH
THEM. — OF AN ARCHED OR VAULTED ROOM. DISCOVERIES W
VARIOUS PARTS OF THE MOUND.
As I was drawing one morning at the mound,
Ibrahim Agha came to me, with his eyes full of tears,
and announced the death of Tahyar Pasha. The
Cawass had followed the fortunes of the late Governor
vol. n. B


2
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS. [Chap. XI.
of Mosul almost since childhood, and was looked upon
as a member of his family. Like other Turks of his
class, he had been devoted to the service of his patron,
and was treated more like a companion than a servant.
In no country in the world are ties of this nature
more close than in Turkey: nowhere does there exist
a better feeling between the master and the servant,
and the master and the slave.
I was much grieved at the sudden death of Tahyar;
for he was a man of gentle and kindly manners, just
and considerate in his government, and of consider-
able information and learning for a Turk. I felt a
kind of affection for him. The cause of his death
showed his integrity. His troops had plundered a
friendly tribe, falsely represented to him as rebellious
by his principal officers, who were anxious to have an
opportunity of enriching themselves with the spoil.
When he learnt the particulars of the affair, and that
the tribe, so far from being hostile, were peaceably
pasturing their flocks on the banks of the Khabour,
he exclaimed, "You have destroyed my house," (i. e.
its honour), and, without speaking again, died of a
broken heart. He was buried in the court-yard of
the principal mosque at Mardin. A simple but ele-
gant tomb, surrounded by flowers and evergreens,
was raised over his remains; and an Arabic inscrip-
tion records the virtues and probable reward of one
of the most honest and amiable men that it has been
my lot, in a life of some experience amongst men
of various kinds, to meet. I visited his monument
during my journey to Constantinople. From the


Chap. XI ] > RESULTS OF THE EXCAVATION. 3
lofty terrace, where it stands, the eye wanders over
the vast plains of Mesopotamia, stretching to the
Euphrates, — in spring one great meadow, covered
with the tents and flocks of innumerable tribes.
The Kiayah, or chief secretary, was chosen Governor
of the province by the council, until the Porte could
name a new Pasha, or take other steps for the ad-
ministration of affairs. Essad Pasha, who had lately
been at Beyrout, was at length appointed to succeed
Tahyar, and soon after reached his Pashalic. These
changes did not affect my proceedings. Armed with
my Vizirial letter I was able to defy the machinations
of the Cadi and the Ulema, who did not cease their
endeavours to throw obstacles in my way.
After the celebration of Christmas I returned to
Nimroud, and the excavations were again carried on
with activity.
I should weary the reader, were I to describe, step
by step, the progress of the work, and the discoveries
gradually made in various parts of the great mound.
The labours of one day resembled those of the pre-
ceding. A mere journal of my proceedings would
afford but little amusement, and I should have to
enter, over and over again, into the same details, and
should probably be led into a repetition of the same
reflections. I prefer, therefore, describing at once the
results of my labours during the first three months of
the year; and I will endeavour to explain, as concisely
as possible, the extent of the operations, and the
nature of the buildings uncovered. It will be ne-
cessary to make frequent reference to the plans;
b a


4
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS. [Chap. XI.
as, without the assistance they afford, it would be
difficult to convey an accurate idea of the form of
the edifices and position of the chambers.
The North-west palace was naturally the most in-
teresting portion of the ruins, and to it were prin-
cipally directed my researches. I had satisfied
myself beyond a doubt that it was the most ancient
building yet explored in Assyria. Not having been
exposed to a conflagration like other edifices, the
sculptures, bas-reliefs, and inscriptions, which it con-
tained, were still admirably preserved.
When the excavations were resumed after Christ-
mas, eight chambers had been discovered. There
were now so many outlets, and entrances, that I
had no trouble in finding new rooms and halls —
one chamber leading into another. By the end of
the month of April I had explored almost the whole
building; and had opened twenty-eight chambers
cased with alabaster slabs. Although many new
sculptures of considerable interest and importance
were found in them, still the principal part of the
edifice seems to have been that to the north. Cham-
bers B and G contained the most remarkable bas-
reliefs; they represented the deeds of the king in
war and in the chase, his triumphant return, and the
celebration of religious ceremonies. The best artists
had evidently been employed upon them; and they
excelled all those that had yet been discovered, in the
elegance and finish of the ornaments, and in the
knowledge of art displayed in the grouping of the
figures. The walls of the other chambers were either


Chap. XI.] DESCRIPTION OF CHAMBERS.
5
occupied by a series of winged figures, separated by
the sacred tree, and resembling one another in every
respect, and the standard inscription alone was carved
upon the slabs.
It will be perceived that a certain symmetry was,
to some extent, observed in the plan of the building;
particularly in the arrangement of the chambers to
the East; those marked I and L corresponded in
form and size, and both led into small rooms,
which did not communicate with any other part of
the edifice. Each slab, however, in chamber L, was
occupied by only one figure,—a gigantic winged
divinity, or priest, — and was not divided into two
compartments, as in chamber I. But it is remark-
able that on the slab No. 20. there was a figure dif-
fering from all the rest; and corresponding with the
figures found on the lower part of the slab No. 16.
of chamber I. It was that of a winged female deity
or priestess, bearing a garland in one hand, and
raising the other as if in some act of adoration.
Around her neck were suspended, in the form of a
double necklace, the star-shaped ornaments already
described.* In this chamber also occurred niches
similarly placed to those in I. In front of the female
figure, and forming part of the pavement, was a
slab with a hole through the centre. On raising it I
discovered an earthen pipe, about eight inches in
diameter and two feet in length, communicating with
a drain running underneath, the whole being lined
* See page 344. VoL I. This figure has been moved, and is amongst
the sculptures which have been secured for the British Museum.
B 3


<;
[Ciiap. XI.
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS.
and cemented with bitumen. One or two fragments
of ivory were also found in this room.
In chamber H all the groups were similar — re-
presenting the king, holding a cup in one hand and
a bow in the other, attended by two winged figures
with garlands round their heads. The sculptures in
chamber G, as I have already observed, were chiefly
remarkable for the variety and elegance of the orna-
ments on the robes of the king, and his attendants.
These ornaments consisted of groups of figures similar
to those represented on the walls of the palace, such
as the king slaying the lion, and hunting the bull; of
winged figures before the sacred tree; religious em-
blems; various animals, and elaborate scroll-work; all
furnishing, not only beautiful designs, but important
illustrations of the mythology of the Assyrians.
The entrance d to this chamber was formed by
two gigantic eagle-headed winged figures, of consi-
derable beauty and finish. One of them was moved,
and will be brought to England. In the chamber
beyond, were repeated the winged divinities or priests,
with the emblematical tree; except on slab 6, which
represented the king holding a bow in one hand, and
two arrows in the other.
The four sculptures in the chamber, or rather
passage, P (Nos. 1, 2, 3, and 4,) were remarkable for
the beauty of the ornaments and details, and their
careful finish. They all represented winged figures
either holding a mace, a fir cone, or some religious
emblem. On their dresses, however, were a variety
of groups and designs — lion hunts, bull hunts,


I


To face page 7 vol II.
TEE KING (N. W. Palace, Nimroud.)


Chap. XI.] DESCRIPTION OF CHAMBERS.
:
winged animals, and many groups of winged figures.*
Amongst the last was a curious representation of
the Assyrian Venus, Mylitta or Astarte, in an inde-
cent posture which indicated the peculiar nature of
her worship.
On each of the slabs forming the narrow passage
a, leading from the chamber P, were two winged
figures back to back. They were well designed and
carefully executed. Beyond them, on slabs 2, 3,
and 4. of chamber S, was the king between two
eunuchs. The figure of the king, one of the most
carefully sculptured and best preserved in the palace,
is included in the collection sent to England. He
is represented with one hand on the hilt of his sword,
the other being supported by a long wand or staff. f
On the remaining slabs of chamber S the winged
figures were repeated. Some carried flowers of
various shapes, whilst others had the usual fir-cone,
and square basket, or utensil.
Only three sides of the great hall Y were found
entire. From its size it is probable that it was never
roofed in, but was an open court. It appears to have
been nearly square; but the western wall has been
completely destroyed; the slabs having perhaps been
carried away to be used in the construction of the
south-west palace. Three entrances are still stand-
ing. The one at b, formed by a pair of winged
lions, — those at e and /, by winged bulls. There
was probably a fourth entrance on the western side,
• "Monuments of Nineveh," plates 7, 8. 43, 44.
t Ibid, plate 34.
b 4


8
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS. [Chap. XI.
formed by a pair of lions to correspond with that
on the eastern; but I found no remains of it, al-
though some might perhaps be discovered on a more
careful examination. The removal of the slabs, which
formed the western wall, has caused a depression in
the mound, and consequently, if any large sculptures,
such as the winged lions, had been left, when the slabs
adjoining them were taken away, they would pro-
bably have been exposed to decay; and the upper
part, remaining longest uncovered, would have been
completely destroyed.
Behind the great hall Y, to the south, was a
cluster of chambers leading one into another. Their
proportions were small. V and W did not contain
sculptures. T was surrounded by the usual winged
figures; one of its entrances (a) being formed by
two gigantic priests or divinities, with garlands round
their heads, holding in one hand an ear of corn, and
in the other an ibex, or mountain goat.*
The chamber V is remarkable for the discovery,
near the entrance a, of a number of ivory ornaments,
of considerable beauty and interest. These ivories,
when uncovered, adhered so firmly to the soil, and
were in so forward a state of decomposition, that
I had the greatest difficulty in extracting them,
even in fragments. I spent hours lying on the
ground, separating them, with a penknife, from the
rubbish by which they were surrounded. Those who
saw them, when they first reached this country, will
be aware of the difficulty of releasing them from the
* "Monuments of Nineveh," plate 35.


Chap. XI.] DISCOVERY OF IVORY ORNAMENTS.
9
hardened mass in which they were embedded. The
ivory separated itself in flakes. Even the falling
away of the earth was sufficient to reduce it almost
to powder. This will account for the condition of
the specimens which have been placed in the British
Museum. With all the care that I could devote to the
collection of the fragments, many were lost, or re-
mained unperceived, in the immense heap of rubbish
under which they were buried. Since they have been
in England, they have been admirably restored and
cleaned. The gelatinous matter, by which the par-
ticles forming the ivory are kept together, had, from
the decay of centuries, been completely exhausted.
By an ingenious process it has been restored, and
the ornaments, which on their discovery fell to pieces
almost upon mere exposure to the air, have regained
the appearance and consistency of recent ivory, and
may be handled without risk of injury.
The important evidence, as to the epoch of the
destruction of the building, furnished by these ivories,
will be alluded to in another place. I will here
merely describe them. The most interesting are the
remains of two small tablets, one nearly entire, the
other much injured, representing two sitting figures,
holding in one hand the Egyptian sceptre or symbol
of power. Between the figures is a cartouche, con-
taining a name or words in hieroglyphics, and sur-
mounted by a feather or plume, such as is found
in monuments of the eighteenth, and subsequent
dynasties, of Egypt. The chairs on which the figures
are seated, the robes of the figures themselves, the


10
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS. [Chap. XI.
hieroglyphics in the cartouche, and the feather above
it, were enamelled with a blue substance let into the
ivory; and the uncarved portions of the tablet, the
cartouche, and part of the figures, were originally
gilded, — remains of the gold leaf still adhering to
them. The forms, and style of art, have a purely
Egyptian character; although there are certain pecu-
liarities in the execution, and mode of treatment, that
would seem to mark the work of a foreign, perhaps
an Assyrian, artist. The same peculiarities — the
some anomalies, — characterized all the other objects
discovered. Several small heads in frames, supported
by pillars or pedestals, most elegant in design and
elaborate in execution, show not only a considerable
acquaintance with art, but an intimate knowledge of
the method of working in ivory. Found with them
were oblong tablets, upon which are sculptured, with
great delicacy, standing figures, with one hand ele-
vated, and holding in the other a stem or staff, sur-
mounted by an ornament resembling the Egyptian
lotus. Scattered about were fragments of winged
sphinxes, the head of a lion of singular beauty, but
which unfortunately fell to pieces, human heads,
hands, legs, and feet, bulls, flowers, and scroll-work.
In all these specimens the spirit of the design and the
delicacy of the workmanship are equally to be ad-
mired.*
* I add Mr. Birch's description of the most important of the ivory
ornaments — that containing the cartouche. "The first of these panels,
which is the most complete, measures nine inches long by six inches high.
The cartouche is placed vertically in the centre, surmounted by a solar
disk, gilded, flanked by two ostrich feathers, which are inlaid with narrow


Chap. XI.]
11
PAINTED CHAMBER.
On the two slabs forming the entrance to chamber
U, were identical inscriptions, above those which in-
variably occur on the slabs in this palace. They con-
tained the name of the king who founded Ehorsabad,
and they had evidently been cut long after the lower
inscriptions, from which they differ in the forms of
many characters. They may have been carved to
celebrate the re-opening, or the restoration, of the
building.*
In all the chambers to the south of the great hall Y,
were found copper vessels of peculiar shape; but they
fell to pieces almost immediately on exposure to the
air, and I was unable to preserve one of them entire.
Beyond the entrance b, as far as chamber S, the
alabaster slabs ceased altogether; and I was, for some
time, at a loss to account for the manner in which
horizontal strips of opaque blue glass, probably imitations of lapi^-Luiiji,
and with some few bars in green. The area of the cartouche is gilded,
and the hieroglyphics are incased, and inlaid with blue glass. At each
side is a divinity, beardless, wearing the long hair-dress called mrmmt,
also inlaid with blue and draped in linen garments, enveloping to* wh- !e
of the form with a border of inlaid blue ovals. The seats on which they
sit are the usual Egyptian throne, the side decorated with scales alter-
nately of blue and opaque green pastes, inlaid into the ivory, and in-
tended to imitate lapis-lazuli and felspar. At the lower corner, in a
compartment, in gilded ivory on a blue back-ground, is a symbol of life.
Each divinity holds in one hand a tam or kuiupha sceptre, and holds up
the other with the palm turned towards the cartouche. Xo name is at-
tached to either of these figures, which are probably intended for deities
of an inferior rank, such as the Persian Izjeds. Like all the Egyptian
figures, they are unbearded; but their drapery is not that of Egyptian
females." ( Traiu. of the Royal Society of Literature, New Series.) For*
detailed description of all the ivory fragments discovered, see Appendix;
and, for engravings of the most interesting, my " Monuments of Xineveh,"
plates 88, 89, 90, and 91.
* One of these inscriptions is in the British Museum, and is included
in the collection of Assyrian Inscriptions printed for the Trustees.


12
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS. [Chap. XI.
the building had been continued. The pavement of
baked bricks was still carried on, and it was evident
that the edifice did not end here. At length I dis-
covered that we had entered chambers formed by
walls of sun-dried bricks, covered with a thin coating
of plaster, which had been painted with figures and
ornaments. The colours had faded so completely,
that scarcely any of the subjects or designs could be
traced. It required the greatest care to separate the
rubbish from the walls, without destroying, at the
same time, the paintings, as the plaster fell from the
walls in flakes notwithstanding all my efforts to
preserve it. I was only able to sketch a few of the
ornaments, in which the colours chiefly distinguish-
able were red, blue, black, and white. The subjects
of the paintings, as far a3 could be judged from the
remains, were probably processions, in which the
king was represented followed by his eunuchs and at-
tendant warriors, and receiving prisoners and tribute.
The figures appeared to have been merely in outline,
in black upon a blue ground, and I was unable to
distinguish any other colours. In design they resem-
bled the sculptures—exhibiting the same features,
and the same peculiar treatment in the draperies and
attitudes.
As the means at my disposal did not warrant any
outlay in making mere experiments, without the pro-
mise of the discovery of something to carry away, I
felt myself compelled, much against my inclination,
to abandon the excavations in this part of the mound
after uncovering portions of two chambers. The


Chap. XI.]
13
PAINTED BRICKS.
doorway, which united them, was paved with one
large slab, ornamented with flowers and scroll-work.
The flooring was of baked bricks.
I found, by opening trenches behind chambers I
and L, that similar painted rooms existed in other
parts of the mound. The palace did not therefore
only contain chambers panelled with slabs of ala-
baster, but had apartments differently constructed,
extending considerably beyond the limits shown in
the plan. How far I could not ascertain.
It may be mentioned that on the slabs 1 and 2, and
those opposite of chamber Z, were sculptured small
winged figures,—two, one above the other, on each.
On removing No. 2., I found behind it, embedded in
the wall of sun-dried bricks, a small earthen bowl, or
cup of baked clay of a dark red colour.* This, con-
sequently, is the most ancient specimen of pottery
hitherto discovered in Assyria; for, from its position
behind the slab, it is evident that it must have been
placed there at the time of the building of the edi-
fice. Between the bulls and lions, forming the en-
trances in different parts of the palace, were invariably
found a large collection of baked bricks, elaborately
painted with figures of animals, and flowers, and with
cuneiform characters. It is remarkable, that on
the back of these bricks, or on one of the sides not
coloured, were rude designs, in black paint or ink, of
men and animals, and marks having the appearance
of numbers. They appear to have been built into a
wall above the sculptures. That they belonged to
* Now in the British Museum.


14 NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS. [Ch.AP. XI.
the edifice in which they were discovered, is proved
by the name of the king painted upon them.”
In the rubbish above the southern chambers of
this palace, were found, several feet above the walls,
numerous vases of baked clay. In those that were
preserved entire, human remains could be distin-
guished; but it was not until after further disco-
veries, that I learnt the nature and importance of
these objects.
On the western side of the great mound, to the
south of the palace in which the discoveries just
described were made, there is a considerable eleva-
tion. The spot is marked e, on plan 1. To examine
the place, a trench was opened on a level with the
PLAN 4. — Upper chambers on the west side of the mound. (Nimroud 2
* Several specimens of these bricks are in the British Museum.


Chap. XI.]
15
UPPER CHAMBERS.
platform. It was some time before I ascertained that
we were cutting into a kind of tower, or nest of upper
chambers, constructed entirely of unbaked bricks; the
walls being plastered and elaborately painted. I ex-
plored three rooms, and part of a fourth on the south-
ern side of this building.
It is probable that there were four similar groups of
chambers, facing the four cardinal points. In front of
the entrance a *, was a large square slab with slightly
raised edges, similar to those frequently found in the
north-west palace. On two sides of it were narrow
pieces of alabaster, with a groove running down the
centre, carefully cut and fitted together, forming
parallel lines, which I can only compare to the rails of
a railroad. I cannot form any conjecture as to their
use. The rooms had been twice painted—two dis-
tinct coats of plaster being visible on the walls. The
outer coating, when carefully detached, left the under;
on which were painted ornaments differing from those
above.
In the centre, and in one of the corners, of cham-
ber C, were recesses, similar to those in some of the
alabaster slabs in the north-west palace. No remains
of plaster, or colour, could be traced upon the sun-
dried bricks, forming the back of these recesses.
The painted ornaments were elaborate and graceful
in design. The Assyrian bull was frequently por-
trayed, sometimes with wings, sometimes without.
Above the animals were painted battlements, similar
to those of castles, as represented in the sculptures.
* See plan 4.


16
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS. [Chap. XI.
Below them, forming a kind of cornice, were squares
and circles, tastefully arranged; and more elaborate
combinations were not wanting. The colours em-
ployed were blue, red, white, yellow, and black. I
doubt whether any green was used in this building;
the green on the under coating of plaster, being
probably the result of the decomposition of the blue.
The pale yellow of the ground, on which the designs
were painted, resembles the tint on the walls of
Egypt; but it is possible that white had changed to
this colour.*
But the most important discovery, connected with
these upper chambers, was that of the slabs forming
the pavement of the two entrances a and b. Upon
them were the names and titles of five kings, in genea-
logical succession; commencing with the father of the
founder of the north-west palace, and ending with the
grandson of the builder of the centre edifice. By this
valuable record, I was able to verify the connection
between the names already discovered, and to add
two more to the list.f
I could not ascertain whether there were any
chambers, or remains of buildings, beneath this upper
edifice; or whether this was a tower constructed on
the solid outer wall. A deep trench was opened on
the eastern side of it J, and, about twenty feet below
the surface, a pavement of brick and several square
slabs of alabaster were uncovered; but these remains
* For specimens of these ornaments, see my " Monuments of Nineveh,"
plates 86, 87.
-f One of these slabs will be placed in the British Museum,
j At d, in plan 1.


CHAP. XI.] DISCOVERY OF TOMBS. 17
did not throw any light upon the nature of the
building above; nor were they sufficient to show that
the north-west palace had been carried under these
upper chambers. To the south of them there were no
remains of building, the platform of unbaked bricks
being continued up to the level of the flooring of the
chambers; but there is reason to believe that this
part of the mound is of a more recent date than that
to the north of it, and was added at a subsequent
period.
In the centre of the mound, to the north of the
great winged bulls, I had in vain endeavoured to find
traces of building. Except the obelisk, two winged
figures, and a few fragments of yellow limestone,
which appeared to have formed part of a gigantic
bull or lion, no remains of sculpture had yet been dis-
covered. Excavations to the south disclosed a well-
formed tomb built of bricks, and covered with a slab
of alabaster. It was about five feet in length, and
scarcely more than eighteen inches in breadth in the
interior. On removing the lid, parts of a skeleton
were exposed to view; the skull and some of the
larger bones were still entire, but crumbled into dust
when I attempted to remove them. With them were
three earthen vessels. A vase of reddish clay, with a
long narrow neck, stood in a dish of such delicate
fabric, that I had great difficulty in removing it
entire. Over the mouth of the vase was placed a
bowl or cup, also of red clay. This pottery appears
to have stood near the right shoulder of the body.
In the dust, which had accumulated round the ske-
WOL. II. C


18
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS. [Chap. XI.
leton, were found beads and small ornaments belong-
ing to a necklace. The beads are of opaque coloured
glass, agate, cornelian, and amethyst. A small
crouching lion of lapis-lazuli, pierced on the back,
had been attached to the end of the necklace. The
vases and ornaments are Egyptian in their character,
being identical with similar remains found in the
tombs of Egypt, and preserved in collections of an-
tiquities from that country. With the beads was a
cylinder, on which is represented the king in his
chariot, hunting the wild bull, as in the bas-relief
from the north-west palace. The surface of the
cylinder has been so much worn and injured, that it is
difficult to distinguish the figures upon it. A copper
ornament resembling a modern seal, two bracelets of
silver, and a pin for the hair, were also discovered.
I carefully collected and preserved these interesting
remains, which seem to prove that the body bad
been that of a female.
On digging beyond this tomb, I found a second,
similarly constructed, and of the same size. In it
were two vases of highly glazed green pottery, ele-
gant in shape, and in perfect preservation. Near
them was a copper mirror, and a copper lustral
spoon, all Egyptian in form.
Many other tombs were opened, containing vases,
plates, mirrors, spoons, beads, and ornaments.* Some
of them were built of baked bricks, carefully joined,
but without mortar; others consisted of large earthen
* Most of the small objects discovered in the tombs, and described in
the text, are now in the British Museum.


Chap. XI.] DISCOVERY OF BAS-RELIEFS.
10
sarcophagi, covered with an entire alabaster slab,
similar to those discovered in the south-east corner of
the mound, and already described.*
Having carefully collected and packed the contents
of the tombs, I removed them and dug deeper into
the mound. I was surprised to find, about five feet
beneath them, the remains of a building. Walls of
unbaked bricks could still be traced; but the slabs,
with which they had been panelled, were no longer in
their places, being scattered about without order, and
lying mostly with their faces on the flooring of baked
bricks. Upon them were both sculptures and inscrip-
tions. Slab succeeded to slab; and when I had re-
moved nearly twenty tombs, and cleared away the
earth from a space about fifty feet square, the ruins,
which had been thus uncovered, presented a very sin-
gular appearance. Above one hundred slabs were
exposed to view, packed in rows, one against the
other, as slabs in a stone-cutter's yard, or as the
leaves of a gigantic book. Every slab was sculptured;
and as they were placed in a regular series, according
to the subjects upon them, it was evident that they
had been moved, in the order in which they stood,
from their original positions against the walls of sun-
dried brick; and had been left as found, preparatory
to their removal elsewhere. That they were not thus
arranged before being used in the building for which
they had been originally sculptured, was evident from
the fact, proved beyond a doubt by repeated observ-
ation, that the Assyrians carved their slabs after, and
* See Vol. I. p. 353.
c 9.


20
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS. [Chap. XI.
not before, they were placed. Subjects were con-
tinued on adjoining slabs, figures and chariots being
divided in the centre. There were places for the iron
brackets, or dovetails. They had evidently been once
filled, for I could still trace marks and stains left by
the metal. To the south of the centre bulls were two
gigantic figures, similar to those discovered to the
north.*
These sculptures resembled, in many respects, some
of the bas-reliefs found in the south-west palace, in
which the sculptured faces of the slabs were turned,
it will be remembered, towards the walls of unbaked
brick. It appeared, therefore, that the centre build-
ing had been destroyed, to supply materials for the
construction of the more southern edifice. But here
were tombs over the ruins. The edifice had perished,
and in the earth and rubbish accumulating above its
remains, a people, whose funereal vases and ornaments
were identical in form and material with those found
in the catacombs of Egypt, had buried their dead.
What race, then, occupied the country after the de-
struction of the Assyrian palaces? At what period
were these tombs made? What antiquity did their
presence assign to the buildings beneath them? These
are questions which I am yet unable to answer; and
which must be left undecided, until the origin and
age of the contents of the tombs can be satisfactorily
determined.
The bas-reliefs differed considerably from those of
the north-west palace, both in the character of the
» See Vol. I. p. 345.


Chap. XI.] DESCRIPTION OF SCULPTURES.
21
sculpture, and the treatment of the subjects; in the
costumes of the figures, in the caparisons of the
horses, and in the form of the chariots. The distinc-
tion was so great, that the short period elapsing be-
tween the reigns of a father and son could scarcely
have given rise, except under extraordinary circum-
stances, to so considerable a change in all these
points. As the centre bulls were inscribed with the
name of the son of the founder of the north-west
building, it might be presumed that the ruins near
them belong to the same period. However, this is
liable to doubt. The bulls, as it has already been
pointed out *, may have stood alone on the platform,
and may have been placed there long previous to the
construction of an edifice. There were a few inscrip-
tions accompanying the bas-reliefs, and they may
hereafter serve to decide the question. On the greater
number of slabs, however, the space between the bas-
reliefs was left without any inscription.
The subjects of the sculptures thus found collected
together, with the exception of a few gigantic figures
of the king and his attendant eunuchs, and of the
winged priests or divinities, were principally battle-
pieces and sieges. Some cities were represented as
standing on a river, in the midst of groves of date-
trees; others on mountains. Amongst the conquered
people were warriors mounted on camels. It may be
inferred, therefore, that a part of these bas-reliefs re-
corded the invasion or conquest of an Arab nation, or
* See Vol. L p. 345.


22
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS. [Chap. XI.
perhaps of a part of Babylonia; the inhabitants of
the cities being assisted by auxiliaries, or allies from
the neighbouring desert. The conquered race, as in
the bas-reliefs of the north-west palace, were gene-
rally without helmets or armour, their hair falling
loosely on their shoulders. Some, however, wore
helmets, which varied in shape from those of the
conquerors.
Battering rams, differing in form from those seen
in the earlier sculptures, were represented in bas-
reliefs of sieges. They were unaccompanied by the
moving tower; some engines were provided with two
rams, the ends of which, instead of being broad
and blunt, were pointed, and resembled the heads of
spears.
On two slabs (occupied by one subject) were bas-
reliefs of considerable interest. They are included in
the collection in the British Museum, and represent
the taking of a city, within the walls of which grew
the palm and other trees. The place having been
sacked, the conquerors are seen carrying away the
spoil. Two eunuchs, standing near the gates, count,
as they pass before them, the sheep and cattle driven
away by the warriors, and write down the numbers
with a pen upon rolls of paper or leather. In the
lower part of the bas-relief, are two carts drawn by
oxen. Two women and a child are in each. The
women appear to be carrying away bags, containing
provisions or valuable property, saved during the
sack. Near the gates stand two battering-rams,
which, the city having been taken, are no longer at


Chap. XI.] SCULPTURED SLABS. 23
work. The subject is not ill arranged, and the oxen
drawing the cart are well designed.*
On the fragment of a slab were found two gigantic
horses' heads, well designed; but sculptured in very
low relief, and greatly injured. I also discovered
parts of a winged human-headed bull, the whole being
in relief. I was able to preserve one of the heads. f
Amongst the subjects of these bas-reliefs were the
king seated on his throne (beneath the sun, moon, and
other religious symbols), receiving prisoners with their
arms bound behind them; eunuchs registering the
heads of the enemy, laid at their feet by the conquer-
ing warriors; and a procession of gods borne on the
shoulders of men. J
The sides of all the slabs thus placed one against
the other—the part which, in the event of their
gradual covering up, would have been longest ex-
posed—were worn away. It was, therefore, evident
that they had not been buried by the same process
as the sculptures in the north-west palace, the walls
of which could not have been long exposed; for, if the
edifice to which they originally belonged had been
suddenly covered up, it must have been subsequently
excavated. The slabs must then have been removed
from their places, and arranged as they were found,
preparatory to being used for other purposes, probably
for the construction of the south-west palace. Not
having been carried away, as that palace was never
* Monuments of Nineveh, plate 58.
t Now in the British Museum, and engraved in plate 95. No. 3. of my
"Monuments of Nineveh."
I Monuments of Nineveh, plates 59. 65. &c.
c 4


24
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS. [Chap. XI.
finished, they were left exposed, and were gradually
covered by dust and rubbish. As the slabs stood on
their sides, and not upright, all the bas-reliefs had
suffered more or less injury. Many were completely
destroyed, no traces of sculpture remaining upon
them. The upper part of the slabs had not been the
first injured: this proves that they were not exposed
whilst standing in their original position, but subse-
quent to their removal.
Although on each slab the two bas-reliefs were
divided by an unsculptured space, as in the north-
west palace, in few instances, as I have already
mentioned, were inscriptions cut upon it. It had
been left blank; but whether intentionally, or because
the building had never been completed, there were
no means of ascertaining. The slabs, too, were much
thinner than those used in other parts of the mound;
and, as the dove-tailed and circular holes for metal
braces on the top were cut in half, it is evident
that they had been reduced in size after having been
used. They had probably been sawn in two, the
other half having been carried elsewhere. There were
no inscriptions on the back, as is invariably the case
in the north-west palace; and this is another proof
that the slabs had been reduced after they had been
placed. In fact, I have little doubt, from the appear-
ance of these ruins, that the building to which the
sculptures originally belonged had been suddenly
buried, like that in the north-west corner of the
mound; and that it had subsequently been un-
covered, the materials being wanted for the con-


Chap. XI.] SOUTH-WEST PALACE.
25
struction of the south-west palace. The slabs, not
having been required, were left exposed, until they
were reburied by a gradual accumulation of dust and
rubbish. I could still trace the walls of unbaked
bricks, forming the divisions of chambers in the old
edifice.
To the east of the centre bulls I discovered several
slabs, still standing in their original position. The
lower part of the bas-reliefs alone remained, the upper
having been completely destroyed. Upon them had
been sculptured gigantic winged figures, carrying the
usual square vessel, and a sacred flower.
Several trenches were opened around these remains;
but, with the exception of the sculptures just men-
tioned, and the fragments of a second winged bull of
yellow limestone, I could find no traces of building
in the centre of the mound.
I have described the singular appearance presented
by the ruins in the south-west corner. Several
parties of workmen were now engaged in exploring
them. When all the walls still standing had been
traced, and trenches opened in opposite directions, so
that no remains of building could escape observation,
I was equally at a loss to determine the position of
the chambers, and the extent of the edifice.
It will be seen, by a reference to plan 2., that the
only portion of the building sufficiently well pre-
served to give any idea of its original form, was one
large hall curiously constructed. Leading into it were
two entrances, formed by gigantic winged bulls and
lions, with human heads; and, in the centre, was a


26
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS. [Cuap. XI.
portal formed by a second pair of bulls. At entrance
a, were a pair of lions with the crouching sphinxes
between; at entrance c, a pair of bulls, much injured,
only the lower part being entire. A human head,
belonging to one of them, was, however, discovered
near the remains of the body; and, as it was nearly
entire, I sent it to Busrah. The second pair of bulls
were at entrance b. They resembled the lions at en-
trance a, in having figures sculptured behind the body
of the animal, and between the cap and the wings.
Between them were a pair of double sphinxes —
two sphinxes, resembling those already described,
being united, and forming one pedestal. They had
been greatly injured by fire, and the heads and all
the sculptured portions of the figure had fallen to
pieces.*
The lions and bulls were all sculptured out of a
coarse grey limestone; the entrances which they
formed were paved with small slabs of the same ma-
terial. I have called all the space enclosed by the walls
d, e, w, /, k, and j, one hall; although it is divided
into four separate chambers by a thick partition in
the centre. This partition appears to have been
merely constructed to support the beams of the roof,
and not to have been meant as a division between
different rooms.
The hall narrows near the four corners, and in the
narrowest part at each extremity were two low sphe-
rical stones, flattened at the top. I cannot account
* The remains of a small double sphinx of this kind had already been
found in the rubbish at entrance a. See Vol. I. p. 349.


Chap. XL] SOUTH-WEST PALACE.
27
for their use. If they were bases of columns sup-
porting the roof, why were they placed in the narrow-
est part of the hall? No remains of pillars were
found near them; therefore, if pillars ever stood there,
they must have been of wood. It appears more pro-
bable that these stones corresponded in some manner
with the crouching sphinxes between the bulls and
lions; and were altars to receive sacrifices, or tables
upon which vases or utensils were laid.
The whole of this hall was panelled with slabs
brought from elsewhere; the only sculptures, expressly
made for the building, being the gigantic lions and
bulls, and the crouching sphinxes. The slabs were
not all from the same edifice. Some, and by far the
greater number, belong to the north-west, others
to the centre, palace. But there were many bas-reliefs
which differed greatly, in the style of art, from the
sculptures discovered in both those ruins. From
whence they were obtained I am unable to deter-
mine; whether from a palace of another period once
existing at Nimroud, and still concealed in a part of
the mound not explored, or from some edifice in the
neighbourhood.
All the walls had been exposed to fire; the slabs
were nearly reduced to lime, and were too much
injured and cracked to bear removal. They were not
all sculptured; the bas-reliefs being scattered here
and there; and, as I have already observed, always,
when left entire, turned towards the wall of sun-dried
brick. The earth had consequently to be removed
by the workmen from both sides of the slabs.


28 NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS. [Ch.AP. XI.
I will proceed to describe the walls as they are
marked on the plan; without a reference to which,
the details and form of the ruins can scarcely be
understood.
All the slabs in wall a were unsculptured, except
Nos. 5. and 10. On the first was represented the
interior of a castle. The king, seated on his throne,
is receiving his vizir. Around him are his attend-
ants, and above him a groom bringing corn to a
f;
§
}
º
U
-
Enemy asking quarter of Assyrian horsemen (S.W. palace, Nimroud.)


Chap. XL] DESCRIPTION OF BAS-EELIEFS.
29
horse tied to a manger.* On the other slab was the
horseman wearing a helmet with a curved crest, of
which a sketch is given. He appears to be raising
his hand, in the act of asking for quarter, whilst his
horse, pierced by the spears of two pursuing warriors,
is rearing and plunging, f Both the slabs had been
greatly injured.
No remains of sculpture could be traced on walls
b, c, and d. Upon the faces of most of the slabs
forming wall e, were the marks of a chisel, or of
some metal instrument. The bas-reliefs had been
carefully erased, the only part of the figures remain-
ing being the feet, which would probably have been
concealed by the pavement of the chamber. As
the sculptured face of the slabs had been turned
towards the chamber, and not to the wall of sun-
dried brick, it is evident that the bas-reliefs had been
purposely destroyed; the intention of the builders of
the edifice being either to recarve the slabs or to reduce
them to a smooth surface. The peculiar form of the
boots, and the lower part of the dresses of the erased
figures, identified them with the sculptures in cham-
bers D and E of the north-west palace (plan 3.),
from whence indeed they may have been brought, as
the ravine to the north of that edifice must have been
partly caused by the removal of a wall. On the
slab adjoining entrance e, were two bas-reliefs, the
upper (partly destroyed) representing warriors hewing
* Monuments of Nineveh, plate 63.
f This sculpture will he placed in the British Museum.


30 NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS. [CHAP. XI.
down trees; the lower, a warrior on horseback hunt-
ing the wild bull.” Both were too much injured to
bear removal.
Only parts of walls f and h had been finished;
many of the slabs not having been used, and still
lying in the centre of the chamber. It was evident
that they had not fallen, for they were entire, having
only suffered injury from fire; they were, moreover,
arranged in rows with great regularity, and, in one
or two instances, placed one above the other. These
prostrate slabs, therefore, furnished additional evi-
dence that the building had been destroyed before its
completion. In wall f, were the two sculptured slabs
already described. In wall h, there were bas-reliefs
on Nos. 1, 2, and on the adjoining prostrate slab.
In the upper compartment of No. 2. was represented
the king, in his chariot, discharging an arrow against
a charioteer, whose horses had already been wounded.
Scattered about were the bodies of the slain. The
top of this bas-relief had been destroyed, and the slab
so much injured, that it could not be moved. In the
lower compartment were two kneeling archers, wearing
the conical helmet, and an eunuch also discharging an
arrow; behind them were several figures, probably
prisoners, raising their hands. The draperies and
ornaments on both bas-reliefs were elegant and ela-
borate, resembling those on the opposite slab (No. 1.
wall f), to which, from forming part of the same
subjects, they appear originally to have been joined.
* Monuments of Nineveh, plate 32. f See Vol. I. p. 40.


CHAP. XI.] BAS-RELIEF WITH PULLEY. 31
The corner stone was reversed; upon it was a
figure with the conical cap, apparently made of bands
of linen or felt, as represented in the sculptures of
chambers D and E (plan 3.).” The upper part of
the stone (or the lower part of the reversed figure):
had been purposely destroyed, the marks of the chisel
being visible. In this respect, and in its position, it
resembled the opposite corner stone.
On the prostrate slab were two bas-reliefs. The
upper was so much injured that the outlines of a
chariot, and warriors on foot, could with difficulty
be traced. The lower was the siege of a castle; an
eunuch was represented discharging his arrows against
warriors, without helmets, who manned the towers
and walls. The besiegers were leading away pri-
soners, and carrying off the spoil. One high-capped
warrior was cutting a bucket from a rope passed
through a pulley; and probably used by the be-
sieged to supply themselves with water from a well,
without the castle walls. The pulley resembled those
now in common use, for raising and lowering buckets
into wells. This bas-relief had been brought from
the north-west palace.
There were no slabs against wall g, nor near it;
those of wall i were unsculptured. Upon the two
opposite slabs at it, were winged human-headed bulls,
resembling in form those at the entrance to the hall;
except that the whole, including the head and fore-
* See Vol. I. p. 126. The head of this figure is in the British
Museum.


32
[Chap. XI.
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS.

Tart of a haa relief, showing a pulloy. aud a warrior cutting a hucket from the ropo
part, was sculptured in low relief. They bore no
traces of an inscription. The cap was high and
square; and they resembled, in all respects, the re-
mains of the bull discovered in the centre of the
mound.
Walls y, and jjj, were panelled with unsculptured
slabs, each bearing an inscription similar to that on
the back of the slabs in the 'north-west palace; they
had evidently been brought from that building.
In wall k there were three sculptured slabs. The
bas-reliefs on Nos. 12. and 16. have already been


Chap. XI.]
o3
SOUTH-WEST PALACE.
described.* On Xo. 17. was a winged figure almost
completely destroyed. On the floor, and opposite
No. 18. of this wall, was a large square slab bearing
a long inscription. It commenced with the name
and titles of a king, of whom no other records have
yet been discovered. The forms of certain arrow-
headed characters show, that this inscription belongs
to a period posterior to the reign of the great-grandson
of the founder of the north-west palace.
On the backs of several slabs, forming the wall /,
were bas-reliefs; but all so much injured, that scarcely
a trace of the sculpture remained. The slab lying on
the pavement opposite this wall was plain; the edges
were raised, and it was pierced in the centre.
On all the slabs of wall wi, was the inscription con-
taining the name of the founder of the north-west
palace ; and the reversed slab (Xo. 10.), already de-
scribed f, appears to have been a pavement stone, also
brought from that building.
To the north of the entrance c, of the great hall,
remains of buildings were discovered, but no entire
chamber. A large number of unplaced slabs were
scattered about. They appear to have been brought
from elsewhere, for the construction of the new
edifice, and to have been abandoned before they
reached there destination. Although many detached
walls were uncovered, it was impossible to determine
the form and the size of the chambers to which they
belonged.
In front of entrance c, and about 220 feet from
• Sec Vol. L p. 55.
VOL. II. D
t Ibid. p. 35.


34
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS. [Chap. XI.
it, were the remains of a pair of winged bulls, form-
ing another entrance. The whole space between may
have been comprised in one large hall, open at the
top. The wall forming the east side of this hall,
if it had ever been finished, had almost completely
disappeared; the traces of it being only marked here
and there by fragments of calcined alabaster. 01
the opposite or western wall, a few sculptured slabs,
probably brought from elsewhere, were alone stand-
ing. To the right and left of the entrance /, were
the remains of gigantic figures in relief; but they
had been exposed to the fire, and had been cracked
into a thousand pieces.* They also appear to have
belonged to another edifice.
Upon the three slabs forming the wall r, were bas-
reliefs of considerable interest. They had evidently
been brought from another building, but do not belong
to either the north-west or the centre palace. They
appear to be of the same period as the bas-reliefs in
wall q f, already described. In the lower compartment
of No. 1. was a charioteer, in a highly ornamented
chariot — the horse being held by a groom on foot,
preceded by an eunuch.% This relief must have formed
part of a series; the figures represented in it being
probably the attendants of the king. The caparisons
of the horses resembled those at Khorsabad. The
upper bas-relief also represented a chariot, and a man
* On No. 2. wall v, could be still traced a winged figure leading a goat
or an ibex.
t Vol. L p. 59.
} See Lithograph facing page 356. of this Vol.


CuAp. XL]
35
A PROCESSION OF GODS.
on foot; but it had been almost entirely destroyed.
On the lower part of Xo. 2. was the king placing his
foot on the neck of a prostrate prisoner, and raising
his spear over him. Following the king was an eunuch
carrying a fan; and standing before him, his vizir,
also attended by an eunuch.* This bas-relief did not
form part of the preceding; for the king would have
faced the chariot on that slab—a position which he
never appears to occupy in the Assyrian sculptures.
The upper compartment was nearly defaced; I could,
however, trace the figures of warriors discharging
their arrows from behind a high shield held in front
of them by an attendant.
On the lower part of slab of Xo- 3. was represented
either a procession of gods, borne on the shoulders of
warriors; or warriors, returning from the sack of a
city, carrying away the idols of the conquered people.
Each figure was raised by four men; the first was
that of a female, seated on a high-backed arm-chair,
the face sculptured in full, — a rare occurrence in
Assyrian sculpture. In one hand she held a ring; in
the other a kind of fan; on the top of her square-horned
cap was a star. The next figure was also that of a
female, wearing a similar cap, seated in a chair, and
holding in her left hand a ring; she carried some-
thing in her right hand, but its form could not be dis-
tinguished. The third figure was much smaller in
its proportions than those preceding it, was half con-
cealed in a case, or box, carried on a chair, and had
also a ring in the left hand. The fourth was that
* "Monuments of Nineveh," Plate 82. (No. 2.)
j> 2


36
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS. [Chap. XI.
of a man in the act of walking: in one hand he held
the thunderbolt of the Greek Jove—represented as at
Malthaiyah; and in the other, an axe. He wore
a richly ornamented tunic descending to the knees.*
The warriors, bearing these figures, were probably
preceded and followed by others, also carrying idols;
but no traces of the slabs, forming the rest of the
series, could be found amongst the ruins. On each
slab, between the bas-reliefs, was an inscription, di-
vided into two parts by a perpendicular line.
Trenches were opened, in various directions, across
the corner of the mound in which these remains were
discovered. Nothing, however, was found but iso-
lated unplaced slabs, and fragments of burnt walls.
With adequate means and time at my disposal, I
might have determined, by a careful examination,
the position of the walls of sun-dried bricks, if they
had ever been built. Tracing them, by the frag-
ments remaining, I could have ascertained the form of
the chambers, and perhaps that of the entire building.
It would have been difficult, however, to distinguish
between these walls and the earth and rubbish under
which they were buried; and as no more sculptures
appeared to exist, I did not think it worth while to
incur additional expense in such an examination.
As the bottom of the slabs, forming this edifice, was
even above the level of the top of those in the north-
west palace, and as no building had yet been found
from which many of the sculptures could have been
* Sec Woodcut facing page 451. of this Vol.; and "Monuments of
Nineveh," l'late 65.


Chap. XI.]
37
A BEAM OF WOOD.
taken, it appeared to me possible that the south-west
palace stood above other ruins. By way of experiment,
I directed long and very deep trenches to be opened
in three different directions: nothing, however, was
discovered, but a box or square hole, formed by bricks
carefully fitted together, containing several small
heads in unbaked clay of a dark brown colour. These
heads were furnished with beards, and had very high
pointed caps (not helmets) or mitres. They were
found about twenty feet beneath the surface, and were
probably idols placed, for some religious purpose,
under the foundations of buildings. Objects some-
what similar, in unbaked clay, were discovered at
Khorsabad, buried under the slabs forming the pave-
ment between the gigantic bulls.
Near the entrance d of the great hall was found,
amidst a mass of charred wood and charcoal, and be-
neath a fallen slab, part of a beam in good preserv-
ation. It appears to be mulberry. This is the only
portion of entire wood as yet discovered in the ruins
of Assyria.
The south-east corner of the mound, which is con-
siderably higher than any other part, appears to have
been the principal burying-place of those who occupied
the country after the destruction of the oldest of the
Assyrian palaces. I have already described two tombs
discovered there*: many others were subsequently
found. The sarcophagi were mostly of the same
shape, that of a dish-cover; but there were other
* See Vol. L p. 352., &c.
» 3


38 NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS. [CHAP. XI.
tombs constructed of bricks, well fitted together, and
covered by a slab, similar to those above the ruins of
the edifice in the centre of the mound. In nearly
all were earthen vases, copper and silver ornaments,
lachrymatories and small alabaster bottles. The ske-
letons, as soon as uncovered, crumbled to pieces,
although entire when first exposed. Two skulls alone
have been preserved. Scattered amongst these tombs
were vases of all sizes, lamps, and small objects of
pottery—some uninjured, others broken into frag-
ments. *
Removing these tombs I discovered beneath them
the remains of a building, and explored parts of seven
chambers, of which I give the plan. No sculptured
slabs or inscriptions were found in them. They re-
sembled those in the ruin to the north of Kouyunjiki;
the lower part of the walls being built of plain slabs
of limestone, three feet seven inches high and from
two to three feet wide, closely fitted together, and the
upper part, of sun-dried bricks, covered by a thick
coat of white plaster. I could trace this brick wall
about fourteen feet above the slabs. The chambers
were paved with limestone. There were no traces of
inscriptions, nor were there any remains of fragments
by which the comparative age of the building could
be determined. In the walls were recesses like those
in some of the chambers of the north-west palace, and
the sides of the doors were slightly ornamented with
* Many of the small objects are in the British Museum, and several
have been engraved in my “Monuments of Nineveh." See Plate 97.
# Vol. I. p. 144.


CHAP. XI.] DISCOVERY OF SMALL OBJECTS. 39
PLAN 5 – Excavations in the south-east corner of the mound. (Nimroud.)
a rough kind of cornice. No remains of colour could
be seen on the plastered walls.
In the rubbish, near the bottom of these chambers,
several small objects were found; amongst them I
may mention a female head in white alabaster, highly
ornamented, and showing traces of colour. *
A trench having been opened on the southern edge
of the mound, an outer wall, built of squared stones,
or rather slabs, was discovered. Behind it were other
walls of similar construction leading inwards, and a
low platform, resembling a stone seat, in which were
* This head is in the British Museum, and engraved in the “Monu-
ments of Nineveh,” Plate 95. (No. 7.)

D 4


40
[Chap. XT.
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS.
cut several holes, like the fire-places used by the
natives of the country to hold charcoal when they
roast their meat. The Arabs consequently named
the place the "Kibab Shop." The whole was buried
under a heap of charcoal and rubbish, in which
were found several small vases, and part of a highly
polished black slab, having, on either face, a cuneiform
inscription, and on the sides figures of animals. *
Similar remains of building were discovered on the
south eastern edge of this part of the mound. The
whole, including the centre chambers, appeared to
form parts of one extensive edifice.
Between the palace in the south-west corner and
the ruins last described was a deep ravine; whether
an ancient artificial ascent to the platform, gradu-
ally deepened and widened by the winter rains, or
entirely a natural watercourse, I was unable to
determine. Along its sides, to a considerable depth,
were exposed masses of brickwork. I directed
several trenches to be carried from this ravine into
the south-eastern corner, in the expectation of finding
buildings beneath the chambers already explored. A
few fragments of sculptured alabaster, the remains
of a winged bull in yellow limestone, and a piece of
black stone bearing small figures, evidently from
an obelisk resembling that found in the centre
palace, were discovered to the west of the uppef
building. I could also trace walls of sun-dried brick,
* In the British Museum, and engraved in "Monuments of Nineveh,"
Plate 95. (Nos. 12. and 13.)


Chap. XI.] BUILDING IN SOUTH-EAST CORNER.
41
still bearing remains of painted ornaments; but the
excavations were not sufficiently extensive to enable
me to ascertain the nature and extent of the edifice.
Finding no sculptured slabs, I did not continue my
researches in this part of the ruins.
It only remains for me to mention a singular dis-
covery on the eastern face of the mound, near its
northern extremity. I had opened a trench * from
the outer slope, with a view to ascertain the nature of
the wall surrounding the inner buildings. I found no
traces of stone, or of alabaster-slabs; the wail being
built of sun-dried bricks, and nearly fifty feet thick.
In its centre, about fifteen feet below the surface of
the platform, the workmen came upon a small vaulted
chamber, built of baked bricks. It was about ten
feet high, and the same in width. The arch was con-
structed upon the well-known principle of vaulted
roofs—the bricks being placed sideways, one against
the other, and having been probably sustained by a
frame-work until the vault was completed. This
chamber was nearly filled with rubbish, the greater
part of which was a kind of slag. The sides of the
bricks forming the arched roof and the walls were
almost vitrified, and had evidently been exposed to
very intense heat. In fact, the chamber had the ap-
pearance of a large furnace for making glass, or for
fusing metal. I am unable to account for its use.
It is buried in the centre of a thick wall, and I could
find no access to it from without. If, therefore,
either originally a furnace, or serving for any other
* r, plan 1.


-12
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS. [Chap. XI.
purpose, it must have been used before the upper
part of the wail was built.
Several trenches were opened in other parts of
the mound.* Everywhere I found traces of build-
ings, and generally reached a pavement of baked
bricks between ten and fifteen feet beneath the sur-
face. In the northern half of the mound, the name
of the founder of the earliest palace was written
upon all these bricks. No remains, however, of
sculptured slabs or inscriptions were discovered;
but many small objects of considerable interest were
occasionally taken out of the rubbish: amongst them
I may mention three lions' paws in copper, of beau-
tiful form, which may have belonged to the bottom of
a couch or throne, f
The ruins were, of course, very inadequately ex-
plored; but with the small sum at my disposal I was
unable to pursue my researches to the extent that I
could have wished. If, after carrying a trench to a
reasonable depth and distance, no remains of sculpture
or inscription appeared, I abandoned it and renewed
the experiment elsewhere. By this mode of pro-
ceeding I could ascertain, at least, that in no part of
the mound was there any very extensive edifice still
standing; although it is highly probable that slabs
taken from such an edifice, and placed together in
readiness for removal, like those discovered in the
centre, may still be buried under the soil. But there
* At o,p, q, s, find t in plan 1.
f Found at /i, plnii 1. See "Monuments of Nineveh," Plate !)6.
(Nos. 2. and 8.)


CHAP. XI.] PART OF NIMROUD UNEXPLORED. 43
is nothing to point out the spot where such remains
may be deposited, and I might have sought after them
for months in vain. There were too many tangible
objects in view to warrant an outlay in experiments,
perhaps leading to no results; and I have left a great
part of the mound of Nimroud to be explored by
those who may hereafter succeed me in the examin-
ation of the ruins of Assyria.


44
NINEVEH AND ITS KTLMAINS. [Chap. XII.
CHAP. XII.
EXCAVATIONS UNDERTAKEN AT KALArl SHERGHAT. — DEPARTURE
FOR THE RUINS.—SENIDIJ. THE BITUMEN PITS. ABD'rUBBOU.
— MY RECEPTION. REACH THE RUINS.—FEARS OF THE WORK-
MEN.—DISCOVERY OF A SITTING FIGURE. ARAB ENCAMPMENT.
ARAB LIFE EXCAVATIONS IN THE MOUND. DISCOVERY OF
TOMBS. REMAINS OF BUILDING. DESCRIPTION OF THE MOUNDS.
— RETURN TO NIMROUD.
I had long wished to excavate in the mounds of
Kalah Sherghat,—ruins, rivalling those of Nimroud
and Kouyunjik in extent. An Arab, from the
Shammar, would occasionally spend a night amongst
my workmen, and entertain them with accounts of
idols and sculptured figures of giants, which had long
been the cause of wonder and awe to the wandering
tribes, who occasionally pitch their tents near the
place. On my first visit, I had searched in vain for
such remains; but the Arabs, who are accustomed to
seek for pasture during the spring in the neighbour-
hood, persisted in their assertions, and offered to show
me where these strange statues (carved, it was said, in
black stone) were to be found. As there is scarcely
a ruin in Mesopotamia without its wondrous tale of
apparitions and Frank idols, I concluded that Kalah
Sherghat was to be ranked amongst the number, and
that all these accounts were to be attributed to the
fertile imagination of the Arabs. As the vicinity is
notoriously dangerous, being a place of rendezvous


Chap. XII.]
43
THE DESERT.
for all plundering parties, whether of the Shammar,
the Aneyza, or the Obeid, I had deferred a visit to
the ruins, until I could remain amongst them for a
short time under the protection of some powerful
tribe- This safeguard was also absolutely necessary,
in the event of my .sending workmen to the place, to
carry on excavations.
The pastures in the neighbourhood of Mosul having
this year been completely destroyed from the want of
rain, the three great divisions of the Jebour Arabs
sought the jungles on the banks of the Tigris below
the town. Abd'rubbou with his tribe descended the
river, and first pitching his tents at Senidij *, near
the confluence of the Tigris and the Zab, subse-
quently moved towards Kalah Sherghat. I thought
this a favourable time for excavating in the great
mound; and the Sheikh having promised to supply
me with Arabs for the work, and with guards for
their defence, I sent Mansour, one of my superintend-
ents, to the spot. I followed some days afterwards,
accompanied by Mr. Hormuzd Rassam, the Bairakdar,
and several well-armed men, chosen from amongst the
Jebours who were employed at Nimroud.
We crossed the river on a small raft, — our horses
having to swim the stream. Striking into the desert
by the Wadi Jehennem, we rode through a tract
of land, at this time of the year usually covered with
vegetation; but then, from the drought, a barren
• A corruption of Sunedik, the plural form of Sanduk, a box. The
place is so called by the Arabs from the peculiar form of the rocks near
the river.


46 NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS. [Char. XII.
waste. During some hours' ride we scarcely saw
any human being, except a solitary shepherd in the
distance, driving before him his half-famished flocks.
We reached at sunset a small encampment of Jebours.
The tents were pitched in the midst of a cluster of
high reeds on the banks of the Tigris, and nearly
opposite to the tomb of the Sultan Abd-Allah. They
were so well concealed, that it required the ex-
perienced eye of a Bedouin to detect them * by the
thin smoke rising above the thicket. The cattle
and sheep found scanty pasture in a marsh formed
by the river. The Arabs were as poor and miserable
as their beasts; they received us, however, with
hospitality, and killed a very lean lamb for our
entertainment.
Near the encampment was a quadrangle, resembling
on a small scale the great enclosures of Nimroud and
Kouyunjik, formed by low mounds, and evidently
marking the site of an Assyrian town or fort. I
searched for some time, but without success, for
fragments of pottery or brick bearing traces of
cuneiform characters.
On the following day we passed the bitumen pits,
or the “Kiyara,” as they are called by the Arabs.
They cover a considerable extent of ground; the
bitumen bubbling up in springs from the crevices in
the earth. The Jebour, and other tribes encamping
* In the desert, the vicinity of an encampment is generally marked by
some sign well known to the members of the tribe. It would otherwise
be very difficult to discover the tents, pitched, as they usually are, in
some hollow or ravine to conceal them from hostile plundering parties.


CHAP. XII.] SHEIKH ABD'RUBBou. 47
near the pits, carry the bitumen for sale to Mosul,
and other parts of the Pashalic. It is extensively
used for building purposes, for lining the boats on
the river, and particularly for smearing camels, when
suffering from certain diseases of the skin to which
they are liable. Before leaving the pits, the Arabs,
as is their habit, set fire to the bitumen, which sent
forth a dense smoke, obscuring the sky, and being
visible for many miles. We reached the tents of
Abd'rubbou early in the afternoon. They were pitched
about ten miles to the north of Kalah Sherghat, at
the upper end of a long slip of rich alluvial soil, lying
between the river and the range of low hills parallel
to it. The great mound was visible from this spot,
rising high above the Zor, or jungle, which clothes
the banks of the Tigris.
No Sheikh could have made a more creditable
show of friendship than did Abd'rubbou. He rode
out to meet me, and without delay ordered sheep
enough to be slain to feast half his tribe. I declined,
however, to spend the night with him, as he pressed
me to do, on the plea that I was anxious to see the
result of the excavations at Kalah Sherghat. He
volunteered to accompany me to the ruins after we
had breakfasted, and declared that if a blade of grass
were to be found near the mound, he would move all
his tents there immediately for my protection. In
the meanwhile, to do me proper honour, he introduced
me to his wives, and to his sister, whose beauty
I had often heard extolled by the Jebours, and who
was not altogether undeserving of her reputation.


48 NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS. [CHAP. XII.
She was still unmarried. Abd'rubbou himself was
one of the handsomest Arabs in Mesopotamia.
We started for the ruins in the afternoon, and rode
along the edge of the jungle. Hares, wolves, foxes,
jackals, and wild boars continually crossed our path,
and game of all kinds seemed to abound. The Arabs
gave chase; but the animals were able to enter the
thick brushwood, and conceal themselves before my
greyhounds could reach them. Lions are sometimes
found near Kalah Sherghat, rarely higher up on the
Tigris.” As I floated down to Baghdad a year before,
I had heard the roar of a lion not far from this spot:
they are, however, seldom seen, and we beat the bushes
in vain for such noble game.
As for grass, except in scanty tufts at the foot of
the trees in the jungle, there appeared to be none at
all. The drought had been felt all over the desert: in
the place of the green meadows of last year, covered
with flowers, and abounding in natural reservoirs of
water, there was a naked yellow waste, in which even
the abstemious flocks of the Bedouin could scarcely
escape starvation. • . .
As we rode along, Abd'rubbou examined every
corner and ravine in the hope of finding an encamping
* The lion is frequently met with on the banks of the Tigris below
Baghdad, rarely above. On the Euphrates it has been seen, I believe,
almost as high as Bir, where the steamers of the first Euphrates expedition,
under Colonel Chesney, were launched. In the Sinjar, and on the banks
of the Kabour, they are frequently caught by the Arabs. They abound
in Khuzistan, the ancient Susiana: I have frequently seen three or four
together, and have hunted them with the chiefs of the tribes inhabiting
that province.


CHAP. XII.] ARAB ROBBERS, 49
place, and a little pasture for his cattle, but his search
was not attended with much success.
The workmen on the mound, seeing horsemen ap-
proach, made ready for an encounter, under the im-
pression that we were a foraging party from a hostile
tribe. As soon, however, as they recognised us, they
threw off the few superfluous garments they possessed.
Dropping their shirts from their shoulders, and tying
them round the waist by the arms, they set up the
war-cry, and rushed in and out of the trenches like
madmen.
We heard their shouts from afar, but could see
nothing, from the dust they made in throwing out the
earth. I found that Mansour, the superintendent,
had organised a regular system of warlike defence.
We were hailed by scouts as we advanced, and there
were well-armed watchmen on all the heights. Near
each trench were the matchlocks and spears of the
workmen ready for use. “What need of all these
precautions?” said I to the timid Christian, as he ad-
vanced to receive me. “Yia Rubbiſ May God pre-
serve you, O Bey!” replied he. “Our lives, under
your shadow, are, of course, of no value—may yours
be prolonged. But all the unbelievers in the world—
whether they be Aneyza, Shammar, Obeid, or any
other manner of infidel—congregate here. If we put
a morsel of bread into our mouths—lo ! we have to
spit it out again, before we can eat it, to meet those
accursed Bedouins. If we shut our eyes in sleep, they
steal our cauldrons and pots, and we have nothing
wherewith to bake our bread; so that if we are not
WOL. II. E


50
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS. [Chap. XII.
killed, wc must be starved. Thev come from the desert
and from the river—from north, south, east, and west.
But we have eaten your bread, and shall not go un-
rewarded after all these sufferings." The concluding
paragraph accounted to some extent for this exag-
gerated history of their miseries; but I learnt that
scarcely a day had elapsed without the appearance of
a body of horsemen from some of the tribes of the
desert, and that their visits were not always prompted
by the most friendly intentions. The general scarcity,
and the rivalry between Sofuk and Nejris, had un-
settled the Arabs, and every one was on the look-out
to help himself to his neighbour's property. More-
over, reports had soon been spread abroad that a
Frank, acquainted with all the secrets and hidden
mysteries of wisdom, had been successfully searching
for treasure. Many of those who rode to Kalah
Sherghat, expected to return much wealthier men
than they went, by seizing the heaps of gold and silver
to which, as possessors of the country, they were con-
vinced they had better claims than a stranger. How-
ever, with the exception of an occasional squabble with
the Bedouins who visited the mound, ending in a few
broken heads, no very serious engagement had yet
taken place — my workmen presenting much too for-
midable an appearance to be exposed to the attack of
any but a large and well-armed party.
The principal excavations had been made on the
western side of the mound. After I had succeeded
in obtaining silence, and calming the sudden fit of
enthusiasm which had sprung up on my arrival, I
•


Chap. XII. J
51
A SITTING FIGURE.
descended into the trenches. A sitting figure iu
black basalt, of the size of life, had been uncovered.
It was, however, much mutilated. The head and
hands had been destroyed, and other parts of the
statue had been injured. The square stool, or block,
upon which the figure sat, was covered on three sides
with a cuneiform inscription. The first line, con-
taining the name and titles of the king, was almost
defaced; but one or two characters enabled me to
restore a name, identical with that on the great bulls
in the centre of the mound at Nimroud. On casting
my eye down the first column of the inscription, I
found the names of his father (the builder of the most
ancient palace of Nimroud), and of his grandfather,
which at once proved that the reading was correct.
An Arab soon afterwards brought me a brick bearing
a short legend, which contained the three names entire.
I was thus enabled to fix the comparative epoch of
the newly-discovered ruins. At no time did I feel
the value of the genealogical lists on the different
monuments at Nimroud, more than when exploring
other remains in Assyria. They enabled me to as-
certain the comparative date of every edifice, and
rock tablet, with which I became acquainted ; and to
fix the style of art of each period.
The figure, unlike the sculptures of Nimroud and
Khorsabad, was in full, and not iu relief; and probably
represented the king. Part of the beard was still
preserved; the hands appear to have rested on the
knees, and a long robe, edged with tassels, reached
to the ankles. The Arabs declared that this
B 2


52 NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS. [Chap. XII.
statue had been seen some years before; and it is pos-
sible that, at some period of heavy-rain, it may have

Sitting Figure In B*»altp frem Kalah Sirjrghat. now in the British Museum.
been for a short time exposed to view, and subse-
quently reburied. It stood on a spur of the mound,
and probably in its original position. Mansour had
dug trenches at right angles with it on four sides, in.
the expectation of finding a corresponding figure;
but he was disappointed in his search, and no re-
mains of building were discovered near it.
In other parts of the mound there were ruins of
walls, but we found no more sculptures. Several
tombs, similar to those discovered above the palaces
of Nimroud, had been opened; and Mansour brought
me earthen vases, and bottles taken from them. He
had also picked up, amongst the rubbish, a few frag-
ments of stone bearing cuneiform characters, a piece
of copper similarly inscribed, and several bits of black


Cif ap. XII.] CHANGING AN ENCAMPMENT.
stone with small figures in relief, which appeared to
have belonged to an obelisk, like that dug up at
Nimroud.
Having made a hasty survey of the trenches, I
rode to my tent. It had been pitched in the midst
of those of my workmen. The Arabs had chosen for
their encampment a secure place in the jungle at the
northern foot of the mound, and not far from the
Tigris. A ditch, leading from the river, nearly sur-
rounded the tents, which were completely concealed
by the trees and shrubs. Abd'rubbou remained
with me for the night. Whilst I was examining the
ruins, he had been riding to and fro, to find a con-
venient spot for his tents, and grass for his cattle.
Such is the custom with the Arabs. When the grass,
within a certain distance of their encampment, has
been exhausted, they prepare to seek new pastures.
The Sheikhs, and the principle men of the t ribe, mount
their mares, and ride backwards and forwards over
the face of the country, until they find herbage suf-
ficient for the wants of their flocks. Having fixed
upon a suitable spot, they return to acquaint their
followers with their success, and announce their inten-
tion of moving thither on the following morning. The
Sheikh's tent is generally the first struck; and the rest
of the Arabs, if they feel inclined, follow his move-
ments. If any of the tribe have quarrelled with the
chief, and wish to desert him, they seize this occasion;
leaving their tents standing until the others are
gone, and then moving off in another direction.
Abd'rubbou having, at length, found a convenient
a 3


54
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS. [Chap. XII.
site on the banks of the river, to the south of the
mound, he marked out a place for his tents, and sent
a horseman to his tribe, with orders for them to move
to Kalah Sherghat on the following morning. These
preliminaries having been settled, he adjourned to
my tent to supper. It was cold and damp, and the
Arabs, collecting brushwood and trunks of trees,
made a great fire, which lighted up the recesses of
the jungle. As night advanced, a violent storm
broke over us; the wind rose to a hurricane—the
rain descended in torrents—the thunder rolled in
one long peal — and the vivid streams of lightning,
almost incessant, showed the surrounding landscape.
When the storm had abated, I walked to a short dis-
tance from the tents to gaze upon the scene. The
huge fire we had kindled, threw a lurid glare over
the trees around our encampment. The great
mound could be distinguished through the gloom,
rising like a distant mountain against the dark sky.
From all sides came the melancholy wail of the
jackals—thousands of these animal shaving issued
from their subterranean dwellings in the ruins, as
soon as the last gleam of twilight was fading in the
western horizon. The owl, perched on the old ma-
sonry, occasionally sent forth its mournful note.
The shrill laugh of the Arabs would sometimes rise
above the cry of the jackal. Then all earthly noises
were buried in the deep roll of the distant thunder.
It was desolation such as those alone who have wit-
nessed such scenes can know — desolation greater
than the desolation of the sandy wastes of Africa:


Chap. XII.]
ARABS ENCAMPING.
for there was the wreck of man, as well as that of
nature. Some years before, I had passed a night
on the same spot. We were four strangers in the
land, without guide or defence. Our horses were
picketed about us; and although surrounded by
dangers, of which we then thought little, and ex-
posed to a continual rain, we ate the frugal fare
our own guns had obtained for us; and slept in our
cloaks undisturbed, round the embers of the small
fire we had lighted.* I did not think then that I
should ever revisit the place.
Soon after sunrise, on the following morning, strag-
glers on horseback from Abd'rubbou's late encamp-
ment, began to arrive. They were soon followed by
the main body of the tribe. Long lines of camels,
sheep, laden donkeys, men, women, and children,
such as I have described in my visit to Sofuk, covered
the small plain, near the banks of the river. A scene
of activity and bustle ensued. Every one appealed
desirous to outdo his neighbour in vehemence of
shouting, and violence of action. A stranger would
have fancied that there was one general quarrel; in
which, out of several hundred men and women con-
cerned, no two persons took the same side of the ques-
tion. Every one seemed to differ from every one else.
All this confusion, however, was but the result of a
friendly debate on the site of the respective tents:
and when the matter had been settled to the general
satisfaction, without recourse to any more violent
measures than mere yelling, each family commenced
* Ainsworth's Travels in Asia Minor, Mesopotamia, &c. vol. ii.
e 4


56
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS. [Chap. XII.
raising their temporary abode. The camels being
made to kneel down, and the donkeys to stop in
the place fixed upon, the loads were rolled off their
backs. The women next spread the coarse, black,
goat-hair canvass. The men rushed about with
wooden mallets to drive in the stakes and pegs; and
in a few minutes the dwellings, which were to afford
them shelter, until they needed shelter no longer,
and under which they had lived from their birth up-
wards, were complete. The women and girls were
then sent forth to fetch water, or to collect brush-
wood and dry twigs for fire. The men, leaving all
household matters to their wives and daughters, as-
sembled in the tent of the Sheikh; and crouching in
a circle round the entire trunk of an old tree, which
was soon enveloped in flames, they prepared to pass
the rest of the day in that desultory small-talk, re-
lating to stolen sheep, stray donkeys, or successful
robberies, which fills up the leisure of an Arab, unless
he be better employed in plundering, or in war.
There is a charm in this wandering existence,
whether of the Kurd or the Arab, which cannot be
described. I have had some experience in it, and
look back with pleasure to the days I have spent
in the desert, notwithstanding the occasional incon-
veniences of such a life, not the least of them bein<i
a strong tendency on the part of all nomads to
profess a kind of communist philosophy, supposed in
Europe to be the result of modern wisdom; but which
appears to have been known, from the earliest times,
in the East. Friends and strangers are not always


Chap XII.] EXCAVATION IN THE MOUND.
57
exempted from the rules of this philosophy, and, as
reciprocity is as little understood in the Asiatic, as in
the European system, their property is made no less
free with than that of Job was by Arabs and Chal-
dees, some four thousand years ago. Still this mode
of life has not always a bad effect on human nature;
on the contrary, it frequently acts favourably. One
cannot but admire the poor half-naked Arab, who,
intrusted with a letter or a message from his Sheikh
to the haughty Pasha of Baghdad, walks proudly up
to the great man's sofa, and seats himself, unbidden,
upon it as an equal. He fulfils his errand as if he
were half ashamed of it. If it be too late to re-
turn to his tent that night, or if business still keep
him from the desert, he stretches himself under a
tree outside the city gate, that he may not be de-
graded by sleeping under a roof or within walls. He
believes that the town corrupts the wanderer; and
he remembers that, until the Sheikh of the desert
visited the citizens, and was feasted in the palaces of
their governors, oppression and vices most odious to
the Arab were unknown in his tribe.
Leaving Abd'rubbou and his Arabs to pitch their
tents, and settle their domestic matters, I walked to
the mound. The trenches dug by the workmen
around the sitting figure, were almost sufficiently
extensive to prove, that no other remains of building
existed in its immediate vicinity. Had not the figure
been in an upright position I should have concluded,
at once, that it had been brought from elsewhere; as
1 could not find traces of pavement, nor any frag-
ments of sculpture or hewn stone, near it. Removing


58
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS. [Chap. XI f.
the workmen, therefore, from this part of the mound,
I divided them into small parties, and employed
them in making experiments in different directions.
Wherever trenches were opened, remains of the As-
syrian period were found, but only in fragments;
such as bits of basalt with small figures in relief,
portions of slabs bearing cuneiform inscriptions, and
bricks similarly inscribed. Many tombs were also
discovered. Like those of Nimroud, they had been
made long after the destruction of the Assyrian
building, and in the rubbish and earth which had
accumulated above it. The sarcophagi resembled
those I have already described,—large cases of baked
clay, some square, others in the form of a dish cover;
as at Nimroud, they were all much too small to hold
a human body, unless it had been violently forced in,
or the limbs had been separated. That the bodies had
not been burnt, was proved by all the bones of the
skeletons being found entire. They may have been ex-
posed, as is the custom amongst the Parsees, until, by
the usual process of decomposition, or from the flesh
being devoured by birds and beasts of prey, the bones
were left naked; they may then have been collected,
and buried in these earthen cases. In the sarcophagi
were found numerous small vases, metal ornaments,
and a copper cup, resembling in shape and in the
embossing upon it, that represented in the hand of
the king, in one of the bas-reliefs of a chamber of the
north-west palace of Nimroud.*
* This cup was taken out entire, but was unfortunately broken by the
man who was employed to carry it to Mosul. Several of the vases arc
engraved in Plate 97. of my "Monuments of Nineveh."


Chap. XII.]
59
FRAGMENTS OF SCULPTURE.
Above these ancient tombs were graves of more
recent date; some of them, indeed, belonged to tlie
tribes which had, but a few days before, encamped
amongst the ruins.* The tenant of one had been
removed from his last resting-place by the hungry
hyenas and jackals, who haunt these depositories of
the dead. The rude casing of stones, forming the
interior of an Arab grave, was exposed to view; and
the bones and skull, still clothed with shreds of flesh,
were scattered around.
Although I remained two days at Kalah Sherghat
I was not able to find the platform of sun-dried
bricks upon which the edifice, now in ruins and
covered with earth, must originally have been built.
Remains of walls were found in abundance; but
they were evidently of a. more recent period than
the Assyrian building, to which the inscribed bricks
and the fragments of sculptured stone belonged.
The trenches opened by the workmen were deep;
bat still they did not, I think, reach the platform
of the older building. The ruins were consequently
not thoroughly explored. I saw no remains of the
alabaster or Mosul marble, so generally employed in
the palaces to the north of Kalah Sherghat. As
quarries of that stone do not exist in the neigh-
bourhood, unbaked bricks alone may have been used;
* The Arabs generally seek some elevated spot to bury thcir dead.
The artificial mounds, abounding in Mesopotamia and Assyria, are
usually chosen for the purpose, and there is scarcely one whose summit
is not covered wilh them. On this account I frequently experienced
great difficulty whilst excavating, and was compelled to leave unexamined
one or two ruins, into which I wished to open trenches.


60
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS. [Cuap. XII.
and if so, the walls built with them could no longer,
without very careful examination, be distinguished
from the soil in which they are buried. Had there
been sculptured slabs, as at Nimroud, it is probable
that fragments, at least, would have been found in
the ravines after the earth had been washed away by
the rains; and they would then most likely have been
taken by the Arabs to decorate their graves (the use
to which they are generally applied); but no such
fragments were to be met with. All the hewn stones
discovered amongst the ruins, except the remains of
basalt, were evfdently obtained from the hills in the
immediate vicinity.*
The Tigris has been gradually encroaching upon the
ruins, and is yearly undermining and wearing away
the mound. Large masses of earth are continually
falling into the stream, leaving exposed to view
vases, sarcophagi, and remains of building. Along
the banks of the river, to the south of the great
mound, several shafts of circular masonry, which
had the appearance of wells, had been thus uncovered.
At the time of my first visit, similar wells were
exposed, and we were at a loss to account for their
origin and use. I now opened two or three of them.
They were filled with earth, mixed with human bones
and fragments of vases and potteryf; but whether
the bones and the vases had been originally deposited
* They arc'of a coarse fossiliferous limestone.
f I found similar wells amongst the ruins on the banks of the rivers of
Susiana. One having been opened on the river of Dizful, remains, similar
to those described in the text, were found in it.


Chap. XII.] REMAINS OF MASONRY.
CI
there, or had fallen in from above with the rubbish, I
could not determine. It is possible that these wells
may have been constructed at a very early period, for
purposes of irrigation, or to supply water to the
inhabitants of the city; and may have been buried,
like the surrounding buildings, long before the erec-
tion of the upper edifices, and even before the time
of the tombs.
The principal ruin at Kalah Sherghat, like those of
Nimroud, Khorsabad, and other ancient Assyrian sites,
is a large square mound, surmounted by a cone or
pyramid. Long lines of smaller mounds or ramparts,
enclose a quadrangle, which, from the irregularities
in the surface of the ground, and from the pottery
and other rubbish scattered about, appears originally
to have been partly occupied by small houses, or
unimportant buildings.
At Kalah Sherghat, the high conical mound rises
nearly in the centre of the north side of the great
platform. Immediately below this cone, and forming
a facing to the great mound, is a wall of well-hewn
stones or slabs, carefully fitted together, and bevelled
at the edges. The battlements still existing on the
top of this wall, are cut into gradines, resembling in
this respect the battlements of castles and towers
represented in the Nimroud sculptures. It is pro-
bably an Assyrian work, and the four sides of the
rnound may originally have been similarly cased.
It is not improbable that much of the masonry,
still visible on the summit of the mound, may be


02
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS. [Chap. XU.
the remains of an Arab or Turkish fort. The posi-
tion of Kalah Sherghat is well adapted to a permanent
settlement. The lands around are rich, and could be
irrigated without much labour. If the population of
Mesopotamia were more settled than it now is, the
high road between Mosul and Baghdad would be
carried along the western banks of the Tigris; and
Kalah Sherghat might soon become a place of im-
portance, both as a station and as a post of defence.
At present, caravans, carrying on the trade between
those two cities, are compelled to make a considerable
detour to the east of the river. They pass through
the towns of Arbil and Kerkouk, and skirt the Kur-
dish hills, to avoid the Arab tribes of Tai and Obeid.
The journey is long and circuitous; and, from the
number of large rivers and torrents to be crossed,
merchants are, in the winter and spring, frequently
delayed for many days. The road through the desert
to the right of the Tigris would be direct and short.
Water could, of course, be easily obtained during the
whole journey, and there are no streams to interrupt
the progress of a caravan. There can be little doubt
that, in the days of the Arab supremacy, a flourishing
commerce was carried on through this wilderness,
and that there was a line of settlements, and stations
on both sides of the river; but its banks are now the
encamping places of wild tribes; and no merchant
dares to brave the dangers of the desert, or to com-
pound, if he escapes them, by the payment of an enor-
mous black-mail to the Arab Sheikhs, through whose
pasture-grounds his camels must pass.


Chap. XII.] IDENTIFICATION OF TUB BLTNS. G3
The principal mound of Kalah Sherghat, is one of
the largest ruins with which I am acquainted in
Assyria. I had not the leisure, or the means, to
measure it accurately during this visit; but when
on the spot with Mr. Ainsworth, we carefully paced
round it; and the result, according to that gentleman's
calculation, gives a circumference of 4685 yards.* A
part of it, however, is not artificial. Irregularities in
the face of the country, and natural eminences, have
been united into one great platform by layers of sun-
dried bricks. It is, nevertheless, a stupenJous struc-
ture, yielding in magnitude and extent to no other
artificial mound in Assyria. In height it is unequal;
to the south it slopes off nearly to the level of the
plain, whilst to the north, where it is most lofty, its
sides are perpendicular; in some places rising nearly
one hundred feet above the plain.
I will not attempt to connect, without better
materials than we now possess, the ruins of Kalah
Sherghat with any ancient city whose name occurs
in the sacred books, or has been preserved by ancient
geographers. That it was one of the most ancient
cities of Assyria, the identification of the name of
the king, found on its monuments and bricks, with
that on the centre Bulls of Nimroud, will be suf-
ficient to prove; but whether it be Chalah, one of
the four primitive cities mentioned in Genesisf, or
the Ur of Abraham, still existing in the time of
* Journal of the Royal Geographical Society, vol. xi. p. 5.
f Chap. x. 11.


6i NINEVEH AND ITS KEMA1NS. [Cuap. XII.
Ammianus Marcelliuus* I will not venture to de-
termine. Of the geography of ancient Assyria, we
know scarcely any thing. When even the site of
Nineveh could not recently be determined with any
degree of certainty, we can scarcely expect to be able
to identify the ruins of less important places. We
possess but few names of cities preceding the Persian
conquest; and the accounts handed down to us are
too meagre and vague, to lead to the identification
of the site of any of them. An extended knowledge
of the monuments of Assyria, and an acquaintance
with the contents of the inscriptions, may, hereafter,
enable us not only to fix the position of these cities,
but to ascertain the names of many more, which must
have existed in so well-peopled a country, and may
have perished on the fall of the Empire.
Having directed Mansour to continue the exca-
vations, I prepared to return to Mosul. Abd'rubbou
offered to accompany me, and as the desert between
Kalah Sherghat and Hammum Ali was infested by
roving parties of the Shammar and Aneyza Arabs, I
deemed it prudent to accept his escort. He chose
eight horsemen from his tribe, and we started toge-
ther for the desert.
We slept the first night at the tents of a Seyyid,
or descendant of the Prophet, of some repute for
* Lib. xxv. c. 8. Ammianus does not mention Ilatra after, but before
Ur; so that Mr. Ainswortb's argument, in favour of the identiGcation of
the latter city wilh Kalah Sherghat, is scarcely tenable. (Journal of the
Geog. Soc. vol. xi.)


Chap. XU.]
Co
A NIGHT AMONGST ARABS.
sanctity, and for the miraculous cure of diseases,
which he effected by merely touching the patient.
The Arabs are fully persuaded of the existence of his
healing power; but I never saw any one who even
pretended to have been cured, although there was
certainly no lack of subjects for the Seyyid to practise
upon. The old gentleman's daughter, a dark, hand-
some girl, was claimed by a Sheikh of the Jebours, to
whom, according to some accounts, she had been be-
trothed. The greater part of the night was spent in
quarrelling and wrangling upon the subject. The
Seyyid resolutely denied the contract, on the mere
plea that one of such holy descent could not be united
to a man in whose veins the blood of the Prophet
did not flow. Abd'rubbou and his friends, on the
other hand, as stoutly contended for the claims of the
lover, not treating, I thought, so great a saint with a
proper degree of respect. Although my tent was
pitched at some distance from the assembly, the dis-
cordant voices all joining at the same time in the
most violent discussion, kept me awake until past
midnight. Suddenly the disputants appeared to have
talked themselves out, and there was a lull. Vainly
flattering myself that the company had sunk into
sleep, I prepared to follow their example. But I had
scarcely closed my eyes, when I was roused by a
fresh outbreak of noises. An Arab had suddenly
arrived from the banks of the Khabour—the old
pasture grounds of the tribe: he was overwhelmed
with a thousand questions, and the news he brought
of struggles between the Aneyza and the Asai, and
VOL. II. *


66 NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS. [Char. XII.
the defeat of the former enemies of the Jebour, led
to continual bursts of enthusiasm, and to one or two
attempts to raise a general shouting of the war-cry.
Thus they passed the night, to my great discomfort.
On the morrow I started early with Abd'rubbou
and his horsemen. We struck directly across the
desert, leaving my servants and baggage to follow
leisurely along the banks of the river, by a more cir-
cuitous but safer road. When we were within four
or five miles of that part of the Tigris at which the
raft was waiting for me, I requested Abd'rubbou to
return, as there appeared to be no further need of an
escort. Mr. Hormuzd Rassam and myself galloped
over the plain. We disturbed, as we rode along, a
few herds of gazelles, and a solitary wolf or a jackal;
but we saw no human beings. Abd'rubbou and his
Arabs were less fortunate; they had scarcely left us
when they observed a party of horsemen in the dis-
tance, whom they mistook for men of their own tribe
returning from Mosul. It was not until they drew
high that they discovered their mistake. The horse-
men were plunderers from the Aneyza. The numbers
were pretty equal. A fight ensued, in which two
men on the side of the enemy, and one of the Jebour,
were killed; but the Aneyza were defeated, and Abd'-
rubbou carried off, in triumph, a couple of mares.
A few days after my return to Nimroud, the Je-
bour were compelled, from want of pasturage, to
leave the neighbourhood of Kalah Sherghat. The
whole desert, as well as the jungle on the banks of the
river, which generally supplied, even in the driest


Chap. XII.] REMOVAL OF SITTING FIGURE. 67
seasons, a little grass to the flocks, was dried up.
Abd'rubbou, with his tribe, moved to the north. A
few of his people came to Nimroud to cultivate millet;
but the Sheikh himself, with the greater part of his
followers, left the district of Mosul altogether, and
migrated to the sources of the Khabour, and to the
Nisibin branch of that river—the ancient Mygdonius.
The desert to the south of the town was now only
frequented by wandering parties of plunderers, and
the position of my workmen at Ealah Sherghat be-
came daily more insecure. After they had been once
or twice exposed to molestation from the Aneyza and
the Obeid, I found it necessary to withdraw them—
had I not, they would probably have run away of
themselves. I renounced the further examination of
these ruins with regret, as they had not been pro-
perly explored; and I have little doubt from the
fragments discovered, that many objects of interest,
if not sculptured slabs, exist in the mound.
Although I was unable, at this time, to remove the
sitting figure, I have, since my return to England,
at the desire of the Trustees of the British Museum,
sent orders for its transport to Baghdad. This has
been accomplished under the directions of Mr. Ross.
It will, I trust, be ere long added to the Assyrian
remains now in the national collection. Although
it has unfortunately suffered greatly from long ex-
posure, it is of considerable interest, as being the
only specimen, hitherto discovered, of an entire Assy-
rian figure.
F 3


68
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS. [Chap. XIII.
CHAP. XIII.
SYSTEM OF IRRIGATION ADOPTED BY THE ANCIENT ASSYRIANS.
WANT OF RAIN. FEARS FOR THE CROPS. — PREPARATIONS FOR
THE REMOVAL OF A WINGED BULL AND WINGED LION. — CON-
STRUCTION OF A CART SURPRISE OF THE NATIVES. DISCOVERY
OF A BAS-RELIEF. OF A DRAIN. LOWERING OF THE WINGED
BULL.— ITS REMOVAL FROM THE RUINS. EXCITEMENT OF THE
ARABS. REJOICINGS IN THE VILLAGE. THE BULL DRAGGED
DOWN TO THE RIVER. THE REMOVAL OF THE LION. DISCON-
TENT AMONG THE ARABS. THEY LEAVE THE RUINS. RAFTS
PREPARED FOR THE TRANSPORT OF THE SCULPTURES TO BUS-
RAII TnE LION AND BULL PLACED UPON THEM THEIR DE-
PARTURE FROM NIMROUD. RETURN OF THE ARABS. — EXCA-
VATIONS COMMENCED IN THE PYRAMID. CONCLUSION OF THE
EXCAVATIONS AT NIMROUD. — GENERAL DESCRIPTION OF THE
RUINS.
Assyria Proper, like Babylonia, owed its ancient fer-
tility as much to the system of artificial irrigation, so
extensively and successfully adopted by the inhabit-
ants of the country, as to the rains which fell during
the winter and early spring. The Tigris and Eu-
phrates, unlike the Nile, did not overflow their banks
and deposit a rich manure on the face of the land.
They rose sufficiently, at the time of the melting of
the snows in the Armenian hills, to fill the numerous
canals led from them into the adjacent country; but
their beds were generally so deep, or their banks so
high, that, when the stream returned to its usual level,
water could only be raised by artificial means.
The great canals dug in the most prosperous
period of the Assyrian Empire, and used for many


Chap. XIII.]
69
SVRIAN HARVESTS.
centuries by the inhabitants of the country—pro-
bably even after the Arab invasion — have long since
been choked up, and are now useless. When the
waters of the rivers are high, it is still only by the
labour of man that they can be led into the fields. I
have already described the rude wheels constructed
for the purpose along the banks of the Tigris. Even
these are scarce. The government, or rather the local
authorities, levy a considerable tax upon machines for
irrigation, and the simple buckets of the Arabs become
in many cases the source of exaction or oppression.
Few are, consequently, bold enough to make use of
them. The land, therefore, near the rivers, as well
as that in the interior of the country out of the reach
of the canals, is entirely dependent upon the rains for
its fertility.
Rain, amply sufficient to ensure the most plentiful
crops, generally falls during the winter; the grain, in
the days of Herodotus, yielding two and even three
hundred fold. Indeed, such is the richness of the
soil of Assyria, that even a few heavy showers in the
course of the year, at the time of sowing the seed, and
when the corn is about a foot above the ground, are
sufficient to ensure a good harvest.* It frequently,
• The description of Herodotus agrees exactly with the present state
of the country, and with the remains of canals still existing near the two
rivers, the Tigris and Euphrates. "The Assyrians," he says, "have but
little rain; the lands, however, are fertilised, and the fruits of the earth
nourished, by means of the river. This does not, like the Egyptian Nile,
enrich the country by overflowing its banks, but is dispersed by manual
labour or by hydraulic engines. The Babylonian district is intersected
by a number of canals. Of all countries which have come under my ob-
servation this is the most fruitful in corn." (lib. i. c. 193.)
r S


70
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS. [Chap. XIII.
however, happens that the season passes without rain.
Such was the case this year. During the winter and
spring no water fell. The inhabitants of the villages,
who had been induced to return by the improved
administration and conciliatory measures of the late
Pasha, had put their whole stock of wheat and barley
into the ground. They now looked in despair upon
the cloudless sky. I watched the young grass as it
struggled to break through the parched earth; but
it was burnt up almost at its birth. Sometimes a
distant cloud hanging over the solitary hill of Ar-
bela, or rising from the desert in the far west, led to
hopes, and a few drops of rain gave rise to general
rejoicings. The Arabs would then form a dance, and
raise songs and shouts, the women joining with the
shrill tahlehl. But disappointment always ensued.
The clouds passed over, and the same pure blue sky
was above us. To me the total absence of verdure
in spring was particularly painful. For months my
eye had not rested upon a green thing; and that
unchanging yellow, barren waste, has a depressing
effect upon the spirits. The Jaif, which the year
before had been a flower garden and had teemed
with life, was now as naked and bare as a desert in
the midst of summer. I had been looking forward
to the return of the grass to encamp outside the
village, and had meditated many excursions to an-
cient ruins in the desert and the mountains; but I
was doomed to disappointment like the rest.
The Pasha issued orders that Christians, as well
as Mussulmans, should join in a general fast and


CHAP. XIII.] WANT OF RAIN. 71
in prayers. Supplications were offered up in the
churches and mosques. The Mohammedans held a
kind of three days' Ramazan, starving themselves
during the day, and feasting during the night. The
Christians abstained from meat for the same length
of time. If a cloud were seen on the horizon the
inhabitants of the villages, headed by their mullahs,
would immediately walk into the open country to
chant prayers and verses from the Koran. Sheikhs
— crazy ascetics who wandered over the country,
either half clothed in the skins of lions or gazelles, or
stark naked—burnt themselves with hot irons, and
ran shouting about the streets of Mosul. Even a kind
of necromancy was not neglected, and the Cadi and
the Turkish authorities had recourse to all manner
of mysterious incantations, which were pronounced
to have been successful in other parts of the Sul-
tan's dominions on similar occasions. A dervish,
returning from Mecca, had fortunately brought with
him a bottle of the holy water of Zemzen. He
offered it, for a consideration, to the Pasha, declaring
that when the sacred fluid was poured out in the
great mosque, rain must necessarily follow. The
experiment had never been known to fail. The
Pasha paid the money, -some twenty purses,—and
emptied the bottle; but the results were not such as
had been anticipated ; and the dervish, when sought
after to explain, was not to be found.
There was no rain, not even the prospect of a
shower. A famine appeared to be inevitable. It
was known, however, that there were abundant sup-
F 4


72
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS. [Chap. XIII.
plies of corn in the granaries of the principal families
of Mosul; and the fact having been brought to the
notice of the Pasha, he at once ordered the stores to
be opened, and their contents to be offered for sale in
the market at moderate prices. As usual, the orders
were given to the very persons who were specu-
lating upon the miseries of the poor and needy—to
the cadi, the mufti, and the head people of the town.
They proceeded to obey, with great zeal and punc-
tuality, the orders of his Excellency; but somehow or
another overlooked their own stores and those of their
friends, and ransacked the houses of the rest of the
inhabitants. In a few days, consequently, those who
had saved up a little grain for their own immediate
wants were added to the number of the starving;
and the necessities and misery of the town were in-
creased.
The Bedouins, who are dependent upon the vil-
lages for supplies, now also began to feel the effects
of the failure of the crops. As is generally the case
in such times, they were preparing to make up for
their sufferings by plundering the caravans of mer-
chants, and the peaceable inhabitants of the districts
within reach of the desert. Although the spring had
already commenced, the Shammar and other formid-
able tribes had not yet encamped in the vicinity of
Mosul; still casual plundering parties had made their
appearance among the villages, and it was predicted
that as soon as their tents were pitched nearer the
town, the country without the walls would be not
only very unsafe, but almost uninhabitable.


Cbap. XIII.] REMOVAL OF SCULPTURES.
73
These circumstances induced me to undertake the
removal of the larger sculptures as early as possible.
The dry season had enabled me to carry on the ex-
cavations without interruption. As the earth above
the ruins was not washed down by rain, there was no
occasion to prop up the sides of the trenches, or to
cover the sculptures: considerable expense was thus
saved. Had there been the usual violent storms, not
only would the soil have continually fallen in and re-
buried the building, but the bas-reliefs would have
been exposed to injury. A marsh would also have
been formed round the base of the mound, completely
cutting me off from the river, and* impassable to any
cart carrying the larger sculptures. The first plan I
formed, when anticipating the usual wet weather, was
to wait, before moving the bas-reliefs, until the rain
had completely ceased, and the low ground under the
mound had been dried up. I could not, in that case,
commence operations before the month of May, when
the Tigris is still swollen by the melting of the snows
in the Armenian hills. The stream would then be
sufficiently rapid to carry to Baghdad a heavily laden
raft, without the fear of obstruction from shallows and
sand banks. This year, however, there was no marsh
* round the ruins, nor had any snow fallen in the moun-
tains to promise a considerable rise in the river. I
determined, therefore, to send the sculptures to Busrah
in the month of March or April, foreseeing that as soon
as the Bedouins had moved northwards from Baby-
lonia, and had commenced their plundering expeditions


74 NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS. [CHAP. XIII.
in the vicinity of Mosul, I should be compelled to leave
Nimroud.
The Trustees of the British Museum had not con-
templated the removal of either a winged bull or
lion, and I had at first believed that, with the means
at my disposal, it would have been useless to attempt
it. They wisely determined that these sculptures
should not be sawn into pieces, to be put together
again in Europe, as the pair of bulls from Khorsabad.
They were to remain, where discovered, until some
favourable opportunity of moving them entire might
occur; and I was directed to heap earth over them,
after the excavations had been brought to an end.
Being loath, however, to leave all these fine spe-
cimens of Assyrian sculpture behind me, I resolved
upon attempting the removal and embarkation of
two of the smallest and best preserved. Those fixed
upon were the lion No. 2. from entrance b, hall Y,
in plan 3., and a bull from entrance e, of the same
hall. Thirteen pairs of these gigantic sculptures, and
several fragments of others, had been discovered; but
many of them were too much injured to be worth
moving. I had wished to secure the pair of lions
forming the great entrance into the principal cham-
ber of the north-west palace”; the finest specimens -
of Assyrian sculpture discovered in the ruins. But
after some deliberation I determined to leave them
for the present; as, from their size, the expense at-
tending their conveyance to the river would have
been very considerable.
* Entrance a, chamber B, plan 3.


Chap. XIII.]
75
A CART.
1 formed various plans for lowering the smaller
lion and bull, for dragging them to the river, and
for placing them upon rafts. Each step had its diffi-
culties, and a variety of original suggestions and
ideas were supplied by my workmen, and by the good
people of Mosul. At last I resolved upon construct-
ing a cart sufficiently strong to bear any of the
masses to be moved. As no wood but poplar could
be procured in the town, a carpenter was sent to the
mountains with directions to fell the largest mulberry
tree, or any tree of equally compact grain, he could
find; and to bring beams of it, and thick slices from
the trunk, to Mosul.
By the month of March this wood was ready. I
purchased from the dragoman of the French Con-
sulate a pair of strong iron axles, formerly used by
M. Botta in bringing sculptures from Khorsabad.
Each wheel was formed of three solid pieces, nearly a
foot thick, from the trunk of a mulberry tree, bound
together by iron hoops. Across the axles were laid
three beams, and above them several cross-beams, all
of the same wood. A pole was fixed to one axle,
to which were also attached iron rings for ropes, to
enable men, as well as buffaloes, to draw the cart.
The wheels were provided with moveable hooks for
the same purpose.
Simple as this cart was, it became an object of
wonder in the town. Crowds came to look at it, as
it stood in the yard of the vice-consul's khan; and the
Pasha's topjis, or artillery-men, who, from their ac-
quaintance with the mysteries of gun carriages, were


76
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS. [Chap. Xllf.
looked up to as authorities on such matters, daily
declaimed on the properties and use of this vehicle,
and of carts in general, to a large circle of curious
and attentive listeners. As long as the cart was in
Mosul, it was examined by every stranger who visited
the town. But when the news spread that it was about
to leave the gates, and to be drawn over the bridge,
the business of the place was completely suspended.
The secretaries and scribes from the palace left their
divans; the guards their posts; the bazaars were
deserted; and half the population assembled on the
banks of the river to witness the manoeuvres of the
cart. A pair of buffaloes, with the assistance of a
crowd of Chaldaeans and shouting Arabs, forced the
ponderous wheels over the rotten bridge of boats.*
The multitude seemed to be fully satisfied with the
spectacle. The cart was the topic of general con-
versation in Mosul until the arrival, from Europe,
of some children's toys—barking dogs and moving
puppets—which gave rise to fresh excitement, and
filled even the gravest of the clergy with wonder at
the learning and wisdom of the Infidels.
To lessen the weight of the lion and bull, with-
out in any way interfering with the sculpture, I
reduced the thickness of the slabs, by cutting away
• The bridge of Mosul consists of a number of rude boats bound to-
gether by iron chains. Planks are laid from boat to boat, and the whole
is covered with earth. During the time of the floods this frail bridge
would be unable to resist the force of the stream; the chains holding it
on one side of the river are then loosened, and it swings round. All
communication between the two banks of the river is thus cut off, and a
ferry is established until the waters subside, and the bridge can be
replaced.





·
tºpnortați， ºe， etwa ‘aº ‘n) 'not'ı tartu, entiaennri （totaavaa
11 tºpa u ºſº ei ºotae; or,


Chap. XIII.] DISCOVERY OF A BAS-RELIEF.
77
as much as possible from the back. Their bulk was
thus considerably diminished; and as the back of the
slab was never meant to be seen, being placed against
the wall of sun-dried bricks, no part of the sculpture
was sacrificed. As, in order to move these figures at
all, I had to choose between this plan and that of
sawing them into several pieces I did not hesitate to
adopt it.
To enable me to move the bull from the ruins, and
to place it on the cart in the plain below, a trench
was cut nearly two hundred feet long, about fifteen
feet wide, and, in some places, twenty feet deep. A
road was thus constructed from the entrance, in which
stood the bull, to the edge of the mound. There
being no means at my disposal to raise the sculpture
out of the trenches, like the smaller bas-reliefs, this
road was necessary. It was a tedious undertaking, as
a very large accumulation of earth had to be removed.
About fifty Arabs and Nestorians were employed in
the work.
On opening this trench it was found that a cham-
ber had once existed to the west of hall Y. The
sculptured slabs forming its sides had been de-
stroyed or carried away. Part of the walls of un-
baked bricks, however, could still be traced. The
only bas-relief discovered was lying flat on the pave-
ment, where it had evidently been left when the
adjoining slabs were removed. It has been sent to
England, and represents a lion hunt. Only one lion,
wounded, and under the horse's feet, is visible. A
warrior, in a chariot, is discharging his arrows at


78
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS. [Chap. XIII.
some object before him. It is evident that the sub-
ject, must have been continued on an adjoining slab,
on which was probably represented the king joining
in the chase. This small bas-relief is remarkable for
its finish, the elegance of the ornaments, and the
great spirit of the design. In these respects it re-
sembles the battle-scene in the south-west palace*;
and I am inclined to believe that they both belonged
to this ruined chamber; in which, perhaps, the sculp-
tures were more elaborate and more highly finished
than in any other part of the building. The work of
different artists may be plainly traced in the As-
syrian edifices. Frequently where the outline is
spirited and correct, and the ornaments designed
with considerable taste, the execution is defective or
coarse; evidently showing, that whilst the subject
was drawn by a master, the carving of the stone had
been intrusted to an inferior workman. In many
sculptures some parts are more highly finished than
others, as if they had been retouched by an ex-
perienced sculptor. The figures of the enemy are
generally rudely drawn and left unfinished, to show
probably that, being those of the conquered or cap-
tive race, they were unworthy the care of the artist.
It is rare to find an entire bas-relief equally well
executed in all its parts. The most perfect hitherto
discovered in Assyria are, the lion hunt now in the
British Museum, the lion hunt just described, and
the large group of the king sitting on his throne,
• See Vol. L p. 40.


Chap. XIII.] LOWERING THE BULL.
79
in the midst of his attendants and winged figures,
which formed the end of chamber G, of the north-west
palace, and will be brought to England.
Whilst making this trench, I also discovered, about
three feet beneath the pavement, a drain, which ap-
peared to communicate with others previously opened
in different parts of the building. It was probably
the main sewer, through which all the minor water-
courses were discharged. It was square, built of
baked bricks, and covered in with large slabs and
tiles.
As the bull was to be lowered on its back, the un-
sculptured side of the slab having to be placed on
rollers, I removed the walls behind it as far as the
entrance a. An open space was thus formed, large
enough to admit of the sculpture when prostrate,
and leaving room for the workmen to pass on all
sides of it. The principal difficulty was of course to
lower the mass: when once on the ground, or on
rollers, it could be dragged forwards by the united
force of a number of men; but, during its descent, it
could only be sustained by ropes. If, not strong
enough to bear the weight, they chanced to break,
the sculpture would be precipitated to the ground,
and would, probably, be broken in the fall. The few
ropes I possessed had been expressly sent to me,
across the desert, from Aleppo; but they were small.
From Baghdad I had obtained a thick hawser, made
of the fibres of the palm. In addition I had been
furnished with two pairs of blocks, and a pair of jack-
screws belonging to the steamers of the Euphrates


80
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS. [Chap. XIII.
expedition. These were all the means at my com-
mand for moving the bull and lion. The sculptures
were wrapped in mats and felts, to preserve them,
as far as possible, from injury in case of a fall, and
to prevent the ropes chipping or rubbing the ala-
baster.
The bull was ready to be moved by the 18th of
March. The earth had been taken from under it,
and it was now only supported by beams resting
against the opposite wall. Amongst the wood ob-
tained from the mountains were several thick rollers.
These were placed upon sleepers or half beams,
formed out of the trunks of poplar trees, well greased
and laid on the ground parallel to the sculpture.
The bull was to be lowered upon these rollers. A
deep trench had been cut behind the second bull,
completely across the wall, and, consequently, ex-
tending from chamber to chamber. A bundle of
ropes coiled round this isolated mass of earth served
to hold two blocks, two others being attached to
ropes wound round the bull to be moved. The
ropes, by which the sculpture was to be lowered,
were passed through these blocks; the ends, or falls
of the tackle, as they are technically called, being led
from the blocks above the second boll, and held
by the Arabs. The cable having been first passed
through the trench, and then round the sculpture,
the ends were given to two bodies of men. Several
of the strongest Chalda?ans placed thick beams against
the back of the bull, and were directed to withdraw
them gradually, supporting the weight of the slab


Chap. XIII.]
81
LOWERING THE BULL.
and checking it in its descent, in case the ropes
should give way.
My own people were reinforced by a large number
of the Abou Salman. I had invited Sheikh Abd-ur-
rahman to be present, and he came attended by a
body of horsemen. The inhabitants of Naifa and
Nimroud, having volunteered to assist on the occasion,
were distributed amongst my Arabs. The workmen,
except the Chaldaeans who supported the beams, were
divided into four parties, two of which were stationed
in front of the bull, and held the ropes passed through
the blocks. The rest clung to the ends of the cable,
and were directed to slack otf gradually as the sculp-
ture descended.
The men being ready, and all my preparations
complete, I stationed myself on the top of the high
bank of earth over the second bull, and ordered the
wedges to be struck out from under the sculpture to
be moved. Still, however, it remained firmly in its
place. A rope having been passed round it, six or
seven men easily tilted it over. The thick, ill-made
cable stretched with the strain, and almost buried
itself in the earth round which it was coiled. The
ropes held well. The mass descended gradually, the
Chaldaeans propping it up with the beams. It was
a moment of great anxiety. The drums and shrill
pipes of the Kurdish musicians increased the din and
confusion caused by the war-cry of the Arabs, who
were half frantic with excitement. They had thrown
off nearly all their garments; their long hair floated in
the wind; and they indulged in the wildest postures
VOL. II. G


82
NINEVEII AND ITS REMAINS. [Chap. XIII-
and gesticulations as they clung to the ropes. The
women had congregated on the sides of the trenches,
and by their incessant screams, and by the ear-piercing
tahlehl, added to the enthusiasm of the men. The
bull once in motion, it was no longer possible to
obtain a hearing. The loudest cries I could produce
were lost in the crash of discordant sounds. Neither
the hippopotamus-hide whips of the Cawasses, nor the
bricks and clods of earth with which I endeavoured
to draw attention from some of the most noisy of the
group, were of any avail. Away went the bull, steady
enough as long as supported by the props behind;
but as it came nearer to the rollers, the beams could
no longer be used. The cable and ropes stretched
more and more. Dry from the climate, as they
felt the strain, they creaked and threw out dust.
Water was thrown over them, but in vain, for they all
broke together when the sculpture was within four
or five feet of the rollers. The bull was precipitated
to the ground. Those who held the ropes, thus sud-
denly released, followed its example, and were rolling,
one over the other, in the dust. A sudden silence
succeeded to the clamour. I rushed into the trenches,
prepared to find the bull in many pieces. It would
be difficult to describe my satisfaction, when I saw
it lying precisely where I had wished to place it,
and uninjured! The Arabs no sooner got on their
legs again, than, seeing the result of the accident,
they darted out of the trenches, and, seizing by the
hands the women who were looking on, formed a
large circle, and, yelling their war-cry with redoubled


Chap. XIII.] REMOVAL OF THE BULL.
83
energy, commenced a most mad dance. The musi-
cians exerted themselves to the utmost; but their
music was drowned by the cries of the dancers.
Even Abd-ur-rahman shared in the excitement, and,
throwing his cloak to one of his attendants, insisted
upon leading off the debkhe. It would have been
useless to endeavour to put any check upon these
proceedings. I preferred allowing the men to wear
themselves out,—a result which, considering the
amount of exertion and energy displayed both by
limbs and throat, was not long in taking place.
I now prepared, with the aid of Behnan, the Bai-
rakdar, and the Tiyari, to move the bull into the
long trench whicli led to the edge of the mound.
The rollers were in good order; and, as soon as the
excitement of the Arabs had sufficiently abated to
enable them to resume work, the sculpture was
dragged out of its place by ropes.
Sleepers were laid to the end of the trench, and
fresh rollers were placed under the bull as it was
pulled forwards by cables, to which were fixed the
tackles held by logs buried in the earth on the
edge of the mound. The sun was going down as
these preparations were completed. I deferred any
further labour to the morrow. The Arabs dressed
themselves; and, placing the musicians at their head,
marched towards the village, singing their war songs,
and occasionally raising a wild yell, throwing their
lances into the air, and flourishing their swords and
shields over their heads.
Q 9


84
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS. [Chap. XIII.
I rode back with Abd-ur-rahman. Schloss and
his horsemen galloped round us, playing the jerrid,
and bringing the ends of their lances into a proximity
with my head and body, which was far from comfort-
able; for it was evident enough that had the mares
refused to fall almost instantaneously back on their
haunches, or had they stumbled, I should have been
transfixed on the spot. As the exhibition, however,
was meant as a compliment, and enabled the young
warriors to exhibit their prowess and the admirable
training of their horses, I declared myself highly de-
lighted, and bestowed equal commendations on all
parties.
The Arab Sheikh, his enthusiasm once cooled down,
gave way to moral reflections. "Wonderful! AVon-
derful! There is surely no God but God, and Mo-
hammed is his Prophet," exclaimed he, after a long
pause. "In the name of the Most High, tell me, 0 Bey,
what you are going to do with those stones. So many
thousands of purses spent upon such things! Can it
be, as you say, that your people learn wisdom from
them; or is it, as his reverence the Cadi declares, that
they are to go to the palace of your Queen, who, with
the rest of the unbelievers, worships these idols? As
for wisdom, these figures will not teach you to make
any better knives, or scissors, or chintzes; and it is in
the making of those things that the English show their
wisdom. But God is great! God is great! Here are
stones which have been buried ever since the time of
the holy Noah,—peace be with him! Perhaps they
were under ground before the deluge. I have lived


Chap. XIII.]
8 J
REFLECTIONS.
on these lands for years. My father, and the father
of my father, pitched their tents here before me;
but they never heard of these figures. For twelve
hundred years have the true believers (and, praise
be to God! all true wisdom is with them alone)
been settled in this country, and none of them ever
heard of a palace under ground. Neither did they
who went before them. But lo! here comes a Frank
from many days' journey off, and he walks up to
the very place, and he takes a stick (illustrating
the description at the same time with the point of
his spear), and makes a line here, and makes a line
there. Here, says he, is the palace ; there, says he,
is the gate; and he shows us what has been all our
lives beneath our feet, without our having known
anything about it. Wonderful! Wonderful! Is it by
books, is it by magic, is it by your prophets, that you
have learnt these things? Speak, 0 Bey ; tell me the
secret of wisdom."
The wonder of Abd-ur-rahman was certainly not
without cause, and his reflections were natural enough.
Whilst riding by his side I had been indulging in
a reverie, not unlike his own, which he suddenly
interrupted by these exclamations. Such thoughts
crowded upon me day by day, as I looked upon every
newly discovered sculpture. A stranger laying open
monuments buried for more than twenty centuries,
and thus proving to those who dwelt around them,
that much of the civilisation and knowledge of which
we now boast, existed amongst their forefathers when
our "ancestors were yet unborn," was, in a manner,
a 3


86
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS. [Chap. XIII.
an acknowledgment of the debt which the West owes
to the East. It is, indeed, no small matter of won-
der, that far distant and comparatively new nations
should have preserved the only records of a people
once ruling over nearly half the globe; and should
now be able to teach the descendants of that people,
or those who have taken their place, where their cities
and monuments once stood. There was more than
enough to excite the astonishment of Abd-ur-rahman,
and I seized this opportunity to give him a short
lecture upon the advantages of civilization and of
knowledge, I will not pledge myself, however, that
my endeavours were attended with as much success
as those of some may be who boast of their missions
to the East. All I could accomplish was, to give
the Arab Sheikh an exalted idea of the wisdom and
power of the Franks; which was so far useful to me,
that through his means the impression was spread
about the country, and was not one of the least ef-
fective guarantees for the safety of my property and
person.
This night was, of course, looked upon as one of
rejoicing. Abd-ur-rahman and his brother dined with
me; although, had it not been for the honour and
distinction conferred by the privilege of using knives
and forks, they would rather have exercised their
fingers with the crowds gathered round the wooden
platters in the court-yard. Sheep were as usual
killed, and boiled or roasted whole; they formed the
essence of all entertainments and public festivities.
They had scarcely been devoured before dancing was


Chap. XIII.] MOVING THE BULL.
S7
commenced. There were fortunately relays of musi-
cians; for no human lungs could have furnished the
requisite amount of breath. When some were nearly
falling from exhaustion, the ranks were recruited by
others. And so the Arabs went on until dawn. It
was useless to preach moderation, or to entreat for
quiet. Advice and remonstrances were received with
deafening shouts of the war-cry, and outrageous antics
as proofs of gratitude for the entertainment and of
ability to resist fatigue.
After passing the night in this fashion, these extra-
ordinary beings, still singing and capering, started for
the mound. Everything had been prepared on the
previous day for moving the bull, and the men had
now only to haul on the ropes. As the sculpture ad-
vanced, the rollers left behind were removed to the
front, and thus in a short time it reached the end of
the trench. There was little difficulty in dragging it
down the precipitous side of the mound. When it
arrived within three or four feet of the bottom, suffi-
cient earth was removed from beneath it to admit the
cart, upon which the bull itself was then lowered by
still further digging away the soil. It was soon ready
to be dragged to the river. Buffaloes were first har-
nessed to the yoke; but, although the men pulled with
ropes fastened to the rings attached to the wheels,
and to other parts of the cart, the animals, feeling
the weight behind them, refused to move. We were
compelled, therefore, to take them out; and the
Tiyari, in parties of eight, lifted by turns the pole,
whilst the Arabs, assisted by the people of Naifa and
a 4


88
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS. [Chai>. XIII.
Nimroud, dragged the cart. The procession was
thus formed. I rode first, with the Bairakdar, to
point out the road. Then came the musicians, with
their drums and fifes, drumming and fifing with
might and main. The cart followed, dragged hy
about three hundred men, all screeching at the top
of their voices, and urged on by the Oawasses and
superintendents. The procession was closed by the
women, who kept up the enthusiasm of the Arabs by
their shrill cries. Abd-ur-rahman's horsemen per-
formed divers feats round the group, dashing back-
wards and forwards, and charging with their spears.
We advanced well enough, although the ground
was very heavy, until we reached the ruins of the
former village of Nimroud.* It is the custom, in this
part of Turkey, for the villagers to dig deep pits to
store their corn, barley, and straw for the autumn
and winter. These pits generally surround the vil-
lages. Being only covered by a light framework of
boughs and stakes, plastered over with mud, they
become, particularly when half empty, a snare and a
trap to the horseman, who, unless guided by some
one acquainted with the localities, is pretty certain
to find the hind legs of his horse on a level with its
ears, and himself suddenly sprawling in front. The
corn-pits around Nimroud had long since been emptied
of their supplies, and had been concealed by the light
sand and dust, which, blown over the plain during
* The village was moved to its present site after the river had gradually
roceded to the westward. The inhabitants had been then left at a very
inconvonient distance from water.


(.HAP. XIII.]
89
MOVING THE BULL.
summer, soon fill up every hole and crevice. Although
I had carefully examined the ground before starting,
one of these holes had escaped my notice, and into it
two wheels of the cart completely sank. The Arabs
pulled and yelled in vain. The ropes broke, but the
wheels refused to move. We tried every means to re-
lease them, but unsuccessfully. After working until
dusk, we were obliged to give up the attempt. I left a
party of Arabs to guard the cart and its contents, sus-
pecting that some adventurous Bedouins, attracted by
-the ropes, mats, and felts, with which the sculpture
was enveloped, might turn their steps towards the
spot during the night. My suspicions did not prove
unfounded; for I had scarcely got into bed before the
whole village was thrown into commotion by the re-
ports of fire-arms and the war-cry of the Jebour.
Hastening to the scene of action, I found that a party
of Arabs had fallen upon my workmen. They were
beaten off, leaving behind them, however, their mark;
for a ball passing through the matting and felt, struck
and indented the side of the bull. I was anxious to
learn who the authors of this wanton attack were, and
had organized a scheme for taking summary vengeance.
But they were discovered too late; for, anticipating
punishment, they had struck their tents, and had
moved off into the desert.
Next morning we succeeded in clearing away the
earth, and in placing thick planks beneath the buried
wheels. After a few efforts the cart moved forwards
amidst the shouts of the Arabs; who, as was invari-
ably their custom on such occasions, indulged, whilst


90
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS. [CiiAp. XIII.
pulling at the ropes, in the most outrageous antics.
The procession was formed as on the previous day,
and we dragged the bull triumphantly down to
within a few hundred yards of the river. Here
the wheels buried themselves in the sand, and it
was night before we contrived, with the aid of
planks and by increased exertions, to place the sculp-
ture on the platform prepared to receive it, and from
which it was to slide down on the raft. The tents
of the Arabs, who encamped near the river, were
pitched round the bull, until its companion, the lion,
should be brought down; and the two embarked
together for Baghdad. The night was passed in re-
newed rejoicings, to celebrate the successful termina-
tion of our labours. On the following morning I
rode to Mosul, to enjoy a few days' rest after my
exertions.
The bull having thus been successfully transported
to the banks of the river, preparations were made, on
my return to Nimroud, for the removal of the second
sculpture. I ordered the trench, already opened for
the passage of the bull, to be continued beyond the
entrance formed by the lions, or about eighty feet to
the north. It was then necessary to move the slabs
from behind these sculptures. The slabs in hall Y
were unsculptured, having only the usual inscription.
The bas-reliefs on those adjoining the lion, in chamber
G, had been almost entirely destroyed, apparently by
the action of water.
My preparations were completed by the middle
of April. I determined to lower the lion at once on


Cuap. XIII.] REMOVAL OF THE LION.
the cart, and not to drag it out of the mound over
the rollers. This sculpture, during its descent, was
supported in the same manner as the bull had been;
but, to avoid a second accident, I doubled the number
of ropes and the coils of the cable. Enough earth
was removed to bring the top of the cart to a level
with the bottom of the lion. Whilst clearing away
the wall of unbaked bricks, I discovered two small
tablets similar to those previously dug out in cham-
ber B.* On both sides they had the usual standard
inscription, and they had evidently been placed where
found, when the foundations of the palace were laid:
probably as coins and similar tablets are now buried
under edifices to commemorate the period and object
of their erection.
As the lion was cracked in more than one place,
considerable care was required in lowering and
moving it. Both, however, were effected without
accident. The Arabs assembled as they had done at
the removal of the bull. Abd-ur-rahman and his
horsemen rode over to the mound. We had the same
shouting and the same festivities. The lion de-
scended into the place I had prepared for it on the
cart, and was easily dragged out of the ruins. It was
two days in reaching the river, as the wheels of the
cart sank more than once into the loose soil, and were
with difficulty extricated.
The lion and bull were at length placed, side by
side on the banks of the Tigris, ready to proceed to
* Vol. I. p. 116.


92 NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS. [Chap. XIII.
Busrah, as soon as I could make the necessary ar-
rangements for embarking them on rafts.
The sculptures, which I had hitherto sent to Bus-
rah, had been floated down the river on rafts, as far
only a3 Baghdad. There they had been placed in
boats built by the natives for the navigation of the
lower part of the Tigris and Euphrates. These vessels,
principally constructed of thin poplar planks, reeds,
and bitumen, were much too small and weak to
carry either the lion or the bull; and, indeed, had
they been large enough, it would have been diffi-
cult, if not impossible, in the absence of proper
machinery, to lift such heavy masses into them.
I resolved, therefore, to attempt the navigation of
the lower as well as of the upper part of the river
with rafts; and to embark the lion and bull, at once,
for Busrah. The raftmen of Mosul, who are accus-
tomed to navigate the Tigris to Baghdad, but never
venture further, pronounced the scheme to be im-
practicable, and refused to attempt it. Even my
friends at Baghdad doubted of my success; prin-
cipally, however, on the ground that the prejudices
and customs of the natives were against me, — and
every one knows how difficult it is to prevail upon
Easterns to undertake anything in opposition to
their established habits. Such has been their nature
for ages. As their fathers have done, so have they
done after them, forgetting or omitting many things,
but never adding or improving. As rafts meet
with no insurmountable difficulties in descending,
even from the mountainous districts of Diarbekir,


Chap. Xin.]
93
THE RAFTMAN.
to Baghdad, there was no good reason why they
should not extend their journey as far as Busrah.
The real obstructions would occur in the upper part
of the river, which abounds in rapids, rocks, and
shallows; and not in the lower, where there is depth
of water and nothing to impede the passage of large
boats. The stream below Baghdad is sluggish, and
the tide ascends nearly sixty miles above Busrah:
these were the only objections, and they merely af-
fected the time to be employed in the descent, and
not its practicability.
It was impossible by the most convincing argu-
ments, even though supported by the exhibition of
a heap of coins, to prevail upon the raftmen of
Mosul to construct such rafts as I required, or to
undertake the voyage. I applied therefore to Mr.
Hector, and through him found a man at Baghdad,
who declared himself willing to make the great sacri-
fice generally believed to be involved in the attempt.
He was indebted in a considerable sum of money,
and being the owner of a large number of skins, now
lying useless, he preferred a desperate undertaking
to the prospect of a debtor's prison. It was not in
any one's power to persuade him that his raft could
reach its destination, or that even he could survive
the enterprise; and it would have been equally im-
possible to convince him that my stake in the matter
was greater than his own. As it was evident that no
harm would come to him, but that, on the contrary,
by entering into my service he would pay the greater
part of his debts, and escape a prolonged residence in


94
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS. [Ciiap. XIII.
the gloomy subterranean abodes of hopeless debtors,
I felt less compunctions of conscience in resorting
to the last extremity. Indeed it was consoling to
reflect that it was all for the man's own good. At
any rate, I had to choose between leaving the sculp-
tures on the river bank near Mosul, the sport of mis-
chievous Arabs, and seeing them safely transported to
Busrah, and ultimately to England. I did not, there-
fore, long hesitate upon the course to be pursued.
Mullah Ali — for such was the name of my raft-
contractor— at length made his appearance. He was
followed by a dirty half-naked Arab, his assistant in
the construction of rafts; and, like those who carried
on his trade some two thousand years before, by
a couple of donkeys laden with skins ready for use.
Like a genuine native of Baghdad, he had exhausted
his ingenuity in the choice of materials for the com-
position of his garments. There could not have been
a more dexterous mixture of colours than that dis-
played by his antari, cloak, and voluminous turban.
He began, of course, by a long speech, protesting, by
the Prophet, that he would undertake for no one else
in the world what he was going to do for me; that
he was my slave and my sacrifice, and that the man
who was not was worse than an infidel. I cut him
short in this complimentary discourse. He then, as
is usual in such transactions, began to make excuses,
to increase his demands, and to throw difficulties in
the way. On these points I declined all discussion,
directing Ibrahim Agha to give him an insight into
my way of doing business, to recommend him to


Chap. XIII.]
P5
THE BAFTMA>\
resign himself to his fate, as the contract had been
signed, and to hint that he was now in the power of
an authority from which there was no appeal.
Mullah Ali made many vain efforts to amend his
condition, and to induce, on my part, a fuller appre-
ciation of his merits. He expected that these endea-
vours might, at least, lead to an additional amount
of bakshish. At last he resigned himself to his fate,
and slowly worked, with his assistant, at the binding
together of beams and logs of wood with willow
twigs to form a framework for a raft. There were
still some difficulties and obstacles to be surmounted.
The man of Baghdad had his own opinions on the
building of rafts in general, founded upon immemorial
customs and the traditions of the country. I had
my theories, which could not be supported by equally
substantial arguments. Consequently he, who had
all the proof on his side, may not have been wrong
in declaring against any method, in favour of which
I could produce no better evidence than my own will.
But, like many other injured men, he fell a victim
to the "droit du plus fort," and had to sacrifice, at
once, prejudice and habit.
I did not doubt that the skins, once blown up,
would support the sculptures without difficulty as
far as Baghdad. The journey would take eight or
ten days, under favourable circumstances. But there
they would require to be opened and refilled, or the
rafts would scarcely sustain so heavy a weight all
the way to Busrah; the voyage from Baghdad to that
port being considerably longer, in point of time, than


96
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS. [CiiAp. XIII.
that from Mosul to Baghdad. However carefully the
skins are filled, the air gradually escapes. Rafts,
bearing merchandise, are generally detained several
times during their descent, to enable the raftmen
to examine and refill the skins. If the sculptures
rested upon only one framework, the beams being
almost on a level with the water, the raftmen would
be unable to get beneath them to reach the mouths
of the skins when they required replenishing, with-
out moving the cargo. This would have been both
inconvenient and difficult to accomplish. I was there-
fore desirous of raising the lion and bull as much as
possible above the water, so as to leave room for the
men to creep under them.
It may interest the reader to know how these
rafts, which have probably formed for ages the only
means of traffic on the upper parts of the rivers of
Mesopotamia, are constructed. The skins of full-
grown sheep and goats are used. They are taken
off with as few incisions as possible, and then dried
and prepared. The air is forced in by the lungs
through an aperture which is afterwards tied up with
string. A square framework, formed of poplar beams,
branches of trees, and reeds, having been constructed
of the size of the intended raft, the inflated skins are
tied to it by osier and other twigs, the whole being
firmly bound together. The raft is then moved to the
water and launched. Care is taken to place the skins
with their mouths upwards, that, in case any should
burst or require filling, they can be easily opened by
the raftmen. Upon the framework of wood are piled


Chap. XIII.] RAFTS ON THE TIGKIS.
97
bales of goods, and property belonging to merchants
and travellers. When any person of rank, or wealth,
descends the river in this fashion, small huts are con-
structed on the raft by covering a common wooden
takht, or bedstead of the country, with a hood formed
of reeds and lined with felt. In these huts the tra-
vellers live and sleep during the journey. The poorer
passengers seek shade or warmth, by burying them-
selves amongst bales of goods and other merchandise,
and sit patiently, almost in one position, until they
reach their destination. They carry with them a
small earthen mangal or chafing-dish, containing a
charcoal fire, which serves to light their pipes, and to
cook their coffee and food. The only real danger
to be apprehended on the river is from the Arabs;
who, when the country is in a disturbed state, in-
variably attack and pillage the rafts.
The raftmen guide their rude vessels by long
oars,— straight poles, at the end of which a few split
canes are fastened by a piece of twine. They skil-
fully avoid the rapids; and, seated on the bales of
goods, work continually, even in the hottest sun.
They will seldom travel after dark before reaching
Tekrit, on account of the rocks and shoals, which
abound in the upper part of the river; but when they
have passed that place, they resign themselves, night
and day, to the sluggish stream. During the floods
in the spring, or after violent rains, small rafts may
float from Mosul to Baghdad in about eighty-four
hours; but the large rafts are generally six or seven
days in performing the voyage. In summer, and
VOL. II. H


<J8
NINEVEH AND ITS BEMA1NS. [Chap. XIII.
when the river is low, they are frequently nearly a
month in reaching their destination. When the rafts
have been unloaded, they are broken up, and the
beams, wood, and twigs are sold at a considerable
profit, forming one of the principal branches of trade
between Mosul and Baghdad. The skins are washed
and afterwards rubbed with a preparation of pounded
pomegranate skins, to keep them from cracking and
rotting. They are then brought back, either upon
the shoulders of the raftmen or upon donkeys, to
Mosul or Tekrit, where the men engaged in the navi-
gation of the Tigris usually reside.
On the 20th of April, there being fortunately a
slight rise in the river, and the rafts being ready, I
determined to attempt the embarkation of the lion
and bull. The two sculptures had been so placed
on beams that, by withdrawing wedges from under
them, they would slide nearly into the centre of the
raft. The high bank of the river had been cut away
into a rapid slope to the water's edge.
In the morning Mr. Hormuzd Rassam informed
me that signs of discontent had shown themselves
amongst the workmen, and that there was a general
strike for higher wages. They had chosen the time
fixed upon for embarking the sculptures, under the
impression that I should be compelled, from the dif-
ficulty of obtaining any other assistance, to accede to
their terms. Several circumstances had contributed
to this manoeuvre. As I have already mentioned, the
want of rain had led to a complete failure of the crops,
and the country around Kimroud was one yellow


CHAP. XIII.] DEPARTURE OF THE ARABS. 99
barren waste. The villagers had been exposed to
several years of tyranny and oppression, during which
their small stock of grain, unrenewed by fresh har-
vests, had rapidly diminished. Last autumn, en-
couraged by the liberal policy of the new Pasha, they
had sown the small supply of corn that had been
hoarded up, and now that the crops had failed, their
last hopes had perished. If they remained in the coun-
try, they could only look forward to starvation. They
were consequently leaving the plain and migrating
to the Kurdish hills, or to the lands under Mardin
watered by the Khabour; where, by dint of irrigation,
they could hope to raise millet, and other grain, suffi-
cient to meet their wants until the winter rains might
promise better times. The country around Nimroud
was deserted; not a human being was to be seen
within some miles of the place. Abd-ur-rahman,
whose crops had failed like the rest, and who could
no longer find pasture for his flocks in the Jaif, had
followed the example of the villagers, and was mov-
ing northwards. Two or three days previous, his
Arabs, driving before them their sheep and cattle,
and their beasts of burden laden with all the pro-
perty they possessed, had passed under the mound,
on their way to the territories of Beder Khan Bey.
The Sheikh himself had spent the night in my house,
to take leave of me prior to his departure. I con-
sequently remained alone with my workmen, and the
few Arabs who were cultivating millet along the
banks of the Tigris. Not only, in case of a further
H 2


100
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS. [Chap. XIU.
emigration of the Jebour, should I have been left
without the means of carrying on the excavations,
but I should even have run considerable risk from the
parties of Bedouins, who were now taking advantage
of the absence of the Abou Salman to cross the river
in search of plunder—scouring the country by night
and by day. The time chosen by the Jebour to
demand higher wages, and to threaten to leave me,
was not, therefore, ill-chosen. They were persuaded
that I should be compelled to agree to their demands,
or to leave the lion and bull where they were. It
was not, however, my intention to do either.
I found, on issuing from the house, that the Arabs
had already commenced their preparations for de-
parture. The greater part of the tents had been
struck, the flocks were collected together, the donkeys
were half loaded, and all, men and women, were
actively and busily engaged, except half a dozen
families who did not show any desire to leave me.
A few of the Sheikhs were hanging about the door of
my court-yard with gloomy expectant looks, anxious
to learn my decision, and little doubting that, on
seeing the signs of packing, I would at once yield.
However reasonable their demands might have been,
the unceremonious fashion in which they were urged
was somewhat repugnant to my feelings. There are
some bad characters in most societies, who, mis-
chievous themselves, contrive to lead others into
mischief; and I was aware that one or two of the
chiefs, who did not work, but managed to raise
money from those who did, were the originators of


Chap. XIII.] DEPARTURE OF THE ARABs. 101
the scheme. I ordered my Cawass and the Bairakdar
to seize them at once, and then took leave of those
who were preparing to depart. Their plans were some-
what disconcerted, and they went on sullenly with
their arrangements. When at length their prepara-
tions for the march were completed, they moved off
at a very slow pace, looking back continually, not
believing it possible that I would obstinately persist
in my determination to refuse a compromise. As a last
attempt a deputation of one or two Sheikhs came to
express a disinterested anxiety for my safety should
the Jebour leave the country. I did my best to quiet
their alarms by employing the Tiyari to put my pre-
mises into a state of defence, and to reopen all the
loop-holes, which Ibrahim Agha had industriously
made in the walls surrounding my dwelling, when
they had been first built. Defeated in all their endea-
vours to make me sensible of the danger of my posi-
tion, they walked sulkily off to join their companions,
who took care to encamp for the night within sight of
the village. -
Many families, however, refusing to desert me,
pitched their tents under the walls of my house.
The wives, too, of those who were going, had been
to me, sobbing and weeping, protesting that the men,
although anxious to remain, were afraid to disobey
their Sheikhs.
The tents of the Abou Salman were still within
reach, and I despatched a horseman, without delay, to
Sheikh Abd-ur-rahman with a note, acquainting him
H 3


102
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS. [Chap. XUI.
with what had occurred, and requesting him to send
me some of his Arabs to assist in embarking the
bull. There was a rival tribe of the Jebour encamp-
ing at some distance from Nimroud, and I also offered
them work.
In the evening, Abd-ur-rahman, followed by a party
of horsemen, came to Nimroud. He undertook at
once to furnish me with as many men as I might
require to place the sculptures on the rafts, and sent
orders to his people to delay their projected march.
Next morning, when the Jebour perceived a large
body of the Abou Salman advancing towards Nim-
roud, they repented themselves of their manoeuvre,
and returned in a body to offer their services on any
terms that I might think fit to propose. But I was
well able to do without them, and wished to convince
them, that the method they had chosen to put for-
ward their demands was neither rational, nor likely
to prove successful. I refused, therefore, to listen
to any overtures, and commenced my preparations
for embarking the lion and bull with the aid of the
Chaldaeans, the Abou Salman, and such of my Arab
workmen as had remained with me.
The beams of poplar wood, forming an inclined
plane from beneath the sculptures to the rafts,
were first well greased. A raft, supported by six
hundred skins, having been brought to the river
bank, opposite the bull, the wedges were removed
from under the sculpture, which immediately slided
down into its place. The only difficulty was to pre-
vent its descending too rapidly, and bursting the


Chap. XIII.J SHEIKH ABD-UR-RAHMAN.
103
skins by the sudden pressure. The Arabs checked
it by ropes, and it was placed without any accident.
The Hon was then embarked in the same way, and
with equal success, upon a second raft of the same
size as the first ; in a few hours the two sculptures
were properly secured, and before night they were
ready to float down the river to Busrah.
Many slabs, including the large bas-reliefs of the
king on his throne, between the eunuchs and winged
figures which formed the end of chamber G, the
altar-piece in chamber B, and above thirty cases con-
taining small objects discovered in the ruins, were
placed on the rafts with the lion and bull.
After the labours of the day were over, sheep were
slaughtered for the entertainment of Abd-ur-rahman's
Arabs, and for those who had helped in the embark-
ation of the sculptures. The Abou Salman returned
to their tents after dark. Abd-ur-rahman took leave
of me, and we did not meet again; the next day he
continued his march towards the district of Jezirah.
I heard of him on my journey to Constantinople; the
Kurds by the road complaining that his tribe were
making up the number of their flocks, by appropri-
ating the stray sheep of their neighbours. I had
seen much of the Sheikh during my residence at
Nimroud; and although, like all Arabs, he was not
averse to ask for what he thought there might be a
remote chance of getting by a little importunity,
he was, on the whole, a very friendly and useful
ally.
On the morning of the 22d, all the sculptures having
a 4


104
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS. [Chap XIII.
been embarked, I gave two sheep to the raftmen to be
slain on the bank of the river, as a sacrifice to ensure
the success of the undertaking. The carcases were
distributed, cs is proper on such occasions, amongst
the poor. A third sheep was reserved for a pro-
pitiatory offering, to be immolated at the tomb of
Sultan Abd-Allah. This saint still appears to inter-
fere considerably with the navigation of the Tigris, and
had closed the further ascent of the river against the
infidel crew of the Frank steamer the "Euphrates,"
because they had neglected to make the customary
sacrifice. All ceremonies having been duly performed,
Mullah Ali kissed my hand, placed himself on one of
the rafts, and slowly floated, with the cargo under his
charge, down the stream.*
I watched the rafts, until they disappeared be-
hind a projecting bank forming a distant reach of
* It is not improbable that the great obelisk which, according to
Diodorus Siculus (lib. ii. c. 1.), was brought to Babylon from Armenia
by Semiramis, was floated down on rafts supported by skins, in the same
way that I transported the sculptures of Nineveh to Busrah. It was 130
feet in height, and 25 feet square at the base; being cut out of the solid
rock, it must consequently, if the account be not a little exaggerated,
have been of prodigious weight. The principal difficulty might probably
appear to have been to place it on the raft; but this could have been
accomplished by a simple method — by putting the beams forming the
frame-work of wood, and fastening the skins under the obelisk, in some
dry place, which would be overflowed during the periodical floods. When
the water began to rise, by gradually removing the earth from beneath
the skins, they could easily be filled with air; and when the stream had
reached the raft they would lift up the obelisk, which could then be
floated into the centre of the river. I should have adopted this method
of moving the larger lions and bulls, had I been required to send them to
Busrah without being provided with any mechanical contrivance suffi-
ciently powerful to embark such large weights by a simpler process.


Chap. Xin.] INSECURITY AT NIMROUD.
105
the river. I could not forbear musing upon the
strange destiny of their burdens ; which, after adorn-
ing the palaces of the Assyrian kings, the objects of
the wonder, and may be the worship, of thousands,
had been buried unknown for centuries beneath a soil
trodden by Persians under Cyrus, by Greeks under
Alexander, and by Arabs under the first successors
of their prophet. They were now to visit India, to
cross the most distant seas of the southern hemi-
sphere, and to be finally placed in a British Museum.
Who can venture to foretell how their strange career
will end?
I had scarcely returned to the village, when a
party of the refractory Jebour presented themselves.
They were now lavish in professions of regret for
what had occurred, and in promises for the future,
in case they were again employed. They laid the
blame of their misconduct upon their Sheikhs, and
offered to return at once to their work, for any
amount of wages I might think proper to give them.
The excavations at Nimroud were almost brought to
a close, and I had no longer any need of a large body
of workmen. Choosing, therefore, the most active
and well-disposed amongst those who had been in my
service, I ordered a little summary punishment to be
inflicted upon the captive Sheikhs, who had been the
cause of the mischief, and then sent them away with
the rest of the tribe.
After the departure of the Abou Salman, the
plain of Nimroud was a complete desert. The visits
of armed parties of Arabs became daily more fre-


106
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS. [Chap. XIU.
quent, and we often watched them from the mound,
as they rode towards the hills in search of pillage,
or returned from their expeditions driving the plun-
dered flocks and cattle before them. We were still
too strong to fear the Bedouins; but I was com-
pelled to put my house into a complete state of
defence, and to keep patrols round my premises
during the night to avoid surprise. The Jebour
were exposed to constant losses, in the way of don-
keys or tent furniture, as the country was infested
by petty thieves, who issued from their hiding-
places, and wandered to and fro, like jackals, after
dark. Nothing was too small or worthless to escape
their notice. I was roused almost nightly by
shoutings and the discharge of firearms, when the
whole encampment was thrown into commotion at
the disappearance of a copper pot or an old grain
sack. I was fortunate enough to escape their depre-
dations.
The fears of my Jebour increased with the num-
ber of the plundering parties, and at last, when a
small Arab settlement, within sight of Nirnroud, was
attacked by a band of Aneyza horsemen, who mur-
dered several of the inhabitants, and carried away
all the sheep and cattle, the workmen protested in
a body against any further residence in so dan-
gerous a vicinity. I found that it would not be
much longer possible to keep them together, and I
determined, therefore, to bring the excavations to
an end.
After the departure of the lion and bull, I opened,


Chap. XUL]
107
THE PYRAMID.
in the high conical mound or pyramid, a very deep
trench, or rather well, which reached nearly to the
natural platform of river deposits, forming the base
of the artificial structure. The whole mass was
built of sun-dried bricks. There were no remains
of stone or alabaster, nor indeed even of baked
bricks, except in the thin outer coating of earth and
rubbish which had accumulated over the unbaked
bricks. As to the use to which this pyramid was
applied, I can only conjecture that, being originally
cased with stone or coloured baked bricks, it may
have been raised over the tomb of some monarch; or
may have served as an ornament, marking the site
of the city from afar; or that it was intended as a
watch-tower. It was opened on two sides, the
trenches being carried completely into the centre;
but no entrance, nor any traces of an interior chamber
were found. It is possible, however, that on a more
complete and extended examination than I was able
to attempt, some discovery of great interest might be
made, and that this may prove to be the very pyramid,
raised above the remains of the founder of the city,
by the Assyrian Queen — the "busta Nini" under
which may still be some traces of the sepulchre of
the great king. Although the sides of this high
conical mound have been worn away and rounded,
it is evident that its original shape was pyramidical.
As soon as the outer covering, whether of stone or
of baked bricks, had fallen off, or had been re-
moved, the structure of unbaked bricks would rapidly
decay, and would naturally assume its present form.


108
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS. [Chap. XIII.
That it was not at any period hollow, there can
be no doubt. To examine it completely, in order
to ascertain whether any remains exist beneath it,
would be a labour requiring considerable time and
expense.
On the edge of the ravine, to the north of cham-
ber B*, I discovered two enormous winged bulls,
about seventeen feet in height, which had fallen from
their places. They did not form an entrance, but
each one stood alone, adjoining the great slabs
with the colossal winged figures in chambers D,
and E. I was unable to raise them, and the sculp-
tured face of the slab was downwards. They had
evidently been long exposed to the atmosphere, and
the heads had been greatly injured.
I now commenced covering with earth those parts
of the ruins which still remained exposed, according
to the instructions I had received from the Trustees of
the British Museum. Had the numerous sculptures
been left, without any precaution being taken to
preserve them, they would have suffered, not only
from the effects of the atmosphere, but from the
spears and clubs of the Arabs, who are always ready
to knock out the eyes, and to otherwise disfigure, the
idols of the unbelievers. The rubbish and earth re-
moved on opening the building, was accordingly
brought back in baskets, thrown into the chambers,
and heaped over the slabs until the whole was again
covered over.
* Plan 3.


Chap. XIII.]
109
RECAPITULATION.
But before leaving Niinroud and reburying its
palaces, I would wish to lead the reader once more
through the ruins of the principal edifice, and to
convey as distinct an idea as 1 am able of the excavated
halls, and chambers, as they appeared when fully ex-
plored. Let us imagine ourselves issuing from my
tent near the village in the plain. On approaching
the mound, not a trace of building can be perceived,
except a small mud hut covered with reeds, erected
for the accommodation of my Chaldaean workmen.
We ascend this artificial hill, but still see no ruins,
not a stone protruding from the soil. There is only
a broad level platform before us, perhaps covered with
a luxuriant crop of barley, or may be yellow and
parched, without a blade of vegetation, except here
and there a scanty tuft of camel-thorn. Low black
heaps, surrounded by brushwood and dried grass, a
thin column of smoke issuing from the midst of them,
are scattered here and there. These are the tents
of the Arabs; and a few miserable old women are
groping about them, picking up camel's-dung or dry
twigs. One or two girls, with firm step and erect
carriage, are just reaching the top of the mound,
with the water-jar on their shoulders, or a bundle of
brushwood on their heads. On all sides of us, ap-
parently issuing from underground, are long lines
of wild-looking beings, with dishevelled hair, their
limbs only half concealed by a short loose shirt, some
jumping and capering, and all hurrying to and fro
shouting like madmen. Each one carries a basket,
and as he reaches the edge of the mound, or some


110
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS. [Chap. XIIL
convenient spot near, empties its contents, raising at
the same time a cloud of dust. He then returns at
the top of his speed, dancing and yelling as before,
and flourishing his basket over his head; again he
suddenly disappears in the bowels of the earth, from
whence he emerged. These are the workmen em-
ployed in removing the rubbish from the ruins.
We will descend into the principal trench, by a
flight of steps rudely cut into the earth, near the
western face of the mound. As we approach it, wc
find a party of Arabs bending on their knees, and in-
tently gazing at something beneath them. Each holds
his long spear, tufted with ostrich feathers, in one
hand; and in the other the halter of his mare, which
stands patiently behind him. The party consists of
a Bedouin Sheikh from the desert, and his followers;
who, having heard strange reports of the wonders of
Nimroud, have made several days' journey to remove
their doubts and satisfy their curiosity. He rises as
he hears us approach, and if we wish to escape the
embrace of a very dirty stranger, we had better at
once hurry into the trenches.
We descend about twenty feet, and suddenly find
ourselves between a pair of colossal lions, winged
and human-headed, forming a portal. I have already
described my feelings when gazing for the first time
on these majestic figures. Those of the reader would
probably be the same, particularly if caused by
the reflection, that before those wonderful forms
Ezekiel, Jonah, and others of the prophets stood,
and Sennacherib bowed; that even the patriarch


Chap. XIII.]
Ill
RECAPITULATION.
Abraham himself may possibly have looked upon
them.
In the subterraneous labyrinth which we have
reached, all is bustle and confusion. Arabs are run-
ning about in different directions; some bearing
baskets filled with earth, others carrying the water-
jars to their companions. The Chaldaeans or Tiyari,
in their striped dresses and curious conical caps,
are digging with picks into the tenacious earth,
raising a dense cloud of fine dust at every stroke.
The wild strains of Kurdish music may be heard
occasionally issuing from some distant part of the
ruins, and if they are caught by the parties at
work, the Arabs join their voices in chorus, raise
the war-cry, and labour with , renewed energy.
Leaving behind us a small chamber, in which
the sculptures are distinguished by a want of finish
in the execution, and considerable rudeness in the
design of the ornaments, we issue from between
the winged lions, and enter the remains of the prin-
cipal hall. On both sides of us are sculptured gi-
gantic winged figures; some with the heads of eagles,
others entirely human, and carrying mysterious sym-
bols in their hands. To the left is another portal,
also formed by winged lions. One of them has,
however, fallen across the entrance, and there is just
room to creep beneath it. Beyond this portal is a
winged figure, and two slabs with bas-reliefs; but
they have been so much injured that we can scarcely
trace the subject upon them. Further on there are
no traces of wall, although a deep trench has been



112
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS. [Chaj-. XIII.
opened. The opposite side of the hall has also dis-
appeared, and we only see a high wall of earth. On
examining it attentively, we can detect the marks
of masonry; and we soon find that it is a solid
structure built of bricks of unbaked clay, now of the
same colour as the surrounding soil, and scarcely to
be distinguished from it.
The slabs of alabaster, fallen from their original
position, have, however, been raised; and we tread in
the midst of a maize of small bas-reliefs, representing
chariots, horsemen, battles, and sieges. Perhaps the
workmen are about to raise a slab for the first time;
and we watch, with eager curiosity, what new event
of Assyrian history, or what unknown custom or re-
ligious ceremony, may be illustrated by the sculpture
beneath.
Having walked about one hundred feet amongst
these scattered monuments of ancient history and art,
we reach another door-way, formed by gigantic winged
bulls in yellow limestone. One is still entire; but its
companion has fallen, and is broken into several pieces
— the great human head is at our feet.
We pass on without turning into the part of the
building to which this portal leads. Beyond it we
see another winged figure, holding a graceful flower
in its hand, and apparently presenting it as an offer-
ing to the winged bull. Adjoining this sculpture
we find eight fine bas-reliefs. There is the king,
hunting, and triumphing over, the lion and wild
bull; and the siege of the castle, with the battering-
ram. We have now reached the end of the hall, and


Chap. XIIL] RECAPITULATION.
113
find before us an elaborate and beautiful sculpture,
representing two kings, standing beneath the emblem
of the supreme deity, and attended by winged figures.
Between them is the sacred tree. In front of this
bas-relief is the great stone platform, upon which,
in days of old, may have been placed the throne of
the Assyrian monarch, when he received his captive
enemies, or his courtiers.
To the left of us is a fourth outlet from the hall,
formed by another pair of lions. We issue from
between them, and find ourselves on the edge of a
deep ravine, to the north of which rises, high above
us, the lofty pyramid. Figures of captives bearing
objects of tribute, — ear-rings, bracelets, and mon-
keys,—may be seen on walls near this ravine; and
two enormous bulls, and two winged figures above
fourteen feet high, are lying on its very edge.
As the ravine bounds the ruins on this side, we
must return to the yellow bulls. Passing through
the entrance formed by them, we enter a large cham-
ber surrounded by eagle-headed figures: at one end
of it is a doorway guarded by two priests or divi-
nities, and in the centre another portal with winged
bulls. Whichever way we turn, we find ourselves
in the midst of a nest of rooms; and without an
acquaintance with the intricacies of the place, we
should soon lose ourselves in this labyrinth. The
accumulated rubbish being generally left in the
centre of the chambers, the whole excavation con-
sists of a number of narrow passages, panelled on
one side with slabs of alabaster; and shut in on the
vol. u. I


114 NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS. [CHAP. XIII.
other by a high wall of earth, half buried in which
may here and there be seen a broken vase, or a brick
painted with brilliant colours. We may wander
through these galleries for an hour or two, examin-
ing the marvellous sculptures, or the numerous
inscriptions that surround us. Here we meet long
rows of kings, attended by their eunuchs and priests,
— there lines of winged figures, carrying fir-cones,
and religious emblems, and seemingly in adoration
before the mystic tree. Other entrances, formed
by winged lions and bulls, lead us into new cham-
bers. In every one of them are fresh chjects of
curiosity and surprise. At length, wearied, we issue
from the buried edifice by a trench on the opposite
side to that by which we entered, and find ourselves
again upon the naked platform. We look around in
vain for any traces of the wonderful remains we have
just seen, and are half inclined to believe that we
have dreamed a dream, or have been listening to
some tale of Eastern romance.
Some, who may hereafter tread on the spot when
the grass again grows over the ruins of the Assyrian
palaces, may indeed suspect that I have been relating
a vision.


Cuap. XIV.]
115
KOUYUNJIK.
CHAP. XIV.
EXCAVATIONS PLANNED AT KOUYUNJIK. LEAVE NIMROUD.
REMOVE TO MOSUL. DISCOVERY OF A BUILDING IN KOUYUNJIK.
BAS-RELIEFS. — GENERAL DESCRIPTION OF THE SCULPTURES.
EXCAVATIONS CARRIED ON BY MR. ROSS. HIS DISCOVERIES.
BAS-RELIEFS. A SCULPTURED SLAB AND SARCOPHAGUS.
PREPARATIONS FOR MY RETURN TO CONSTANTINOPLE. LEAVE
MOSUL.
The chambers at Nimroud had been filled up with
earth, and the sculptures thus preserved from injury.
The surrounding country became daily more danger-
ous from the incursions of the Arabs of the desert,
who now began to encamp even on the west bank of
the Tigris. It was time, therefore, to leave the village.
As a small sum of money still remained at my disposal,
I proposed to devote it to an examination of the ruins
opposite Mosul; particularly of the great mound of
Kouyunjik. Although excavations on a small scale
had already been made there, I had not hitherto had
time to superintend them myself, and in such re-
searches the natives of the country cannot be trusted.
It is well known that almost since the fall of the
Assyrian empire, a city of some extent, representing
the ancient Nineveh, although no longer the seat of
government, nor a place of great importance, has
stood on the banks of the Tigris in this part of its
course. The modern city may not have been built
above the ruins of the ancient; but it certainly rose
in their immediate vicinity, either to the east of the
i 2


116
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS. [Chap. XIV.
river, or to the west, as the modern Mosul. The
alabaster slabs, which had once lined the walls of
the old palaces, and still remained concealed within
mounds, had been frequently exposed by accident
or by design. Those who were settling in the neigh-
bourhood, soon found that the ruins offered an
inexhaustible mine of building materials. The ala-
baster was dug out to be either used entire in the
construction of houses, or to be burnt for lime. A
few years ago a bas-relief had been discovered in one
part of the ruins, during a search after stones for the
erection of a bridge across the Tigris. The removal
of slabs, and the destruction of sculptures, for similar
purposes, may have been going on for centuries.
There was, therefore, good reason to doubt whether
any edifice, even in an imperfect state, still existed in
Kouyunjik. I knew that under the village, containing
the tomb of the prophet Jonah, there were remains of
considerable importance, probably as entire as those
discovered at Nirnroud. They owe their preservation
to the existence, from a very remote period, of the
tomb and village above them. Portions of sculpture
and inscriptions had frequently been found, when the
inhabitants of the place had dug the foundations of
their dwellings. But the prejudices of the people
of Mosul forbade any attempt to explore a spot so
venerated for its sanctity.
The edifices at Nirnroud, being far distant from
any large town, when once buried, were not dis-
turbed. It does not appear that after the fall of the
Empire any place of importance rose near them,


CHAP. XIV.] LEAVE NIMROUD. 117
except Selamiyah, which is now but an insignificant
village, although it may formerly have been a small
market town. It is three miles from the mound, and
there are no remains near it to show that, at any
time since the Assyrian period, it attained a consider-
able size. It may, consequently, be inferred that the
great mound of Nimroud has never been opened,
and its contents carried away for building purposes,
since the destruction of the latest palace; except, as
it has already been mentioned, when a Pasha of
Mosul endeavoured to remove one or two slabs to
repair the tomb of a Mussulman saint.
By the middle of May, I had finished my work at
Nimroud. My house was dismantled. The windows
and doors which had been temporarily fitted up, were
taken out; and, with the little furniture that had
been collected together, were placed on the backs of
donkeys and camels to be carried to the town. The
Arabs struck their tents and commenced their march.
I remained behind until every one had left, and then
turned my back upon the deserted village. We were
the last to quit the plains of Nimroud; and, indeed,
nearly the whole country to the south of Mosul, as far
as the Zab, became, after our departure, a wilderness.
Halfway between Mosul and Nimroud the road
crosses a low hill. From its crest, both the town
and the ruins are visible. On one side, in the dis-
tance, rises the pyramid, in the midst of the broad
plain of the Jaif; and on the other may be faintly
distinguished the great artificial mound of Kouyunjik,
and the surrounding remains. The leaning minaret
I 3


118
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS. [Chai\XIV.
of the old mosque of Mosul may also be seen spring-
ing above the dark patch which marks the site of
the town. The river can be traced for many miles,
winding in the midst of the plain, suddenly losing
itself amongst low hills, and again emerging into the
level country. The whole space over which the eye
ranges from this spot was probably once covered
with the buildings and gardens of the Assyrian
capital—that great city of three days' journey. At
an earlier period, that distant pyramid directed the
traveller from afar to Nineveh, when the limits of
the city were small. It was then one of those pri-
mitive settlements which, for the first time, had
been formed by the congregated habitations of men.
To me, of course, the long dark fine of mounds
in the distance were objects of deep interest. I
reined up my horse to look upon them for the last
time—for from no other part of the road are they
visible—and then galloped on towards Mosul.
In excavating at Kouyunjik, 1 pursued the plan
I had adopted at Nimroud. I resided in the town.
The Arabs pitched their tents on the summit of the
mound, at the entrances to the trenches. The Tiyari
encamped at its foot, on the banks of the Khausser, the
small stream which flows through the ruins. Here the
men and women found a convenient place for their
constant ablutions. They were still obliged, however,
to fetch water, when required for other purposes,
from the Tigris; that from the Khausser being con-
sidered heavy and unwholesome. It is rarely drunk
by those who live near the stream, if other water can


Chap. XIV.] ASSYRIAN BUINS.
119
be obtained from wells, or even from natural pools
formed by the rain. The nearness of the ruins to Mosul
enabled the inhabitants of the town to gratify their
curiosity by a constant inspection of my proceedings;
and a great crowd of gaping Mussulmans and Chris-
tians was continually gathered round the trenches. I
rode to the mound early every morning, and remained
there during the day.
The French consul had carried on his excavations
for some time at Kouyunjik, without finding any
traces of building. He was satisfied with digging
pits or wells, a few feet deep, and then renouncing
the attempt, if no sculptures or inscriptions were un-
covered. By excavating in this desultory manner, if
any remains of building existed under ground, their
discovery would be a mere chance. An acquaintance
with the nature and position of the ancient edifices of
Assyria, will at one suggest the proper method of
examining the mounds which enclose them. The
Assyrians, when about to build a palace or public
edifice, appear to have first constructed a platform, or
solid compact mass of sun-dried bricks, about thirty
or forty feet above the level of the plain. Upon it
they raised the monument. When the building was
destroyed, its ruins, already half buried by the
falling in of the upper walls and roof, remained of
course on the platform; and we're in process of time
completely covered up by the dust and sand, carried
about by the hot winds of summer. Consequently,
in digging for remains, the first step is to search the
platform of sun-dried bricks. When this is discovered,


120
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS. [Chap. XIV.
the trenches must be opened to the level of it, and
not deeper; they should then be continued in oppo-
site directions, care being always taken to keep along
the platform. By these means, if there be any ruins
they must necessarily be discovered, supposing the
trenches to be long enough; for the chambers of the
Assyrian edifices are generally narrow, and their
walls, or the slabs which cased them if fallen, must
sooner or later be reached.
At Kouyunjik, the accumulation of rubbish and
earth was very considerable, and trenches were dug
to the depth of twenty feet, before the platform of
unbaked bricks was discovered. Before beginning
the excavations, I carefully examined all parts of the
mound, to ascertain where remains of buildings might
most probably exist; and at length decided upon con-
tinuing my researches where I had commenced them
last summer, near the south-west corner.
The workmen had been digging for several days
without finding any other remains than fragments of
calcined alabaster, sufficient, however, to encourage
me to persevere in the examination of this part of the
ruins. One morning as I was in Mosul, two Arab
women came to me, and announced that sculptures
had been discovered. They had hurried from the
mounds as soon as the first slab had been exposed to
view; and blowing up the skins, which they always
carry about with them, had swum upon them across
the river. They had scarcely received the present
claimed in the East by the bearers of good tidings,
and the expectation of which had led to the display


Chap. XIV.] DISCOVERY OF A NEW PALACE.
121
of so much eagerness, than one of my overseers, who
was generally known from his corpulence as Toma
Shishman, or fat Toma, made his appearance, breath-
less from his exertions. He had hurried as fast as his
legs could carry him over the bridge, to obtain the
reward carried off, in this instance, by the women.
I rode immediately to the ruins; and, on entering
the trenches, found that the workmen had reached a
wall, and the remains of an entrance. The only slab
as yet uncovered had been almost completely de-
stroyed by fire. It stood on the edge of a deep ravine
which ran far into the southern side of the mound.
As the excavations of Kouyunjik were carried on
in precisely the same manner as those of Nimroud, I
need not trouble the reader with any detailed account
of my proceedings. The wall first discovered proved
to be the side of a chamber. By following it we
reached an entrance formed by winged bulls, leading
into a second hall. In a month nine chambers had
been explored.
The palace had been destroyed by fire. The ala-
baster slabs were almost reduced to lime, and many
of them fell to pieces as soon as uncovered. The
places, which others had occupied, could only be
traced by a thin white deposit, left by the burnt ala-
baster upon the wall of sun-dried bricks, and having
the appearance of a coating of plaster.
In its architecture, the newly discovered edifice
resembled the palaces of Nimroud, and Khorsabad.
The chambers were long and narrow. The walls
were of unbaked bricks, with a panelling of sculp-


122
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS. [Chap. XIV.
tured slabs. The bas-reliefs were, however, much
larger in their dimensions than those generally found
at Nimroud, being about ten feet high, and from
eight to nine feet wide. The winged, human-headed
bulls, forming the entrances, were from fourteen to
sixteen feet square. The slabs, unlike those I had
hitherto discovered, were not divided in the centre
by bands of inscription, but were completely covered
with figures. The bas-reliefs were greatly inferior in
general design, and in the beauty of the details, to
those of the earliest palace of Nimroud; but in many
parts they were very carefully and minutely finished:
in this respect Kouyunjik yields to no other known
monument in Assyria. The winged bulls resembled
in their head-dress those forming the portals in the
southern ruins at Nimroud, and like them they had
four legs.* In the costumes of the warriors, and in
the trappings and caparisons of the horses, the sculp-
tures were similar to those of Khorsabad.
Inscriptions were not numerous. They occurred
between the legs of the winged bulls, above the head
of the king, on bas-reliefs representing the siege or
sacking of a city, and on the backs of many slabs;
but they were all much defaced, and I had great
difficulty in copying even a few characters from some
of them. Those on the bulls were long, the same
inscription being continued on the two sides of an
• It has already been mentioned that the winged lions of the north-
west palace at Nimroud were furnished with five legs, that the spectator,
in whatever situation he stood, might have a perfect front and side view
of the animal.


Chap. XIV.]
123
SMALL OBJECTS.
entrance. As four pairs of these gigantic figures,
were discovered, each pair bearing nearly the same
inscription, the whole may be restored out of the
fragments copied.*
The name of the king, occurring both on the backs
of slabs and on bricks, resembles that occupying the
second place in the genealogical list in the short in-
scriptions on the bulls and lions of the southern, or
most recent, palace of Nimroud. He was the son of
the builder of Khorsabad. The comparative epoch of
the foundation of this edifice can thus be ascertained,
and its positive date will probably be hereafter de-
termined. Long before the discovery of the ruins, I
had conjectured, from a hasty examination of a few
fragments of sculpture and inscription picked up on
the mound, that the building which once stood
there must be referred to the time of the Khorsabad
king, or of his immediate predecessors or successors.
There are certain peculiarities in the bas-reliefs, in
the ornaments, and in some of the characters used
in the inscriptions, which distinguish the sculptures,
and connect them, at the same time, with those of
Khorsabad.
In the earth, above the edifice of Kouyunjik, a
few earthen vases and fragments of pottery were
discovered; but no sarcophagi, or tombs with human
remains, like those of Nimroud and Kalah Sherghat.
The foundations of buildings, of roughly hewn stone,
were also found above the Assyrian ruins. One or
* It is included in the collection printed for the Trustees of the British
Museum.


124
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS. [Chap. XIV.
two small glass bottles entire, and many fragments
of glass, were taken out of the rubbish; and on the
floors of the chambers were several small oblong
tablets of dark unbaked clay, having a cuneiform
inscription over the sides. Detached slabs of lime-
stone, covered with inscriptions, were also found in
the ruins.*
I will now describe the subjects of such of the
sculptures, as could still be traced on the walls of
the chambers. A continual reference to the ac-
companying plan will be necessary, to convey to the
reader an idea of the nature and extent of the
edifice partly uncovered.
The first chamber seen on entering the trenches
from the ravine, was that marked A, on the plan.
The two slabs which once formed its entrance had
been almost entirely destroyed. Upon the lower part
of them could be distinguished the feet and claws of
an eagle or vulture, and it is probable that the bas-
relief, when entire, represented a human figure with
the head and extremities of a bird. The relief must
have been, I think, even higher than that of the sculp-
tures of Khorsabad. All the slabs within the chamber
had been as much injured as those at the entrance.
The upper part of the wall had been completely de-
stroyed; on the lower (about three feet of which re-
mained) could be traced processions of warriors, and
captives passing through a thickly-wooded, moun-
tainous country; the mountains being represented, as
• The greater part of these small objects are in the British Museum.


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To face page 124. Vol. II.
*
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ExCAVATED RUINS AT KOUYUNJIK.
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Chap. XIV.] DESCRIPTION OF BAS-RELIEFS.
125
in the bas-reliefs of Nimroud, by a network of lines.
On the fragment of a slab*, I could distinguish an
altar or tripod, with vessels of various shapes near it.
An eunuch, carrying an utensil resembling a censer,
stood before the altar.f
The southern extremity of hall B, had been com-
pletely destroyed by the water-duct which had formed
the ravine. Its width was about forty-five feet, and
the length of the western wall, from the entrance of
chamber A (to the south of which it could not be
traced), was nearly one hundred and sixty feet. The
first and second slabs J on the west side -of the hall
appear to have been occupied by one subject, the
burning and sacking of a city. The bas-relief was
divided into several parts by parallel lines. In the
upper compartment, which occupied about half the
sculpture, were represented houses some two and three
stories high; they had been fired by the enemy, and
flames were seen issuing from the windows and doors.
Beneath were three rows of warriors, some marching
in file—each corps or regiment being distinguished
by the forms of the helmets, arms, and shields of the
men. Others were carrying away the spoil, consist-
ing of furniture, vases, chariots, and horses. On the
bottom of the slabs were figured vines bearing grapes.
The captured city stood upon a mountain, and above
it was a short inscription, probably containing its
* No. 11. in the plan.
t All the sculptures in this chamber were so much defaced that I was
unable to make sketches of them.
J Nos. 1. and 2. in the plan.


126
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS. [Chap.XIV.
name, and a record of the event represented by the
bas-relief. The legend was unfortunately almost ille-
gible. The two slabs were greatly injured, and in
many places had been entirely destroyed.*
On the adjoining slab was a mountain clothed with
forests. Scattered amongst the trees were seen many
warriors, some descending in military array, and lead-
ing prisoners towards a castle, the wall of which
could be distinguished on the edge of the slab; others
ascending the steep rocks with the aid of their spears,
or resting, seated under the trees, f The next slab
probably contained a part of the same subject, but it
had been completely destroyed.
The wall was here interrupted by an entrance
formed by two winged bulls, nearly 16\ feet square,
and sculptured out of one slab. The human heads
of these gigantic animals had disappeared. The in-
scription, which originally covered all parts of the
slab not occupied by the relief, was so much defaced,
that I was only able to copy a few lines of it. This
entrance was narrow, scarcely exceeding six feet,
differing in this respect from the entrances at Nimroud.
The pavement was formed by one slab, elaborately
carved with figures of flowers resembling the lotus,
and with other ornaments. Behind the bulls was a
short inscription containing the name and titles of
the king.
Beyond this entrance the walls of the great hall,
to the distance of forty-five feet, had been destroyed.
• "Monuments of Nineveh," Plate 74. f Id., plate 69.


Chap. XIV.] DESCRIPTION OF BAS-RELIEFS. 127
On the lower part of a slab* could be traced the
extremities of a human figure, but the remaining
sculptures were completely defaced. Of the slabs
forming the rest of the wall, to the end of the
chamber, only two were sufficiently well preserved to
be drawn, even in part,—those numbered 9. and 13.
in the plan. On the others I could trace, with dif-
ficulty, warriors descending and ascending thickly-
wooded mountains, as in the bas-relief already de-
scribed. On No. 9-. was the interior of a castle, the
walls flanked by towers, and having angular battle-
ments ; the whole represented, as at Nimroud, by a
kind of ground plan. The king, seated within, on a
high chair or throne, was receiving his vizir, who
was accompanied by his attendants. Behind the
king stood two eunuchs, raising fans or fly-flappers
over his head. Without the walls were prisoners,
their hands confined by manacles: and within were
represented the interiors of several houses and tents.
In the tents were seen men apparently engaged in a
variety of domestic occupations, and articles of fur-
niture, such as tables, couches, and chairs. To the
tent-poles were suspended some utensils, perhaps
vases thus hung up, as is still the custom in the East,
to cool water. Above the head of the king was one
line of inscription containing his name and titles.
The castle was built on a mountain, and was sur-
rounded by trees. It had probably been captured
by the Assyrians, and the bas-relief represented the
* Marked No. 5. in the plan.


128
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS. [Chap. XIV.
king celebrating his victory, and receiving his pri-
soners within the walls.*
On slab No. 13. was recorded the conquest of a
mountainous country. The enemy occupied the sum-
mit of a wooded hill, which they defended against
numerous Assyrian warriors who were seen scaling
the rocks, supporting themselves with their spears
and with poles, or drawing themselves up by the
branches of trees. Others, returning from the combat,
were descending the mountains driving captives before
them, or carrying away the heads of the slain, f
A spacious entrance at the upper end of the hall'
opened into a small chamber, which will be hereafter
described. The bulls forming this portal were in
better preservation than those discovered at the first
entrance. The human heads, with the high and
elaborately adorned tiara of the later Assyrian period,
although greatly injured, could still be distinguished.
Of the inscription also a considerable portion re-
mained entire.
Upon the two slabs beyond this entrance J was a
subject of considerable interest. Vessels filled with
warriors, and females, were represented leaving a
castle, built on the sea-shore, and on the declivity of
a mountain. A man stood at the castle gate, which
opened immediately upon the water. A woman, who
had already embarked in one of the ships, was seen
stretching out her arms to receive a child which the
man was giving to her. The sea was indicated by wavy
* "Monuments of Nineveh," Plate 77. t M-, Plate 70.
J Noa. 14. and 15. in the plan.


Chap. XIV.] DESCRIPTION OF SCULPTURES.
12!)
lines, carried across the slab from top to bottom,
and by fish, crabs, and turtles. The vessels were
of two kinds; some had masts and sails as well as
oars, others were impelled by rowers alone. They
were furnished with two decks. On the upper stood
warriors armed with spears, and women wearing
high turbans or mitres. On the lower (which was
probably divided into two compartments) were double
sets of rowers; eight, and sometimes ten men sitting
on a side, making sixteen or twenty in all. The
sides of the upper deck, as well as the battlements of
the castle on the sea shore, were hung with shields.*
From the costume of the figures, and the position
of the city, it would appear that they were not As-
syrians, but a conquered people, flying from the
enemy. It will be shown that an Assyrian conquest
of the Tyrians, or of some other nation occupying
the coast of the Mediterranean, was probably re-
corded by the bas-relief.
On the two slabs adjoining the sea piece f was repre-
sented the besieging army. The upper part of both
slabs had been destroyed; on the lower were still
preserved a few Assyrian warriors, protected by the
high wicker shield, and discharging arrows in the
direction of the castle. Rows of prisoners, with their
hands bound, were also seen led away by the con-
querors.
A third entrance, narrower than that on the op-
posite side of the hall, led into a chamber to the east.
* "Monuments of Nineveh," Plate 71.
f Nos. 16. and 17. in the plan.
VOL. II. K


130
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS. [Chap. XIV.
It was formed by two winged human-headed bulls
and two slabs, with bas-reliefs representing a battle
in a hilly country, wooded with pines or fir trees.
All these sculptures had been greatly injured.
Beyond this entrance the slabs, to the distance of
fourteen feet, had been completely destroyed. The
first, partly preserved, was that numbered 20 in the
plan. It was divided into six compartments. In
the upper was represented the sack of a city, out
of which men were dragging chariots, and driving
horses and cattle; a second castle stood on a hill
above. In the second and third compartments were
combats between horsemen and warriors on foot;
and in the remainder, rows of chariots, drawn by
two horses and carrying each three warriors, pre-
ceded by horsemen armed with long spears. At the
bottom of the slab, and between the warriors, were
trees.
Two other slabs were uncovered, but the subjects
upon them could not be ascertained. As the trench
now approached the ravine, and there appeared to be
no chance of finding any sculptures, even sufficiently
well preserved to be drawn, I removed the workmen
to another part of the ruins.
The doorway on the west side of the hall led into
a second hall*, the four sides of which were almost
entire. The bas-reliefs had unfortunately suffered
greatly from the fire, and in many places the slabs
had disappeared altogether. Mixed with the rubbish,
• Hall C in the plan.


Chap. XIV.] DESCRIPTION OF SCULPTURES. 131
which covered this part of the ruins, were fragments
of alabaster, and remains of sculpture.
The three first slabs to the left * appear to have
been each divided into three compartments. In the
first and second were rows of archers and slingers;
and in the third warriors marching in single file, and
each carrying a spear and a shield. On the two fol-
lowing slabs was one subject — the taking by assault
of a city or castle, built near a river in a mountainous
country, and surrounded by trees. Warriors, armed
with spears, were scaling the rocks, and archers, dis-
charging their arrows at the besieged, stood at the foot
of the mountain. The upper half of both slabs, con-
taining the greater part of the castle and the figures
of those who manned its walls, had been destroyed.f
On the sixth slab the same castle was continued.
The walls were carried down the sides of the moun-4h
tain to its foot; and houses were represented on the
banks of the river. The archers and spearmen of the
besieging army, were assembled without the city.
Some warriors had already mounted the walls, and
were slaying the besieged on the house tops; whilst
others were leading off the captives they had taken.
The river was full of fish, tortoises, and eels. J
The adjoining corner stone § was divided into three
compartments; the upper contained mountains and
trees: in the centre were represented an eunuch, and
a bearded scribe writing down on rolls of parchment
* N03. I, 2, anil 3. in the plan, t "Monuments of Nineveh," Plate 79.
t Id. Plate 78. § No. 7. in the plan.


132
NINEVEH AND ITS BliMAINS. tCiiAP. XIV.
or leather, the number of heads of the enemy which
were brought to them by two warriors, who were
placing their trophies in a heap at the feet of the
registrars. Iir the lower compartment were three
warriors with spears and shields.
On No. 8. was the king in his chariot, preceded by
warriors on foot. A.t the bottom of the slab was
a river, and at the top, mountains and trees. This
bas-relief was also much injured. On the five follow-
ing slabs, which were almost entirely defaced, could
be traced one subject, the siege and sack of a city.
The king appeared in his chariot, and warriors were
seen driving off prisoners and cattle. The mountains
and river still indicated the scene of the events re-
corded. On slab No. 14. men and women led off as
prisoners, and flocks of sheep and goats, and herds of
^cattle, were better preserved than the figures on the
preceding slabs.
From No. 14. to the entrance b, which opened into
another hall, the bas-reliefs had been almost com-
pletely destroyed. Here and there I could trace war-
riors discharging their arrows, prisoners and cattle
driven away, and a king or warrior in his chariot.
There were also the outlines of castles, mountains,
and trees; but the whole series was far too much
injured to be even sketched.
The winged bulls, forming the entrance into the
hall to the west, were also in a very dilapidated con-
dition, and he heads were wanting. Between them
I discovered a lion-headed human figure, raising a


Chap. XIV.] DESCRIPTION OF SCULPTURES.
133
sword or staff in one hand. It was sculptured on a
small slab. Half the figure had been destroyed.*
Beyond this entrance the walls were in no better
condition. On slab No. 27. could be traced a double
row of warriors, carrying spears and shields, sepa-
rated by a river from horsemen riding amongst moun-
tains. No. 28. had been entirely destroyed by a
well, opened in this part of the mound, and carried
through the wall. On No. 29. could be distinguished
men leading horses, and warriors bringing the heads
of the slain to the scribes. The bottom of the slab
was occupied by horsemen ascending mountains,
separated by a river from the figures above. No. 30.
was better preserved than any of the preceding slabs.
The king stood in a chariot, holding a bow in his
left hand, and raising his right in token of triumph.
He was accompanied by a charioteer, and by an at-
tendant bearing an umbrella, to which was hung a
long curtain falling behind the back of the king, and
screening him entirely from the sun. The chariot
was drawn by two horses, and was preceded by
spearmen and archers. Above the king was origi-
nally a short inscription, probably containing his
name and titles, but it had been entirely defaced.
Horsemen, crossing well-wooded mountains, were
separated from the group just described by a river
abounding in fish.f
The remaining bas-reliefs in this chamber appear
to have recorded similar events,—.the conquests of the
* "Monuments of Nineveh," Plate 82. (No. 1.)
t Id., Plate 80.
* 3


134 NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS. [Chap. XIV.
Assyrians, and the triumphs of their king. Only four
of them unfortunately were sufficiently well preserved
to enable me to make drawings; the rest were almost
completely destroyed. On Nos. 36. and 37. the taking
by assault of a city was portrayed with great spirit.
Warriors, armed with spears, were mounting ladders
placed against the walls; those who manned the bat-
tlements and towers being held in check and assailed
by archers who discharged their arrows from below.
The enemy defended themselves with spears and bows,
and carried small oblong shields. Above the castle a
small inscription recorded most probably the name
of the city captured by the Assyrians; it had unfor-
tunately suffered great injury, a few characters only
being preserved. Under the castle walls were cap-
tives, driven off by the conquerors ; and at the bottom
and top of the slab were mountains, trees, and a river
to indicate the nature of the country in which the
event represented took place.*
The entrance b of chamber C, formed by two winged
bulls, led into a further chamber, a part only of which
I was able to explore. The alabaster slabs had in
many places completely disappeared, and I could not
even trace the walls and form of the apartment. On
slabs Nos. 1. and 2. was portrayed a mountainous
country; a river ran through the midst of it. The
higher parts of the mountains were clothed with a
forest of pines or firs, the middle region by vine-
yards, and the lower by trees, resembling those
sculptured on other slabs, probably the dwarf oak of
* "Monuments of Nineveh," Plate C8.


Chap. XIV.] DESCRIPTION OF SCULPTURES.
135
the country. The king was seen riding through the
forest in his chariot, accompanied by many horse-
men.*
The remaining slabs were covered from top to
bottom with rows of warriors, spearmen, and archers,
in their respective costumes, and in military array.
Each slab must have contained several hundred
minute figures, sculptured with great care and de-
licacy. •
I found only one outlet from this chamber, that
at entrance J. -The chambers to the west were dis-
covered by digging through the wall at the upper
end of chamber A. Here too, the fire had raged;
and whilst the walls had in many places completely
disappeared, the few slabs that still remained in
their places were broken into a thousand pieces, and
could scarcely be held together whilst I sketched
the bas-reliefs. The chambers were half filled by
a heap of charcoal, earth, and fragments of burnt
alabaster.
Upon the walls of chamber D, were the siege and
capture of a city, standing on the banks of a river
in the midst of forests and mountains. On one slab
could be seen warriors cutting down trees, to form an
approach to the castle, whilst others were combating
with the enemy in the woods.f On the adjoining
slabs were warriors scaling the walls, slaughtering
sheep, driving off captives and cattle, and carrying
away the heads of the slain. Small figures, wear-
» "Monuments of Nineveh," Plate 81.
f Id., Plate 76.
k 4


136 NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS. [CHAP. XIV
ing high caps, and having their hands joined in
front, were represented as sitting astride on poles,
and borne on men's shoulders. They may have been
the divinities, or idols, of the conquered people.” The
king in his chariot, the umbrella held over his head by
an eunuch, was receiving the spoil.
On the bottom of slab No. 7. was a fisherman fishing
with a hook and line in a pond. Upon his back was
a wicker basket, containing the fish he had caught.
This was almost the only fragment of sculpture that
I was able to move and send to England, as a specimen
of the bas-reliefs of Kouyunjik.
Of the walls of chamber E, the lower part, to the
height of about four feet, alone remained. Upon it
could be traced long lines of captives; amongst them
women carrying their children, and riding on mules.
The prisoners were brought by archers before war-
riors, standing to receive them, with their spears
raised, and their shields resting on the ground.t
The bas-reliefs on the walls of chamber F, recorded
the victories and triumphs of the king in a moun-
tainous country, and the siege of a city standing on
the banks of a river. The king stood in his chariot,
and around him were warriors leading away horses
and captives, bringing heads to the scribes, and con-
tending in battle with the enemy. All the slabs,
however, were equally injured. The figures upon
them could scarcely be distinguished.
* “Monuments of Nineveh," Plate 75
f Id., Plates 82. (No. 3.) and 83.





ſº-
º


138
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS. [Chap.XIV.
some discharging, at the same time, their arrows.*
Beneath the horsemen were rows of chariots and led
horses. After my departure from Mosul, Mr. Ross
continued the excavations along this wall, and disco-
vered several other slabs and the openings into three
new chambers, one entrance having, it appears, been
formed by four sphinxes, fragments of. which were
found amongst the rubbish. The subjects of the bas-
reliefs appear to have been nearly the same as those
preceding them. Mr. Ross could trace chariots, horse-
men, archers, and warriors in mail. The country in
which the events recorded took place, was indicated
by a river and palm trees. On one slab were the
remains of two lions. This wall having ceased alto-
gether, he first opened a trench in the same direction,
but without coming upon other remains of building.
Resuming the excavations at right angles to the
end of the wall, he discovered, about eighteen feet
from it, an immense square slab, which he conjectures
to be a dais or altar, resembling that found in the
great hall of the principal edifice at Nimroud.f The
wall was continued beyond it. The lower part of a
few slabs still remained, and it was evident that they
had been sculptured ; but this part of the building had
been so completely destroyed by fire, that Mr. Ross
soon renounced any further attempt to examine it.
This was the extent of my discoveries at Kouy-
unjik. The ruins were evidently those of a palace
of great extent and magnificence. From the size of
* Casts of two of these horsemen are In the British Museum,
t See Vol. L p. 134.


Chap. XIV.] MR. ROSS'S DISCOVERIES.
139
the slabs and the number of the figures, the walls,
when entire and painted, as they no doubt originally
were, must have been of considerable beauty, and
the dimensions of the chambers must have added
greatly to the general effect. At that time the
palace rose above the river, which swept round the
foot of the mound. Then also the edifice, now
covered by the village of Nebbi Yunus, stood entire
above the stream, and the whole quadrangle was
surrounded by lofty walls cased with stone, their
towers adorned with sculptured alabaster, and* their
gateways formed by colossal bulls. The position of
the ruins proves, that at one time this was one of
the most important parts of Nineveh; and the mag-
nificence of the remains, that the edifices must have
been founded by one of the greatest of the Assyrian
monarchs.
Mr. Ross having been requested, by the Trustees of
the British Museum, to carry on the excavations, on a
small scale, in Kouyunjik, he judiciously made ex-
periments in various parts of the mound. His dis-
coveries are of great interest, and tend to prove that
there were more buildings than one on the platform;
but whether they were all of the same epoch I have
no means of judging; Mr. Ross not having yet sent
me the copies of any inscriptions from the palace last
explored by him. Unfortunately the building newly
found owes its destruction to fire, like that in the
south-west corner. Hitherto Mr. Ross has been un-
able to move any entire bas-reliefs, although there
are fragments which, it is hoped, will be secured, and


140
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS. [Chap. XIV.
added to the collection of Assyrian antiquities to be
brought to this country.
Mr. Ross, on abandoning the edifice that I had dis-
covered, removed the workmen to the opposite side of
the mound. Here he has found a chamber formed
by slabs divided in the centre, as at Khorsabad and
Nimroud, by bands of inscriptions, and having bas-
reliefs in the two compartments. "The sculptures
represent," writes Mr. Ross, " the return of an army
in triumph, with chariots, led horses, and captives;
marching along the banks of a river, upon which are
groves of date-trees in fruit. The river is full of fish,
tortoises and crabs. Beyond is a city (also on the
banks of the river), out of the gates of which are
proceeding men and women on foot, in carts drawn
by oxen, and on mules, some bearing presents to the
conquerors. Near the castle is a field of millet in
ear. In the procession are carried two circular models
of towns" (probably representing places captured by
the king). "The accumulation of earth above the
ruins is so great that the workmen are now tunnel-
ling to reach the sculptures."
At the foot of the mound Mr. Ross has found
a monument of considerable interest. It was first
uncovered by a man ploughing. In shape it some-
what resembles a tombstone, being about three feet
high, and rounded at the top. Upon it is a figure,
probably that of a king, and a long inscription in
the cuneiform character. Above the figure are
various emblems, amongst which is the winged di-
vinity in the circle. It was erect, and supported by


Chap. XIV.] PERIOD OF KOUYUNJIK.
141
brickwork when discovered; and near it was a sarco-
phagus in baked clay. Mr Ross suggests that the
whole may have been an Assyrian tomb; but I
question whether there is sufficient evidence to prove
that its original site was where it was found; or that
it had not been used, as portions of slabs with in-
scriptions at Niraroud, by people who occupied the
country after the destruction of the pure Assyrian
monuments. This interesting relic is nearly perfect,
one corner alone having been injured.
In a mound, so vast as that of Kouyunjik, it is
probable that many remains of the highest interest
still exist. As it has been seen, the accumulation
of rubbish is so great, that a mere superficial ex-
amination would not suffice to prove the absence of
subterranean buildings. Hitherto only two corners
of the mound have been partially explored; and in
both have ruins, with sculptures and inscriptions,
been discovered. They have been exposed to the
same great conflagration which apparently destroyed
all the edifices built upon the platform. It is possible,
however, that other parts of these palaces may be
found, which, if they have not escaped altogether the
general destruction, may at least be sufficiently well
preserved to admit of the removal of many important
relics. Such was the case at Khorsabad in ruins of
much less extent.
Although there may possibly be remains of more
than one epoch in Kouyunjik, I much doubt whether
there are any edifices earlier than that built by the
monarch, who is mentioned in the inscriptions of the


142
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS. [Chap. XIV.
most recent palace of Niraroud, as the son of the
founder of Khorsabad. His name occurs on all the
bricks and monuments hitherto discovered (as far as I
am aware) in Kouyunjik, in the neighbouring mound
of Nebbi Yunus, and in the smaller mounds forming
the large quadrangle opposite Mosul. From the de-
scription given by Mr. Ross of the sculptures he has
recently found, I recognise in them, as well as in the
bas-reliefs of the palace above described, the style and
mode of treatment of Khorsabad and of the latter
monuments of Nimroud.*
* In the winter of this year Mr. Ross visited the rock tablets of Bavian,
which want of time had, to my great regret, prevented me examining. The
account he has obligingly sent me of the result of his journey to these very
remarkable remains is so interesting, that I venture to transcribe it. "I
left Mosul," he writes, "a little before Asr," (the time of afternoon
prayer,) "and reached Baazani after dark. During the night it rained
heavily, and I started with rain and a high cutting cold wind, which lasted
the whole day. After a very disagreeable ride over the Jebel Makloub
and the Missouri hills, I reached Bavian an hour after sunset. The village
stands on the Gomel, at the point where the high range of mountains,
running behind Sheikh Adi, sinks into hills. It consists of three wretched
houses, whose inhabitants" (Kurds) "are in an equally destitute condi-
tion. I had great difficulty in procuring any food for my horses and
mules; and could find nothing but a little rice to give them—there being
neither wheat nor barley in the place. Immediately opposite the village,
on the west side of the Gomel, rise the cliffs, on which are the bas-reliefs.
There are eight small tablets, each containing the portrait of a king,
about four feet high ; and one very large tablet with two kings, apparently
worshipping two priest-like figures standing, the one on a lion, and the
other on a griffin. Above this tablet rose a statue on two lions, but now
only the paws of a lion are well-preserved; the outline of the head of one
can be traced; but the statue is reduced to a square oblong block. I
fancy it may have been a sphinx like those of Nimroud. In the river are
two masses of rock, with figures of priests or gods standing on the backs
of animals, which must have originally been very beautiful. Other large
masses of rock are in the water, and may once have borne bas-reliefs.
There is also a tablet on which the body of a bull may be traced, but
very much defaced. I could not find the figure of the gigantic horse-


Chap. XIV.]
143
KOUYUNJIK.
Further researches at Kouyunjik could scarcely
fail to be productive of many interesting and un-
man. It may be that it is so much injured that neither I nor the vil-
lagers could discover it. Some of the small tablets are on the perjwndi-
cular face of the rock; others are reached by a narrow ledge. Where
any footing could be obtained, I trod with my Tyari woollen shoes. Of
all the tablets which I examined, either closely or from below, only one
has an inscription. It is a tablet easily approached. The writing runs
completely across it, even over the figure of the king; but it is greatly
injured from holes having been bored in it, as well as from long exposure
— so much so, that I was unable to copy it. On the body of the king,
aud in the centre of the writing, is an inscription enclosed within a
triangle — I suppose a name. The large tablet, and that containing the
bull, have chambers cut behind them. I am inclined to think that these
chambers were excavated, at. the same time as the portraits were sculp-
tured. Their use is obvious. They were tombs, and my idea is, that the
bas-reliefs outside are the portraits of the monarchs who were buried
within. Picture to yourself a small room, square in shape, and with a flat
vault. On either side, recesses or niches" (resembling a small oven) "are
cut into the wall, evidently to hold a body. These niches, being only
about four feet long, may be thought too small to receive a man; but I
imagine that the corpse was crammed into a sarcophagus, similar to those
discovered at Nimroud, which the recesses are well calculated to contain.
These tombs must once have been closed ; now they have small doors and
even windows; those in the large tablet are numerous, and give the idea
of a church. The whole cliff would have made an extremely pretty sketch.
The windows of the large cave are close together in pairs, and arched.
Being w^out a ladder, I could not get into them, and could not therefore
ascertain whether they belonged to one large chamber, or to several
adjoining chambers. I am inclined to think that the latter is the case. It
would seem that these bas-reliefs covered royal tombs, which concealed en-
trances, which were, at a later period, broken open and pillaged, and after-
wards converted into dwellings, and the windows opened. It is possible that
chambers still unriflcd might be found behind the smaller tablets. I suspect
that the inscription has been injured by holes having been bored into it to
make an opening, and that the attempt was subsequently abandoned. There
are various signs and religious emblems scattered about — chiefly repre-
sentations of the sun and moon." It is to be regretted that Mr. Ross was
unable to take a copy of the inscription, which would probably have en-
abled me to ascertain the comparative epoch of the tablets, with reference
to the ruins of the Assyrian palaces. His suggestion, with regard to these
bas-reliefs marking places of sepulture, is well deserving of attention. It is
possible that I may, at some future period, be able to examine these rock


144
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS. [Chap. XTV.
portant results. The inscriptions hitherto found
amongst the ruins are few in number. The bas-
reliefs evidently relate to great events, —to the con-
quest of distant kingdoms, and the subjugation of
powerful nations. The identity of the name of the
king, who caused them to be executed, with that
found on the well-known tablets near Beyrout, at
the mouth of the Dog river, or the Nahr-el-Kelb,
proves that the Assyrian Empire, at the time of the
building of the Kouyunjik palaces, extended to the
borders of the Mediterranean; and this, as well as
several other circumstances, goes far to show that the
bas-reliefs in which the sea is represented, celebrate
the conquest of Tyre or Sidon. But I will defer to
another chapter any further remarks upon the his-
torical, and other information afforded by the sculp-
tures of Kouyunjik, and upon the importance of
further researches.
My labours in Assyria had now drawn to a close.
The funds assigned to the Trustees of the British
Museum for the excavations had been expended, and
from the instructions sent to me, further researches
were not, for the present at least, contemplated. It
now, therefore, only remained for me to wind up my
affairs in Mosul, to bid adieu to my friends there, and
to turn my steps homewards, after an absence of some
years. The ruins of Nimroud had been again covered
sculptures with the attention they deserve, and to determine their use. At
present there is reason to believe that the chambers belong to a more
recent period than the Assyrian bas-reliefs; but their date has not been
satisfactorily determined, and they may after all have been what Mr.
Ross conjectures.


Chap. XIV.] CONCLUSION. . 145
up, and its palaces were once more hidden from the
eye. The sculptures taken from them had been safely
removed to Busrah, and were now awaiting their
final transport to England. The inscriptions, which
promise to instruct us in the history and civilisation
of one of the most ancient and illustrious nations
of the earth, had been carefully copied. On look-
ing back upon the few months that I had passed in
Assyria, I could not but feel some satisfaction at the
result of my labours. Scarcely a year before, with
the exception of the ruins of Khorsabad, not one
Assyrian monument was known. Almost sufficient
materials had now been obtained to enable us to
restore much of the lost history of the country, and
to confirm the vague traditions of the learning and
civilisation of its people, hitherto treated as fabulous.
It had often occurred to me during my labours,
that the time of the discovery of these remains was
so opportune, that a person inclined to be super-
stitious might look upon it as something more than
accidental. Had these palaces been by chance ex-
posed to view some years before, no one would have
been ready to take advantage of the circumstance,
and they would have been completely destroyed by
the inhabitants of the country. Had they been dis-
covered a little later, it is highly probable that there
would have been insurmountable objections to their
removal. It was consequently just at the right mo-
ment that they were disinterred; and we have been
fortunate enough to acquire the most convincing
and lasting evidence of that magnificence, and power,
VOL. II. L


146 NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS. [Chap. XIV.
which made Nineveh the wonder of the ancient
world, and her fall the theme of the prophets, as
the most signal instance of divine vengeance. With-
out the evidence that these monuments afford, we
might almost have doubted that the great Nineveh
ever existed, so completely " has she become a deso-
lation and a waste."
Before my departure I was desirous of giving a
last entertainment to my workmen, and to those
who had kindly aided me in my labours. On the
western side of Kouyunjik there is a small village.
It belongs, with the mound, to a former slave of a
Pasha of the Abd-el-Jeleel family, who had received
his liberty, and the land containing the ruins, as a
reward for long and faithful services. This village
was chosen for the festivities, and tents for the ac-
commodation of all the guests were pitched around
it. Large platters filled with boiled rice, and divers
inexplicable messes, only appreciated by Arabs, and
those who have lived with them, — the chief com-
ponents being garlic and sour milk — were placed
before the various groups of men and women, who
squatted in circles on the ground. Dances were
then commenced, and were carried on through the
greater part of the night, the Tiyari and the Arabs
joining in them, or relieving each other by turns.
The dancers were happy and enthusiastic, and kept
up a constant shouting. The quiet Christian ladies
of Mosul, who had scarcely before this occasion ven-
tured beyond the walls of the town, gazed with
wonder and delight on the scene; lamenting, no


Chap. XIV.]
147
CONCLUSION.
doubt, that the domestic arrangements of their hus-
bands did not permit more frequent indulgence in
such gaieties.
At the conclusion of the. entertainment I spoke
a few words to the workmen, inviting any who had
been wronged, or ill-used, to come forward and receive
such redress as it was in my power to afford, and
expressing my satisfaction at the successful termina-
tion of our labours without a single accident. One
Sheikh Khalaf, a very worthy man, who was usually
the spokesman on such occasions, answered for his
companions. They had lived, he said, under my
shadow, and, God be praised, no one had cause to
complain. Now that I was leaving, they should leave
also, and seek the distant banks of the Khabour,
where at least they would be far from the autho-
rities, and be able to enjoy the little they had saved.
All they wanted was each man a teskere, or note, to
certify that they had been in my service. This would
not only be some protection to them, but they would
show my writing to their children, and would tell
them of the days they had passed at Nimroud. Please
God, I should return to the Jebours, and live in tents
with them on their old pasture grounds, where there
were as many ruins as at Nimroud, plenty of plunder
within reach, and gazelles, wild boars, and lions for
the chase. After Sheikh Khalaf had concluded, the
women advanced in a body and made a similar ad-
dress. I gave a few presents to the principal work-
men and their wives, and all were highly satisfied with
their treatment.
L 2


143
NINEVEU AND ITS REMAINS. [Chap. XI V
A few days afterwards, the preparations for my
departure were complete. I paid my last visit to
Essad Pasha, called upon the principal people of the
town, and on the 24th of June was ready to leave
Mosul.
I was accompanied on my journey to Constantinople
by Mr. Hormuzd Rassam, Ibrahim Agha, and the
Bairakdar, and by several members of the household
of the late Pasha; who were ready, in return for
their own food and. that of their horses, to serve
me on the road. We were joined by many other
travellers, who had been waiting for an opportunity
to travel to the north in company with a sufficiently
strong party. The country was at this time very
insecure. The Turkish troops had marched against
Beder Khan Bey, who had openly declared his inde-
pendence, and defied the authority of the Sultan.
The failure of the crops had brought parties of Arabs
abroad, and scarcely a day passed without the plunder
of a caravan and the murder of travellers. The Pasha
sent a body of irregular horse to accompany me as
far as the Turkish camp, which I wished to visit on
my way. With this e scort, and with my own party
all well armed and prepared to defend themselves, I
had no cause to apprehend any accident.
Mr. and Mrs. Rassam, all the European residents,
and many of the principal Christian gentlemen of
Mosul, rode out with me to some distance from the
town. On the opposite side of the river, at the foot
of the bridge, were the ladies who had assembled to
bid me farewell. Beyond them were the wives and


CHAP. XIV.] DEPARTURE. 14.9
daughters of my workmen, who clung to my horse,
many of them shedding tears as they kissed my hand.
The greater part of the Arabs insisted upon walking
as far as Tel Kef with me. In this village supper had
been prepared for the party. Old Gouriel, the Kiayah,
still rejoicing in his drunken leer, was there to receive
us. We sat on the house-top till midnight. The
horses were then loaded and saddled. I, bid a last
farewell to my Arabs, and started on the first stage of
our long journey to Constantinople.





PART II.
h 4





153
CHAPTER I.
MATERIALS FOR THE HISTORY OF ASSYRIA.—COMPARATIVE DATKS
OF MONUMENTS. ASSYRIAN WRITING. — THE CUNEIFORM
ITS VARIETIES. — ASSYRIAN RECORDS. — WRITING MATERIALS.—
MONUMENTAL RECORDS. BRICKS AND TILES. PROGRESS IN
DECIPHERING ASSYRIAN MONUMENTS OF VARIOUS PERIODS.—
THE IVORY ORNAMENTS. — CARTOUCIIKS.—CONNECTION BETWEEN
ASSYR1A AND EGYPT. — HISTORICAL EVIDENCE OF PERIOD OF
NINUS. — TnE ASSYRIAN DYNASTIES. THE TOMBS AT NIMROUD.
ANTIQUITY OF NINEVEH.
I have endeavoured, in the preceding pages, to de-
scribe the manner in which excavations were carried
on amongst the ruins of Nineveh, and the discoveries
to which they gave rise. At the same time, I have
sought to convey to the reader, by short descriptions
of the ChaldaBans,the Arabs, and the Yezidis, some idea
of the people, who are now found within the limits of
the ancient kingdom of Assyria Proper. This account
of my labours would, however, be incomplete, were I
not to point out the most important of their results;
were I not to show how far the monuments and re-
mains discovered tend to elucidate disputed questions
of history or chronolog}', or to throw light upon the
civilisation, manners, and arts of a people, so little
known as the Assyrians. It must, however, be re-
membered that our materials are as yet exceedingly
incomplete. The history of this remarkable nation,
as derived from its monuments, is a subject hitherto
left untouched; and indeed within a very few months
alone, have we possessed any positive data to aid us


NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS.
[Chap. I.
in such an inquiry. The meagre, and mostly fabu-
lous, notices scattered through the works of ancient
writers, scarcely afford us any aid whatever; for
Nineveh had almost been forgotten before history
began. The examination of remains existing on the
banks of the Tigris has been but limited. Many ex-
tensive ruins are yet unexplored, and it can scarcely be
doubted that there are still mounds enclosing records
and monuments, the recovery of which would add
greatly to our acquaintance with this long lost people.
Only three spots have been hitherto examined, Nim-
roud, Kouyunjik and Khorsabad; and of the three
Khorsabad, the smallest, alone thoroughly. Unfortu-
nately in the Assyrian edifices, little but the sculptured
slabs has been preserved. All the painted records which
once covered the walls, in addition to the bas-reliefs of
alabaster, have perished. Nor have we, as in Egypt,
labyrinths of tombs, on the sides of which, as well as on
the walls and columns of the temples, are most faith-
fully and elaborately portrayed the history, the arts,
the manners, and the domestic life of the former oc-
cupiers of the land — so fully indeed, that, from these
monuments alone, we are able to obtain a complete
insight into the public and private condition of the
Egyptians, from the remotest period to their final
extinction. * Hitherto, no tombs have betn discovered
in Assyria, which can, with any degree of certainty,
* I need scarcely mention the admirable work of Sir Gardner Wilkin-
son, in which he has availed himself of the paintings, sculptures, and
monuments of the ancient Egyptians to restore their manners and cus-
toms, and to place their public and private life before us, as fully as if
they still occupied the banks of the Nile. I shall frequently have occa-
sion to refer to it in the course of this and the following chapters.


Chap. I.] MATERIALS FOK ASSYRIAN HISTORY. 155
be assigned to the Assyrians themselves. It is not
impossible that such tombs, even painted after the
fashion of the Egyptians, do exist in the bosom of
some unexplored hill; their entrances so carefully
concealed, that they have escaped the notice of the
subsequent inhabitants of the country. At present,
however, the only sources from which we can obtain
any knowledge of Assyria, are the bas-reliefs dis-
covered in the ruins described in the previous pages.
To these may be added a few relics, such as seals, and
cylinders, and one or two inscriptions on stones^
bricks, and tiles, to be found in the Museums of
Europe. Still the sculptures do furnish us with very
interesting and important details, both with regard
to the arts, and to the manners of the Assyrians;
and there is every reason to presume that the in-
scriptions, when deciphered, will afford positive his-
torical data, which may enable us to fix, with some
confidence, the precise period of many events recorded
in the bas-reliefs.
There are also other subjects, connected with the
discoveries in Assyria, requiring notice. Through
theiri may be traced the origin of many arts, of many
myths and symbols, and of many traditions after-
wards perfected, and made familiar to us through the
genius of the Greeks. The connection between the
East and the West, and the Eastern origin of several
nations of Asia Minor, long suspected, may perhaps
be established by more positive proof than we have
hitherto possessed. These considerations alone require
a detailed account of the results of the excavations.


156
[Chap. I.
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS.
I have endeavoured to avoid statements which do not
appear to be warranted by plausible evidence; and if
I have ventured to make any suggestions, I am ready
to admit that the corroboration of my views must
depend upon an acquaintance with the contents of
the inscriptions, and upon the future examination of
ruins, in which additional monuments may exist.
As I have frequently alluded to the remote anti-
quity of the Assyrian edifices, it will naturally be
asked upon what grounds we assign them to any par-
ticular period—on what data do the proofs of their
early origin rest? In answering these questions, it
will be necessary to point out the evidence afforded
by the monuments themselves, and how that evidence
agrees with the statements of ancient authors.
From our present limited knowledge of the character
used in the inscriptions, and from a want of adequate
acquaintance with the details of Assyrian art, which
might lead to a sat isfactory classification of the various
remains, we can scarcely aim at more than fixing a
comparative epoch to these monuments. It would be
hazardous to assign any positive date to them, or to
ascribe their erection to any monarch whose name
can be recognised in a dynastic list of acknowledged
authenticity, and the time of whose reign can be de-
termined with any pretence to accuracy. Although a
conjecture may be allowed, we can come to no positive
conclusion upon the subject. More progress is required
in deciphering the character, more extensive researches
must be carried on amongst the ruins of Assyria, and
names of kings must be ascertained, by which we may


Chap. I.] ANTIQUITY OF MONUMENTS.
157
connect the genealogical lists, undoubtedly of various
epochs, that have hitherto been discovered. I will
only point out facts which prove that the edifices de-
scribed in the previous pages must belong to a very
early period, without pretending to decide their exact
age. The inquiry is one of considerable importance,
for upon its results depend many questions of the
highest interest connected with the history of civil-
isation, in the countries watered by the Tigris and
Euphrates, of its passage into the neighbouring king-
doms, and of its ultimate effects upon the more dis-
tant regions of Asia, and even upon Greece.
The proofs to be adduced in support of the great
antiquity of some of the monuments of Nimroud, are
entitled to attention, and should not be rejected,
merely because they are at variance with precon-
ceived notions and theories. We are not justified in
attempting to draw conclusions from the state of the
arts or sciences, amongst a people of whose history
and capabilities, before the discovery of these monu-
ments, we were totally ignorant. We knew nothing
of the civilisation of the Assyrians, except what could
be gathered from casual notices scattered through the
works of the Greeks. From their evidence, indeed,
we are led to believe that the inhabitants of Assyria
had attained a high degree of culture at a very remote
period. The testimony of the Bible, and the monu-
ments of the Egyptians, on which the conquests of that
people over Asiatic nations are recorded, lead to the
same conclusion. It will be shown, that in Assyria,
as in Egypt, the arts do not appear to have ad-


158
[Chap. I.
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS.
vanced, after the construction of the earliest edifices
with which we are acquainted, but rather to have
declined. The most ancient sculptures we possess
are the most correct and severe in form, and show
the highest degree of taste in the details. The very
great antiquity of the early monuments of Egypt,
however much we may differ between the highest
and lowest date claimed for them, is now generally
admitted. Few persons indeed would be inclined to
ascribe them to a later epoch than that generally as-
signed to the foundation of Nineveh, about twenty
centuries before Christ. At that time the arts had
attained a very high degree of perfection in Egypt;
and might obviously have attained even to a much
higher, had not those who practised them been re-
stricted, by certain prejudices and superstitions, to a
conventional style, from which it was not lawful to
depart. There is no reason to doubt, therefore, that
at the same remote period, the Assyrians also may
have excelled in them. Even the conventional forms
of Egypt are accompanied by extreme beauty in the
details, and in the shape of the domestic furniture
and utensils; which proves that those who invented
them were capable of the highest culture, and, if
unfettered, might have attained to the greatest
perfection. The Assyrians may not have^been con-
fined to the same extent as their rivals; they may
have copied nature more carefully, and may have
given more scope to their taste and invention, in the
choice and arrangement of their ornaments. But the
subject will be more fully entered into when I come


Chap. I.] ANTIQUITY OF MONUMENTS.
159
to speak of the arts of the Assyrians.* We have now
to examine the evidences of the antiquity of their
monuments.
The first ascertained date from which our inquiry
must commence, is the destruction of Nineveh by the
combined armies of Cyaxeres, King of Persia and
Media, and Nabopolassar, King of Babylon, or more
probably governor of that city on behalf of the Assy-
rian monarch. We must needs go backwards, as
we cannot with any degree of certainty fix the date
of any earlier event.
It must, I think, be readily admitted that all the
monuments hitherto discovered in Assyria are to be
attributed to a period preceding the Persian con-
quest. In the first place, history and tradition unite
in affirming that Nineveh was utterly destroyed by
the conquerors. Although the earlier prophets fre-
quently allude to the great city, and to its wealth and
power before its fall, it will be observed that the later
rarely mention the name. If they do, it is in allusion
to the heap of ruins—to the desolation which was
spread over the site of a once great city, as a special
instance of the divine vengeance. They pointed to it
as a warning to other nations against whom their
prophecies were directed.f When Xenophon passed
over the remains of Nineveh, its very name had been
forgotten, and he describes a part of it as a de-
serted city which had formerly been inhabited by the
* These remarks are necessary, as there is an impression that an ap-
proximate date can be assigned to the monuments discovered at Nimroud
from the style of the art of sculptures. (See a letter of Mr. West-
macott in the Athenaeum of 7th August, 1847.)
f See particularly Ezckiel, ch. xxxi.


160
[CuAp. I.
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS.
Medes.* Strabo says, that when Cyaxeres and his
allies took the city, they utterly destroyed it; its
inhabitants, according to Diodorus Siculus, being
distributed in the surrounding villages. Lucian
speaks of Nineveh as so completely laid waste, that
even its vestiges did not remain, f It is certain
that even if Nineveh were not levelled with the
ground, or deserted by its inhabitants, it was no
longer the seat of government, nor held a high place
amongst the cities of the East. If vast palaces and
edifices are found amongst its ruins, it is much more
reasonable to refer their construction to a period
when Nineveh was the capital of the Eastern world,
and the dwelling-place of the Assyrian monarchs, than
to the time of its subjection to the kings of Persia,
and of its degradation to a mere provincial town.
If these edifices — between the periods of the
erection of which many years, even centuries, must
have elapsed—were the work of the Persian con-
querors, we should find some record of the fact.
The peculiar variety of the cuneiform character
adopted by the Persians is perfectly well known,
and is found on all their monuments. It was
even used in Egypt, accompanied by hieroglyphics,
* Anab. 1. iii. c. 4. — " After this defeat the Persians retired, and the
Greeks, marching the rest of the day without disturbance, came to the
river Tigris, where stood a large uninhabited city, called Larissa, anciently
inhabited by the Medes."
■)■ Strabo, lib. xvi. Herodotus appears to allude to it as a city that
formerly existed. (Lib. i. c. 193.) Clement of Alexandria, in his com.
mentaries on Nahum, confirms the account of Lucian of its utter destruc-
tion. The Nineveh of Tacitus (Annal. 1. xii. 12.) and Ammianus Mar-
cellinus (1. xviii. c. 7.) was a modern city built near or on the ruins of
the ancient.


Chap. I.]
161
CUNEIFORM WKITING.
after their conquest of that country.* It occurs on
all the monuments of the same period in Persia and
Armenia, accompanied by translations, in parallel
columns, in the Babylonian and Median f writing.
Amongst the ruins of Assyria, this Persian variety of
the cuneiform character has never been found. It can
scarcely be doubted, that the bas-reliefs described in
the previous pages, represent the victories and con-
quests of the kings who built the edifices in which
they were contained ; it is not probable that, had
these kings been Persians, they would have omitted
to record their deeds in their native tongue, when
they have done so in all other places where they have
caused similar monuments to be erected.
The date of the conquest of Nineveh by Cyaxares
is well ascertained as 606 before Christ. J The city
* I allude to the vases with the names of the Persian kings in hiero*
glyphics, as well as in cuneiform characters. One at Venice bears the
name of Artaxerxes; that usually known as Caylus's vase, in the
National Library, at Paris, the name of Xerxes.
f I use the term Median, however inapplicable, because it has gene-
rally been adopted.
J The evidence afforded as to the exact date of the destruction of
Nineveh by the concurrent evidence of Scripture and Herodotus, is thus
collected by Clinton (Fasti Hellenici, vol. i. p. 269.) : — " The overthrow
of Nineveh did not happen before the death of Josiah king of Judah in
b. c. 609, because a king of Assyria is mentioned at that period; and
Zephaniah, in the prophecy delivered in the reign of Josiah, predicts the
destruction of Nineveh as a future event. The sum of the argument
is this: From the age of Tobit it appears that Nineveh was standing in
b. c. 610. For he became blind in the year 710, and survived that ac-
cident 100 years; and yet he died before the fall of Nineveh. But a pro-
phecy of Jeremiah, written in the first year of the captivity, b. c. 605,
seems to imply that the city was then destroyed; for in the particular
enumeration of all the kings of the north far and near, and all the
VOL. II. M


162
[Chap. I.
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS.
had then been scarcely a year in the hands of the
Assyrians, after the expulsion of the Scyths, who,
according to the testimony of Herodotus, held this
part of Asia for twenty-eight years. We cannot
attribute these vast monuments —evidences of a high
state of civilisation, and of taste and knowledge,—to
the wandering tribes; who, during their short oc-
cupation, did little, according to the historian, but
oppress the inhabitants, pass their days in licentious-
ness amidst new luxuries, and destroy the records
of former prosperity and power.* We have conse-
quently the date of 634 years before Christ to go back
from. No one will, I think, be inclined to assign
these edifices to a later epoch.
It has already been seen that there are buildings
of various periods in the mound of Nimroud, and I
have mentioned that they contain the names and
genealogies of several kings. The most recent palace
was that discovered in the south-west corner; and it
kingdoms of the world, &c, Assyria and Nineveh are not named. The
testimony of Scripture, then, decides that the city was captured, and the
Assyrian monarchy destroyed, certainly after b. c. 609, and probably
before a. c. 605. Herodotus brings the date to a narrower point. Cy-
axares prepared to revenge his father's death upon the Assyrians, but
was interrupted by the Scythians, who held Asia for twenty-eight years.
After their expulsion Cyaxares conquered the Assyrians. But as the
Scythians were not expelled till n. c. 607, the capture of Nineveh could
not occur till b. c. 606; and this date, obtained from Herodotus, is remark-
ably consistent with the accounts of Scripture." According to the Seder-
Olam (c. 24, 25.), the fall of Nineveh would have occurred about this
time; and upon its authority M. Freret (Mem. de Lit. tire's des Registres
de l'Academie, vol. vii. p. 538.) places the event in 608 b. c.
* "After possessing the dominion of Asia for twenty-eight years, the
Scythians lost all they had obtained by their licentiousness and neglect."
—Herod, lib. i. c. 106.


Chap. I.] EPOCH OF BUILDINGS.
163
was principally built of slabs and materials taken
from the edifices in the north-west, the centre, and
other parts of the mound. This can be proved be-
yond a question; first, by identity in the style of the
sculptures; secondly, by inscriptions, in which certain
formula} occur; thirdly, by the fact of the sculptured
faces of the slabs being turned against the wall of
sun-dried bricks, the back having been smoothed to
receive a new bas-relief; and, fourthly, by the dis-
covery of sculptured slabs lying in different parts of
the ruins, where they had evidently been left, whilst
being removed to the new palace.
The only sculptures which may possibly be attri-
buted to the builders of this edifice are the bulls
and lions forming the entrances, and the crouching
sphinxes between them; but they also, like the bas-
reliefs, may have belonged to a more ancient palace.
The argument they afford, however, will be the same,
whether they were the work of those who founded
the building, or whether they were brought from
elsewhere. If the latter be the case, we should be
furnished with additional proof in favour of the high
antiquity of the earliest edifice. In the material, a
kind of limestone, out of which the bulls and lions
are sculptured, as well as in certain peculiarities of
form (as, for instance, in being provided with four
legs, and having small figures carved on the same
slab), they differ from any others discovered amongst
the ruins.
On the backs of these lions and bulls we have a
. M 2


164
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS. [Chap. I.
short but highly important inscription, which has
enabled me, as I have already had occasion to observe,
to identify the comparative date of many monuments
discovered in Assyria, and of tablets existing in other
parts of Asia. Before submitting this inscription, as
well as others from the ruins, to the reader, I must
show why certain groups of characters may, with
great probability, be assumed to be the names of
kings; as the arguments will mainly depend upon
the proof which these names afford.
Two modes of writing appear at one time to have
been in use amongst the Assyrians. One, the cunei-
form or arrow-headed, as in Egypt, was probably the
hieroglyphic, and principally employed for monu-
mental records*; the other, the cursive or hieratic,
may have been used in documents of a private nature,
or for records of public events of minor importance.
The nature of the arrow-headed will be hereafter
fully described. The cursive resembles the writing
of the Phoenicians, Palmyrenes, Babylonians, and
Jews; in fact, the character, which, under a few
unessential modifications, was common to the na-
tions speaking cognate dialects of one language,
variously termed the Semitic, Aramaean, or, more
appropriately, Syro-Arabian. There is this great dis-
tinction between the cuneiform and cursive, — that
while the first was written from left to right, the
second, after the fashion of the Hebrew and Arabic,
* Democritus is said to have written on the sacred letters of Babylon
"to wtpi tuSv lv BaCi/Xwv hptov ypapfiaTtov." (Diog. Laert. lib. ix.) This
appears to point to two forms of writing.


Cuap. I.] ASSYRIAN WRITING. 165
ran from right to left. This striking difference
would seem to show that the origin of the two forms
of writing was distinct.*
It would be difficult, in the present state of our
knowledge, to determine the period of the invention
and first use of written characters in Assyria; nor
is there any evidence to prove which of the two
forms, the arrow-head or the cursive, is the more an-
cient, or whether they were introduced at the same
time. Pliny declares that it is to the Assyrians we
owe the invention of letters, although some have at-
tributed it to the Egyptians, who were said to have
been instructed in the art of writing by Mercury f;
or to the Syrians, who, in the passage in Pliny, are
evidently distinguished from the Assyrians, with
whom they are by ancient authors very frequently
confounded. J Lucan ascribes their introduction to
the Phoenicians, a Syrian people. § On monuments
and remains purely Syrian, or such as cannot be
* The numerals, like the letters, were expressed by various combi-
nations of the wedge. There appear to have been, at the same time,
numbers for the cursive, as well as for the cuneiform writing, the former
somewhat resembling the Egyptian. On the painted bricks of Nimroud
I could, I think, trace several of these cursive numerals, each brick
having apparently a number upon it. Dr. Ilincks was, I believe, the first
to determine the forms and values of the Assyrian numerals by an ex-
amination of the inscriptions of Van.
f This deity, under the name of Thoth, or Taut, was the Egyptian god
of letters.
| "Literas semper arbitror Assyrias fuisse; sed alii apud jEgyptios
& Mercurio, ut Gellius: alii apud Syros rcpertas volunt."—Pliny, lib. vii.
c.57.
§ "Phoenices primi famse si creditur ausi
Mansuram rudibus vocem signare figuris."— Lib. iii. v. 220.
m 3


166
[Chap. I.
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS.
traced to a foreign people, only one form of cha-
racter has been discovered, and it so closely resem-
bles the cursive of Assyria, that there appears to be
little doubt as to the identity of the origin of the
two. If, therefore, the inhabitants of Syria, whether
Phoenicians or others, were the inventors of letters,
and those letters were such as exist upon the earliest
monuments of that country, the cursive character
of the Assyrians may have been as ancient as the
cuneiform. However that may be, this hieratic cha-
racter has not yet been found in Assyria on remains
of a very early epoch, and it would seem probable
that simple perpendicular and horizontal lines pre-
ceded rounded forms, being better suited to letters
carved on stone tablets or rocks. At Nimroud the
cursive writing was found on part of an alabaster
vase, and on fragments of pottery, taken out of the
rubbish covering the ruins. On the alabaster vase
it accompanied an inscription in the cuneiform
character, containing the name of the Khorsabad
king, to whose reign it is evident, from several cir-
cumstances, the vase must be attributed. It has also
been found on Babylonian bricks of the time of Nebu-
chadnezzar. The following are parts of inscriptions
in this character on fragments of pottery from Nim-
roud.

The cuneiform, however, appears to have been the


Chap. T.]
167
ASSYRIAN WRITING.
character in general use in Assyria and Babylonia,
and at various periods in Persia, Media, and Armenia.
It was not the same in all those countries: the ele-
ment was the wedge, but the combination of wedges,
forming a letter, differed. The cuneiform has been
divided into three branches; the Assyrian or Baby-
lonian; the Persian; and a third, which has been
named, probably with little regard to accuracy, the
Median.* To one of these three divisions may be
referred all the forms of arrow-headed writing with
which we are acquainted; and the three together
occur in the trilingual inscriptions, containing the
records of the Persian monarchs of the Achaemenian
dynasty. These inscriptions are, as it is well known,
repeated three times, in parallel columns or tablets,
in a distinct variety of the arrow-headed character;
and, as it may be presumed, in a different language.
The investigation of the Persian branch of the cu-
neiform has now, through the labours of Rawlinson,
* Major Rawlinson has suggested the use of the term Scythic instead
of Median (the Persian Cuneiform Inscription at Behistun deciphered,
part i. p. 20. vol. x. of the Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society). However,
until the language of the inscriptions in this character can be determined
beyond a doubt, we can scarcely venture upon adopting definitively
either appellation. Major Rawlinson is of opinion that that language
is a Scythic or Mongolian dialect; and, from its use on monuments
erected by the Persian kings, it is highly probable that it is so. The
subjects of the Achaemenian monarchs included three great divisions of
the human race, speaking respectively Semitic or Syro-Arabian, Indo-
European or Arian, and Scythic or Mongolian languages; and when we
find that two of the columns of the trilingual inscriptions are dialects of
the first and second of these languages, we may consistently infer that the
remaining version of the inscriptions is in the third. Whether the Scyths,
however, were a Mongolian or an Indo-European tribe, is a question
which appears to admit of considerable doubt.
m 4


168
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS. [Chap. I.
Lassen, and others, been brought to a satisfactory
conclusion. I presume that there are few unacquainted
with the admirable memoirs by Major Rawlinson upon
the great inscription at Behistun *, published in the
Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society. Some, however,
are still inclined to look upon the results of his
labours with doubt, and even to consider his transla-
tion as little more than an ingenious fiction. That
the sudden restoration of a language no longer exist-
ing in the same form, and expressed in characters
previously unknown, should be regarded with con-
siderable -suspicion, is not surprising. But even a
superficial examination of the ingenious reasoning of
Professor Grotefend, which led to the first steps in
the inquiry—the division of words and the discovery
of the names of the kings—and an acquaintance
with the subsequent discoveries of Rawlinson and
other eminent philologists, must at once remove all
doubt as to the general accuracy of the results to
which they have arrived. There may undoubtedly
be interpretations, and forms of construction, open
to criticism. They will probably be rejected or
amended, when more materials are afforded by the
discovery of additional inscriptions, or when those
we already possess have been subjected to a still more
rigorous philological examination, and have been
further compared with known dialects of the same
primitive tongue. But as to the general correctness
of the translations of the inscriptions of Persepolis
* This name is generally written Bisutun in the maps; it is now
given to a small village near Kirmansbah, on the frontiers of Persia.


Chap. I.]
169
PERSIAN INSCRIPTIONS.
and Behistun, there cannot be a question.* The ma-
terials are in every one's hands. The inscriptions are
now accessible, and they scarcely contain a word the
meaning of which may not be determined by the aid
of dictionaries and vocabularies of the Sanscrit and
other early Indo-European languages, f
Before the publication of the great inscription of
Behistun, the monuments of Persia, containing little
more than the names of kings and royal titles, af-
forded few materials for the investigation of cunei-
form writing. That inscription was long known,
and had been seen by many travellers. MM. Coste
and Flandin, who accompanied M. de Sercey during
his embassy to the court of Teheran, for the ex-
press purpose of examining and making drawings
of ancient remains, were particularly directed to
copy it. They lingered many days on the spot,
making several fruitless endeavours to ascend to that
part of the rock on which it is cut. At length they
declared it to be inaccessible, and returned to France
* The transcription in cuneiform letters of an hieroglyphieal legend on
a vase at Venice, is a test of the general accuracy of the deciphering of
both characters. The name of the king was found to be that of Arta-
xerxes, and was so read independently from the Persian and Egyptian
texts, by Major Rawlinson and Sir Gardner Wilkinson.
t There is not a more attractive subject of investigation, nor one more
delusive and uncertain in its results, unless carried on with the most
rigorous regard to criticism, than the origin, derivation, and connexion
of languages. But whilst this is admitted, it must be remembered, that
within the last few years this branch of study has been greatly facilitated
by the discovery of rules, which are now generally recognised. They go
fur to guide those who engage in the inquiry, and to prevent a repetition
of the absurd speculations of the last century. Etymology may now take
its place amongst the sciences, and no science is more important in any
investigation connected with the history of the human race.


170
[Chap. L
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS.
without this important historical record. Major Baw-
linson, however, overcame all difficulties. During
two visits he succeeded in copying all that remains
of the three versions of the inscription; and thus,
whilst we are indebted to his intrepidity and per-
severance for the transcript of the record, we owe to
his learning and research the translation of one of
the most interesting fragments of ancient history.*
Of the second, or so called Median branch of the
cuneiform, we know at present but little. It dif-
fers essentially, in the combination of the wedges,
from the Persian, and resembles in many respects the
Assyrian or Babylonian, many letters in both being
identical in shape, if not in phonetic power.
Whilst the Persian and Median cuneiform offer
each but one modification in the arrangement of the
wedges, the third division, or Assyro-Babylonian, in-
cludes several varieties. It has been said to be the
most complex in its forms of the three; but such is
not exactly the case, as we have in the varieties both
extremes: the primitive, or early Assyrian, containing
the most simple and elementary combinations, be-
ginning with the wedge standing alone, whilst the
Babylonian is distinguished by the most intricate and
complex. However, that the two are identically the
same, has been proved beyond a doubt by a compa-
rison of the monuments of Babylonia and Assyria,
* The contents of the Behistun inscription are of great importance to
all interested in the study of ancient history, as they so fully confirm the
statements of Herodotus, and afford fresh proofs of his veracity and
accuracy.


Chap. I.] CUNEIFORM WHITING. 171
and by the existence of a transcript of a Babylonian
record in Assyrian characters.* The variations ap-
pear to be mere caligraphical distinctions, and were
perhaps purposely made to mark the difference be-
tween the characters in use in the two countries.
The introduction of a few complex forms in the pure
Assyrian writing, may be attributed to the number
of alphabetic signs required. The alphabet of the
Persian cuneiform contains but thirty-nine or forty
letters; in the Assyro-Babylonian inscriptions there
are about three hundred different characters; the
simpler forms would consequently soon be exhausted.!
Major Rawlinson has thus classed the Assyro-
Babylonian cuneiform writing:—Primitive Babylo-
nian; Achaemenian Babylonian; Medo-Assyrian;
Assyrian; and Elymaean.
Whilst concurring in this division I would suggest,
that early Assyrian and later Assyrian, be substi-
* I particularly refer to the fragment of a cylinder given in vol. ii. of
Ker Porter's travels, and the celebrated inscription in the India House,
supposed to contain the decrees of Nebuchadnezzar, of which the cylinder,
when entire, appears to have been a transcript. Their identity was dis-
covered by Dr. Hincks, Grotefend having previously established the con-
nection between the characters used on similar cylinders and on Babylonian
remains. It is on the tablets and cylinders of baked clay, that the Assy-
rian cuneiform character is most complex. Besides the substitution of
forms not used on the monuments, common letters are rendered more
intricate by adding to the number of wedges: thus becomes
V T, and |~
f Many of these characters are undoubtedly what are termed "vari-
ants ;" that is, merely a different way of forming the same letter; but
even admitting a large number to be so, and to be interchangeable
arbitrarily, still there are between 100 and 150 letters which appear to
have each their distinct phonetic value. Some of the most complex
groups may be monograms.


172
[Chap. I-
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS.
tuted for Assyrian and Medo-Assyrian. By Medo-
Assyrian, Major Rawlinson indicates the character
used in the inscriptions of Van, belonging to a
period preceding the Persian domination*, and in
those at Palouf, and near Malatia, on the banks of
the Euphrates. But at the time he made the dis-
tinction he was unacquainted with the earliest monu-
ments of Nimroud, and had only examined inscrip-
tions from Khorsabad, and a fragment from Nim-
roud both belonging to the same period. The most
ancient Assyrian letters are identical in form with
those found in Armenia. The distinction lies be-
tween the earliest and latest Assyrian writing, and
is amply sufficient to determine the comparative
date of monuments, as the shape of our own letters
marks the time of a document.
The primitive Babylonian is found on bricks, cy-
linders, and tablets from ruins in Babylonia; the
Achsemenian Babylonian in the trilingual inscriptions
of Persia. The former is well known from its fre-
quent occurrence on relics, brought to this country,
from the remains on the Euphrates near the modern
Arab town of Hillah, hitherto believed to be those of
primitive Babylon. It is the most intricate variety
of the cuneiform yet discovered. Those who used it
* There is also a trilingual inscription of Xerxes on the rock at Van.
t The inscription at Palou, an ancient Armenian city, was first ex-
amined and copied by me on my return from Mosul last year. My
attention was called to it by Dr. Smith, of ihe American Board of Foreign
Missions. It closely resembles the inscription near Malatia, copied by
Captain Van Muhlbach. (See Papers of the Syro-Egyptian Society, vol. i
.
part i.)


Chap. I.]
173
CUNEIFORM WRITING.
appear to have exhausted their ingenuity in con-
plicating the simplest forms of the Assyrians.
By a comparison of many letters of the same
power in the Assyrian and Babylonian alphabets, it
is evident that their dissimilitude frequently arises
from the manner of shaping the elementary wedge,
either angle of which might be elongated accord-
ing to the fancy of the writer or sculptor. Thus
T becomes or \~ , and the simple Assyrian
letter is identical with ff^(, a character of com-
mon occurrence in Babylonian inscriptions.
With regard to the relative antiquity of the several
forms of cuneiform writing, it may be asserted, with
some degree of confidence, that the most ancient
hitherto discovered is the Assyrian. The three varie-
ties found in the trilingual inscriptions are all of a
comparatively recent period, the reigns of the Achae-
meniau dynasty. The inscriptions in the Babylonian
character, from the ruins near Hillah, can be shown
to belong to the time of Nebuchadnezzar, and con-
sequently to a period subsequent to the fall of the
Assyrian empire. The name of that monarch is
found upon them all. Amongst the ruins of Niffer,
to the south of Hillah, Major Rawlinson has dis-
covered other inscriptions with a new royal name;
but it is uncertain to what period they belong. That
eminent antiquary, who was, I believe, the first to
indentify the name of Nebuchadnezzar on the bricks
and tablets, from the ruins so long believed to be
those of the scriptural Babylon, inclines to the opinion


174
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS. [Chap. I.
that Niffer may represent its true site, whilst the
mounds around Hillah are the remains of a more
recent city of the same name.* Nor is this suppo-
sition of the existence of two Babylons, inconsistent
with history, and Eastern customs. Nebuchadnezzar
declares that he built the city. "At the end of
twelve months he walked in the palace of the king-
dom of Babylon. The king spake, and said, 4 Is not
this great Babylon that I have built for the house of
the kingdom, by the might of my power, and for
the honour of my majesty ?"'f After the successful
revolt of the Babylonians, and the fall of Nineveh,
it is not improbable that Nebuchadnezzar, on found-
ing a new empire which was to rival the Assyrian
* None of the ruins in Babylonia have yet been properly examined,
and there is little doubt that excavations in thein would lead to very in-
teresting results. The great obelisk ascribed to Semiramis, by Diodorus
Siculus, may have been the pillar or column of Acicarus, seen and inter-
preted by Democritus in his travels in the commencement of the 4th
century b. c. (Laertius, in Vita Democriti, p. 650., ed. Casaubon, and
Clemens Alexandrinus, Stromata, lib. i. cxv. s. 69.) It was, there can be
little doubt, a Babylonian monument; and it probably still exists some-
where in the ruins. Major Rawlinson, in a recent letter, informs me
that, according to the Arabs, an obelisk has been seen at Niffer, and such
reports have generally some foundation, as I have shown with regard to
the sitting figure of Kalah Sherghat (see Chap. XII.). It may have
been exposed to view for a short period, and have again been covered
up by rubbish. Major Rawlinson is of opinion that all the most ancient
remains of Chaldaea (previous to the reign of Nebuchadnezzar) must be
looked for in the ruins to the south of Hillah, in southern Babylonia;
those to the north being chiefly referable to that king. I have visited
most of the remains in the province; but too hastily, and at times of too
great danger, to admit of a careful and prolonged examination. AVith
proper means and support, researches might, however, be carried on.
f Daniel, iv. 29. Josephus (cont. Ap. 1. i.), quoting Berosus, says that
Nebuchadnezzar repaired the city of Babylon which then existed, and
added another city to it.


Chap. I.]
175
THE SITE OF BABYLON.
in power and extent, should have desired to build a
capital worthy of it. During the Assyrian supre-
macy, the ancient capital of the Chaldees may have
partly fallen into ruins; and it was perfectly in accord-
ance with the customs and prejudices of an Eastern
people, to choose for rebuilding it a new site not far
removed from the old. Babylon affords more than
one instance of this very custom. The successor of
Alexander the Great in the empire of the East,
seeking for a capital, did not rebuild Babylon, which
had again fallen into decay. He chose a site near it
on the banks of the Tigris, founded a new city, call-
ing it Seleucia, after his own name, and partly con-
structing it of materials taken from Babylon. Subse-
quently, when another change of dynasty took place,
the Parthian succeeding to the Greek, the city was
again removed, and Ctesiphon rose on the opposite
side of the river. After the Persians came the Arabs,
who, desiring to found a capital for their new em-
pire, chose a different site; still, however, remaining
in the vicinity of the old. Changing the locality
more than once, they at length built the celebrated
city of Baghdad, which actually represents the ancient
Babylon.* Such appears to have been the general
practice in the East; and there is scarcely a place of
any note which has not been rebuilt on a different
site. The present inhabitants of the country, whether
Turks or Arabs, either aware of this fact, or still
* Baghdad is frequently called Babylon by the early travellers, and
even by the Arab geographers. The Church of Rome still gives the title
of " Bishop of Babylon" to the prelate who is placed over the Roman
Catholic Christians in the Pashalic of Baghdad.


176
[Chap. I.
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS.
labouring under the prejudices of the former people,
generally seek in the neighbourhood of a modern
town some ancient remains, to which they attach the
same name.*
It is probable, however, that the half-fabulous ac-
counts of the walls, palaces, temples, and bridges of
Babylon, whose foundation was attributed by Hero-
dotus, Diodorus Siculus, and other ancient authors,
to two queens, Semiramis and Nitocris, related to the
edifices of the second Babylon, built by Nebuchad-
nezzar. The Chaldees still nourished the traditions
of their ancient greatness, and may have endeavoured,
in satisfying the curiosity of a stranger, to assign the
highest antiquity to their monuments.
It may be asked what proof have we that the name
of Nebuchadnezzar exists on bricks and fragments,
from the ruins near Hillah? The name, written
nearly as in our version of the prophecies of Ezekiel,
appears to have been assumed by one of the rebels
subdued by Darius Hystaspes. It consequently oc-
curs in the trilingual inscription of Behistun. One
Natitabires is there stated to have called himself
Nabokhodrossor, the son of Nabonidus, the King of
Babylon. As these names are transcribed in the
Babylonian column, there is of course no difficulty
in recognising the letters composing them, and
hence their identification when found elsewhere, as
at llillah, in the pure Babylonian writing. In in-
scriptions from that site, Nebuchadnezzar is called
* Thus, there is Mosul and Eski (old) Mosul, Baghdad and Eski (old)
Baghdad, &c. &c.


Chap. I.]
177
NAMES ON BRICKS.
the son of Nabonassar, and the king of the land of the
Chaldees.*
Although Major Kawlinson has suggested a reading
for the name on the bricks from Niffer, it is doubtful
to what period they belong; and at present there is
no evidence to show that they are older than the
most ancient edifice of Nimroud. We may, there-
fore, fairly assume that the Assyrian is the earliest
known form of the arrow-headed writing. The com-
plex shapes of the Babylonian characters, and their
apparent derivation by elongation of angles, and
other processes from the simpler Assyrian letters,
undoubtedly point to a more recent invention. There
cannot be a doubt that the characters, as formed in
the earliest palace of Nimroud, long preceded those
of the inscriptions of Khorsabad and Kouyunjik.
This is an important fact, as it proves that the most
simple were the earliest, and that there was a gradual
progression towards the more intricate. This pro-
gression may be very clearly traced in the inscriptions
• An extraordinary laxity in the nse, omission, and" interchange of
certain consonants, as it will be shown, is one of the distinguishing fea-
tures of the language expressed by this branch of the cuneiform character.
The name of Nebuchadnezzar is written in many ways — in the Bisutun
inscription we have Nabokhodrossor, Nabukhadrachar, and Nabukhu-
drachar. In pure Babylonian inscriptions it undergoes even more nume-
rous changes. In Daniel he is called Nebuchadnezzar, or Nabuchod-
onosor; in Ezekiel (ch. xxvi. v. 7.) the name is written Nebuchadrezzar.
The first component of the word, Nebo, was the name of a Babylonian
divinity. (Isaiah, ch. xlvi. v. 1.) The interchanges which take place in
consonants is shown by the names of several Babylonian kings, as given
by the Greeks. Thus, the Zabunitus of Herodotus is called iVabunidus
by Berosus.
VOL. II.
N


178
[CHAp. I.
NLNEVEH AND ITS REMAINS.
from different Assyrian ruins. We may therefore
consistently conclude that the Babylonian, being the
most complex, was the most modern of this branch of
cuneiform writing.
The question of prior antiquity now, therefore, lies
between the monuments of Assyria, and the rock-
tablets of Armenia. At present there is no positive
evidence to decide their respective claims; but there
are strong grounds for believing that the earliest
inscriptions of Nimroud are the most ancient. We
have the testimony of ancient authors, who attribute
the invention of letters . to the Assyrians, and give
the name of Assyrian to the cuneiform writing, even
when changed and modified by the Persians.* In
the earliest inscriptions of Armenia, the royal titles
resemble those of the first kings of Nimroud. In the
latter inscriptions of the same Armenian dynasty,
the titles are similar to those on the monuments of
Khorsabad and Kouyunjik.f It may be inferred,
therefore, that these Armenian kings lived between
the erection of the earliest and latest monuments of
Assyria proper. Whether there were cotemporaneous
Assyrian and Armenian dynasties, or whether the
names at Van are those of kings who reigned at the
same time over Armenia and Assyria, and are con-
* Herodotus always calls this form of writing Assyrian. (See lib. iv.
c. 87. &c.) According to Amyntas, the inscription on the tomb of Sar-
danapalus was written in Chaldean letters (XnXiaiicoTj ypd/i/iairif) on a
stone column. Aristobulus terms them Assyrian letters. (Athenaeus,
lib. xii.) Also Arrian. (Exp. Alex. lib. ii. c. 5.)
f This was brought to my notice by Major Rawlinson.


Chap. I.] CUNEIFORM WRITING.
179
sequently to be included in the Assyrian dynastic
lists, are questions which can only be determined
when the contents of the inscriptions are known, and
the ruins of Assyria more thoroughly examined.
Admitting, therefore, that the Assyrian is the most
ancient known form of arrow-headed writing, it
would be interesting to ascertain its origin. The
epithets of cuneiform, cuneatic, wedge-shaped, and
arrow-headed,—tete-a-clou (nail-headed) in French,
and keilformig in German,—have been variously
assigned to it, because its component parts resemble
either a wedge, the barb of an arrow, or a nail, ac-
cording to the fancy of the describer. It is not im-
probable, however, that the original or primitive
elements of the letters were merely simple lines, the
wedge or arrow-head being a subsequent improvement
or embellishment. On a slab at Nimroud, forming a
part of a wall in the south-west palace, but brought
from the most ancient edifice, I found one line of
writing in which the characters were thus formed.
It occurred beneath the usual inscription, and was but
slightly cut: —
e}4£ tTT?Ttj:TH<"F<«
i?eT€It n n tn
It is evident that, by substituting the wedge, or
arrow-head, for the lines in the above inscription,
the characters would resemble such as are found
« 2


180
[Chap. I.
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS.
on the earliest Assyrian monuments. The simpler
letters may have been used in documents, and could
have been written easily and quickly, the more
elaborate monumental character requiring both time
and care. In inscriptions on Babylonian bricks the
wedges are also frequently replaced by mere lines,
as for ffjpy or Jj^f ,* these characters being
the same. Nor is the element of the most ancient
form of Assyrian monumental writing always the
arrow-bead or the wedge; it sometimes assumes the
shape of a hammer on painted bricks from the earliest
palace at Nimroud.
tnTTffT"¥A-Tf
The use of the wedge may have been suggested
by the impression of the angular corner of a square
rod on a surface of soft clay, which will produce
this form very accurately. Even complicated cha-
racters and a short inscription might thus have been
impressed on a tablet of any soft material. But
this elementary figure appears to have been sacred;
for we find it represented lying on an altar, amongst
other religious emblems, on a Babylonian relic,
usually known as the "Caillou de Michaud," in
the National Library of Paris. Whether it became
sacred from its employment in the written character,
* The character thus formed occurs in the inscriptions of Susiana.
For the Assyrian letter, of which the three variants in the text are modi-
fications, see p. 173.


Chap. L]
181
CUNEIFORM WRITING.

or whether used in the formation of the Assyrian
letters because of any emblematic meaning attached
to it, I will not attempt to determine.*
Nor will I stop to inquire whether, in their original
forms, the Assyrian letters were ideographic; whether,
as it has been assumed with regard to the alphabets of
Syria, their names were derived from things which they
were meant to represent. It will require a much more
intimate acquaintance with the nature and powers of
these characters than we can hope to attain for some
time to come, before we can determine whether the
* It would not be difficult for those who are apt at discovering the hidden
meaning of ancient symbols, to invest the arrow-head or wedge of the
Assyrian characters, assuming, as it frequently does, the form of an equi-
lateral triangle, with sacred and mythic properties; and to find in it a
direct illustration of the sacred triad, the basis of Chaldsean worship and
theogony, or of another well-known Eastern object of worship. (See
Lajard's elaborate Essays on the Worship of Venus, on the Cypress, and
on the Religious Symbols of the Assyrians and Persians, in the "Md-
moires de 1'Academic des Inscriptions et Belles Lcttres," and in the
"Annales de l'lnstitut Archeologique.")
n 3


182
[Chat. L
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS.
arrangement of the wedges depends upon any system,
or whether it be merely arbitrary. At present there
is no proof in support of either supposition.
The first records of the Assyrians, like those of
most ancient nations, were probably monumental.
They were cut either on the walls of temples, palaces
and other edifices, or upon the smoothed face of a
rock. After the subjection of a distant nation, the
limits of the conquest of the king were marked, or
his triumphs celebrated, by an inscription in some
conspicuous spot in the conquered country. The side
of a lofty precipice was generally chosen. A tablet
was first cut sufficiently deep into the rock to leave
above it a projecting ledge, to protect the sculpture
as much as possible from the effects of the weather,
and from the water which might run down its face.
A bas-relief, representing the king alone, or the
king receiving captives, was then usually sculptured.
Below the figures, or near, was explained in writing
the event recorded by the bas-relief, and sometimes
a short inscription on the dress*, or above the head,
of each person contained his name and titles. Such
is the Assyrian monument at the mouth of the Nahr-
el-Kelb, or Dog River, in Syria. Frequently an in-
scription or a bas-relief was alone carved, as in parts
of Asia Minor. The rock below the tablet was gene-
rally scarped, all access to the monument being cut
off, to save it from injury or destruction. If no con-
* Across the breasts of the figures in Ionia, attributed by Herodotus
(lib. ii. c. 106.) to Sesostris, but which were probably Assyrian, were
inscriptions.


Chap. I.] ASSYRIAN RECORDS. 183
venient rock could be found, or if the king wished to
mark the boundaries of his dominions, a square pillar
or slab was erected, as on the summit of the pass of
Kel-i-Shin, in the high mountains dividing Assyria
from Media.* The Persians, who appear to have
closely imitated the Assyrians in all their customs,
adopted the same method of recording their con-
quests and victories,— as the rock sculptures of Be-
histun still testify. According to Herodotus, Darius,
during his Scythian expedition, erected, on the shores
of the Bosphorus, two columns of white marble, one-
having inscribed in Assyrian (cuneiform), and the
other in Greek characters, the names of the different
nations which composed his vast army. He placed
a third on the Tearus, after crossing the straits into
Thrace, f
When events were to be recorded more in detail,
the inscriptions appear to have been engraved on the
walls of their temples or palaces, as in Egypt, to ac-
company painted or sculptured representations of the
scenes they described.
* The custom of putting up tablets and pillars to fix the boundaries of
an empire, is frequently alluded to in the monumental records of Egypt.
(See Birch's Translation of the Obelisk at Constantinople, and Observa-
tions on the Statistical Tablet at Karnak, in the new Series of the Trans-
actions of the Royal Society of Literature, vol. ii.)
f Herod, lib. iv. c. 87. and 91. This appears also to have been the
most ancient method of chronicling events and keeping records. Jose-
ph us, following an ancient tradition, declares that Seth erected, in the land
of Siriad, two pillars, one of brick, the other of stone, and inscribed upon
them the principal antediluvian arts and sciences. (Antiq. Jud. lib. i.
c. 3.) Sesostris, according to Herodotus, erected pillars and carved
tablets in the places which he conquered. The Greek historian mentions
those he had seen in Palestine (probably the tablets still existing near the
Nahr-el-Kelb) and in Asia Minor. (Lib. ii. c. 102. and 106.)
n 4


184 NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS. [Chap. I.
It is not improbable that, during the early period
of the Assyrian monarchy, stone and clay were the
only substances on which private as well as public
records were written. In the most ancient sculptures
of Nimroud there are no representations of scribes.
In the more recent, however, at Khorsabad, at Kouy-
unjik, and Nimroud, we have eunuchs writing down

8critiea writing down the Numher cf Heads of the Slain and the Amount of lie Spiil. (Suujulu!. )
the number of heads, and the amount of spoil, on
some flexible material, the nature of which cannot be
determined from the sculptures. At the time of the
close intercourse between Assyria and Egypt, pro-
bably existing, as it will be shown, at the period to
which these bas-reliefs belong, the papyrus may have
been an article of commerce between the two coun-


'JUAP. I.]
185
ASSYRIAN RECORDS.
tries; or rolls of leather manufactured in Assyria
may have been the only material employed for docu-
ments. The reed growing in the marshes formed
by the Tigris and Euphrates may have served, as
it does to this day, for a pen; and the cursive or
hieratic characters, on the fragments of vases from
Nimroud, appear to have been written with some
such instrument.*
But the most common mode of keeping records
in Assyria and Babylonia was on prepared bricks,
tiles, or cylinders of clay, baked after the inscription
was impressed. The characters appear to have been
formed by an instrument, or may sometimes have
been stamped. The Chaldaean priests informed Cal-
listhenes that they kept their astronomical observa-
tions on bricks baked in the furnace f; and we
have the testimony of Epigenes to the same effect. %
Ezekiel, who prophesied near the river Chebar in
Assyria, was commanded to take a tile and portray
upon it the city of Jerusalem. § Of such records we
* The material represented in the sculptures could scarcely have been
papyrus, as that substance is too brittle to be rolled or bent. Parchment
was not invented till a much later period. Mr. Birch inclines to the idea
of leather, which the Egyptians used occasionally as early as the 18th
dynasty.
f Simplicius, Aristot. de Coelo, 1. ii.
% "E diverso Epigenes, apud Babylonios dccxx. annorum observa-
tions siderum coctilibus latcrculis inscriptas, docet gravis auctor in
primis, qui minimum, Berosus et Critodemus ccccxc. annorum. Ex quo
apparet seternum literarum usum."—Plin. Hist. Nat. 1. vii. c. lvi. s. 57. ed.
Sillig. In some editions of Pliny a thousand years is added to both these
periods; but this appears to have been an error of Brottier, rectified in
the last edition, as quoted.
§ "Thou also, son of man, take thee a tile, and lay it before thee, and
pourtray upon it the city, even Jerusalem."—Ch. iv. 1.


186
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS. [Chap. I.
have many specimens. The most remarkable are two
hexagonal cylinders, one in the possession of Colonel
Taylor, late political Agent at Baghdad, and the other
given by me to the British Museum. They were both
discovered in the ruins opposite Mosul, and, I believe,
in the Mound of Nebbi Yunus.* On each side there
are about sixty lines of writing, in such minute cha-
racters that the aid of a magnifying glass is required
to ascertain their forms. Habit and long practice
have enabled me to analyse and copy the inscription
on my own cylinder; that on Colonel Taylor's has
not yet been examined. I find in it the name of the
Kouyunjik king, with those, I think, of his father and
son. Other royal names are frequently repeated, and
the whole appears to be some public document or his-
torical record, f The identification of the fragment
(probably of a similar cylinder) published in Ker
Porter's Travels, with the inscription on the stone in
the Museum of the East India Company, containing
decrees or annals of Nebuchadnezzar, renders it highly
probable that these cylinders were generally used for
such purposes.
In many public and private collections there are
* That formerly in my possession was used as a candlestick by a re-
spectable Turcoman family living in the village, on the mound of Nebbi
Yunus near the tomb of the prophet. The cylinder is hollow, and was
probably closed at both ends ; only one extremity is now perfect. A
hole in the centre of one of the ends received the tallow candle. To such
base uses are now turned the records of the Assyrians 1 I also found
half of another cylinder of the some kind.
f The inscription will be included in the collection brought by me
from Assyria, now in the course of publication by the Trustees of the
British Museum.


Chap. I.]
187
CUNEIFORM WRITING.
inscriptions on tiles, and on barrel-shaped cylinders
of baked clay. On a tile formerly in the possession
of Dr. Ross of Baghdad, and afterwards, I believe, in
that of the late Mr. Steuart, there are many lines of
writing, accompanied by the impression of seals, pro-
bably of attesting witnesses.*
The inscriptions on the Babylonian bricks are
generally enclosed in a small square, and are formed
with considerable care and nicety. They appear to
have been impressed with a stamp, upon which the
entire inscription, and not isolated letters, was cut
in relief. This art, so nearly approaching to the
modern invention of printing, is proved to have been
known at a very remote epoch to the Egyptiansf and
Chinese. The characters on the Assyrian bricks
were made separately. Some letters may have been
impressed singly by a stamp; but from the care-
less and irregular way in which they are formed
and grouped together, it appears more probable that
they were all cut with an instrument and by the
hand. % The characters, however, on the cylinders,
* On a fragment brought by me from Nimroud, are parallel columns
of the most minute characters, apparently words and numbers, perhaps
an account. On a rectangular tile, also formerly in the possession of
Mr. Steuart, a small engraved cylinder of stone or metal appears to have
been rolled or passed completely round the edges, probably to prevent
enlargement or counterfaction of the document.
f The Egyptian monarchs also stamped their names on bricks. The
stamps used were of wood, and several are preserved in European col-
lections. The characters are, I believe, generally incised, so that the im-
pression, unlike that on the Babylonian bricks, is in relief.
X The stamp being used in Babylonia, and not in Assyria, may furnish
an additional argument in favour of the greater antiquity of the Assyrian
writing.


188
[Chap. I.
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS.
particularly on one or two fragments discovered at
Nimroud, are so elaborately minute*, and at the
same time so accurately made, that only an instru-
ment of the most delicate construction could have
produced them.
The great antiquity of carving documents on
stone, is shown by the Bible. The divine commands
were first given to mankind on stone tablets, and
amongst all primitive nations this appears to have
been considered the most appropriate and durable
method of pepetuating records. The letters were
evidently cut with a sharp instrument of iron, or
of prepared copper. From the passage in Jobf, "Oh
that my words were written! that they were graven
with an iron pen and lead in the rock for ever!" it
has been conjectured that the incised letters were
filled up with lead. No remains of metal were
found by me in the inscriptions; but M. Botta states,
that in letters on the pavement slabs of Khorsabad,
traces of copper were still evident, the stone being
coloured by it. J
The cuneiform characters, on most of the monu-
ments of Assyria and Persia, are formed with great
neatness and care. Major Rawlinson states that
on the surface of the rock at Behistun could still be
traced the remains of varnish, or some transparent
* Particularly on a very beautiful fragment of baked clay now in the
British Museum.
t Ch. xix. 23. and 24.
J Botta's letters in the Journal Asiatique and Flandin's memoirs in
the Revue des deux Mondes. I discovered at Khalah Sherghat a frag-
ment of a copper tablet with cuneiform letters.


Chap. I.]
189
CUNEIFORM WRITING.
substance which appears to have been laid over the
whole tablet to preserve it, as far as" possible, from
injury, by exposure to the atmosphere. No kind of
letter can be better adapted to resist the ordinary
process of decay than the Assyrian when well sculp-
tured. Simple horizontal or perpendicular lines,
deeply incised, will defy for ages the effects of decay.
When an inscription is so much injured, that a
person unaccustomed to the examination of similar
monuments would either fail to distinguish it, or
would soon abandon an attempt to copy it as hope-
less, it is frequently possible, by watching the shadows
thrown by the sun, to transcribe the whole. Some
inscriptions, visible at certain periods of the day, en-
tirely vanish at others, and would escape even the
most experienced eye.*
The foregoing remarks will, it is hoped, have given
the reader some insight into the writing of the As-
syrians. It only remains for me to add that the
great trilingual record of Behistun, the inscription
over the tomb of Darius near the ruins of Perse-
polis, and various shorter and less important in-
scriptions in other parts of Persia, have afforded a
ground-work for the investigation of the Assyrian
character. From the progress already made, there
* Such are the inscriptions in the Babylonian characters discovered by
Major Rawlinson near Holwan, to the west of Kirmanshah, and also to
a certain extent the inscription partly copied by me at Palou. I was
unable to distinguish the letters in one corner of the tablet which, during
my visit, was thrown into the shade by a projecting ledge. Dr. Smith,
who first saw the tablet, was doubtful whether there were still any remains
of the inscription upon it.


190
[Chap. I.
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS.
is every reason to hope, that within a short period
we shall be able to ascertain the general contents, if
not to give accurate translations, of the numerous
inscriptions which have, within the last three years,
been added to the written records of the ancient
world. The labour of deciphering an unknown cha-
racter, probably representing an extinct dialect, if not
an extinct language, is however very great. Not only
is an intimate acquaintance with etymology and phi-
lology absolutely required, but at the same time con-
siderable ingenuity, a vast deal of mere mechanical
investigation, and a tedious comparison of all known
inscriptions in the same character. I have already
alluded to the extreme laxity prevailing in the con-
struction and orthography of the language of the
Assyrian inscriptions, and to the number of distinct
characters which appear to make up its alphabet.
Letters differing widely in their forms, and evidently
the most opposite in their phonetic powers, are in-
terchangeable. The shortest name may be written
in a variety of ways; every character in it may be
changed, till at last the word is so altered that a
person unacquainted with the process which it has
undergone, would never suspect that the two were
in fact the same. These changes will be pointed
out hereafter in the name of the king who appears
to have been the founder of the earliest edifice at
Nimroud.
By a careful comparison of inscriptions more than
once repeated, it will be found that many characters,


Chap. I.]
191
CUNEIFORM WRITING.
greatly or even altogether differing in form, are only
varieties or variants of the same letter. If we deter-
mine, by a process of comparison, the number of
characters which have evidently the same phonetic
power, and admit that many letters have, to a certain
extent, a syllabic value, consonants being differently
formed according to the vowel sound attached to
them, the number of letters may be reduced within
the compass of an alphabet.*
We derive another important aid in deciphering,
from the well-proved fact, that in Assyrian monu-
mental writing it was never the custom to divide a
word at the end of a line. To avoid doing so, the
sculptor would carry it beyond the limits of the rest
of the inscription, or would prefer finishing it on
the side, or even back, of the slab. This appears also
to have been frequently the case when inscriptions
were carried across figures, the word not being
divided when an interruption from drapery, or other
portions of the sculpture, took place. The knowledge
of this fact has enabled me, by a careful comparison of
the inscriptions of similar import, which are repeated
on almost every slab in the earliest palace of Nim-
roud, to determine nearly all the words in them, f
* A table, drawn up by the careful comparison of several hundred in-
scriptions, will be included in the work published by the Trustees of the
British Museum. It shows a large number of variants, and marks the
division between words. M. Botta has also published a highly useful
table of variants in the " Journal Asiatique" for October 1847.
f In the Persian cuneiform inscriptions each word is separated by a
slanting wedge; hence one of the principal difficulties in deciphering is


192 NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS. [CHAP. I.
Several proper names, in the trilingual inscriptions,
particularly those of kings and countries, have given
us the undoubted value of many letters, and have
enabled us to find corresponding geographical names
on the Assyrian monuments. We are able, at the
same time, to prove that the name of a man * is gene-
rally, if not always, preceded by a simple wedge, and
to determine the character representing “son of,” as
well as that meaning a country, or denoting that the
following name belongs to a people or to a nation.
The names of cities, above their sculptured repre-
sentations in the bas-reliefs, are also always preceded
by a determinative sign.f
Such are the materials for inquiry. They are con-
siderable: quite sufficient indeed to warrant the hope
of future success, when the investigation is pursued by
such men as Rawlinson, Birch, or Norris, and others,
in France and Germany, no less distinguished for
extensive philological acquirements, than for eminent
abilities, perseverance, and ingenuity. i
avoided. But such is not the case either in the Assyro-Babylonian, or in
the Median.
* And sometimes the personal pronoun.
f The character preceding the proper name, and those signifying “son
of" and “king," are given elsewhere. That denoting country is ** or
*\, a city –- ¥ y or its variant --". There is reason to believe
that ->|- precedes the name of a divinity. |< is the sign of the plural.
# Since writing the above I have learnt from Major Rawlinson that he
has succeeded in deciphering the inscription on the obelisk described in
the preceding pages. It contains, according to him, the annals of the
reign of the son of Ninus. He has obtained, moreover, fifteen royal
Ilaines.


CHAP. I.] ASSYRIAN GENEALOGIES. 193
I have thus placed before the reader the principal
steps made towards deciphering the Assyrian in-
scriptions, and pointed out the amount of knowledge
we possess. I will now return to the inscriptions of
Nimroud, and resume the arguments afforded by them
as to the comparative dates of the various buildings.
I have had frequent occasion to observe that there
is scarcely a kiln-burnt brick or a stone employed
in the ancient edifices of Assyria without an in-
scription upon it. In buildings of various epochs
we find different formulae; but in every mound
where there are the remains of but one building, as
at Khorsabad for instance, one formula is constantly
repeated, with a few unessential variations. The
inscription on the bricks of the earliest palace at
Nimroud, that in the north-west corner, is as fol-
lows: —
=\ſſ H- Y --W A Yº ((( I (( * —)
Y} = -- ((( I (( \ –)
T; K R =’s (KK I (K tº +I)+
* It has been conjectured that these two characters signify “the great
house” or palace; but there appear to me to be objections to this inter-
pretation. They are sometimes replaced by -*.
f The cuneiform type used in the text has been cut by Mr. Harrison,
of St. Martin's Lane. The inscriptions from Assyria printed by him for
the Trustees of the British Museum, are the first specimens of an exten-
sive use of moveable cuneiform types, and they are remarkable instances
of the ingenuity, and I may add taste, of a British printer. The letters
were cut and put together under my superintendence, and that of Mr.
Norris, translator of Eastern languages at the Foreign Office, and one of
the secretaries of the Asiatic Society; of whose eminent abilities and most
extensive knowledge in every branch of Eastern philology and literature,
VOL. II. O


194 NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS. [Chap. I.
The inscription which is found on almost every
slab in the same building, commences nearly in a
similar way : — ,
m s- T Vj wb ~v ^ ejh ~f ~«
-4- 4- es*=T1A -4- fl OT < -4- EEM ^
^Ld £T s^<I -4- !«< g- T«< « tffl +
« I « -V) flf H 4- (« ^!tt « ^!tt ss=
« I « ^ —V) T? < rr (« I « * -V)
On the bricks discovered in the centre palace we
have the following inscription: —
T Hf- <!£ Ef 4- 4- C« ^TTT^ *
« -TT? 4- « I « ^ —)
fl T -V ^ TM« ^TTT-
« -TTt Hh « I « ^ -)
IM B 4 - (« I « ^T)
-in ^4- v <T- m m
it would be superfluous in me to speak. That the inscriptions of Assyria
should be perpetuated, and be made accessible to all through the medium
of moveable types, after the loss of the character for nearly 2500 years, is
not one of the least of the many wonderful achievements of printing.
* Characters, in which perpendicular wedges are placed between two
horizontal wedges, are formed, in the oldest inscriptions, by carrying one
horizontal wedge across the perpendicular. I have not made this distinc-
tion in the text.


Chap. I.]
195
ASSYRIAN GENEALOGIES.
It is evident that in these inscriptions a certain
formula is repeated three times *, preceded on each oc-
casion by a different group of characters. In the in-
scriptions from the earliest palace, these groups are
^ % >f and < -V — in those from
the centre -»f- <frif= ^ >f, —V ^ !t and
JrT It will also be observed, that in both in-
scriptions, the groups before the second and third
repetition of the formula, are preceded either by ^ |
or by |^ alone. On comparing the Persian trilin-
gual inscriptions, it is found that in the Babylonian
column, the names of the kings, as well as all proper
names, are preceded by a simple perpendicular wedge
(|); and further, that ^ replaces the "son of " of
the Persian. We have, therefore, in the inscriptions
given above, three names in direct descent, the last
being the builder or founder of an edifice, and his
name occurring on every stone and nearly every
brick in it. It will also be perceived that in the in-
scription from the second palace, the position of two
of the names occurring in the first are changed,
and that the other no longer appears. The son in
fact becomes the father, and the father the grand-
father; whilst the last in the list, or the builder of the
new edifice, is a name not found in the first series.
On a pavement slab in the upper chambers, to the
south of the north-west palace f, we have a further
list of names of considerable importance; for not only
* I have placed this formula within brackets.
f See page 16. of this vol. This slab is on its way to the British
Museum.
o 9


196
[Chap. I.
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS.
do four appear in genealogical series, thus confirming
our first conjecture, but two new names are added.
tTTTT S- T < -H (« « Hr
«i« * - ) T? i ^ <T- hi- (
« I « v -V....) T? T Hh <T£ £T + +««
T -V *r Tft
We have thus six generations, three kings—the third,
the fourth, and the sixth, having been founders of
buildings of Nimroud.
There can be little doubt that the names are those
of kings. In the first place, the groups following
them can be shown, by referring to the trilingual
inscriptions, to be royal titles; and secondly, the in-
terpretation of the legends on Babylonian bricks,
and analogous discoveries in Egypt, prove that it was
customary to impress the name of the king upon the
materials used in public edifices. Besides, a name of
such common and general occurrence can hardly be
that of a private individual.
In the inscription on the slab opposite wall k, in
the south-west palace J, we have a new name ac-
* and >— are interchangeable characters.
f The other names JlV" and J^T *^~) occur after >->-
|y 'n this inscription, but are not placed, as far as I can ascertain,
in genealogical series. A further knowledge of the character is necessary
before it can be determined how thejr are used.
t See p. 33. of this vol.


Chap. I.] ASSYRIAN GENEALOGIES.
197
companied by royal titles, f I0f ^TTTT ^TT
There can be no doubt that it was brought
from elsewhere, with other materials used in the con-
struction of the building in which it was found. It
did not belong to either the palace in the north-west,
or in the centre of the mound; for not only is the
name new, but the peculiar arrangement of the
wedges in the characters, points to a different and
more recent period than that of the erection of those
edifices.
Behind the bulls and lions in the south-west palace,
as well as on baked bricks from the same building,
we have the following highly important genealogical
series.
m s- T * - «< « m +
« i « * - ) w i -+«< a- T«< <^r
«< i« * h n T « «< i« * -eTo
The first name is identical with that of the king
who founded the earliest palace of Mmroud, but
those of the father and grandfather do not occur else-
where in the ruins. The name of the father is,
however, found on bricks and inscriptions from
Kouyunjik, and that of the grandfather on the monu-
• appears to be equivalent to This character evidently
means " King."
o 3


198
[Chap. I.
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS.
ments of Khorsabad.* We are consequently able
to fix the comparative period of both these build-
ings, 'with reference to the most recent palace at
Nimroud. And this direct proof afforded by the
genealogy is confirmed by identity of style in the
sculptures, and in the form of the letters used in the
inscriptions from the three buildings — so much so,
that long before the discovery of the ruins of Kouy-
* The name of the Khorsabad king is also written {X ^Tl^ *"A \'
for the name of the Kouyunjik king we have the following variation
»~>f- >-\ tSw-t ]<« ^Ti thatb 10 ^y. 'tat
whilst the name, as given in the text, is inscribed on the backs of the
slabs, and over the head of the king in the sculptures, as well as on all the
bricks I have yet discovered in the ruins opposite Mosul, it occurs in the
above form at the commencement of the inscriptions on the front of the
bulls (being written, as in the text, on the back). The inference, there-
fore, naturally is, that the name is the same, or that it may be a title or
a pramomen. The well-known laxity of the Assyrian writing admits
either supposition. There are other variations, but not so essential, in
the orthography of the name. I am aware that Dr. Hincks (on the In-
scriptions of Van, Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society,) denies that the
two names found on the bricks and slabs from Khorsabad are identical;
believing one (that found at Nimroud, in the short inscription from the
south-west palace) to be the name of a king who may have partially built
the Khorsabad edifice, and the other to be that of a successor of even the
last king mentioned at Nimroud. He reads the first Nishar, and identi-
fies the other with Sennacherib, Essarhaddon, and Cbinilidan. Between
the last two kings, according to the astronomical canon, there must have
been a lapse of more than sixty years. If Dr. Hincks's view, therefore,
be correct, we have an additional argument in favour of the antiquity of
the earliest palace at Nimroud. But I may observe, that there are very
strong grounds for suspecting the identity of the two names occurring on
the monuments of Khorsabad. It will be remembered that on the ala-
baster vases discovered in the ruins of Nimroud both occur; and if the
Nimroud edifices were finally buried whilst the last palace was building—
as I have shown there are good reasons for suspecting — no doubt will
any longer remain as to their identity.


Chap. I.]
199
ASSYRIAN GENEALOGIES.
unjik, I conjectured, from the examination of mere
fragments from them, that they belong to the same
period as Khorsabad.
We have thus, in the foregoing inscriptions, the
names of ten, if not twelve, kings; the first six in
genealogical series, the seventh standing by itself,
and the last three again showing a direct descent,
but unconnected with any of the previous. I have
already mentioned the tablet in the tunnel of Ne-
goub, which was unfortunately destroyed before I
was able to obtain an accurate copy of the inscription
upon it.* On examining, after my return to Eng-
land, the fragment that the little light in the place
permitted me to transcribe, and which before ap-
peared to be almost unintelligible, I found a genea-
logical list, and I think I recognise the names of
the Kouyunjik king, of the founder of Khorsabad,
and of his father f, and perhaps even his grand-
father. But the ends of the lines have been de-
stroyed, and the series is consequently interrupted.
The two additional names are (?) (?)
>-£ (?) JH[ (« V^) (line interrupted), and yy | yy
£*-IT MHf (« V) t The forms of the cha-
racters are those of the late Assyrian period,
* See Vol. L p. 81.
t It is worthy of observation that the name of the father of the builder
of Khorsabad has not yet been found in any inscription from that or
any other building.
J The whole fragment will be given in the collection of Assyrian in-
scriptions, published by the Trustees of the British Museum. I may
observe, that since writing the above, I have received a letter from
o 4


200
[Crap. T.
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS.
Although the evidence afforded by the two addi-
tional names in this inscription is entitled to consi-
derable weight, I will not dwell upon it. Connecting
the three distinct series given above by only one
royal name, and supposing these kings to have suc-
ceeded one another, we. have eight generations be-
tween the founder of the first edifice and the last,
or in all ten. If we allow, as is usual, thirty years to
a generation, we have a lapse of 300 years. The
first palace could not, therefore, have been founded
later than about 900 years before Christ.
But there are several circumstances which seem to
prove, that a very long interval elapsed between the
construction of the palaces in the north and centre of
the mound, and that at the south-west corner. The
latter is chiefly built, as I have had frequent occasion
to remark, of slabs taken from the others; but there
are, at the same time, sculptures and inscriptions in
this edifice evidently coming from some ruin not yet
discovered, and differing in many respects from those
known to exist in any other building at Nimroud.
These edifices appear, from the frequent repetition
of the figures of the gods, to have been either
temples, or, as there is reason to believe was the
case in Egypt, royal residences combined with those
of the gods. It may, therefore, reasonably be cor.-
Major Rawlinson, to whom I sent a copy of the fragment, and that he
is inclined to doubt the identification of the names with those of the
Khorsabad and Kouyunjik kings, and to believe that this is a distinct
royal series ; if so, we have still more important evidence of the antiquity
of the earliest edifice of Nimroud.


Chap. I.]
201
DISTINCTIONS OF STYLE.
jectured that a considerable period elapsed before a
monarch pulled down the sacred buildings of kings of
his own race and faith to raise out of the materials
a new habitation for himself or his divinities. A
contrary supposition would be opposed to all we
know of the religious feelings and prejudices of the
ancients. The buildings destroyed must either have
belonged to so remote a period, that not only all
remembrance of those who erected them had passed
away, which was not likely to have been the case in
Assyria, as the written character was still preserved,
or a new religion had been introduced with a new
dynasty.
That a new race, with new forms of worship, had
succeeded to the original inhabitants of the country,
or, what is more probable, that a new dynasty had
taken the place of the old, seems to be shown by the
monuments themselves. There are remarkable dif-
ferences between the sculptures from the earliest
palace of Nimroud, and those from Khorsabad. The
costumes change; the forms of the chariots, the
trappings of the horses, the helmets and armour of
the warriors, are no longer the same. The mode of
treatment of the subjects, the nature of the sculpture,
and the forms of the characters used in the inscrip-
tions, vary essentially. At Khorsabad and Kouyunjik
we find no traces of the religious emblems so frequent
in the sculptures of the north-west palace of Nimroud.
The emblem of the great divinity, the winged figure
within the circle, has never been found at Khorsabad,


202 NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS. [Ch.AP. I.
Kouyunjik, or in the latest palaces of Nimroud.
From the frequent representations of the fire-altar in
the bas-reliefs from those ruins, and on cylinders
evidently of the same period, there is reason to be-
lieve that a fire-worship had succeeded to the purer
forms of Sabaeanism. The language, too, of the
earliest inscriptions appears to vary essentially from
that used in the latest. Major Rawlinson is of opinion
that, whilst the language spoken by the builders of
the most ancient Assyrian monuments was far re-
moved from the Chaldee of a known historic period,
that of the inscriptions of Khorsabad approaches very
closely to the Babylonian dialect; which again is
nearly allied to the Chaldee of sacred literature, and
of the Sadr of the Sabaeans. Indeed it may be fore-
seen, that the reading of the early Nimroud inscrip-
tions will be a task of no easy accomplishment, and
will be best arrived at by a prior knowledge of the
contents of those of Khorsabad.
All these facts lead to the belief that the palaces
at Khorsabad and Kouyunjik, and in the south-west
corner of the mound of Nimroud, were built by a later
race or dynasty of kings. It is not indeed impossible,
but on the contrary there are circumstances to lead
to the conjecture, that the edifices in one part of the
mound of Nimroud were already in ruins, and buried
under ground, before those in another part were
founded. The flooring, or foundations, of the south-
west palace is on a level with the tops of the walls of
the north-west, and of the centre palaces. It is not pro-


CHAP. I.] COMPARISON OF DATES. 203
bable that an edifice should have been erected adjoin-
ing the ruins of a more ancient, and so much above
it, that the artificial mound must have been carried
up to the level of the roof of the ruined building. It
would moreover appear, from a peculiar depression in
the mound, that when the slabs of the northern wall
of the great hall (B, in plan 3.) were carried away for
the construction of the south-west palace, excavations
were made to reach them. It may be mentioned as
a curious fact to corroborate this supposition, that
two of the slabs” had fallen back from their places,
not into the room, but into the place where the wall
of sun-dried bricks, of which they had originally
formed the casing, ought to have been ; so that this
wall must have been removed. On examining the
ruins carefully, it appeared to me as if the builders
of the most recent palace, having found a suitable
position for an edifice on the artificial elevation at
Nimroud, and discovering that remains were buried
in it, enlarged the mound by adding to it on the
south side. Having raised this new platform to the
height of the ruins, covered, as they then were, with
earth, they built upon it, digging, for their materials,
into the old palaces. And it may be remarked as
almost conclusive evidence that the palaces of dif.
ferent periods were not standing at the same time,
that whilst the most recent building at Nimroud had
been completely destroyed by fire, the north-west and
* Nos. 27. and 28. ch. B. plan 3.


204
[Chap. I.
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS.
centre palaces had not been exposed to a conflagration,
nor are there any traces of smoke, or of the action of
fire, in any part of these buildings. It will be re-
membered that Khorsabad, Kouyunjik, and the south-
western palace of Nimroud, all edifices of the same
period, owe their destruction to the same cause. It
would appear, therefore, that the monuments of the
later dynasty were destroyed at a different time,
and altogether in a different manner, from those of
the first, which, to escape the same fate, must have
been previously buried. These are important facts
in our inquiry, and may be connected with the asser-
tion of Diodorus, that on the taking of Nineveh by the
Medes, under Arbaces, the city was destroyed; or,
with the usual historical account of the death of Sar-
danapalus, about 876 or 868 years before Christ.*
The north-west palace, if already in ruins or buried,
must have been partly uncovered, perhaps excavated
for materials, in the time of the Khorsabad king;
because there was in one of the chambers, as I have
already mentioned f, an inscription commencing with
his name, cut above the usual standard inscription.
* There is much confusion with regard to the dates of these events,
which Clinton (Fasti Hellenici, vol. i.) has endeavoured to clear up. By
some the destruction of Nineveh and the revolt of the Medes are looked
upon as distinct events, which have been confounded. But the city may
have been twice destroyed; or rather, once merely depopulated, and its
principal buildings overthrown, and then subsequently, at a much later
period, burnt to the ground; this is consistent with the change of dynasty
which is presumed to have taken place on the first occasion, and the utter
extinction of the Assyrian empire, which followed on the second.
f P. 11. of this volume. This inscription is now in the British Museum.


Chap. I. j
205
THE CARTOUCHES.
It has every appearance of having been placed there
to commemorate the re-opening, discovery, or re-
occupation of the building. Moreover, the vases
bearing the name of this king, and found in the rub-
bish above the chambers, must be of the same period.
The ivory ornaments I conjecture to be contempo-
raneous with the vases, and so also most of the small
objects found in the edifice. And if this fact be
established, we may obtain important chronological
data; for if the name in the cartouche could be satis-
factorily deciphered, and identified with that of any
Egyptian king, or with that of any Assyrian king
whose place in history can be determined, we should
be able at once to decide the period of the reign of
the Khorsabad king, and of his successors.
But as the name cannot yet be identified, Mr. Birch,
in a memoir read before the Royal Society of Litera-
ture, has endeavoured to fix the age of the ivories
by "their artistic style, by philological peculiarities,
and by the political relations between Egypt and
Assyria." * He well observes, that the style is not
purely Egyptian, although it shows very close imita-
tion of Egyptian workmanship, and this must strike
any one who examines these fragments. The solar
disc and plumes surmounting the cartouche, appear
to have been first used in the time of the 18th dynasty,
in the reign of Thothmes III., and are found above the
names of kings as late as the Persian occupation of
* For engravings from the ivories, see the " Monuments of Nineveh,"
plates 88, 89, 90, and 91.


Chap. I.] THE CARTOUCHES. 207
that the relations between the two countries seem to
have been most fully established, and that more than
a common connection had sprung up between them.
Mr. Birch has discovered, and pointed out, the remark-
able evidence afforded by the names of male and female
members of this, and the following dynasty, which
are evidently of Semitic, and even of Assyrian origin.
Those of many of the kings of the 22nd, or Bubastite,
dynasty, are the most remarkable instances. We have
Sheshank, his sons Shapud and Osorchon, Nimrot, the
son of Osorchon II., Takilutha or Takellothis, Nimrot,
the son of Takellothis II., and the names of queens,
Lekamat or Rekamat*, Karmam or Kalmim, daughter
of the Prince Nimroud and Tatepor. The two first,
Sheshank and Shapud, and the names of the queens,
Mr. Birch shows, are not referable to Egyptian roots,
but follow the analogy of Assyrian names. Osorchon
he identifies with the Assyrian Sargon f, Nimrot with
Nimrod, and Takilutha with Tiglath,—a word which
enters into the composition of the name of the Assyrian
monarch, Tiglath Pileser.
It is highly probable, therefore, that at this period,
the reign of the 22nd dynasty, very intimate relations
existed between Egypt and the countries to the north-
east of it. Solomon had married a daughter of an
* Mr. Birch conjectures that this name may be derived from the
Hebrew "Rikamut," an embroidered garment; " a Semitic word, which,
considering the renown of the Assyrian looms, might have been conferred
on an Assyrian female."
t In Isaiah (ch. xx. v. 1.), Sennacherib appears to be so called ; but it
has been conjectured that Essarhaddon, who is called Sarchedon in the
book of Tobit, is meant.


208
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS. [Chap. I.
Egyptian monarch*, and Jeroboam fled to the court
of King Shishak.f The same alliances, therefore,
may have been formed between the most powerful
monarchs of the time — those of Assyria and Egypt.
The two countries appear then to have been at
peace, and in friendly communication; for we have
no notice in the Bible of wars between the Assyrians
and Egyptians at this period, nor does Naharaina
appear amongst the numerous conquests of Shishak.
As their battle-ground would probably have been
some part of Syria, and the troops of one of the two
nations would have marched through the Jewish ter-
ritories, it is reasonable to suppose that some record
of the event would have been preserved by the sacred
writers. The monuments of this dynasty do not
contain any notice of triumphs and conquests to the
east of the Euphrates. During this period of inti-
mate alliance, the Assyrian monarchs may have
adopted Egyptian names or pramomens, or may have
employed Egyptian artists to record their names and
titles in the sacred characters of Egypt. It is even
possible that this connection may account for the
appearance of Egyptian names in the lists of Assyrian
kings. |
Thus the evidence afforded by the artistic style
of the cartouches, and by their philological pecu-
liarities, as well as by the principal period of po-
* About 1014, b. c.—1 Kings, c. iii. v. 1.
"f 1 Kings, c. xi. v. 40., and, according to some versions of the Septu-
agint, he married a relation (the Syncellus says a sister) of the Egyptian
monarch. (Boekh. Manctho, s. 315.)
I As for instance, Sethos and Horus.





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Chap. I.]
209
NAME IN CARTOUCHE.
litical and commercial intercourse between the two
people appears to coincide, and points to the 22nd
dynasty, or 980 b. c., as the most probable period
of the ivories. At the same time it must be observed
that there is no argument against their being at-
tributed to the 18th dynasty.
Mr. Birch reads the name upon the entire cartouche
Aubnu-ra or Auvnu-ra*, which, if a mere Egyptian
word, would mean the shining sun. He observes,
"There is no especial deity of the Egyptian pantheon
called Ubnu; yet, as this word is constructed in the
same manner as the names of Egyptian deities, it
may be that of an Assyrian deity, translated or tran-
scribed into hieroglyphics. The name of Oannes, the
Chaldaean God, half man, half fish, is the nearest ap-
proximation to it of the Assyrian names that have
reached us There is another hypothesis appli-
cable to this cartouche : that it represents the name
of an Assyrian king transcribed into hieroglyphics.
In order to identify it, if possible, with such a
name, I have collated it carefully with the lists of
names of Assyrian monarchs which have reached us,
from Eusebius, the Syncellus, Moses of Chorene, and
other chronographists of a later period." But he has
been unable to identify it with any authentic name
in those lists. "The name," Mr. Birch concludes,
"is not philologically composed like the name of a
king; and if it is supposed to be a pramomen,
* There are six symbols, or hieroglyphics: the reed A, the cord or
boat-head U, the leg B, water N, the duckling U, the sun's disk and the
determinative bar.
VOL. II.
P


210
[Chap. I.
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS.
which the Assyrian monarch might have assumed
in imitation of his Egyptian contemporaries, there
is scarcely one in the whole Egyptian series con-
structed in the same manner; for in these the disk
of the sun is universally placed first. It is much
more probable that it is a prsenomen, than a name;
in which case the fragment of the other name, in the
second cartouche, might be the name of the monarch."
Unfortunately only half the panel containing this
second cartouche has been preserved. Three symbols
reading NTA, or NATH, as the end of some Assyrian
name, alone remain. On a fragment of ivory, not
belonging to either of the cartouches, are two hiero-
glyphics, a duckling and the water-line, which Mr.
Birch reads UN, and conjectures to be part of the
name of an Assyrian deity.
In conclusion, Mr. Birch admits that the names of
two Egyptian kings correspond, in a remarkable de-
gree, with those in the Nimroud cartouches—the one
being Ra-ubn, the shining sun, and the word ubn
forming part of the other. But the following objec-
tions to their identity occur to him, viz.: "that the
monarchs of this dynasty are anterior to the 18th, and
were ephemeral rulers, whose reigns varied from a few
months to only four years, showing either an epoch of
political confusion, or a series of reigns improperly
recorded. Now the Nimroud cartouche can hardly
be referred to so early a period, although the Ilykshos
invasion is considered by some to be represented
by this part of the canon. These kings cannot be
connected with the shepherds. There is one period


Chap. I.]
213
THE GODDESS KEN.
which cannot be omitted in the consideration of
these Assyrian cartouches — that of the worship of
the Aten, or sun's disk, introduced during the 18th
dynasty; but there is no internal evidence that the
kings of this dynasty were Assyrians." May not
this very confusion indicate a foreign conquest—one
of the Assyrian occupations of Egypt hinted at by
Chaldee and Greek authors? And is it not a re-
markable coincidence, that we have continual repre-
sentations of the disk of the sun, as an object of
worship, on the earliest monuments of Nineveh?
The attempt to connect the names of many Egyp-
tian and Assyrian divinities has already been fre-
quently made.* I will only allude to one, whose
Assyrian origin is generally admitted, and whose ap-
pearance on the monuments of Egypt affords im-
portant evidence in an inquiry into the date of the
Assyrian edifices. I mean the Goddess Kenf, the
Astarte, Astaroth, Mylitta, and Alitta of the Assy-
rians, Syrians, and Arabs. J This divinity appears to
have been introduced into the Egyptian pantheon in
the time of the 18th dynasty, or at the commence-
ment of the close connection between Assyria and
Egypt. On comparing a representation of the god-
* For instance, the goddess Athor or Athyr. Dr. Hincks, I believe,
reads the same name, as that of the presiding divinity, on the monu-
ments of Assyria. Mr. Birch admits, in his observations on the car-
touches, that the introduction of the Assyrian gods, Baal and Astarta,
of Renpu or Reseph, of Ken, and Anata or Anaitis, can be traced to the
18—19 dynasty, and is coeval with the epoch of the great conquests of
Egypt in central Asia.
t This is probably the Kiun of the prophet Amos. (Ch. v. ver. 26.)
j According to M. Fresnel (Journal Asiatique, ive serie, t. v. p. 211.)
the goddess Alhtor is mentioned in the Ilimyaritic inscriptions.
p 2


212 NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS. [CHAP. I.
dess in the rock sculptures of Malthaiyah, with an
Egyptian bas-relief in the British Museum, it will
be seen that the mode of treating the subject is
nearly the same. In both we have a female standing
on a lion. The Egyptian figure holds two snakes and
a flower, the stalks of which are twisted into the form
of a ring; the Assyrian carries a ring alone. The
flower resembles that borne by the winged figures in
the palace of Khorsabad, and is not found in the edi-
fices of the first Assyrian period—where the flowers in
the hands of similar figures are of a different shape.*
In the Egyptian bas-relief of which I give a
woodcut, the goddess is naked; but she is some-
times found clothed, as in Assyria. In the earliest
palace of Nimroud, I discovered two representations
The Egyptian Goddess Ken. Assyrian Deity ( the Astart” of the Assyrians
From a tablet in the British Museum. and the Ken of the Egyptians)
- From a rock tablet at Malthaiyah, Lear Mosul
* This will be perceived at once by comparing the engravings in the
French work on the monuments of Khorsabad, with those from the sculp-
tures of Nimroud in my large work. As it will be shown hereafter, this


Chap. I.] EGYPTIAN SYMBOLS IN ASSYRIA.
213
of the same divinity, both differing entirely from
those of the rock sculptures of Malthaiyah. The
goddess did not stand upon a lion ; but the posture
clearly pointed out the* peculiar form of worship over
which she presided, the lower part of the person being
obviously exposed. On Assyrian cylinders, evidently
of the later period, she is, however, represented pre-
cisely as in the Egyptian tablets—naked, and standing
on a lion. The Egyptian Ken appears, therefore, to
be connected with the second, and not the first, mode
of representation which prevailed in Assyria.*
But if the Egyptians borrowed from the Assyrians,
the emblems of Egypt were also carried to the east-
ward; and, it would appear, about the same time.
The monuments of the second Assyrian period are
characterised by more than one Egyptian peculiarity.
The crux ansata, the tau or sign of life, is found in
the sculptures of Khorsabadf, on the ivories from
lotus-shaped flower was evidently introduced into Assyria during or
immediately preceding the time of the builders of Khorsabad. There
are other representations in the British Museum of this Egyptian form
of the Assyrian goddess. On a fragment (Egyptian Room, No. 308.) she
is seen worshipped by Rameses II. On a tablet at Turin she is called
Atsh, or Adesh, the name of the chief city of the Khitae, a Mesopotamian
people attacked by the Ramessids. (Prisse. Mon. PI. xxxvii.) She
usually appears in a triad with Renpu and Khem, or Chamno, also deities
of Semitic extraction.
* See M. Lajard's great work on the worship of Venus (Plate 28.).
From the figures (one of which carries a hatchet), accompanying this re-
presentation of the Assyrian Venus on the cylinder engraved by M. Lajard,
I have little hesitation in ascribing it to the later Assyrian period.
t Botta's letters in the Journal Asiatique for 1843. I am aware of the
ingenious arguments of M. Lajard (Observations sur l'Origine et la Sig-
nification du Symbole appele la Croix Ansee, Paris, 1847,) to derive the
crux ansata from the Assyrian symbol of the divinity, the winged figure
within the circle; but Egyptian antiquaries reject the connection alto-
p 3


214 NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS. [CHAP. I.
Nimroud, which, as I have shown, are of the same
age, carried too by an Assyrian king, and on cylin-
ders evidently of the later Assyrian period.” At
Kouyunjik the lotus was introduced as an architec-
tural ornament upon pavement slabs, between the
bulls forming the entrances, and apparently on cor-
nices, fragments of which were found in the rub-
bish at the foot of the mound. In the latest palace
at Nimroud, were the crouching sphinxes with the
beardless human head f; we have also the vases
of Egyptian form, inscribed with the name of the
Khorsabad king. About the same time were probably
introduced the scarabaei, engraved with Assyrian
emblems and characters, not unfrequently found in
Assyrian ruins. It is probable also that the singular
grotesque head carved in a yellow silex, placed by
me in the British Museum, and discovered in the
mound of Nebbi Yunus, near Kouyunjik, is of the
gether, not even deeming it worthy of a serious investigation. Without
venturing to offer an observation on the subject, I may perhaps be
allowed to suggest that the monuments already discovered, and hereafter
to be discovered in Assyria, may throw new light upon many subjects
connected with Egypt, and may perhaps tend to shake many received
opinions.
* Their comparative date can be shown beyond a doubt, I think, by a
comparison with the monuments of Khorsabad.
f It is doubtful whether these sphinxes be male or female. I am in-
clined to think the latter. (See a representation of the figure, Vol. I.
p. 349.) It is well known that the Egyptian sphinx is always male.
# There are several such scarabaei in the collection of the British
Museum. That the obelisk was common to the two nations, at a very
early period, is proved by the one in black marble, discovered at Nim-
roud; and by the mention of the great obelisk said to have been erected
by Semiramis at Babylon. Theophrastus (de Lapidibus, c. xliv.) also
speaks of an obelisk of emerald, four cubits high and three broad, pre-
sented by a king of Babylon to a king of Egypt.


216 NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS. [Chap. I.
The various statements of ancient authors, as to
the epoch of Ninus, remain to be considered. Ac-
cording to the fragments of Ctesias, preserved by
Diodorus Siculus, there were thirty-three kings from
the accession of that monarch to the fall of the em-
pire, whose reigns occupied 1306 years, and ended
876 b. c. Diodorus himself acquiesces in this date,
and Ctesias is followed by many writers, amongst
them Strabo and Abydenus. Castor brings the
empire down to 843 before Christ; and he reckons
1280 years from the first Ninus, to a second who
succeeded Sardanapalus. According to Eusebius,
1240 years elapsed between Ninus and Sardana-
palus, during which time reigned thirty-six Assyrian
kings, fixing the fall of the empire at 819 b. c. The
Syncellus places that event 826 years B.C., after
the duration of the empire for 1460 years.* The
fall of Nineveh mentioned by these authors occurred,
therefore, much earlier than the destruction of the
city recorded in Scripture, which must be attributed
to the joint expedition of Cyaxares and Nabopo-
lasser; undertaken, as it has been shown, about
606 B. c. The event alluded to by Ctesias and his
followers may refer to the revolt of the Medes, and
of Pindar, say, that both he and his brother were white, although those
whom they commanded were black. The birth of Memnon from Tithon
and Aurora, according to the Greek mythology, evidently points to his
eastern origin. Both Suidas and Pausanios (in Phocid.) state that he
came from Susa. According to some, Tithon, his father, was the brother
of Priam.
* I follow Clinton's Fasti Hcllcnici in these dates (vol. i. p. 263.). In
the chronology of ancient authors, we find the extraordinary discrepancy
of 1535 years between the various dates assigned to Semiramis.


Chap. I.]
217
TWO ASSYRIAN DYNASTIES.
not to the final overthrow of the Assyrian empire.
Some violent political convulsion probably took place
when Arbaces enabled the Medes to assert their in-
dependence—the reigning Assyrian dynasty may
have been changed, and the old Assyrian empire
really brought to an end.*
Clinton, after a careful examination of the state,
ments of the Greek writers, and after comparing
them with the Scriptures, thus fixes the dates of the
principal events of Assyrian history: —
(Ninus, B.C. 2182.)
Assyrian monarchy 1306 years
before the Empire
During the Empire, 24 Kings
(Sardanapalus, B.C. 876.)
After the Empire, 6 Kings
Capture of Nineveh - 606f
There are indeed sufficient grounds for the con-
jecture that there were two, if not more, distinct As-
syrian dynasties—the first commencing with Ninus,
* Polyhistor distinctly alludes to this change of dynasty; and the names
of the later Assyrian kings, as recorded in the Bible, evidently differ
materially in their construction from those of the earlier monarchs; so
much, indeed, that they appear to belong to a distinct race. According
to Bion and Polyhistor, the Dercetades, or descendants of Semiramis,
were dethroned by Beletaras, who was about the nineteenth in direct
succession from Ninus.
■j- See an elaborate Essay, in the Memoires of the Academic des In-
scriptions (vol. vii. of the abridged ed.), by M. Freret, on Assyrian
Chronology, in which all the authorities are carefully collected. Hi
results agree nearly with those of Clinton.
Years.
B.C.
675
1912
526
1237
105
711
1306


218 NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS. . [Chap. I.
and ending with a Sardanapalus of history; and
the second, including the kings mentioned in the
Scriptures, and ending with Saracus, Ninus II., or
the king, under whatever name he was known, in
whose reign Nineveh was finally destroyed by the
combined armies of Persia and Babylon. In history
we have apparently twice recorded the destruction of
the Assyrian capital; and two monarchs, first Sarda-
napalus, and then Saracus, are declared to have burnt
themselves in their palaces* rather than fall into the
hands of their enemies.f
To the tombs in the earth covering the remains
of the north-west, centre, and south-east edifices at
Nimroud, I cannot at present assign any date; and
until the vases, and other objects, found in them
are examined in England, I would hesitate to found
an argument upon their presence. They undoubtedly
prove that, at a very early period, the ruins were
completely buried, and the contents of the mounds
unknown.J The cartouches, ivory ornaments, and
* Saracus, according to Abydenus, in a palace called Evorita, which
Major Rawlinson conjectures (Behistun inscription deciphered, Jour-
nal of the Royal Asiatic Society) to be represented by the ruins of
Khorsabad.
t According to Herodotus (lib. i. c. 176.), the people of Xanthus, rather
than submit to the arms of Cyrus, burnt themselves and their wives. The
same thing occurred in this city when besieged by Alexander and
Brutus. (Appian. de Bello Civili.) The anecdote is also related by
Plutarch.
J It is probable that when Strabo (lib. xvi.) describes the vast mounds
of earth erected by Semiramis, containing subterraneous passages or
communications, tanks for water and staircases of stone, he alludes to
these very Assyrian ruins, a part of the contents of which might casually
have been exposed by the falling in of earth, or when the winter rains
formed ravines down their sides.


220
[Chap. !•
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS.
Christians, nor did they profess the Magian doc-
trines as taught in the time of the Sassanian kings.
The inhabitants of ancient Assyria, neither during
the supremacy of the Parthian Arsacidae, of the
Romans, or of the Greeks, maintained that close
connection with Egypt which would have led to
such general use of Egyptian symbols, or objects of
Egyptian manufacture. Nor is the mode of burial
Egyptian ; it more nearly resembles that adopted by
the early Persians. Cyrus and Darius were buried
in sarcophagi, or troughs ; Darius in one of Egyptian
alabaster.* From the fact that tombs were found
in all the most ancient ruins of Assyria, over the
north-west, centre, and south-east edifices at Nim-
roud, at Kalah Sherghat, and Baasheikha, and not at
Khorsabad, Kouyunjik, or over the south-west palace
at Nimroud, it might be conjectured that they be-
longed to an intermediate people or race, who occu-
pied Assyria after the building of the most ancient
palaces, and before the foundation of the most recent.
The close connection between Assyria and Egypt,
during the time of the 18th and four subsequent
Egyptian dynasties, is naturally called to our recol-
lection. But in the present state of our knowledge,
it would be too hazardous to assign so remote an an-
tiquity to these remains; for by doing so we must,
* The alabaster irviXof, or tub, in which Darius was buried, is men-
tioned by Theophrastus. The Assyrians, like the early Persians, may
have buried their dead entire, and preserved the bodies in honey or
wax. (Herod.lib. i.e. 140. Arrian. de Bello Alex. Theoph. de Lapid.
c. xv.) According to ..-Elian, when Xerxes opened the tomb of Belus, he
found the body in a cofliu filled, nearly to the brim, with oil.


Chap. I.] ANTIQUITY OF THE ASSYRIAN EMPIRE. 221
Of course, assume, that the ruins beneath are even
some centuries more ancient. I will, however, at-
tempt to show, that there is nothing inconsistent with
either history or tradition in the supposition, that
these buried edifices belong to a very early period.
I will not lay any stress upon the contents of the
tombs; they may have been brought from elsewhere;
and it is not impossible that they may belong to the
time of the first Persian occupation, or perhaps even
to the second; although the absence of coins and
gems of that period is opposed to this supposition.*
It may, I think, be proved from the facts which
I have stated, that a very considerable period elapsed
between the construction of the earliest and latest
palaces, discovered at Nimroud. On the most mo-
derate calculation, we may assign a date of 1100
or 1200 years before Christ, to the erection of
the former; but the probability is, that it is much
more ancient. As I have already observed, there
is nothing in history, either sacred or profane, or
in the traditions handed down to us, against attri-
buting the highest antiquity to the Assyrian em-
pire. In the land of Shinar, in the country watered
by the Tigris and Euphrates, the Scripture places
the earliest habitations of the human race. Whether
we look upon that statement as the result of divine
inspiration, or whether we consider it as the re-
* It may be observed that remains of the Greek occupation of Assyria
are not unfrequently found. At Nimroud a small female figure in terra
cotta, evidently of that period, was discovered in the rubbish on the edge
of the south-east corner of the mound.


222
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS. [Chai>. I.
cord of a tradition, or an historical fact received by
the Hebrew legislator from, elsewhere, still we have
the evidence that at the very earliest period, the be-
lief was generally current, both amongst Egyptians
and Jews, that the first settlements were in Assyria;
and that from Chaldaea, civilisation and the arts and
sciences were spread over the world.* Abraham
and his family, above 1900 years before Christ, mi-
grated from a land already thickly inhabited, and
possessing great cities. According to Joseph us, the
four confederate kings, who marched in the time of
the patriarch against the people of Sodom, and the
neighbouring cities, were under a king of Assyria,
whose empire extended over all Asia.f Most of the
early Greek authors, and those who have followed
them, recognising a tradition which appears to have
been generally prevalent, agree in assigning to the
first kings of Nineveh the remotest antiquity; and in
this they are confirmed by the Armenian historians.
* Bcrosus (or Berossos) mentions the first settlement of the human
race in Chaldaea. The testimony of this author is entitled to some re-
spect, as he was a Babylonian, living in the time of Alexander. As a
priest of Belus he may be supposed to have been well acquainted with
the records contained in the temple, and to have been versed in the learn-
ing for which those of his order were so distinguished. In his time the
walls were probably still covered with the paintings representing the
ancient deeds of the people. We know from the Scriptures how care-
fully public records were kept in Babylon; even those of the Assyrian
empire existirg after the Persian occupation. (Ezra, c iv.) The tra-
ditions or history, preserved by Berosus, may therefore be presumed to
have been generally current in his time, amongst the Babylonians. Moses
of Chorene calls him a most learned Chaldtcan: "Vir Cbaldaicus omnis
doctrine peritissimus."
f Antiq. Jud. 1. i. C. 9.


Chap. I.] ANTIQUITY OF THE ASSYRIAN EMPIRE. 223
Their united testimony even tends to identify or to
confound Ninus, the first king, with Nimrod him-
self, or with one of the immediate descendants of the
Scriptural Noah.* Herodotus, who is quoted to dis-
prove the antiquity of Ninus, merely states that the
Assyrians had been in possession of Upper Asia for a
period of 520 years, when the Medes first revolted
and established their independence.! If we place this
event about b. c. 710, and assume that Herodotus
alludes to the founding of Nineveh, when he fixes the
date of 520 years to the Assyrian domination in Upper
Asia, then we must conclude that the Ninus who
* Particularly that of Berosus. Airov 'Slvov riiv Ntfpcufl oi 'Aaavptot
irfiairriyojiivaav. (Apoll. Fragmenta, 69., ed. Muller.) To limit the founda-
tion of the Assyrian empire to 900 b. c, because Pul, the first Assyrian
king mentioned in Scripture, can be proved to have lived about that
time, as the authors of the Ancient Universal History and others have
done, is, I conceive, quite inconsistent, not only with all historical
and traditionary evidence, but with that afforded by the Bible itself.
Before the time of Pul, the Jews having no intimate dealings with Assyria,
may not have been affected by events occurring in that country: this
would be sufficient to account for there being no earlier mention of it,
and would seem to confirm the supposition that Herodotus dates, not
from the foundation of the Assyrian empire, but from its spreading over
Asia. The fragments which have been handed down to us of Armenian
history, through the native early Christian historians who possessed mate-
rials now lost, equally tend to fix the date of the reign of Ninus at the
time usually assigned to it by the Greek authors. His cotemporary on
the Armenian throne was Aram, whose son Araeus was slain by Semi-
ramis. St. Martin, probably after a careful examination of Armenian and
Greek history, placed the reign of Semiramis from 1997 to 1957, b. c.
(Biog. Universel de Michaud, art. Sanchoniathon.) "Primus omniun
Ninus Rex Assyriorum, veterem, et quasi avitum gentibus morem nova
imperii cupiditatc mutavit. Hie primus intulit bella finitimis, &c (Just.
1. i. c. 1.)
f Herod, lib. i. c. 95. Thallus, as quoted by Theophilus of Antioch,
places Belus 322 years before the siege of Troy, thus appearing to agree
with Herodotus.


224
[Chap. L
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS.
gave his name to the city did not flourish earlier than
the 13th century before Christ.* But the meaning of
the historian is doubtful; for he appears to reckon,
not from the first establishment of a monarchy in
Assyria, but from the time that the Assyrians were
sufficiently powerful to extend their empire over
other parts of Asia. I may mention as a curious
fact, first called to my attention by Major Rawlin-
son, but which, it must be admitted, requires further
corroboration, that — whilst, in the inscriptions from
the earliest edifices at Nimroud, Assyria alone is
included in the dominions of the king—in those
from Khorsabad and subsequent edifices, Babylonia,
Armenia, and other countries are enumerated.
But if the inscriptions of Egypt are correctly
interpreted, we have distinct evidence that Nineveh
was standing long before the period assigned to its
foundation, on the supposed evidence of Herodotus.
The name is found in the celebrated statistical tablet
of Karnak. Mr. Birch, in his observations on that
tablet f, observes: "The word Nen-i-iu has been re-
cognised as the celebrated Nineveh on the Tigris, by
Champollion. The identification of this name is not
perfectly satisfactory ; for as it commences the line, it
is possible that it maybe the termination of the name
of some fort or place. As it stands, it coincides with
this city, while the return of the king southwards,
* Or if the Median revolt took place in 876 B.C., or in 819 according
to Moses of Chorene, then in the 14lh century
t Transactions of the Koyal Society of Literature, vol. ii. p. 29. new
scries.


Chap. I.] ANTIQUITY OF THE ASSYRIAN EMPIRE. 225
towards Naharaina *, quite concurs with its position."
If this name, therefore, be that of Nineveh, it occurs
on a monument of the reign of Thothmes III., about
1490 years before Christ; and the arguments, founded
upon the apparent testimony of Herodotus, at once
fall to the ground.f It may be further mentioned,
in support of the reading, that in the same tablet we
have the name of Babylon, which has not been found
in any other Egyptian inscription.
There is no reason why we should not assign to
Assyria the same remote antiquity we claim for
Egypt. The monuments of Egypt prove that she
did not stand alone in civilisation and power. At
the earliest period we find her contending with
enemies, already nearly, if not fully, as powerful as
herself; and amongst the spoil from Asia, and the
articles of tribute brought by subdued nations from
the north east, are vases as elegant in shape, stuffs
as rich in texture, and chariots as well adapted to
war as her own. It is not improbable that she her-
self was indebted to the nations of Western Asia for
the introduction of arts in which they excelled, and
that many things in common use were brought
from the banks of the Tigris. In fact, ■ to reject the
notion of the existence of an independent kingdom
in Assyria, at the very earliest period, would be
* This name is evidently identical with the Neharajim of the Scrip-
tures— in Syriac, Nahrim; it is a pure Semitic word signifying the
country between the two rivers, the Mesopotamia of the Greeks, the
Jezirah, or island, of the Arabs.
t If there be no interpolation in the book of Genesis, we have mention
of Nineveh at least 1500 years b. c.
VOL. II. Q


226
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS. [Chap. L
almost to question whether the country were inha-
bited; which would be directly in opposition to the
united testimony of Scripture and tradition. A doubt
may be entertained as to the dynasties, and extent of
the empire, but not as to its existence. That it was
not peopled by mere wandering tribes, appears to be
proved by the frequent mention of expeditions against
Naharaina (Mesopotamia), on the earliest monuments
of Egypt, and the nature of the spoil brought from
the country. Fourteen hundred years before Christ,
Chushan-rishathaim, a king of Mesopotamia *, subdued
the Israelites. Other kings were established in the
surrounding countries; all perhaps tributaries to the
Assyrians. But Naharaina appears to have been the
extent of the Egyptian conquests, the Egyptian kings
being frequently declared to have put up the tablets
of the boundaries of their empire in that country.
That the Assyrian kingdom may not have been known
much beyond its limits until the time of its greatest
prosperity, when it had extended its rule over the
west of Asia, is highly probable; and this would
account for the silence of the Jewish writers, and for
the absence of its name in the most ancient Egyptian
inscriptions.
With our present limited knowledge of the Assy-
* Judges, Hi. 8.: and, 1450 years before Christ, Balaam, prophesying
of the Kenites, describes the power of the Assyrians. (Numbers, xxiv.
22.) The Arioeh, king of El-Assar, mentioned in Genesis (xiv. 1.), has
been conjectured to be a king of Assyria; the name bearing some resem-
blance to Arius, the son, or Aralius, the grandson, of Ninyas. (Lenglet
du Fresnoy, Methode, &c. yoI. i. p. 258.) According to Manetho, Sala-
this, the first shepherd king, fortified the eastern provinces of Egypt
against the Assyrians.


CnAP. I.] TROY UNDER ASSYRIA.
227
rian cuneiform character, it would be hazardous to at-
tempt the identification of the names in the Greek and
Armenian lists of kings, with those in the Assyrian in-
scriptions; nor would I venture upon an experiment
so often tried, as that of constructing a system of chro-
nology upon these dynastic lists. I will only allude
to the assertion of many writers of antiquity, that
Troy was an Assyrian dependency. Memnon appears
at the siege of that city, with the 20,000 men, and 200
chariots, sent by the Assyrian king to the assistance
of the Trojans. This king, according to Ctesias, Euse-
bius, and the commentators, was Teutames; whom
Diodorus makes the 20th, Ctesias the 25th, and Eu-
sebius the 26th in direct descent from Ninus. Their
evidence again leads back to the earlier date for the
foundation of Nineveh, to about 2100 years before
Christ. According to Plato, Troy was within the
dominions of the king of Assyria.* Eusebius,
quoting from the works of ancient authors, mentions
its dependency upon that monarch. On the autho-
rity of Cephalion, he even relates the terms in which
Priam applied to his Assyrian suzerain for assist-
ance, f
* De Legibus, lib. iii. He may, as it has been conjectured, have fol-
lowed Ctesias, who declares that Ninus conquered, amongst other coun-
tries, Phrygia, Lydia, and the Troad. (Diodorus Siculus, lib. ii.)
According to Herodotus, Agron, the first king of Lydia, was the son
of Ninus, and reigned 505 years before Candaules; and, however little
worthy of credit this assertion may be, it proves at least that, in his time,
there was still a tradition of the ancient dominion of the Assyrians in
Asia Minor.
f Diod. Sic. I. ii. c. 22. Cephalion says that Priam applied to the .
Assyrian king in these terms: "Militari vi in regione tun a Graeis ir-
ruentibus appetitus sum, belloque ccrtatum tst varia fortuna. Nunc
Q 2


228
[Chap. L
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS.
An attempt to prove that the earliest palace of
Nimroud was founded by the Ninus who gave his
name to the Assyrian capital, might not be altogether
unsupported by plausible arguments. I hesitate at
present to decide upon Major Rawlinson's identi-
fication of the name which occurs in the inscriptions,
with that of the Ninus of history; although any
suggestion coming from such an authority must be
entitled to the greatest respect. This name, it will
be remembered, is
When the ruins at Nimroud were first discovered,
I conjectured, from the frequent recurrence of these
characters both on the sculptures and on the bricks,
that they must represent the name of the king. I
submitted them to Major Rawlinson, and he was led
to believe, from a nearly similar word corresponding
in the Babylonian column of the trilingual inscrip-
tions, to the name of Assyria in the Persian, that in
the inscriptions of Nimroud the country also was
meant, and that they began, " I the king of Assyria,"
or with some such formula. When the genealogical
series commencing the inscriptions was determined,
it became evident that this was a name, and it was
not unnatural to connect it with the Asshur of
Genesis.* Subsequently I found, from a comparison
vero et films mens Hector extinctus erat, et aliorum multa proles ac
strenua. Copiarum igitur valido sub ducc nobis suppetias mitte.''
(Euseb. ex. Interp. Armcn. a Mai, p. 41.) Dares Phrygius also mentions
the auxiliaries sent to Priam under Perses and Meinnon.
* Chap. x. ver. 11. "Out of that land went forth Asshur, and builded
Nineveh;" although the approved reading is " the Assyrian," as given
in the margin.


Chap. I.]
229
NAME OP NINUS.
of numerous inscriptions, that the word was written
indifferently.
- *r. fl
- A-
the first and last of the three letters being resolvable
into the same letter. The power of >— is from inde-
pendent sources conjectured to be that of an n, and
^ appears to have nearly the same phonetic
power.f
* This character is sometimes replaced by ^jj^r. As to the use of
all these characters indifferently in this word, there cannot be a doubt.
Dr. Ilincks is convinced that is either the name, or an abbrevia-
tion of the name of Athur, the country of Assyria. It is possible that
Nineveh, or Athur, may be indiscriminately used in speaking of the
country. Dr. Hincks appears to admit that »-»~^ also stands for the
city of which the historical name is Nineveh.
■(■ Dr. Hincks has conjectured that when a letter for a.consonant and
a vowel sound combined is used, the letter expressing the pure consonant
may also be added: this might account for the presence of three cha-
racters having the power of n in this word. The substitution of one
character for another, as in the name given in the text, is one of the most
difficult questions in the investigation of the Assyrian writing. That
the letters, thus frequently found interchanging, are not always pure
variants, that is, having the same phonetic value, may be shown from
the example in the text, |^ having, there can be little doubt, the value
of a. Letters, partly syllabic, f. e. having a vowel sound united with
a consonant, appear to be interchangeable with pure consonants, or to
be replaced by two distinct signs; but hitherto no rule to regulate any
such interchanges has been discovered. They are so frequent, and
numerous, that an entire inscription might almost be written in two
distinct ways.
Q 3


Chap. I.]
231
NINUS.
earliest palace at Nimroud; not only forming separate
bas-reliefs, but being constantly introduced into the
embroideries on the robes of the principal figures.
4thly, Ctesias, and several writers, speak of the Bac-
trian and Indian expedition of Ninus and Semiramis.
The obelisk discovered at Nimroud belongs to the
period of the earliest palace, having, it appears, been
erected by the son of the founder of that building;
upon it are represented the Bactrian camel, the ele-
phant, and the rhinoceros,—all animals from India
and central Asia,—brought as tribute by a conquered
people to the king.
Even if his father and grandfather were called in
the inscriptions "kings of Nineveh," Ninus himself
may still have founded and given his name to the
city.* Eusebius, after Abydenus, names six kings as
the predecessors of this Ninus f; although, by giving
the name of Nineveh to the capital, he evidently
assigns its foundation to him. This king may have
been the first to build monuments, such as those
recently discovered; or, he may have first used
inscriptions and sculptures for monumental records;
or, as Moses of Chorene states, Ninus may have
displaced a more ancient dynasty, and, jealous of
its glory, and wishing to appear to posterity as
the founder of the race, and the origin of its arts
* Dr. Hincks, as it has been mentioned, reads the title of these early
kings, "King of Assyria."
t They are Belus, Babius, Anebus, Arbelus, Chaalus, and Arbelus. I
believe Major Rawlinson is satisfied with the reading of Arbel and Aneb,
for the father and grandfather of the king in the inscriptions.
Q 4


232
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS. [Chap. I.
and civilisation, may have destroyed all the monu-
ments of his predecessors.* This statement of the
Armenian historian, from the advanced state of art
shown in the most ancient edifices of Assyria, is not
altogether unworthy of credit.
In conclusion, it may appear from the preceding
remarks —
1st. That there are buildings in Assyria which so
far differ in their sculptures, in their mythological
and sacred symbols, and in the character and language
of their inscriptions, as to lead to the inference that
there were at least two distinct periods of Assyrian
history. We may moreover conclude, that either the
people inhabiting the country at those distinct periods
were of different races, or of different branches of
the same race; or that by intermixture with foreign-
ers, perhaps Egyptians, great changes had taken place
in their language, religion, and customs, between the
building of the first palace of Nimroud, and that of
the edifices of Khorsabad and Kouyunjik.
2nd. That the names of the kings on the monu-
ments show a lapse even of some centuries between
the foundation of the most ancient and most recent
of these edifices.
* Moses Chorenensis, lib. i. c. 13. "Item et alias ejus rei rationes
affert, utique Ninum superbia inflatum, suseque gloriae cupidissimum,
cum se unura summitj potestatis et fortitudinis ac bonitatis fontem atque
origincm haberi vellet, complures libros et historias antiquas rerum ubi-
cunque egregife gestarum jussisse concremari; et de se tantum suisque
temporibus conscribi." The same is recorded of Nabonasscr when he
ascended the throne at Babylon.


Chap. 1.]
233
CONCLUSIONS.
3rd. That from the symbols introduced into the
sculptures of the second Assyrian period, and from
the Egyptian character of the small objects found
in the earth, above the ruins of the buildings of
the oldest period, there was a close connection with
Egypt, either by conquest or friendly intercourse,
between the time of the erection of the earliest and
latest palaces; and that the monuments of Egypt,
the names of kings in certain Egyptian dynasties,
the ivories from Nimroud, the introduction of se-
veral Assyrian divinities into the Egyptian pantheon,
and other evidence, point to the 14th century as
the probable time of the commencement, and the
9th as the period of the termination, of that inter-
course.*
4th. That the earlier palaces of Nimroud were
already in ruins, and buried before the foundation of
the later; and that it is probable they may have been
thus destroyed about the time of the 14th Egyptian
dynasty.
5th. That the existence of two distinct dynasties
in Assyria, and the foundation, about two thousand
years before Christ, of an Assyrian monarchy, may
be inferred from the testimony of the most ancient
authors; and is in accordance with the evidence of
Scripture, and of Egyptian monuments.
I cannot pretend to draw any positive conclusions
* I do not, of course, include the Assyrian conquests of Egypt, by
kings of the later dynasty, which are proved by positive historical
evidence, and the effects of which arc well known and traceable.


234
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS. [Chap. L
from the data that I have attempted to bring to-
gether. It has been my object to place before the
reader the facts which have been afforded by the
examination of the ruins — facts, which, it must be
admitted, will go far towards enabling us ultimately
to form some opinion as to the comparative, if not
the positive, date of these newly discovered monu-
ments. I trust that I have at least succeeded in
showing, that there are grounds for admitting the
possibility of the very early origin of some of these
edifices ; and that there is nothing in the discoveries
hitherto made inconsistent with the early date which
the dynastic lists, and the statements of ancient
authors, would assign to the foundation of Nineveh.
The subject is new, and has not yet been illustrated
by the remains of the people themselves. The vast
ruins of Egypt—its written and sculptured records-
have enabled the antiquarian to enlarge, and rectify,
the notices preserved to us through the Greeks and
Romans; but hitherto Assyria has furnished no such
materials. Their very absence has compelled us to
neglect a branch of inquiry, replete with interest as
connected with Biblical study, and with the history
of the human race. Further researches will probably
lead to the discovery of additional monuments and
inscriptions, adding to the great mass of materials
which in the last three years has been placed in our
possession. It would scarcely be reasonable or con-
sistent, after what has already been done, to discard
all evidence of the antiquity of the Assyrian empire,


Chap. I.]
235
CONCLUSIONS.
because there are discrepancies in the statements of
such authors as Ctesias, Eusebius, and the Syncellus;
and at the same. time to found arguments against
that antiquity upon an isolated and doubtful passage
in Herodotus, or upon the absence of the mention of
an early Assyrian king in the Scriptures.


236
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS. [Chap. II.
chap. n.
SEMITIC ORIGIN OF THE ASSYRIANS IDENTIFICATION OF THE
SITE OF NINEVEH. DIMENSIONS OF THE CITY. ARCHITEC-
TURE OF THE ASSYRIANS. THEIR FIRST CITIES. BUILDING
MATERIALS.—SUN-DRIED BRICKS ALABASTER.—PAINTED WALLS.
— THE ROOF AND CEILING. KNOWLEDGE OF VAULTING AND
THE ARCH. TAVEMENT AND DRAINS. DESCRIPTION OF AN AS-
SYRIAN PALACE. THE SCULPTURED AND PICTORIAL RECORDS.
THE NATURE OF TnE BUILDINGS DISCOVERED IN ASSYRIA.
EXTERIOR ARCHITECTURE. — PRIVATE HOUSES. ABSENCE OF
THE COLUMN. — WALLS OF THE CITIES THEIR TOWERS AND
GATEWAYS.
It has been assumed in the previous chapter that the
language of the Assyrian inscriptions is a Semitic,
or Syro-Arabian, dialect; but the question of what
race the Assyrians were, may still be considered by
some as open to doubt. It may be questioned, per-
haps, whether we have sufficient knowledge of the
inscriptions to decide, with certainty, the language of
their contents. There are, however, as it has been
shown, good grounds for believing that it is closely
allied to the Chaldee; or, to use a term which has
become familiar, that it is a branch of the Semitic.
Such, it is generally admitted, is the language of
the Babylonian column of the Persian trilingual
inscriptions; which contain the same formulae
as the inscriptions of Assyria. For instance,
the personal pronoun as used before the proper
name of the king at Persepolis, is found pre-


Chap. II.] LANGUAGE OF THE ASSYRIANS.
237
cisely in the same position at Nimroud. * We are
aware, moreover, that the names of the Assyrian
gods, as Baal, or Belus (the supreme deity amongst
all the Semitic races), Nisroch, and Mylitta (known
by a nearly similar name to the Arabians) f, of
members of the family of the king, such as Adra-
meleck (son of Sennacherib), and of many of the
principal officers of state mentioned in Scripture J,
such as Rab-saris, the chief of the eunuchs, and Rab-
shakeh, the chief of the cup-bearers, were purely
Semitic. The language spoken by Abraham when
he left Mesopotamia closely resembled the Hebrew;
and his own name was Semitic. § Moreover, a dia-
lect of the same tongue is still spoken by the Chal-
daeans of Kurdistan; who, there is good reason to sup-
pose, are the descendants of the ancient Assyrians. ||
• Thus | ^ | ^ y^ :"I "(the name of the
king). If, as Dr. Hi neks conceives, the language of the Van inscriptions
is an Indo-European dialect, then the Assyro-Babylonian form of arrow-
headed character would not be limited to any particular branch of lan-
guages—such as the Semitic.
t Viz- Alitta, Herod, lib. i. c. 131.
J It is, however, possible that these may be mere Hebrew translations
of Assyrian titles. An argument has been founded on the 26th verse
of the 18 th chapter of 2nd Kings.. Eliakim says to the officers of the
Assyrian king —" Speak, I pray thee, to thy servants in the Syrian lan-
guage; for we understand it." From this passage it has been inferred
that the language of the Assyrians was similar to that which prevailed in
Syria, and consequently a Semitic dialect.
§ The name of Mesopotamia on the Egyptian monuments is Naharaina,
i. e. the country between the two rivers. This is not only a pure Semitic
word, but has a Semitic plural form. We may infer, therefore, that the
people inhabiting that district, at least, were of Semitic origin. The
Hebrew name of Mesopotamia was Aram Naharaim.
I The question of the origin of the Chaldaeans, the Casdim of Scrip-
ture, has been the subject of much discussion of late years. I confess


238
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS. [Chap. EL
There is something, at the same time, if I may so
express myself, peculiarly Semitic in the genius and
taste of the Assyrians, as displayed by their monu-
ments. This is undoubtedly a mere conjecture ; but
the peculiar characteristics of the three great races
which have, at different periods, held dominion over
the East, cannot fail to strike every reflecting tra-
veller. The distinctions between them are so marked,
and are so fully illustrated even to this day, that they
appear to be more than accidental — to be consequent
upon certain laws, and to be traceable to certain
that, after carefully examining the arguments in favour of their Scythic
and Indo-European descent, I see no reason to doubt the old opinion,
that they were a Semitic or Syro-Arabian people. The German philo-
logists were the first to question their Semitic origin. Michae'lis made
them Scyths; Schloezer, Sclavonians. According to Dicsearchus, a dis-
ciple of Aristotle, and a philosopher of great repute, they were first
called Cephenes from Cepheus, and afterwards Chaldaians from Chaldaans,
an Assyrian king, fourteenth in succession from Ninus; this Chaldseus
built Babylon near the Euphrates, and placed the Chaldseans in it. (Ste-
phanus, Diet. Hist. Geog.) This appears to confirm the passage in Isaiah,
which has chiefly given rise to the question as to the origin of the
Chaldees. "Behold the land of the Chuldaeans; this people was not, till
the Assyrian founded it for them that dwelt in the wilderness: they set up
the towers thereof, they raised up the palaces thereof." (Ch. xxiii. v. 13.)
The use of the term ChaldiEtin, like that of Assyrian, was very vague. It
appears to have been applied at different periods to the entire country
watered by the rivers Tigris and Euphrates, south of the mountainous
regions of Armenia, to only a part of it, to a race, and ultimately to a
class of the priesthood. That the Chaldees were at a very early period
settled in cities, we learn from Genesis (ch. xi. v. 31.), for Abraham came
from Ur of the Chaldees: but the position of Ur, whether to the north or
south of Nineveh, and its identification with Edessa (the modern Orfah)
or Orchoe, or any other city whose geographical position can be ascertained,
are still disputed questions, which are not likely to be soon, if ever, settled.
It is right to observe, however, that the name may be a gloss of a Inter
version of Genesis, a substitution, after the captivity, for the name of some
obsolete city. The passage in Judith (chap. v. ver. 6. & 7.), in which
the Jews are spoken of as descendants of the Chuldceans, is remarkable.


Chap. II.]
239
DISTINCTION IN RACES.
physical causes. In the first place, there is the She-
mite, whether Hebrew, Arab, or Syrian, with his
brilliant imagination, his ready conception, and his
repugnance to any restraint, that may affect the
liberty of his person or of his intellect. He conceives
naturally beautiful forms, whether they be embodied
in his words or in his works; his poetry is distin-
guished by them, and they are shown even in the
shape of his domestic utensils. This race possesses,
in the highest degree, what we call imagination. The
poor and ignorant Arab, whether of the desert or
town, moulds with clay the jars for his daily wants;
in a form which may be traced in the most elegant
vases of Greece or Rome; and, what is no less re-
markable, identical with that represented on monu-
ments, raised by his ancestors, 3000 years before.
If he speaks, he shows a ready eloquence; his words
are glowing and apposite; his discriptions true, yet
brilliant; his similes j ust, yet most fanciful. These
high qualities seem to be innate in him; he takes no
pains to cultivate, or to improve them: he knows
nothing of reducing them to any rule, or measuring
them by any standard. As it is with him, so it has
been from time unknown with those who went before
him: there has been little change—no progress.
Look, on the other hand, at the so-called Indo-
European races — at the Greek and Roman. They
will adopt from others the most beautiful forms: it
is doubtful whether they have invented any of them-
selves. But they seek the cause of that beauty ; they
reduce it to rules by analysis and reasoning; they


240
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS. LChap. IL
add or take away—improve that which they have
borrowed, or so change it in the process to which it
is subjected, that it is no longer recognised as the
same thing. That which appeared to be natural to
the one, would seem to be the result of profound
thought and inquiry in the other. Let the untaught
man of this race model a vase, or address his fellows,
he produces the rudest and mose barbarous forms,
or, whilst speaking roughly and without ease, makes
use of the grossest images.
We have next the Mongolian, whether Scyth,
Turk, or Tatar — without imagination, or strong rea-
soning powers — intrepid in danger, steady in pur-
pose, overcoming all opposition, despising his fellows,
a great conqueror. Such has been his character as
long as history has recorded his name: he appears
to have been made to command and to oppress. We
find him in the infancy of the human race, as well
as at later periods, descending from his far distant
mountains, emerging from the great deserts in central
Asia, and overrunning the most wealthy, the most
mighty, or the most civilised of nations. He exer-
cises power as his peculiar privilege and right. The
solitary Turkish governor rules over a whole pro-
vince, whose inhabitants, whilst they hate him as an
intruder and a barbarian, tremble at his nod. It is
innate in his children — the boy of seven has all
the dignity and self-confidence which character-
ises the man. The Mongolian must give way before
the civilisation of Europe, with its inventions and
resources; but who can tell whether the time may
not come when he may again tread upon the other


Chap. II.] DISTINCTIONS IN BACES.
241
races, as he has done, at intervals, from the remotest
ages? But observe the absence of all those intel-
lectual qualities which have marked the Shemite and
the Indo-European. If the Mongolian nations were
to be swept from the face of the earth, they would
leave scarcely a monument to record their former
existence: they have had no literature, no laws, no
art to which their name has attached. If they have
raised edifices, they have servilely followed those who
went before them, or those whom they conquered.
They have depopulated, not peopled. Whether it be
the Scythic invasion recorded by Herodotus, or the
march of Timourleng, we have the same traces of
blood, the same desert left behind; but no great
monument, no great work.
These may be but theories; yet the evidence af-
forded to this day, by the comparative state of the
three races, is scarcely to be rejected. In no part of
the world is the contrast between the peculiar qua-
lities of each more strikingly illustrated than in the
East, where the three are brought into immediate
contact; forming, indeed mixed up together, yet still
separate in blood, the population of the land. The
facts are too palpable to escape the most casual
observer; they are daily brought to the notice of
those who dwell amongst the people; and whilst the
Arab, the Greek, and the Turk, are to be at once
• recognised by their features, they are no less dis-
tinctly marked by their characters and dealings.*
* Dr. Prichard, in his valuable and learned "Researches into the Phy-
sical History of Mankind," has pointed out the peculiar characteristics jf
VOL. II. R


242
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS. [Chap. II.
But, to return from this digression let us inquire
whether the site of Nineveh is satisfactorily identi-
fied. That it was built on the eastern banks of the
Tigris, there can be no doubt. Although Ctesias,
and some who follow him, place it on the Eu-
phrates, the united testimony of Scripture, of ancient
geographers, and of tradition, most fully proves
that that author, or an inaccurate transcriber or
commentator of his text,- has fallen into an error.*
Strabo says that the city stood between the Tigris
and the Lycus, or Great Zab, near the junction of
these rivers; and Ptolemy places it on the Lycus.
This evidence alone is sufficient to fix its true posi-
tion, and to identify the ruins of Nimroud.
The tradition, placing the tomb of the prophet
Jonah on the left bank of the river opposite Mosul,
one of these great branches of the human race. "The Syro-Arabian
nations," he observes, "are amongst the races of men who display the
most. perfect physical organisation. A well-known modern writer, who
has had extensive opportunities of research into the anatomical and other
corporeal characters of various nations, has maintained that the bodily
fabric belonging to the Syro-Arabian tribes, manifests even a more per-
fect development in the organic structure, subservient to the mental
faculties, than that which is found in other branches of the human family.
It is certain that the intellectual powers of the Syro-Arabian people have,
in all ages, equalled the highest standard of the human faculties." (Vol.
;v. p. 548.) And again: "It is remarkable that the three great systems
of theism which have divided the civilised world, came forth from nations
of Shemite origin, among whom arose the priests or prophets of all those
nations who hold the unity of God." (Vol. iv. p. 549.) If this be true of
the Syro-Arabian or Shemite races, we may without inconsistency, seek
for similar characteristics in the other branches of the human family; and
I believe that a careful examination of the subject will show, that the his-
tory and condition of the three great races, justify the remarks in the text.
* Herodotus, 1. i. c. 193. and 1. ii. c. 150.; Pliny, lib. xvi. c. 13.!
Strabo, 1. xvi.; Ammionus Marcell. 1. xxiii. c. 20.


Chap. II.]
243
SIZE OF NINEVEH.
has led to the identification of the space comprised
within the quadrangular mass of mounds, containing
Kouyunjik and Nebbi Yunus, with the site of ancient
Nineveh. These ruins, however, taken by themselves
occupy much too small a space to be those of a city,
even larger, according to Strabo, than Babylon.* Its
dimensions, as given by Diodorus Siculus, were 150
stadia on the two longest sides of the quadrangle,
and 90 on the opposite, the square being 480 stadia,
or about 60f miles. In the book of Jonah it is
called "an exceeding great city of three days' jour-
ney ;"J the number of inhabitants, who did not know
their right hand from their left, being six score thou-
sand. I will not stop to inquire to what class of
persons this number applied; whether to children,
to those ignorant of right and wrong, or to the whole
population.§ It is evident that the city was one
of very considerable extent, and could not have
been comprised in the space occupied by the ruins
opposite Mosul, scarcely five miles in circumference.
The dimensions of an eastern city do not bear the
same proportion to its population as those of an Eu-
ropean city. A place as extensive as London, or Paris,
might not contain one third of the number of inhabit-
ants of either. The custom, prevalent from the earliest
period in the East, of secluding women in apartments
* Strabo, lib. xvi.
t Or, according to some computations, 74 miles.
| Chap. iii. ver. 3
§ The numbers of Jonah have frequently been referred to children,
who are computed to form one fifth of the population; thus giving six
hundred thousand inhabitants for the city.
b 2


244 NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS. [CHAP. II.
removed from those of the men”, renders a separate
house for each family almost indispensable. It was
probably as rare, in the time of the Assyrian mo-
narchy, to find more than one family residing under
one roof, unless composed of persons very intimately
related, such as father and son, as it is at present
in a Turkish city. Moreover, gardens and arable
land were enclosed by the city walls. According
to Diodorus and Quintus Curtius, there was space
enough within the precincts of Babylon to cultivate
corn for the sustenance of the whole population, in
case of siege, besides gardens and orchards.f From
the expression of Jonah, that there was much cattle
within the wallsi, it may be inferred that there was
also pasture for them. Many cities of the East, such
as Damascus and Isphahan, are thus built; the
amount of their population being greatly dispropor-
tionate to the site they occupy, if computed according
to the rules applied to European cities. It is most
probable that Nineveh and Babylon resembled them
in this respect.
The ruins hitherto examined have shown, that
* We learn from the book of Esther that such was the custom amongst
the early Persians, although the intercourse between women and men was
much less circumscribed than after the spread of Mohammedanism.
Ladies were even admitted to public banquets, and received strangers in
their own apartments, whilst they resided habitually in a kind of harem,
separate from the dwellings of the men.
f Diod. Sic. lib. ii. c. 9. Quintus Curtius, v. cap. 1.: “Ac ne totam
quidem urbem tectis occupaverunt; per xc. stadia habitatur: nec omnia
continua sunt: credo, quia tutius visum est, plurimis locis spargi; cetera
serunt coluntgue, ut, si externa vis ingruat, obsessis alimenta ex ipsius
urbis solo subministrentur.” -
# Chap. iv. ver. 11.


CHAP. II.] SIZE OF NINEVEH. 245
there are remains of buildings of various epochs, on
the banks of the Tigris, near its junction with the
Zab; and that many years, or even centuries, must
have elapsed between the construction of the earliest
and the latest. That the ruins at Nimroud were
within the precincts of Nineveh, if they do not alone
mark its site, appears to be proved by Strabo, and by
Ptolemy's statement that the city was on the Lycus,
corroborated by the tradition preserved by the earli-
est Arab geographers. Yakut and others mention
the ruins of Athur, near Selamiyah, which gave the
name of Assyria to the province; and Ibn Said ex-
pressly states that they were those of the city of the
Assyrian kings who destroyed Jerusalem.” They are
still called, as it has been shown, both Athur and
Nimroud. The evidence afforded by the examina-
tion of all the known ruins of Assyria, further iden-
tifies Nimroud with Nineveh. It would appear from
existing monumentsi, that the city was originally
* Yakut, in his geographical work called the Moejem el Buldan, says,
under the head of “Athur,” “Mosul, before it received its present name,
was called Athur, or sometimes Akur, with a kaf. It is said that this
was anciently the name of el Jezireh (Mesopotamia), the province being
so called from a city, of which the ruins are now to be seen near the gate
of Selamiyah, a small town, about eight farsakhs east of Mosul; God,
however, knows the truth.” The same notice of the ruined city of
Athur, or Akur, occurs under the head of “Selamiyah.” Abulfeda says,
“To the south of Mosul, the lesser (?) Zab flows into the Tigris, near the
ruined city of Athur.” In Reinaud's edition (vol. i. p. 289. note 11.),
there is the following extract from Ibn Said:– “The city of Athur,
which is in ruins, is mentioned in the Tauret (Old Testament). There
dwelt the Assyrian kings who destroyed Jerusalem.” I am indebted for
these notices to Major Rawlinson.
f See previous chapter as to the identification of the names and ge-
nealogies of kings.
R 3


246 NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS. [CuAP. II.
founded on the site now occupied by these mounds.
From its immediate vicinity to the place of junction
of two large rivers, the Tigris and the Zab, no better
position could have been chosen. It is probable
that the great edifice, in the north-west corner of
the principal mound, was the temple or palace, or
thé two combined; the smaller houses were scattered
around it, over the face of the country. To the palace
was attached a park, or paradise as it was called, in
which was preserved game of various kinds for the
diversion of the king. This enclosure, formed by
walls and towers, may perhaps still be traced in the
line of low mounds branching out from the principal
ruin. Successive monarchs added to the first building,
and the centre palace arose by its side. As the popu-
lation increased with the duration and prosperity of
the empire, and by the forced immigration of con-
quered nations, the dimensions of the city increased
also. A king founding a new dynasty, or anxious
to perpetuate his fame by the erection of a new
building, may have chosen a distant site. The city,
gradually spreading, may at length have embraced
such additional palaces. This appears to have been
the case with Nineveh. Nimroud represents the ori-
ginal site of the city. To the first palace the son of
its founder added a second, of which we have the
ruins in the centre of the mound. He also built the
edifice now covered by the great mound of Ba-
asheikha, as the inscriptions on the bricks from that
place prove. He founded, at the same time, a new
city at Kalah Sherghat. A subsequent monarch again


CHAP. II.] SIZE OF NINEVEH. 247
added to the palaces at Nimroud, and recorded the
event on the pavement slabs, in the upper chambers
of the western face of the mound. At a much later
period, when the older palaces were already in ruins,
edifices were erected on the sites now marked by the
mounds of Khorsabad, and Karamles. The son of
their founder built the great palace at Kouyunjik,
which must have exceeded those of his predecessors
in extent and magnificence. His son was engaged in
raising one more edifice at Nimroud; the previous
palaces, as it has been shown, having been long before
deserted or destroyed, when some great event, perhaps
the fall of the empire and destruction of the capital,
prevented its completion.
The city had now attained the dimensions assigned
to it by the book of Jonah, and by Diodorus Siculus.
If we take the four great mounds of Nimroud, Kouy-
unjik, Khorsabad, and Karamles, as the corners of a
square, it will be found that its four sides correspond
pretty accurately with the 480 stadia, or 60 miles of
the geographer, which make the three days’ journey
of the prophet.* Within this space there are many
large mounds, including the principal ruins in As-
* From the northern extremity of Kouyunjik to Nimroud, is about
eighteen miles; the distance from Nimroud to Karamles, about twelve;
the opposite sides of the square the same: these measurements correspond
accurately with the elongated quadrangle of Diodorus. Twenty miles is
the day's journey of the East, and we have consequently the three days'
journey of Jonah for the circumference of the city. The agreement of
these measurements is remarkable. Within this space was fought the
great battle between Heraclius and Rhazates (A. D.627). “The city, and
even the ruins of the city, had long since disappeared: the vacant space
afforded a spacious field for the operations of the two armies.” (Gibbon,
Decline and Fall, ch. xlvi.)
R 4


248 NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS. [CHAP. II.
syria, such as Karakush, Baasheikha, Baazani, Hus-
seini, Tel-Yara, &c., &c.; and the face of the country
is strewed with the remains of pottery, bricks, and
other fragments.
The space between the great public edifices was
probably occupied by private houses, standing in the
midst of gardens, and built at distances from one
another; or forming streets which enclosed gardens
of considerable extent, and even arable land. The
absence of the remains of such buildings may easily
be accounted for. They were constructed almost
entirely of sun-dried bricks, and, like the houses now
built in the country, soon disappeared altogether
when once abandoned, and allowed to fall into decay.
The largest palaces would probably have remained
undiscovered, had not slabs of alabaster marked
the walls. There is, however, sufficient to indicate,
that buildings were once spread over the space
above described; for, besides, the vast number of
small mounds everywhere visible, scarely a hus-
bandman drives his plough over the soil, without
exposing the vestiges of former habitations. Each
quarter of the city may have had its distinct name;
hence the palace of Evorita, where Sasacus destroyed
himself, and the Mespila and Larissa of Xenophon,
applied respectively to the ruins at Kouyunjik and
Nimroud.”
* I have already shown that the account given by Xenophon of Larissa,
as well as the distance between it and Mespila, agree in all respects with
the ruins of Nimroud, and their distance from Kouyunjik. (Vol. i. p. 4.)
The circuit of the walls of Larissa, two parasangs, also nearly coincides
with the extent of the quadrangle at Nimroud.


CHAP. II.] ASSYRIAN ARCHITECTURE. 249
Existing ruins thus show, that Nineveh acquired
its greatest extent in the time of the kings of the
second dynasty; that is to say, of the kings mentioned
in Scripture. It was then that Jonah visited it, and
that reports of its size and magnificence were carried
to the west, and gave rise to the traditions from
which the Greek authors mainly derived the informa-
tion handed down to us. -
I know of no other way, than that suggested, to
identify all the ruins described in the previous pages
with Nineveh; unless, indeed, we suppose that there
was more than one city of the same name; and that,
like Babylon, it was rebuilt on a new site, after having
been once destroyed.” In this case Nimroud and
Kouyunjik may represent cities of different periods,
but of the same name; for, as I have shown, the
palace of Kouyunjik must have been built long after
the foundation of the Nineveh of well-authenticated
history. The position of Khorsabad, its distance from
the river, and its size, preclude the idea that it marks
alone the site of a large city. As the last palace at
Nimroud must have been founded, whilst those at
Kouyunjik and Khorsabad were standing, it is most
probable that the city at that time embraced the
remains of the old town, although the earlier build-
ings may have been destroyed.
Having thus pointed out the evidence as to the
site and extent of Nineveh, it may not be uninter-
esting to inquire how it was built, and what know-
* The attempt to identify Larissa and Nimroud with Resen, will, I
presume, be now renounced. -


250
[Chap. II.
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS.
ledge the Assyrians possessed of the science of archi-
tecture.
The architecture of a people must naturally de-
pend upon the materials afforded by the country,
and upon the object of their buildings. The de-
scriptions, already casually given in the course of
this work of the ruined edifices of ancient Assyria,
are sufficient to show that they differ, in many
respects, from those of any other nation with which
we are acquainted. Had the Assyrians, so fertile
in invention, so skilful in the arts, and so ambi-
tious of great works, dwelt in a country as rich in
stone and costly granites and marbles as Egypt or
India, it can scarcely be doubted that they would
have equalled, if not excelled, the inhabitants of those
countries in the magnitude of their pyramids, and in
the magnificence and symmetry of their rock temples
and palaces. But their principal settlements were in
the alluvial plains watered by the Tigris and Eu-
phrates. On the banks of those great rivers, which
spread fertility through the land, and afford the
means of easy and expeditious intercourse between
distant provinces, they founded their first cities. On
all sides they had vast plains, unbroken by a single
eminence until they approached the foot of the Ar-
menian hills.
The earliest habitations, constructed when little
progress had been made in the art of building, were
probably but one story in height. In this respect
the dwelling of the ruler scarcely differed from the
meanest hut. It soon became necessary, however,


Chap. II.]
251
ASSYRIAN ARCHITECTURE.
that the temples of the gods, and the palaces of the
kings, depositories at the same time of the national
records, should be rendered more conspicuous than
the humble edifices by which they were surrounded.
The means of defence also required that the castle,
the place of refuge for the inhabitants in times of
danger, or the permanent residence of the garrison,
should be raised above the city, and should be built
so as to afford the best means of resistance to an
enemy. As there were no natural eminences in the
country, the inhabitants wer compelled to construct
artificial mounds. Hence the origin of those vast,
solid, structures which have defied the hand of time;
and, with their grass-covered summits and furrowed
sides, rise like natural hills in the Assyrian plains.*
Let us picture to ourselves the migration of one
of the primitive families of the human race, seek-
ing for some spot favourable to a permanent set-
tlement, where water abounded, and where the land,
already productive without cultivation, promised an
ample return to the labour of the husbandman. They
may have followed him who went out of the land of
Shinar, to found new habitations in the north f; or
they may have descended from the mountains of Ar-
menia; whence came, according to the Chaldaean
historian, the builders of the cities of Assyria.J It
* The custom of erecting an artificial platform, and building an edifice
on the summit, existed amongst the Mexicans, although they inhabited a
hilly country.
f Genesis, x. 11.
I Xithurus and his followers. Berosus, apud Euseb. The similarity
between the history of this Chaldaian hero and that of the Noah of Scrip-
ture is very singular.
■


252 NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS. [Cbkv. II.
was not until they reached the banks of the great
rivers, if they came from the high lands, or only
whilst they followed their course, if they journeyed
from the south, that they could find a supply of
water adequate to the permanent wants of a large com-
munity. The plain, bounded to the west and south by
the Tigris and Zab, from its fertility, and from the
ready means of irrigation afforded by two noble
streams, may have been first chosen as a resting
place; and there were laid the foundations of a city,
destined to be the capital of the eastern world.
The materials for building were at hand, and
in their preparation required neither much labour
nor ingenuity. The soil, an alluvial deposit, was rich
and tenacious. The builders moistened it with water,
and, adding a little chopped straw that it might be
more firmly bound together, they formed it into
squares, which, when dried by the heat of the sun,
served them as bricks. In that climate the process
required but two or three days. Such were the
earliest building materials; and they are used to this
day almost exclusively in the same country. This
mode of brick-making is described by Sanchoniathon *;
* According to Sanchoniathon (Cory's Fragments), the people of Tyre
invented the art of brick-making, and of building huts. "Hypsuranius,"
he says, "invented in Tyre the making of huts of reeds and rushes, and
the papyri. After the generation of Hypsuranius were Agreus and
Halieus, inventors of the arts of hunting and of fishing. After them came
two brothers; one of them, Chrysor or Hephssstus, was the first who
sailed in boats ; his brother invented the way of making walls with bricks.
From this generation were born two youths, one called Technites, and
the other Gei'nus Autochthon. They discovered the method of mingling
stubble with the loam of the bricks, and drying them in the sun; they also
invented tiling."


Chap. II.] ASSYRIAN ARCHITECTURE. 253
and we have an allusion to it in Exodus*; for the
Egyptians, to harass their Jewish captives, withheld
the straw without which their bricks could not pre-
serve their form and consistency.
Huts for the people were speedily raised, the
branches and boughs of trees from the banks of the
river serving for a roof.
The inhabitants of the new settlement now sought
to build a place of refuge in case of attack, or a
dwelling place for their leader, or a temple to their
gods. It was first necessary to form an eminence,
that the building might rise above the plain and
might be seen from afar. This eminence was not
hastily made by heaping up earth, but regularly and
systematically built with sun-dried bricks. Thus a
platform, thirty or forty feet high, was formed; and
upon it they erected the royal, or sacred edifice.-}-
Sun-dried bricks were still the principal, but could
not in this instance, for various reasons, be the only
materials employed. The earliest edifices of this
nature appear to have been at the same time public
monuments, in which were preserved the records or
archives of the nation, carved on stone. In them
* Chap. v.
f Such is the custom still existing amongst the inhabitants of As-
syria. When some fnmilies of a nomad tribe wish to settle in a village,
they choose an ancient mound; it being no longer necessary to form a
new platform, for the old abound in the plains. On its summit they
erect a rude castle, and the huts are built at the foot. This course ap-
pears to have been followed since the Arab invasion, and perhaps long
previous, during the Persian occupation. There are few ancient mounds
containing Assyrian ruins which have not served for the sites of castles,
cities, or villages built by Persians or Arabs. Such are Arbela, Tel Afer,
Nebbi Yunus, &c. &c.


254
NINEVEH AND ITS liEMAINS. [Chap. IT
were represented in sculpture the exploits of the
kings, or the forms of the divinities; whilst the his-
tory of the people, and invocations to their gods, were
also inscribed in written characters upon the walls.
It was necessary, therefore, to use some material
upon which figures and inscriptions could be carved.
The plains of Mesopotamia, as well as the low lands
between the Tigris and the hill-country, abound in a
kind of coarse alabaster or gypsum. Large masses of
it everywhere protrude in low ridges from the alluvial
soil, or are exposed in the gullies formed by winter
torrents. It is easily worked, and its colour and
transparent appearance are agreeable to the eye.
Whilst offering few difficulties to the sculptor, it was
an ornament to the edifices in which it was placed.
This alabaster, therefore, cut into large slabs, was
used in the public buildings.
The walls of the chambers, from five to fifteen feet
thick, were first constructed of sun-dried bricks. The
alabaster slabs were used as panels. They were
placed upright against the walls, care being first
taken to cut on the back of each an inscription re-
cording the name, title, and descent of the king un-
dertaking the work. They were kept in their places
and held together by iron, copper, or wooden cramps
and plugs. The cramps were in the form of double
dovetails, and fitted into corresponding grooves in two
adjoining slabs.* The corners of the chambers were
* Every slab has this groove of a dovetail shape on the edges; but
there were besides three round holes at equal distances between them.
I am unable to account for their use — whether to receive plugs which


Chap II.] ASSYRIAN ARCHITECTURE.
255
generally formed by one angular stone; and all the
walls were either at right angles, or parallel to each
other.
The slabs having been fixed against the walls, the
subjects to be represented upon them were designed
and sculptured, and the inscriptions carved. That
the Assyrian artist worked after the slabs had been
fixed, appears to be proved beyond a doubt, by figures
and other parts of the bas-reliefs being frequently
finished on the adjoining slab; and by slabs havingbeen
found placed in their proper position, although still
unsculptured, in one of the buildings at Nimroud.*
The principal entrances to the cnambers were, it
has been seen, formed by gigantic winged bulls and
lions with human heads. The smaller doorways
were guarded by colossal figures of divinities, or
priests. No remains of doors or gates were dis-
covered, nor of hinges; but it is probable that the
entrances were provided with them. The priests of
Babylon " made fast their temples with doors, with
locks, and bars, lest their gods be spoiled by rob-
bers," f and the gates of brass of Babylon are con-
were in some way connected with the superstructure, or rods of metal
which may have extended through the wall to the slab in the adjoining
chamber. Only one of the dovetails (of iron) remained in its place.
These cramps appear to have been used (according to Diodorus Siculus)
at Babylon; the stones of the bridge, said to have been built by Semi-
ramis, being united by them. Herodotus (lib. i. c. 186.) also states that
the stones of the bridge built over the Euphrates by Nitocris were joined
by iron and lead. Similar cramps made of lead and wood, inscribed with
the name of the king, are found in the Egyptian buildings as early as the
xviii—xix. dynasty.
* This mode of sculpturing the stone after placing it appears to have
been generally the custom in Egypt and India.
f Epistle of Jeremy. Baruch, vi. 18.


258
[Chap. II.
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS.
from wall to wall. Had this been the case, the re-
mains of the vault, which must have been con-
structed of baked bricks or of stone, would have
been found in the ruins, and would have partly
filled up the chambers. No such remains were
discovered.* The narrowness of the chambers in
all the Assyrian edifices, with the exception of one
hall (Y, plan 3.) at Nimroud, is very remarkable.
That hall may have been entirely open to the sky;
and, as it did not contain sculptures, it is not im-
probable that it was so; but it can scarcely be con-
ceived that the other chambers were thus exposed to
the atmosphere, and their inmates left unprotected
from the heat of the summer sun, or from the rains
of winter. The great narrowness of all the rooms,
when compared with their length, appears to prove
that the Assyrians had no means of constructing a
roof requiring other support than that afforded by
the side walls. The most elaborately ornamented
hall at Nimroud, although above 160 feet in length,
was only 35 feet broad. The same disparity is ap-
parent in the edifice at Kouyunjik.f It can scarcely
be doubted that there was some reason for making
the rooms so narrow; otherwise proportions better
suited to the magnificence of the decorations, the im-
* M. Flandin (Voyage Archcologique a Ninive, in the Revue des Deux
Mondes) states that he found sufficiently large masses of kiln-burnt bricks
in the chambers at Khorsabad, to warrant the supposition that the roof
had been vaulted with them. But I am inclined to doubt this having
been the case; and I believe M. Botta to be of my opinion. It is evident
that there must have been much wood in the building to cause its de-
struction by fire, and this wood could only have been in the roof.
f Some of the chambers at Kouyunjik were about 45 feet wide.


Chap. II.]
259
ROOFS OF PALACES.
posing nature of the colossal sculptures forming the
entrances, and the length of the chambers, would
have been chosen. But still, without some such arti-
ficial means of support as are adopted in modern
architecture, it may be questioned whether beams
could span 45 or even 35 feet. It is possible that
the Assyrians were acquainted with the principle
of the king-post of modern roofing, although in the
sculptures the houses are represented with flat roofs,
otherwise we must presume that wooden pillars or
posts were employed; but there were no indications
whatever of them in the ruins. Beams, supported
by opposite walls, may have met in the centre of
the ceiling. This may account for the great thick-
ness of some of the partitions. Or in the larger
halls a projecting ledge, sufficiently wide to afford
shelter and shade, may have been carried round the
sides, leaving the centre exposed to the air. Re-
mains of beams were everywhere found at Nimroud,
particularly under fallen slabs. The wood appeared
to be entire, but when touched it crumbled into dust.
It was only amongst the ruins in the south-west
corner of the mound, that any was discovered in a
sound state.
The only trees within the limits of Assyria suffi-
ciently large to furnish beams to span a room 30 or 40
feet wide, are the palm and the poplar: their trunks
still form the roofs of houses in Mesopotamia. Both
easily decay, and will not bear exposure; it is not
surprising, therefore, that beams made of them should
have entirely disappeared after the lapse of 2,500 years.
s 2


260
[Chap. II.
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS.
The poplar now used at Mosul is floated down the
Khabour and Tigris from the Kurdish hills*; it is
of considerable length, and occasionally serves for
the roofs of chambers nearly as wide as those of the
Assyrian palaces.
It has been seen that the principle of the arch was
known to the Assyrians!, a small vaulted chamber
of baked bricks having been found at Nimroud; but
there have been no traces discovered of an arch or
vault on a large scale.
If daylight were admitted into the Assyrian palaces,
it, could only have entered by the roof. There are no
communications between the inner rooms except by
the doorways, consequently they could only receive
light from above. Even in the chambers next to the
outer walls, there are no traces of windows. J It may
be conjectured, therefore, that there were square open-
ings or skylights in the ceilings, which may have been
• Vol. i. p. 167.
■f Arched gateways are continually represented !n the bas-reliefs. Ac-
cording to Diodorus Siculus, the tunnel under the Euphrates at Babylon,
attributed to Scmiramis, was also vaulted. Indeed, if such a work ever
existed, it may be presumed that it was so constructed. It was cased on
both sides; that is, the bricks were covered with bitumen; the walls were
four cubits thick. The width of the passage was 15 feet; and the walls
were 12 feet high to the spring of the vault. The rooms in the temple
of Belus were, according to some, arched and supported by columns. The
arch first appears in Egypt about the time of the commencement of the
eighteenth dynasty (Wilkinson's Ancient Egyptians, vol. ii. p. 117.), or
when, as it has been shown, there existed a close connection between
Egypt and Assyria.
I It is possible that some of the chambers, particularly if devoted to
religious purposes, were only lighted by torches, or by fir'js fed by bitu-
men or naphtha. This custom appears to be alluded to in the Epistle of
Jeremy. "Their faces are blackened through the smoke that cometh out
of the temple." (Baruch, vi. 21.) But no traces .of smoke or fire were
found on the sculptures and walls of the earliest palace of Nimroud.


Chap. II.]
261
THE PAVEMENT.
closed during winter rains by canvass, or some such
material. The drains, leading from almost every
chamber, would seem to show that water might occa-
sionally have entered from above, and that apertures
were required to carry it off. This mode of lighting
rooms was adopted in Egypt; but, I believe, at a much
later period than that of the erection of the Nimroud
edifices. No other can have existed in the palaces
of Assyria, unless, indeed, torches and lamps were
used; a supposition scarcely in accordance with the
elaborate nature of the sculptures, and the brilliancy
of the coloured ornaments; which, without the light
of day, would have lost half their effect.
The pavement of the chambers was formed either
of alabaster slabs, covered with inscriptions recording
the name and genealogy of the king, and probably
the chief events of his reign, or of kiln-burnt bricks,
each also bearing a short inscription. The alabaster
slabs were placed upon a thin coating of bitumen
spread over the bottom of the chamber, even under
the upright slabs forming its sides. The bricks
were laid in two tiers, one above the other; a thin
layer of sand being placed between them, as well
as under the bottom tier. These strata of bitumen
and sand may have been intended to exclude damp;
although the buildings, from their position, could
scarcely have been exposed to it. Between the lions
and bulls forming the entrances, was generally placed
one large slab, bearing an inscription.
I have already alluded * to the existence of a drain
• P. 79. of this Volume.
■ 3


262 NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS. [Cbap. H.
beneath almost every chamber in the older palace of
Nimroud. These were connected with the floor by a
circular pipe of baked clay, leading from a hole,
generally cut through one of the pavement slabs, in
a corner of the room. They joined one large drain,
running under the great hall ( Y, in plan 3.), and from
thence into the river, which originally flowed at the
foot of the mound.
The interior of the Assyrian palace must have
been as magnificent as imposing.* I have led the
reader through its ruins, and he may judge of the
impression its halls were calculated to make upon
one who, in the days of old, entered for the first
time the abode of the Assyrian kings. He was ushered
in through the portal guarded by the colossal lions
or bulls of white alabaster.f In the first hall he
found himself surrounded by the sculptured records
of the empire. Battles, sieges, triumphs, the ex-
ploits of the chace, the ceremonies of religion, were
portrayed on the walls,—sculptured in alabaster, and
painted in gorgeous colours. Under each picture
were engraved, in characters filled up with bright
copper, inscriptions describing the scenes represented.
Above the sculptures were painted other events —
the king, attended by his eunuchs and warriors, re-
ceiving his prisoners, entering into alliances with
* According to Moses of Chorene (lib. i.), the palaces in Armenia at
the earliest period were built by Assyrian workmen, who had already at-
tained to great skill in architecture. The Armenians thus looked
traditionally to Assyria for the origin of some of their arts.
f In the palace of Scylas, in the city of the Borysthenita?, against which
Bacchus hurled his thunder-bolt, were placed sphinxes and gryphons of
white marble. (Herod, lib. iv. c. 79.)


Citap. II.] AN ASSYRIAN PALACE. 2fi3
other monarchs, or performing some sacred duty.
These representations were enclosed in coloured bor-
ders of elaborate and elegant design. The em-
blematic tree, winged bulls, and monstrous animals
were conspicuous amongst the ornaments. At the
upper end of the hall was the colossal figure of the
king in adoration before the supreme deity, or receiv-
ing from his eunuch the holy cup. He was attended
by warriors bearing his arms, and by the priests or
presiding divinities. His robes, and those of his fol-
lowers, were adorned with groups of figures, animals,
and flowers, all painted with brilliant colours.
The stranger trod upon alabaster slabs, each bear-
ing an inscription, recording the titles, genealogy, and
achievements of the great king. Several doorways,
formed by gigantic winged lions or bulls, or by the
figures of guardian deities, led into other apartments,
which again opened into more distant halls. In each
were new sculptures. On the walls of some were
processions of colossal figures — armed men and
eunuchs following the king, warriors laden with spoil,
leading prisoners, or bearing presents and offerings
to the gods. On the walls of others were portrayed
the winged priests, or presiding divinities, standing
before the sacred trees.
The ceilings above him were divided into square
compartments, painted with flowers, or with the
figures of animals. Some were inlaid with ivory,
each compartment being surrounded by elegant bor-
ders and mouldings. The beams, as well as the
sides of the chambers, may have been gilded, or


264
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS. [Chap. II.
even plated with gold and silver; and the rarest
woods, in which the cedar was conspicu&us, were
used for the wood-work.* Square openings in the
ceilings of the chambers admitted the light of day.
A pleasing shadow was thrown over the sculptured
* Sun-dried bricks, with the remains of gilding, were discovered at Nim-
roud. Herodotus states that the battlements of the innermost walls of
the royal palace of Ecbatana, the ornaments of which were most pro-
bably imitated from the edifices of Assyria, were plated with silver and
gold (lib. i. c. 98.); these precious metals appear to have been generally
used in decorating the palaces of the East. Even the roofs of the palace
at Ecbatana are said to have been covered with silver tiles. The gold,
Bilver, ivory, and precious woods in the ceilings of the palaces of Babylon,
attributed to Semiraniis, are frequently mentioned by ancient writers.
Thus, in the Periegesis of Dionysius, v. 1005—1008 —
u Trpog ?l vorov, BafiAwe icpij 7ro\if* i)v pd rt Traaav
TiixHJiv dppayfffftrt "SiuipapiQ laritpiivuxjiv'
avTiip iir' d«rpo7roX7|< piyav lifuni tlaaro BqXy
Xpvotfl T t)S' IXt^ivri (cat apyvptp aoKia<ia?
Translated by Priscian, v. 950-953.—
"Ad partes Austri Babylon: quam mcenibus olim
Mirandis posuit firmisque Semiramis urbem;
Cujus in arce domum splendentem fecerat auro,
Quam simul argentum varie decoravit eburque."
And by Rufus Festus Avicnus (Orbis Descriptio, v. 1196—1201.)—
"Qua sunt flabra Noti, Babylon subducitur arce
Procera in nubes: hanc prisca Semiramis urbcm
Vallavit muris quos non absumere flamnue
Non areis penetrare queat; stat maxima Beli
Aula quoque argento, domus Indo dente nitescit,
Aurum tecta operit; sola late contegit aurum."
Zephaniah (xi. 14.) alludes to the "cedar work" of the roof; and
in Jeremiah (xxii. 14.) chambers "ceiled with cedar and painted with
vermilion," are mentioned. It is probable that the ceilings were only
panelled or wainscoted with this precious wood. (1 Kings, vi. 15.,
vii. 3.) The ceilings of Egyptian tombs and houses were like those de-
scribed in the text. (Wilkinson's Ancient Egyptians, vol. ii. p. 125.)
The ivory ornaments found in some of the chambers at Nimroud may
possibly have belonged to the ceiling.


Chap. II.] OBJECTS OF THE SCULPTURES.
265
walls, and gave a majestic expression to the human
features of the colossal forms which guarded the
entrances. Through these apertures was seen the
bright blue of an eastern sky, enclosed in a frame
on which were painted, in vivid colours, the winged
circle, in the midst of elegant ornaments, and the
graceful forms of ideal animals.*
These edifices, as it has been shown, were great
national monuments, upon the walls of which were
represented in sculpture, or inscribed in alphabetic
characters, the chronicles of the empire. He who
entered them might thus read the history, and learn
the glory and triumphs of the nation. They served,
at the same time, to bring continually to the remem-
brance of those who assembled within them on festive
occasions, or for the celebration of religious cere-
monies, the deeds of their ancestors, and the power
and majesty of their gods.
It would appear that the events recorded in the
buildings hitherto examined, apply only to the kings
who founded them. Thus, in the earliest palace of
Nimroud, we find one name constantly repeated;
the same at Kouyunjik and Khorsabad. In some
edifices, as at Kouyunjik, each chamber is reserved
* I have endeavoured, with the assistance of Mr. Owen Jones, to give,
in my work on the Monuments of Nineveh (Plate 2.), a representation of a
chamber or hall as it originally appeared. I have restored the details from
fragments found during the excavations, and from parts of the building still
standing. There is full authority for all except the ceiling, which must
remain a subject of conjecture. The window or opening in it has been
placed immediately above the wipged lions, to bring it into the plate; but
it is probable that it wa ■ in the centre of the hall. The larger chambers
may have had more than one such opening.


266 NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS. [Chap. IT.
for some particular historical incident; thus, on the
walls of one we find the conquest of a people residing
on the banks of two rivers, clothed with groves of
palms, the trees and rivers being repeated in almost
every bas-relief. On those of a second is represented
a country watered by one river, and thickly wooded
with the oak or some other tree. In the bas-reliefs
of a third we have lofty mountains, their summits
covered with firs, and their sides with oaks and vines.
In every chamber the scene appears to be different.
It was customary in the later Assyrian monuments
to write, over the sculptured representation of a cap-
tured city, its name, always preceded by a determin-
ative letter or sign.* Short inscriptions were also
generally placed above the head of the king in the
palace of Kouyunjik, preceded by some words appa-
rently signifying "this is," and followed by others
giving his name and title. The whole legend pro-
bably ran, "This is such an one (the name), the
king of the country of Assyria." At Khorsabad
similar short inscriptions are frequently found above
less important figures, or upon their robes; a practice
which, it has been seen, prevailed afterwards amongst
the Persians.f I may observe, that in the earliest
* This sign, which I have given, in note, p. 192., appears to be the first
letter of a word signifying city or castle, or to be a monogram for the
word. Dr. Ilineks traces in it a rude representation of a rampart and
parapet. (On the Inscriptions of Van, p. 29.)
f On the great rock-tablet of Bchistun we have not only the name and
genealogy of Darius written over his head, but also the name and country
of the prisoners placed above each. The characters for "this is," pre-
ceding the proper names, are the same in the Kouyunjik and Behistun
inscriptions.


Chap. II.] CHARACTER OF THE KING.
267
palace of Nimroud, such descriptive notices have
never been found introduced into the bas-reliefs.
Were these magnificent mansions palaces or tem-
ples ? or, whilst the king combined the character of a
temporal ruler with that of a high-priest or type of
the religion of the people, did his residence unite the
palace, the temple, and a national monument raised
to perpetuate the triumphs and conquests of the na-
tion? These are questions which cannot yet be satis-
factorily answered. We can only judge by analogy.
A very superficial examination of the sculptures
will prove the sacred character of the king. The
priests or presiding deities (whichever the winged
figures so frequently found on the Assyrian monu-
ments may be) are represented as waiting upon, or
ministering to, him; above his head are the emblems
of the divinity—the winged figure within the circle,
the sun, the moon, and the planets. As in Egypt
he may have been regarded as the representative,
on earth, of the deity; receiving his power directly
from the gods, and the organ of communication
between them and his subjects.* All the edifices
hitherto discovered in Assyria have precisely the
same character; so that we have most probably the
palace and temple combined; for in them the deeds of
the king and of the nation are united with religious
symbols, and with the statues of the gods.
Of the exterior architecture of these edifices, no
* Dlodorus Siculus, lib. i. c. 90.; and Wilkinson's Ancient Egyptians,
vol. i. p. 245., and vol. ii. p. 67.


268 NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS. [Chap. II.
traces remain. I examined as carefully as I was
able the sides of the great mound at Nimroud, and
of other ruins in Assyria; but there were no frag-
ments of sculptured blocks, cornices, columns, or
other architectural ornaments, to afford any clue
to the nature of the facade. It is probable that
as the building was raised on a lofty platform, and
was conspicuous from all parts of the surrounding
country, its exterior walls were either cased with
sculptured slabs or painted. Ths mode of deco-
rating public buildings appears to have prevailed in
Assyria. On the outside of the principal palace of
Babylon, built by Semiramis, were painted, on bricks,
men and animals; even on the towers were hunting
scenes, in which were distinguished Semiramis her-
self on horseback, throwing a javelin at a panther,
and Ninus slaying a lion with his lance.* The walls
of Ecbatana, according to Herodotus f, were also
painted with different colours. The largest of these
walls (there were seven round the city) was white,
the next was black, the third purple, the fourth blue,
the fifth orange. The two inner walls were differ-
ently ornamented, one having its battlements plated
with silver, the other with gold. J At Khorsabad a
series of alabaster slabs on which were represented
gigantic figures bearing tribute, appeared to M. Botta
* Diodorus Siculus, lib. ii.
f Lib. L c 98.
J These colours, with the number seven of the walls, have evidently
allusion to the heavenly bodies, and their courses. (Herod. 1. i. c. 98.)
Seven disks are frequently represented as accompanying the sun, moon,
and other religious emblems at Nimroud.


Chap. II.]
269
EXTERIOR WALLS.
to be an outer wall, as there were no remains of
building beyond it. It is possible that the sculptures
on the edge of the ravine in the north-west palace
of Nimroud, also apparently captives bearing tribute,
may have formed part of the north facade of the
building opening upon a flight of steps, or upon a
road leading from the river to the great hall.*
We may conjecture, therefore, that the outer walls,
like the inner, were cased with sculptured slabs below,
and painted with figures of animals and other devices
above: and thus ornamented, in the clear atmosphere
of Assyria, their appearance would be far from
unpleasing to the eye. They were probably pro-
tected by a projecting roof; and, in a dry climate,
they would not quickly suffer injury from mere ex-
posure to the air. The total disappearance of the
alabaster slabs may be easily accounted for by their
position. They would probably have remained out-
side the building, when the interior was buried; or
they may have fallen to the foot of the mound, wherej
they soon perished, or where they may perhaps still
exist under the accumulated rubbish.f
* D and E, plan 3., and see Vol. I. p. 126.
t The thickness of both the outer walls and the walls forming par-
titions between the chambers, may have contributed greatly to exclude
the heat, and keep the chambers cool. It was Mr. Longworth's impres-
sion, on examining the ruins, that there never had been any exterior
architecture, but that all thechambers had been, as it were, subterranean,
resembling the serdabs, or summer apartments, of Mosul and Baghdad.
But such a supposition does not appear to me consistent with the mag-
nificent entrances, and with the elevated position of the building. Had
underground apartments been contemplated, an artificial platform would
scarcely have been raised to receive them.


270
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS. [Chap. II.
On the western face of the mound of Nimroud, at
the foot, I discovered many large square stones, which
probably cased the lower part of the building, or
rather of the mound itself. Xenophon, describing
the ruins, says that the lower part of the walls was
of stone to the height of 20 feet; the upper being of
brick.* The stones he saw were merely the casing,
the interior or body of the walls being built of sun-
dried bricks.
Although there were houses in Assyria of two
and three stories in height, as at Babylon f, and as
represented in the sculptures of KouyunjikJ, yet it
does not appear probable that the great buildings,
just described, had more than a ground floor. If
there had been upper rooms, traces of them would
still be found, as is shown by the discovery of the
chambers on the western face of the raound.§ Had
they fallen in, some remains of them would have been
left in the lower rooms.
The houses, and towers represented in some of the
later sculptures, have windows and doors ornamented
with cornices. We have no means of ascertaining
the forms of the chambers, nor of learning any par-
ticulars concerning their internal economy and ar-
rangement. No private houses, either of Assyria
Proper or Babylonia, have been preserved. The
* Anab. lib. iii. c. iv. s. 7.
t Herod, lib. i. c. 180.
J At Niinroud, although towers were represented in the bas-reliefs,
with windows evidently belonging to the upper stories, yet there were no
houses of two stories.
§ See p. 14. of this volume.


ChAP. II.]
271
TENTS WITHIN THE WALLS.
complete disappearance of private dwellings, as it has
been shown, is mainly to be attributed to the perish-
able materials of which they were constructed. The
mud-built walls returned to dust as soon as exposed,
without occasional repair, to the effects of the weather
—to rain, the heat of the sun, or hot winds. The
traveller in Assyria may still observe the rapid decay
of such edifices. He may search in vain for the site
of a once flourishing village a few years after it has
been abandoned.
It would appear from the Assyrian sculptures that
tents were in common use, even within the walls of a
city. There are frequent representations of enclo-
sures, formed by regular ramparts and fortifications,
partly occupied by such habitations, in which are
seen men, and articles of furniture, couches, chairs,
and tables.

A House • (Iouyun,d ). The interior of a Tont, < ^ouyunjlk 1
* This house appears to resemble the model of an Egyptian dwelling
in the British Museum. (See also Sir Gardner Wilkinson's Ancient
Egyptians, vol. ii., woodcuts 98 and 99.) From a bas-relief discovered in
the centre of the mound at Nimroud, it would appear that the upper
part was sometimes formed of a kind of canvass.


272
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS. [Chap. II.
In the tent represented in the woodcut, jars
for cooling water appear to be suspended to the
poles. Such is now the practice in the East. It
is still not an uncommon custom, in the countries
included in ancient Assyria and Babylonia, for wan-
dering tribes to encamp at certain seasons of the
year within the walls of cities. In Baghdad, Mosul,
and the neighbouring towns, the tents of Arabs and
Kurds are frequently seen amongst the houses; and
such it would appear was the case in Assyria in the
earliest ages. Abraham and Lot resided in tents in
the midst of cities. Lot had his house in Sodom, as
well as his tents. We find continual mention of per-
sons having tents, and living within walls at the
same time.* In the districts around Mosul, the in-
habitants of a village frequently leave their houses
during the spring, and seek a more salubrious air for
themselves, and pasture for their flocks, on the hills
or plains. I have frequently alluded to this custom
in the previous volume.
The absence of the column, amongst the ruins of
Assyria, is remarkable. It would appear that the
Assyrians did not employ this useful architectural
ornament; indispensable, indeed, in the construction
of the roofs of hulls exceeding certain propor-
tions. That they could not have been unacquainted
with it is proved by pillars being represented, sup-
* These tents were probably made of black goat-hair, like those of the
modern Arabs — "I am black, but comely, O ye daughters of Jerusalem,
as the tents of Kedar" (Cant. i. 5.)— and were not the gay white pa-
vilions which arc usually seen in modern Biblical illustrations.


Chap. II.]
273
THE PHOTO-IONIC.
porting a pavilion or tent, in the older sculptures of
Nimroud. They were probably of wood, appear to
have been painted, and were surmounted by a pine
or fir cone, that religious symbol 'so constantly re-
curring in the Assyrian monuments.* But the first
indication of the use of columns in buildings, is to
be found in the sculptures of Khorsabad. In a bas-
relief from that ruin, a temple, fishing pavilion, or
some building of the kind, is seen standing on the
margin, or actually in the midst of, a lake or river.

A Timp\* or FishinA Paeilion supp-trlM hy Proto Ionic Co'umns. and stauohuj
in a Rieer or arL.fl .i.il I.ako. ( r.hormn/*o\)
* Such were probably the columns supporting the pavilion, or tent,
represented in the bas-relief engraved in the " Monuments of Nineveh,"
Plate 30.
VOL. II.
T


274
NINEVEH AND ITS BEMAINS. [Chap. II.
The facade is embellished by two columns, the capitals
of which so closely resemble the Ionic, that we can
scarcely hesitate to recognise in them the prototype
of that order.*
In a bas-relief at Kouyunjik, the entrance to a
castle was flanked by two similar columns. The city
represented, appeared to belong to a maritime people
inhabiting the shores of the Mediterranean, and may
perhaps be identified (as it will hereafter be shown)
with Tyre or Sidon. We have therefore the Ionic
column on monuments of the eighth, or seventh, cen-
tury before Christ.
It is remarkable that the column, which appears
thus to have been known to the Assyrians, was not
used generally in their buildings. That it was not,
unless merely of wood, appears to be proved by the
absence of all remains of shafts and capitals; and in
Eastern ruins these are the last things to disappear.
The narrowness of the chambers, also, as I have ob-
served, must be attributed to the want of means of
supporting a ceiling, exceeding in width the span of
an ordinary poplar or palm beam. It is possible that
a conventional architecture, invested, as in Egypt,
with a religious character, was introduced before the
knowledge of the column. Hence, at a subsequent
* On an ivory tablet from Niraroud, tbe capitals of pillars, supporting
a kind of frame enclosing a head, also nearly resemble the Ionic; but
less so than those given in the woodcut. They have, however, the egg
and tongue ornament under the helices. The lower part of the pine
or fir cone, surmounting the columns of wood described in the previous
page, has also much the appearance of tbe volutes of the Ionic.


Chap.II.] THE WALLS OF NINEVEH.
275
period, when this useful ornament was otherwise in
common use, it was not admitted into sacred build-
ings. But, as far as I am aware, no remains of the
column, which cannot be distinctly referred to a
period subsequent to the Greek occupation, have yet
been found in Assyria.*
The walls of the Assyrian cities, as we learn from
the united testimony of ancient authors, were of ex-
traordinary size and height. Their dimensions, as
given by Herodotus and Diodorus Siculus, have every
appearance of great exaggeration; but, from the re-
mains which still exist, it is highly probable that
they exceeded in thickness any modern walls. The
materials were generally bricks of clay, dried in the
sun. The inhabitants could thus raise their defences
rapidly, without either great toil, or the cost and
labour of transport from distant places. As the earth
was removed to make the bricks, a ditch was formed
round the walls; at least such, we are informed, was
the case at Babylon. Sometimes the walls were con-
structed of these bricks alone. They were probably
even then of sufficient strength to resist a siege.
Frequently, however, this earthen rampart was cased
with stones or slabs, carefully squared and adjusted;
so that those who were unacquainted with the mode
in which the walls were built, believed them to be
entirely of stone. Sometimes the lower part only
may have been cased with stone, the upper being
* Nor have any been found, I believe, amongst the ruins of Babylon.
•
t 2


Chap. II.] THE WALLS OF NINEVEH.
277
Ecbatana are stated to have been seventy cubits in
height, and fifty broad, or corresponding in thickness
with those of Babylon. They were built of hewn
stones, six cubits long and three broad; and the gates
"for the going forth of the mighty armies (of Nebu-
chadnezzar) and for the setting in array of the foot-
men," were seventy cubits high and forty wide.*
Of these enormous structures, allowing for exagge-
ration and inaccuracy in the statements of the Greek
historians f, there are still certain traces. They do
not, however, enclose the space attributed to either
Babylon or Nineveh, but form quadrangular enclosures
of more moderate dimensions, which appear to have
been attached to the royal dwellings, or were perhaps
intended as places of refuge in case of siege. Such are
the remains of Nimroud, Kouyunjik, and Khorsabad;
and those on the left bank of the river Euphrates,
near Hillah, the site of the Babylon of Nebuchad-
nezzar. These walls are now marked by consecutive
mounds, having the appearance of ramparts of earth
hastily thrown up. On examination, however, they
are found to be regularly constructed of unbaked
Berosus, Nebuchadnezzar built three walls round the interior, and three
round the exterior of Babylon, or probably three round the new, and three
round the old city. Within these walls were the celebrated hanging gar-
dens. He built also high walks of stone, with all manner of trees upon them,
to give the appearance of a mountain; besides which he made a paradise,
which was called the hanging garden, to please his wife, who, coming from
Media, loved a mountainous country. (Against Apion, book i.)
• Chap. i.v. 1—4.
t The walls of Nineveh were built, according to Eustathius, in eight
years by 140,000 men. Those of Babylon, in fifteen. (Berosus, Frag.)
According to Quintus Curtius, a stadium was finished each day. (lib. v.
c. 26.)
t 3


278
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS. [Chap. II.
bricks. In height they have, of course, greatly de-
creased, and are still gradually decreasing, but the
breadth of their base proves their former magnitude;
and that they were of great strength, and able to resist
the engines of war then in use, we learn from the fact
that Nineveh sustained a siege for nearly three years
in the time of Sardanapalus, and could only be taken
by the combined armies of the Persians and Baby-
lonians when the river had overflowed its bed, and
had carried away a part of the wall. According to
Xenophon, Larissa was captured during the con-
sternation of the inhabitants caused by an eclipse of
the sun.
At certain distances in the walls there were gates,
sometimes flanked, as at Kouyunjik, by towers adorned
with sculptures, and sometimes formed by gigantic
figures, such as the winged bulls and lions. An en-
trance of this kind has recently been by chance exposed
to view, in the mounds forming the quadrangle at
Khorsabad. The lofty pyramidical structures, which
still exist at Nimroud, Kalah Shcrghat, and Khorsabad,
may have been used, as it has been already observed,
as watch-towers. In the edifices of Nineveh, bitumen
and reeds were not employed to cement the layers of
bricks, as at Babylon; although both materials are
to be found in abundance in the immediate vicinity
of the city.* The Assyrians appear to have made
much less use of bricks baked in the furnace than the
Babylonians; no masses of brickwork, such as are
* Rich, however, mentions stones cemented with bitumen, as having
been found in an excavation amongst the ruins opposite Mosul.


Chap. II.] THE WALLS OF NINEVEH.
279
everywhere found in Babylonia Proper, existing to
the north of that province. Common clay moistened
with water, and mixed with a little stubble, formed,
as it does to this day, the mortar used in buildings.
But, however simple the materials, they have success-
fully resisted the ravages of time, and still mark
the stupendous nature of the Assyrian structures.
T 4


280
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS. [Chap..HI.
CHAP. ILL
THE ARTS .AMONGST THE ASSYRIANS — THEIR ORIGIN. — CON-
NECTION BETWEEN ASSYRIAN AND GREEK ART.— THE ASSYRIAN
ORIGIN OF PERSIAN ART — ITS PASSAGE INTO ASIA MINOR. —
THE LYCIAN SCULPTURES. VARIOUS GREEK ORNAMENTS AND
FORMS BORROWED FROM ASSYRIA TASTE OF ASSYRIANS DIS-
PLAYED IN EMBROIDERIES, ARMS, AND PERSONAL ORNAMENTS
IN DOMESTIC FURNITURE IN VESSELS OF GOLD AND SILVER
PAINTINGS. EZEKIEL'S DESCRIPTION OF PAINTED BAS-RE-
LIEFS. COLOURS USED BY TUE ASSYRIANS THEIR DYES. —
MATERIALS FOR SCULPTURE. — ALABASTER OF MOSUL MARBLE.
LIMESTONE AND BASALT.— KNOWLEDGE OF MECHANICS.
THE PULLEY.—MODE OF TRANSPORT OF BLOCKS OF STONE.
The remarks in the foregoing chapter, on the archi-
tecture of the Assyrians, naturally lead to the con-
sideration of the state of the arts in general amongst
them. It is impossible to examine the monuments
of Assyria without being convinced, that the people
who raised them had acquired a skill in sculpture
and painting, and a knowledge of design and even
composition, indicating an advanced state of civilisa-
tion. It is very remarkable, that the most ancient
ruins show this knowledge in the greatest perfection
attained by the Assyrians. The bas-relief represent-
ing the lion-hunt, now in the British Museum, is
a good illustration of the earliest school of Assyrian
art yet known. It far exceeds the sculptures of
Khorsabad, Kouyunjik, or the later palaces of Nim-


Chap. HI.] ASSYRIAN SCULPTURE. 281
roud, in the vigour of the treatment, the elegance
of the forms, and in what the French aptly term
"mouvement." At the same time it is eminently
distinguished from them by the evident attempt at
composition—by the artistical arrangement of the
groups. The sculptors who worked at Khorsabad and
Kouyunjik, had perhaps acquired more skill in hand-
ling their tools. Their work is frequently superior
to that of the earlier artists in delicacy of execution —
in the details of the features, for instance — and in
the boldness of the relief; but the slightest acquaint-
ance with Assyrian monuments will show, that they
were greatly inferior to their ancestors in the higher
branches of art—in the treatment of a subject, and
in beauty and variety of form. This decline of art,
after suddenly attaining its greatest perfection in
its earliest stage, is a fact presented by almost
every people, ancient and modern, with which we
are acquainted. In Egypt, the most ancient monu-
ments display the purest forms, and the most ele-
gant decorations. A rapid retrogression, after a cer-
tain period, is apparent, and the state of art serves
to indicate approximatively the epoch of most of her
remains. In the history of Greek and Roman art,
this sudden rise and rapid fall are equally well known.
Even changes in royal dynasties have had an in-
fluence upon art; as a glance at monuments of
that part of the East of which we are specially treat-
ing will show. Thus the sculpture of Persia, as that
of Assyria, was in its best state at the time of the
earliest monarchs, and gradually declined until the


Chap. III.]
283
ASSYRIAN ART.
contributed to this result. Whilst the imagination,
as well as the hand, was fettered by prejudices, and
even by laws, or whilst indolence or ignorance led
to the mere servile copying of what had been done
before, it may easily be conceived how rapidly a de-
viation from correctness of form would take place. As
each transmitted the errors of those who had preceded
him, and added to them himself, it is not wonderful
if, ere long, the whole became one great error. It is
to be feared, that this prescriptive love of imitation
has exercised no less influence on modern art, than
it did upon the arts of the ancients.
As the earliest specimens of Assyrian art which
we possess are the best, it is natural to conclude
that either there are other monuments still undis-
covered, which would tend to show a gradual pro-
gression, or that such monuments did once exist, but
have long since perished; otherwise it must be in-
ferred that those who raised the most ancient Assyrian
edifice, derived their knowledge directly from another
people, or merely imitated what they had seen in a
foreign land. Some are inclined to look upon the
style and character of these early sculptures, as
purely Egyptian. But there is such a disparity in the
mode of treatment, and in the execution, that the
Egyptian origin of Assyrian art appears to me, to be
a question open to considerable doubt. That which
they have in common would mark the first efforts
of any people, of a certain intellectual order, to
imitate nature. The want of relative proportions
in the figures, and the ignorance of perspective—


284
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS. [Chap. III.
the full eye in the side face, and the bodies of the
dead scattered above or below the principal figures
—are as characteristic of all early productions of
art, as they are of the rude attempts at delineation
of children. It is only in the later monuments of
Nineveh, that we find evident and direct traces of
Egyptian influence; as in the sitting sphinxes and
ivories of Nimroud, and in the lotus-shaped orna-
ments of Khorsabad and Kouyunjik; perhaps also in
the custom which then prevailed of inserting the
name of the king, or of the castle upon, or im-
mediately above, their sculptured representations.
Neither the ornaments of the earliest palace of Nim-
roud, nor the costumes, nor the elaborate nature of
the embroideries upon the robes, with the groups
of human figures and animals, nor the mythological
symbols, are of an Egyptian character; they show a
very different taste and style.
The principal distinction between Assyrian and
Egyptian art appears to be, that in the one, conven-
tional forms were much more strictly adhered to
than in the other. The angular mode of treatment,
so conspicuous in Egyptian monuments, even in the
delineation of every object, is not perceivable in those
of Assyria. Had the arts of the two countries been
derived from the same source—or had one been imi-
tated from the other—they would both surely have
displayed the same striking peculiarity. The Assy-
rians, less fettered, sought to imitate nature more
closely, however rude and unsuccessful their attempts
may have been; and this is proved by the constant


(W. in.] ASSYRIAN INFLUENCE IN ASIA MINOR. 285
endeavour to show the muscles, veins, and anatomical
proportions of the human figure.
We must not lose sight of the assertion of Moses of
Chorene,—derived no doubt from ancient traditions,
if not from direct historial evidence,—that when
Ninus founded the Assyrian empire, a people far ad-
vanced in civilisation, and in the knowledge of the
arts and sciences, whose works the conquerors endea-
voured to destroy, were already in possession of the
country.* Who that people may have been, we can-
not now even conjecture. The same mystery hangs
over the origin of the arts in Egypt and in Assyria.
They may have been derived, before the introduction
of any conventional forms, from a common source —
from a people whose very name, and the proofs of
whose former existence, may have perished even be-
fore tradition begins.
The monuments of Assyria furnish us with very
important data, as to the origin of many branches of
art, subsequently brought to the highest perfection in
Asia Minor, and Greece. I conceive the Assyrian
influence on Asia Minor to have been twofold. In
the first place, direct, during the time of the greatest
prosperity of the Assyrian monarchy or empire,
when, as it has been shown, the power of its kings
extended over that country; in the second, indirect,
through Persia, after the destruction of Nineveh.
Of the influence exercised upon the arts of western
Asia, during the early occupation of the Assyrians,
* Before the foundation of Nineveh, Ninus, according to a tradition
preserved by Stephen of Byzantium, resided in a city called Telane.


286
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS. [Chap. m.
few traces have hitherto been discovered, unless the
remarkable monuments on the site of ancient Pteria
or Pterium belong to this period.* The evident
connection between the divinities, and sacred em-
blems worshipped in various parts of Asia Minor,
and those of Assyria, will be hereafter particularly
pointed out. The Assyrian origin of these monu-
ments, and of these religious symbols, once admit-
ted, we shall have no difficulty in recognising the
influence of Assyria on the arts and customs of Asia
Minor. The antiquities of that country, prior to a
well-known period, the Persian occupation, have been
but little investigated. Few remains of an earlier
epoch have yet been discovered. That such remains
do exist, perhaps buried under ground, I have little
doubt. It is most probable that, as we have ad-
ditional materials for inquiry, we shall be still more
convinced of this Assyrian influence, pointed out by
Herodotus, when he declares the founder of the king-
dom of Lydia to have been a descendant of Ninus,
and by other authors, who mention the Syrian, or
Assyrian descent of many nations of Asia Minor, f
• Texier, L'Asie Mincuro, pi. 75. 79. There appears to be now little
doubt that the celebrated rock-tablet on the road from Ephesus to
Phocsoa, and between Sardis and Smyrna, described by Herodotus (lib.
ii. c. IOC), and attributed by him to Sesostris, was not an Egyptian, but
an Assyrian monument. It was the Chevalier Lepsius, I believe, who
first questioned the Egyptian origin of that at Nymphi.
■f There are reasons for conjecturing that Tterium, itself, was not
unconnected with Assyria. According to Stephen of Byzantium, the snine
name was given to the Acropolis of Babylon (in voce Oriptov). The
inhabitants of Cappadocia were Leuco-Syrians, or White Syrians. Ac-
cording to several ancient geographers, the city of Mclita in that pro-


Chap. III.] ASSYRIAN INFLUENCE IN ASIA MINOR. 287
But the second, or indirect, period of this influence
is very fully and completely illustrated by the monu-
ments of Asia Minor, of the time of the Persian
domination. The known connection between these
monuments, and the archaic forms of Greek art,
renders this part of the inquiry both important and
interesting. The Xanthian marbles, acquired for this
country by Sir Charles Fellows, and now in the
British Museum, are remarkable illustrations of the
threefold connection between Assyria and Persia,
Persia and Asia Minor, and Asia Minor and Greece.
Were those marbles properly arranged, and placed
in chronological order, they would afford a most
useful lesson; and would enable even a superficial
vince was founded by Somiramis; as also Comana, on the Sarus, and
Zela, in Pontus. (Pliny, vi. 3.; Strabo, xii. 386. and 389.) Thyatira, on
the Lycus, in Mysia, was also originally named Somiramis. We have a
people, called Chaldeans, mentioned by Xenophon and Strabo, as found
near the Black Sea. Apollonius Pvhodius (lib. ii. c. 965.) and Strabo
speak of the Assyrians on the Halys, and Dionysius (Perieg. 772.) as
inhabiting the north of Asia Minor. According to Stephen of Byzan-
tium, Ninus founded a city, called after him Ninoe (afterwards Aphro-
desias or Megalopolis), on the frontiers of Lydia and Caria ; the same city
is mentioned by Suidas. There was another city of the same name in
the district of Commagena in Syria. The building of Tarsus, and Anchiale,
by Sardanapalus, must also be borne in mind; and the curious tradition,
preserved by Eusebius from Abydenus, that Sennacherib built a temple
at Athens, placing brass monuments in it, on which were inscribed his
deeds. (Eusebius, Chron. book i. c. 9.) The same author points out
another close connection between Assyria and Asia Minor, and Greece,
when he states that Axerdis, having killed his brother Adrameles, pur-
sued his army as far as Byzantium. In the army of Axerdis, was
Pythagoras, who was acquiring the wisdom of the ChaMees. When Sar-
danajplus was besieged by the allied army of the Medes, Babylonians,
and Bactrians, he sent his three sons and two daughters, with large trea-
sures of gold and silver, to Coitus, governor of Paphlagonia, who had
remained faithful to him.


288
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS. [Chap. III.
observer to trace the gradual progress of art, from
its primitive rudeness to the most classic conceptions
of the Greek sculptor. Not that he would find
either style, the pure Assyrian or the Greek, in its
greatest perfection; but he would be able to see how
a closer imitation of nature, a gradual refinement of
taste, and additional study, had converted the hard
and rigid lines of the Assyrians, into the flowing
draperies, and classic forms of the highest order of
art.*
I have termed this second period that of indirect
influence; because the arts did not then penetrate
directly into Asia Minor from Assyria, but were
conveyed thither through the Persians. The Assyrian
empire had already existed for centuries, and had
exercised the supreme power over Asia, before it was
disputed by the kingdoms of Persia and Media,
united under one monarch. The Persians were
probably a rude people, possessing neither a literature
nor arts of their own, but deriving what they had
from their civilised neighbours.f We have no earlier
* It is hoped that some chronological system will be adopted in the
arrangement of all the works of art in the British Museum; for no col-
lection in Europe, whatever may be its completeness in any particular
department, has a more full and comprehensive series of monuments,
giving the whole history of art, in its earliest stage, its most classic
period, and its decline—from the most ancient period of Egypt and
Assyria, to the time of the transfer of the seat of the Roman Empire to
Constantinople. A series so arranged would be invaluable; not only
as affording the means of studying the history of art, but as giving no
ordinary insight into the history of the human race.
'(' This would appear from the statements both of Herodotus and
Xenophon.


290
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS. [Chap III.
squared, and richly ornamented at the top, resem-
bling those of Khorsabad and Kouyunjik, and differ-
ing from the round, unornamented cap of the older
figures at Nimroud.*

Head of a winged Bull. (Ehorsahad and Head of wingad Uonater.
Kouyunjik) (Persepolia.)
The processions of warriors, captives, and tribute-
bearers at Persepolis, are in every respect similar to
those on the walls of Nimroud and Khorsabad; we
have the same mode of treatment in the figures,
the same way of portraying the eyes and hair. The
Persian artist introduced folds into the draperies;
but, with this exception, he certainly did not improve
upon his Assyrian model. On the contrary, his work
* For the rounded cap of the most ancient Assyrian monuments, see
the woodcuts of the colossal winged lion and bull in the first volume.
In Alexander's "Travels from India to England," pi. ix., there is an
engraving of a bas-relief of a winged lion discovered at Persepolis, which
even more closely resembles the Assyrian than the larger figures in the
works of Ker Porter, and Flandin and Coste.


Chap. III.] ASSYRIAN ART IN ASIA MINOR.
291
is greatly inferior to it in the general arrangement
of the groups, and in the elegance of the details.
From whence the Persians obtained the column,
and other architectural ornaments used at Persepolis,
it may be more difficult to determine. We have seen
that the column was not unknown to the later As-
syrians, although it does not appear to have been
employed in the construction of their palaces. The
Persians, therefore, may have partly derived their
knowledge from them, and partly, perhaps princi-
pally, from the Egyptians; whom, before the found-
ation of Persepolis, they had already conquered. It
will be observed that the capitals of their columns
frequently assume the shape of Assyrian religious
types, the bull for instance; whilst other portions
of them nearly resemble in the form of their orna-
ments, though not in their proportions, those of
Egypt.
The Persians introduced into Asia Minor the arts,
and religion, which they received from the Assyrians.
Thus the Harpy Tomb, and the monument usually
attributed to Harpagus at Xanthus, and other still
earlier remains, show all the peculiarities of the
sculpture of Persepolis, and at the same time that
gradual progress in the mode of treatment — the
introduction of action and sentiment, and a know-
ledge of anatomy — which marks the distinction be-
tween Asiatic and Greek art. Whilst there was a
manifest improvement in the disposition of the dra-
peries, and in the delineation of the human form,
we still remark, even in the latest works of the Per-
il 2


292 NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS. [CHAP. III.
sian period in Asia Minor, the absence of all attempt
to impart sentiment to the features, or even to give
more than the side view of the human face.
There is one monument, however, from Xanthus,
which particularly deserves notice, from its connection
with Persian and Assyrian art and religious emblems.
I allude to the fragment of
a tomb in the British Mu-
seum, on which is represented
a figure struggling with a
rampant lion.
The sculpture is so pecu-
liarly Assyrian in its treat-
ment, identical representa-
tions being found on the
monuments and cylinders of **ś"**
Assyria, that there can be no doubt as to the origin of
the design. The combat with the lion was either a
pure religious type, or a symbol of the power and
wisdom of the king; which, first devised by the As-
yrians, was afterwards used by the Persians, and is
everywhere to be found on their monuments.
I add another illustration — a bas-relief from the
Harpy Tomb, conjectured to represent the three
Graces between Juno and Venus. The forms of the
chairs and the general treatment are Assyrian. The
calf sucking the cow, originally an Assyrian emblem,
occurs on an altar in a bas-relief discovered at Khorsa-
bad, and is found among the ivories from Nimroud.”
* I am indebted to the kindness of Mr. Scharf for the two woodcuts
from Lycian monuments.


Chap. III.] ASSYRIAN ART IN ASIA MINOR.
293

The connection between art as introduced by the
Persians into Asia Minor, and the sculpture and
architecture of Greece, is out of the scope of these
volumes. The subject has been more than once suc-
cessfully treated. It is, I believe, now generally
admitted, how much, in the early stage of art, the
Greeks were indebted to their intercourse with that
country. However, the Greek sculptor was not a
mere imitator, as the Persian had been: adopting
that which was most beautiful in the works of others,
he made it his own, and by a gradual process of
development produced, ere long, those severe and
graceful forms, which were the foundation of the
most noble monuments of human genius.*
It has already been mentioned that many archi-
* The resemblance between several archaic sculptures, particularly
one representing a warrior holding a spear, discovered five or six years
ago (I believe) at Athens, and similar figures at Persepolis, is very re-
markable. There is an engraving of this warrior in an Archaeological
Journal (Ephemeris Archaiologiche) published in the Greek capital.
(See also the Revue Archeologique for 1844, pi. 1. p. 49.)
u 3


294 NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS. [Chap. III.
tectural ornaments, known to the Assyrians, passed
from them directly or indirectly, into Greece. The
Ionic column has been cited
as an instance. We have
moreover, in the earliest
monuments of Nineveh,that
graceful ornament, com-
monly called the honey-
suckle, which was so exten-
sively used in Greece, and
is to this day more gene-
rally employed than any
other moulding. In Assyria,
as I have pointed out, it
was invested with sacred
properties, and was either
a symbol or an object of
worship.
That the similarity be-
tween the Assyrian and Greek ornament is not acci-
dental, seems to be proved, beyond a question, by the
alternation of the lotus or tulip, whichever this flower
may be, with the honeysuckle; by the number of
leaves or petals of the flower, and by their proceeding
in both from a semicircle, supported by two tendrils
or scrolls.* The same ornament occurs, even in
India, on a lath erected by Asoka at Allahabad
(about b. c 250); but whether introduced by the
Greeks—which, from the date of the erection of the
* I have given in my work on the Monuments of Nineveh, several
specimens of this ornament, one from a painting on the walls of the
north-west palace. (Plate 86.)


Chap, ni.j
295
ASSYRIAN ORNAMENTS.
monument, shortly after the Macedonian invasion, is
not improbable—or whether derived directly from
another source, I cannot venture to decide.*

On u Lath at Allahahad.
That the Assyrians possessed a highly refined taste
can hardly be questioned, when we find them invent-
ing an ornament which the Greeks, afterwards, with
few additions and improvements, so generally adopted
in their most classic monuments. Others, no less
beautiful, continually occur in the most ancient bas-
reliefs of Nimroud. The sacred bull, with expanded
wings, and the wild goat, are introduced kneeling

Ornament- (N. W. Palace, Kimrou^ )
* I am indebted to Mr. Fergusson, the author of the beautiful work
on the Temples of India, for a sketch of this ornament. The Lath or
Lat from which it was taken is a circular obelisk, or rather a monu-
mental pillar, of a single stone; and upon it was inscribed by Asoka, the
grandson of the Sandracottus of the Greeks, certain edicts of a Buddhis-
tical tendency, which are now the oldest authentic documents we have,
regarding the ancient history of India. There are at least five other
similar Lats still existing in India; but Mr. Fergusson knows of no other
that has the honeysuckle ornament.
v 4


296
[Chap. in.
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS.

Ornament. (M. W. Palace, Nimroud.)
before the mystic flower which is the principal feature
in the border just described. The same animals are
occasionally represented supporting disks, or flowers
and rosettes. A bird, or human
figure, frequently takes the place of
the bull and goat; and the simple
flower becomes a tree, bearing many
flowers of the same shape. This
tree, evidently a sacred symbol, is
elaborately and tastefully formed;
and is one of the most conspicuous
ornaments of Assyrian sculpture.
The flowers at the ends of the
branches are frequently replaced in
later Assyrian monuments, and on
cylinders, by the fir or pine cone,
and sometimes by a fruit or orna-
ment resembling the pomegranate.*
The guilloche, or intertwining bands, continually
• Such perhaps was "the net-work with pomegranates," one of the
principal ornaments in the temple of Solomon. (1 Rings, vii. 41, 42.)
The pomegranate was worked on the garments of Aaron. (Exodus,
xxviii. 33, 34.) It was evidently a sacred symbol, and was connected
with the god Rimmon. A deity, supposed by Achilles Tatius (lib. iii.)
to be Zeus or Jupiter, was represented in a temple at Pelusium holding a
pomegranate in his hand.

Ornament.
CK'W palate. NunrOQd.)


298 NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS. [CHAP. III.
and bracelets were all of the most elegant forms. The
clasps, and ends of the bracelets were fre-
quently in the shape of the heads of rams
and bulls, resembling our modern jewellery.
The ear-rings have generally on the later
monuments, particularly in the bas-reliefs
of Khorsabad, the form of a cross.
In their arms, the Assyrians rivalled even q.;
the Greeks in elegance of design. The hilt
of the sword was fre-
quently ornament-
ed with four lions'
heads; two, with
part of the neck and
shoulders, made the
cross-bar or defence,
and two more with
extended jaws were
introduced into the
handle. The end of
the sheath was formed by two entire lions, clasped
Assyrian Ear-rings. (Khorsabad.)
Hilt of a sword End of a sword sheath.
(Khorsabad.) (N. W. Palace, Nimroud.)


CHAP. III.] ASSYRIAN ARMS. 299
together, their heads turned outwards, and their
mouths open. Sometimes the whole of the sheath
was engraved or embossed, with groups of human
figures, animals and flowers.
The handles of the daggers
were no less highly orna-
mented, being sometimes in
the form of the head of a horse,
bull, or ram. The sheath fre-
quently terminated in the head º
of a bird, to which a tassel was
suspended. The part of the
bow to which the string was -
attached, was in the shape of Hººsºº"
an eagle's head. The quiver
was richly decorated with groups of figures, and fan-
ciful designs.
Ornaments in the form of the heads of animals,
chiefly the lion, bull, and ram, were very generally
introduced even in parts of the chariot, the harness
of the horses, and domestic furniture. In this respect
the Assyrians resembled the Egyptians.
Their tables, thrones, and couches were made both
of metal and wood, and probably inlaid with ivory.
We learn from Herodotus, that those in the temple
of Belus at Babylon, were of solid gold.” The chair
represented on the earliest monuments is without
a back, the legs are tastefully carved, and the seat is
adorned with the heads of rams. The cushion ap-
* The couch, or bedstead, as our version has it, of Og, king of Bashan,
was of iron. (Deut. iii. 11.)


300
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS. [Chap. III.
pears to have been made of some rich stuff, em-
broidered or painted. The legs were strengthened
by a cross-bar, and frequently ended in - the feet of
a lion, or the hoofs of a bull, either of gold, silver,
or bronze.* On the monuments of Khorsabad, and

A Throne or stool. (N. W. Palaca, Nimroud.)
* The bed of Solomon was of the wood of Lebanon; the posts were of
silver, the bottom of gold, and the curtains of purple. (Song of Solomon,
iii. 9, 10.) Chairs and couches, adorned with feet of silver, and other
metals, were looked upon as a great object of luxury in Persia; from
thence they were probably introduced into Asia Minor, and Greece.
Artaxerzes presented Entimos Gortyna, who had gone to him from
Greece, with "a couch having silver feet, and with all the furniture that
appertained to it, and with a dome-shaped tent, or curtain, worked with
flowers, and a silver seat and gilded dome; and with cups, bottles, and
other things of gold inlaid with jewels and of silver." (Athemeus, lib. ii.
C 48.) In fact, this was a complete bed, probably something like the
modern French bed and its furniture, accompanied by such objects as
were required for the toilette. The court of the garden of the palace of
Ahasuerus, when he feasted the people in Shushan the palace, was fitted
up " with white, green, and blue hangings, fastened with cords of fine
linen and purple, to silver rings and pillars of marble: the couches were
of gold and silver, upon a pavement of red, and blue, and white, and
block marble (or mosaic)." (Esther, i. 6.) The feet of the couch, on
which the body of Cyrus was placed in his tomb, were of solid gold.
(Arrian, vi. 29.) The couches and tables found by Pausanias in the tents


CHAP. III.] ASSYRLAN FURNITURE. 301
in the rock tablets of Malthaiyah, we find represent-
ations of chairs supported by animals, and by human
figures, sometimes prisoners, like the Caryatidae of
the Greeks. In this they resembled the arm-chairs of
Egypt, but appear to have been more massive.
A Stool. (Khorsabad) An Arm-chair. (Khorsabad.)
This mode of ornamenting the throne of the king
was adopted by the Persians, and is continually seen
in the sculptures of Persepolis. The lion was both
an ornament and support, in the throne of Solomon.
“And there were stays (or arms) on either side on
the place of the seat, and two lions stood beside the
stays (or arms). And twelve lions stood there, on
the one side and on the other upon the six steps.”
of Mardonius, were of gold and silver. They had belonged to Xerxes.
(Herod. l. ix. c. 82.) Couches wreathed with ivory and silver, and the
beds variegated or inlaid with gold, silver, and ivory, are mentioned by
Homer. (Od. xix. 55, 56. and xxiii. 199.)
* 1 Kings, x. 19, 20.


302
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS. [Chap. Ill*
This description corresponds with the Assyrian chairs,
the arms of which are frequently supported by the
figures of animals.*
The forms of the furniture represented in the bas-
reliefs of the later period, as at Khorsabad, display
less taste and elegance than those of the earlier
monuments. The chairs have generally more than
one cross-bar, and are somewhat heavy and ill-pro-
portioned, the feet resting upon large inverted cones,
A Couch or Tahle. (Khoriahad.)
resembling pine apples. The seats were high, the
feet of those who sat upon <\
them being raised consider- ~'
ably above the ground; a k '■
footstool was consequently
necessary. On the earliest
Assyrianmonuments theshape
of the footstool is very beautiful; like the chair, it
was ornamented with the paws of lions, or the hoofs
of bulls. f
Footstools supported hy Lion's Paws.
(S.W. Palace, ijimroud.)
* In the Lycian sculptures we haye examples of similar supports to
the chairs. The fashion was probably introduced into Asia Minor by the
Persians, who originally borrowed it from the Assyrians.
f The footstool of Solomon's throne was of gold. (2 Chron. ix. 18.)


Chap. HI.] ASSYRIAN FURNITURE.
303
The tables and chairs were frequently shaped like
our camp stools, and may have been made to close;
they were also generally terminated by the feet of
animals.


(N.W.
A Tahle.
ialaeo. Nimroud.)
Altars, or Stands for Jar*.
IK. W, Palace. Nimroud.)
The drinking cups, and vessels used on festive occa-
sions were probably of gold, like those
of Solomon*, or of silver. When Aha-
suerus feasted all the people, both great
and small, for seven days in Shushan
the palace, wine was given to them in
vessels of gold, each one differing from
the other, f The drinking vases of the
Assyrians were frequently wrought into
the shape of the head and neck of an
animal — such as a lion or bull, — and
resembled those afterwards in use
amongst the Greeks, and found in the
tombs of Etruria.

Cup with Handle.
<Knorsahau.)
* 1 Kings, x. 21.: "And all king Solomon's drinking vessels were
of gold, and all the vessels of the house of the forest of Lebanon were
of pure gold: none were of silver; it was nothing accounted of in the
days of Solomon."
t Esther, i. 7.


304
[Chap. in.
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS.
None of the vases discovered at
Nimroud are, perhaps, purely Assyrian.
Those of alabaster and glass, from the
north-west palace, bearing the name
of the Khorsabad king, closely resem-
ble the Egyptian, as do the earthen
jars from the tombs.* In the bas-re-
liefs, however, we have occasional re-
presentations of vases; some carried
by attendants, who appear to be wait-
ing at feasts, and others borne by cap-
tives, as objects of tribute. In shape
they are not wanting in beauty, bearing
- - /~1 1 Vue from a B.u-rattef.
some resemblance to Orreek pottery, ^o^t^xy
of a period succeeding the ruder ar-
chaic.
The square basket, or utensil, so frequently repre-
sented in the Assyrian sculptures, as carried by the
winged figures, is generally very elaborately de-
corated. In the early bas-reliefs of Nimroud, a
group of figures is often introduced upon it, and the
margin is richly adorned with the honeysuckle orna-
ment, or with the intertwining bands. The corners
* Mr. Birch suggests that the alabaster "vases were brought from
Egypt. Amongst the Asiatic nations who bring tribute to Thothmes III.
are the Kheva, who offer vases of gold and silver, somewhat similar to
those described in the text. (Hoskins's ^Ethiopia; Wilkinson's Ancient
Egyptians, vol. i. pi. iv. First Series.)
Note the similarity in shape between this vase, which was evidently
used in some religious ceremony connected with the worship of the later
Assyrians, and the vases in an Egyptian bas-relief from Alabastron, of
the king and his family worshipping the sun. (Wilkinson's Ancient
Egyptians, Second Series, vol. ii. plate 30.)


Chap. III.]
305
ASSYRIAN SCULPTURES.
to which the handle is attached, are sometimes in
the form of eagles. In the sculptures of Khors-
abad, this square utensil is made to
represent a basket or wicker-work;
but in the early sculptures it appears
to be of metal.
The arms, domestic furniture, uten-
sils, personal ornaments, and details
I have described, show a very refined
and cultivated taste. In this respect, Ba.Wotvt»,t.m<d
the most ancient A
ments with which we are acquainted, greatly exceed
the later. Many forms had been preserved, as in
the swords, bracelets, and armlets; but they had evi-
dently degenerated, and are more coarsely designed
in the sculptures. This is also evident in the em-
broideries of the robes, and in the details of the
chariots. We see the same love of elaborate and
profuse decoration, but not that elegance and va-
riety so conspicuous in the ornaments of the first
period. The kneeling bull or wild goat, the graceful
flower, and the groups of men and animals skilfully
combined, are succeeded by a profusion of rosettes,
circles and squares, covering the whole surface of
the dress, or the sides of the chariots. Although
there is a certain richness of appearance, yet the
classic forms, if the term may be used, of the earlier
artists, are wanting.
It is remarkable that the later Assyrians, whilst
retaining ancient designs in their arms, should have
discontinued their use in the embroideries of their
VOL. II. x


306
NINEVEH AND ITS EEMAINS. [Chap. III.
robes; no longer introducing the groups of figures,
which previously formed so elegant -and important
an ornament. This can scarcely be ascribed to a
mere modification of taste. As all these groups have
evident reference to myths, and sacred subjects, their
omission appears to confirm the conjecture that an
essential change had taken place in the religious
system, as well as in the manners, of the Assyrians,
between the construction of the earliest and latest
monuments.
The bas-reliefs and sculptures of the Assyrians,
except, probably, those in black marble and basalt,
were either partly or entirely painted. I could
not ascertain whether the ground, as well as the
figures, had been coloured; but M. Flandin states*
that he could trace on the bas-reliefs of Khorsabad
a tint of yellow ochre on all parts not otherwise
painted. It is not improbable that such was the
case, particularly in the Khorsabad and Kouyunjik
palaces, as a similar practice existed in Egypt.
There were fewer remains of colour at Nimroud,
than in the ruins explored by M. Botta. I could
distinguish them on the hair, beard, and eyes, on
the sandals and bows, on the tongues of the eagle-
headed figures, and very faintly on a garland round
the head of a winged priest, and on the representa-
tion of fire in the bas-relief of a siege. These traces
being only found on certain parts of the human face,
and on particular objects, almost lead to the con-
• In his " Voyage Archeologique & Ninive," in the Revue des Deux
Mondes.


Chap. HI.] ASSYRIAN PAINTINGS. 307
jecture that the earliest Assyrian sculptures were
but partially coloured. At Khorsabad the remains
of paint were far more general, being found on the
draperies, the mitre of the king, the flowers carried
by the winged figures, the harness of the horses, the
chariots, and the trees. In the bas-reliefs represent-
ing a siege, the flames issuing from the houses, and
the torches carried by the assailants, were invariably
coloured red.
The passage in Ezekiel, describing the interior of
the Assyrian palaces, so completely corresponds with,
and illustrates, the monuments of Nimroud and
Khorsabad, that it deserves particular notice in this
place. The prophet in typifying the corruptions
which had crept into the religious system of the
Jews, and the idolatrous practices borrowed from
nations with whom they had been brought into con-
tact, thus illustrates the influence of the Assyrians.
uShe saw men pourtrayed upon the wall, the images
of the Chaldeans pourtrayed with vermilion, girded
with girdles upon their loins, exceeding in dyed attire
upon their heads, all of them princes to look to, after
the manner of the Babylonians of Chaldea, the land
of their nativity."* Ezekiel, it will be remembered,
* Ch. xxiii. v. 14. and 15. This description of the Assyrian sculp-
tures is very remarkable. The literal translation of the passage is:
"She saw men of sculptured (or painted) workmanship upon the wall,
likenesses of the Chaldeans, pictured (or sculptured) in shashar;
girded with girdles on their loins, with coloured flowing head-dresses
upon their heads, with the aspect of princes all of them, the like-
ness of the sons of Babel-Chaldsea, the land of their nativity." The
words in Italics are not in the text. Shashar occurs also in Jeremiah,
xxii. 14., where it is rendered in our version " vermilion." Gesenius
x 2


308
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS. [Chap. III.
prophesied on the banks of the Chebar, a river which,
whether it can be identified with the Khabour of the
Arabs (the Chaboras of the Greeks), flowing through
the plains of Mesopotamia, and falling into the Eu-
phrates near Karkemish (Circesium), or with an-
translates it "red color, red ochre, rubrica";" the Vulgate "sinopis,"
i. e. rubrica sinopensis, which was the most celebrated (Plin. Hist. Nat.
xxxv. 5. 13.); the Septuagint jiiXroc, which in Homer is rubrica. All
the commentators, the Septuagint, and the Syrian and Chaldee versions,
give to Shashar the meaning of a colour. The Rabbis make it "cinnabar,"
which is near to vermilion. There is an Arabic root(Shazar), from
which Shuzrct, redness of the eyes, and Eshzer, ruddy of appearance,
seem to be derived. The root itself, however, as a verb, docs not include
the idea of redness; but has, amongst other analogous meanings, that of
"twisting a rope," and that of " piercing a man," from which the idea of
sculpturing might be derived. It means also "to raise " and " be raised,"
and might be applied to bas-relief work. This agrees with the original
meaning of the Hebrew ppn (hakek), to cut, to engrave, to sculpture;
perhaps an onomatope, like our word " to hack." But in Jeremiah, xxxii.
14. there is "daubed with shashar:" here it would appear to mean a
paint, unless a painted bas-relief is intended. And the hieroglyphic word
for red is " teshcr," the t and sh being interchangeable. The word WlD
(serouhc) means any thing, especially of woven stuff or leather, which hangs
over; and appears in the text to denote a head-dress falling down behind,
like that of many of the figures in the bas-reliefs. The word rendered
coloured (tebouleem), appears to be a passive participle of ^2t2, " to
immerse," or " to dye ; " but then there is no noun for head-dress itself,
and this word would appear to designate it. If it be a noun, its meaning
may be inferred from the iEthiopic root ^>3Bn (titbelal), " to wrap,"
or "wind around," and "flowing turbans upon their heads" would be
the proper translation. In the various versions we havej—Septuagint,
Codex Rom. -apnfnwrm; the Codex Alex. Theodoret., Arab. Vers, and
the Syriac Vers, of Origen's Hexapla, napai paTrrai; the Vulgate, "tiaras
tinctas ;" the Syriac version, "crowned with winding head-dresses;" the
Chaldee version, "they took their helmets down;" Symmachus, Syriac
from the Hexapla, "veil;" Theodetion, Syr.from the Hexapla, "cidares
inclinatEe." It will be observed that all the non-Semitic translators take
the word "tebouleem " for coloured, according to the obvious meaning of
the word in Hebrew; while the Semitic translators depart from the
Hebrew meaning, and incline to the ^Ethiopic, "to wind around," or
neglect the word altogether.


CnAP. III.]
309
COLOURS.
other of the same name rising in the mountains of
Kurdistan and joining the Tigris above Mosul, was
certainly in the immediate vicinity of Nineveh. In
the passage quoted, the prophet is referring to a
period previous to the final destruction of the As-
syrian capital, an event which he most probably
witnessed, as the date usually assigned to his pro-
phecies is 593 before Christ, only thirteen years after
the Medo-Babylonion conquest. There can scarcely
be a doubt that he had seen the objects which he
describes—the figures sculptured upon the wall, and
painted. The prevalence of a red colour, shown by
the Khorsabad remains, and the elaborate and highly
ornamented head-dress of the Khorsabad and Kouy-
unjik kings, are evidently indicated. The evidence
thus afforded of the existence of these monuments
before the fall of Nineveh, taken in connection with
the prophet's subsequent description of the complete
overthrow and destruction of the city*, is a con-
vincing proof were any required, that the edifices
described in the previous pages must be referred to a
period preceding the Persian invasion.
The only colours first used in Assyria, like those
employed by all nations to give effect to their ear-
liest efforts, both in sculpture and architecture, were
probably blue, red, yellow, black, and white. The
tints formed by their combinations may have been
adopted at a later period. There is even reason to
doubt whether the green on the walls of some of the
* Ch. xxxi.
x 3


310
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS. [Chap. III.
older monuments of Nimroud, was not a decomposed
blue. However, upon bricks from the north-west
palace, there are apparently shades of colours, pro-
bably produced by an intermixture of two or more
pigments; we have thus a purple, a violet, a" rich
brown, &c. On the sculptures I have only found
black, white, red, and blue; and these colours alone
were used in the painted ornaments of the upper
chambers at Nimroud. At Khorsabad, green and
yellow continually occurred on the bas-reliefs; at
Kouyunjik, there were no traces whatever of colour.
Sir Gardner Wilkinson* has given an analysis of
the colours of the Egyptians, by which it would ap-
pear that the blue is a pulverised blue glass, made
by vitrifying the oxides of copper and iron with sand
and soda. The bright blue of the Assyrian monu-
ments appear to be a purer oxide of copper; and
its resemblance to an ore of that mineral, found in
very minute crystals in an ancient mine in Kurdistan,
has already been rnentioned.f The Egyptian green
was a mixture of yellow ochre with the vitreous
blue; and I conjecture that the green of the later
monuments of Assyria, was formed by a similar ad-
mixture of ochre with the blue oxide of copper.
* Ancient Egyptians, vol. iii. p. 301.
f Vol. I. p. 223. Amongst the objects of tribute mentioned in the
statistical tablet of Karnak, as having been brought from Babel, or
Babylon, are ingots of a substance, the nature of which appears to be
doubtful, but which Mr. Birch seems inclined to believe represents some
ore producing a blue colour; perhaps the copper ore described in my visit
to the Tiyari mountains. (Loc. cit.) It is mentioned on the Egyptian
monuments as also coming from Saenkar (Sinjar) and from the Ruten.


CuAP.nr.]
311
COLOURS.
The Assyrian red exceeds in brilliancy that of
Egypt, which was merely an earthy bole. It nearly
approaches to vermilion on the sculptures of Khors-
abad, and has a bright crimson or lake tint on those
of Nimroud.
The black and yellow may have resembled in their
composition the pigments of the Egyptians; the first
a bone black, mixed with a little gum, and the second
an iron ochre. The white may have been obtained,
as it is to this day, by burning the alabaster or
common gypsum.
But although earthy and metallic substances were
used by the Assyrians, it is not improbable that
vegetable colours were also known to them; they
may even have been employed in painting their
sculptures. Indeed their use may account for the
absence of traces of colour upon many parts of the
bas-reliefs of Nimroud; the vegetable colours being
liable to rapid decomposition on exposure either to
damp or air. Dyes of the finest quality, particularly
reds and greens, which even European ingenuity has
been unable to equal, are obtained by the inhabitants
of Kurdistan from flowers and herbs, growing abund-
antly in their mountains.* The art of extracting
them is not a recent discovery, but has been known
for ages to people living in the same country; as we
learn from the frequent mention of Babylonian and
Parthian dyes by ancient authors. The carpets of
* It is possible that the brilliant dyes of Kurdistan and parts of Persia
may, to some extent, be attributed to the peculiar quality of the water
used in preparing them.
x 4


312
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS. [Chap. III.
Kurdistan and Persia are still unrivalled, not only
for the beauty of the texture, but for the brilliancy
of their hues. From the ornaments on the dresses
of the figures, in the Assyrian sculptures, we may
conclude that similar colours were extensively used,
either in dyeing the garments themselves, or the
threads with which the material was woven.
Some bricks from Nimroud appear to have been
enamelled, the colours having been laid on very
thickly when in a liquid state, and then exposed to
the action of fire. Diodorus Siculus probably refers
to this process, when he states that the figures of men
and animals, on the walls of the palace of Semi-
ramis at Babylon, were painted on bricks before they
were placed in the furnace.*
Although limited in the number of their colours,
the Assyrians displayed considerable taste and skill
in their arrangement. The contrasts are tastefully
preserved, and the combinations generally agreeable
to the eye.f The use of a strong black outline is a
* Diodorus Siculus, lib. ii. c. 20. Bricks so enamelled, obtained from
the earliest palace at Nimroud, are included in the collection of Assyrian
antiquities in the British Museum, and are represented in my "Monu-
ments of Nineveh," Plates 84 and 87.
t Several specimens of Assyrian coloured ornaments are given in my
■work on the Monuments of Nineveh, Plates 86 and 87. The following were
the parts of bas-reliefs on which colours were found at Nimroud and
Khorsabad. I give the respective colours. The hair, beard, eyebrows,
eye-lids, and eye-balls, black; the inner part of the eye, white; the king's
mitre, principally red; the crests of helmets, blue and red; the heads of
arrows, blue; the bows, red; the handles of maces, red; the harness of
horses, blue and red; sandals in oldest monuments, black, edged with
red; in those of Khorsabad, striped blue and red; the rosettes in the
garlands of winged figures, red; trees at Khorsabad, a blueish green;
flowers carried by the winged figures, green, with red flowers occa-
sionally; fire, always red. It is probable that some of the red tints


Chap. III.] PAINTED SCULPTURES. 313
peculiar feature in Assyrian as in Egyptian painting.
Black also frequently combines with white alone, and
alternates with other colours.
On the walls of chambers at Nimroud, I could trace
figures sketched in mere black outline upon a blue
ground: ft is, however, possible that other colours
originally employed had faded.
It is uncertain whether the Assyrians, like the
Egyptians, used different colours to denote races,
sexes, and the orders of priesthood. No trace of
paint, except on the eyes and hair, has yet been
found on the human body in Assyrian sculpture;
unless the faces of the captives leading monkeys,
discovered at Nimroud, were painted black, which is
very doubtful.*
On the colossal lions and bulls forming the en-
trances, colour only remained in the eyes, the pupils
having been painted black, and the rest filled with a
thick white pigment.
Of the materials used by the Assyrians in the con-
struction of their palaces, it has already been shown
that a limestone or alabaster was the most common,
and served to case, or panel, the chambers. It abounds
in the country, and being very soft is easily quarried
and sculptured. It is still extensively employed in
the country, chiefly cut, as in the time of the Assy-
rians, into slabs, and forming, in that state, a casing
to walls of sun-dried or baked bricks. The modern
which remain were originally laid on to receive gilding. The tops of all
the slabs, that part upon which, it may be presumed, the upper wall of
sun-dried bricks rested, were painted red.
» Vol. T. p. 126.


314
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS. [Chap. III.
slabs, however, are much smaller than those found
in the ruins, rarely exceeding four or five feet in
length, by two or three in breadth, and being only
a few inches thick. Thus shaped, they are exported
to Baghdad, where they are used for the pavement
of halls, and for fountains, and reservoirs, In" the in-
terior of houses. When first taken from the quarry,
this alabaster is of a greyish white; but on exposure
it soon changes, growing darker, and ultimately be-
coming a deep grey, the colour of the slabs now in
the British Museum. It is extremely fragile, easily
decomposes, and wears away, if subjected to the
action of water, or even to damp. Several slabs
from Nimroud have retained the outline of the
matting in which they were packed, water having
penetrated into the cases. The back of the bas-
relief of the eagle-headed figure in the Museum, is
an instance. On examination it will be seen that it
is not the result of pressure; but the outline of the
matting has been produced by the percolation of
water through the fissures between the rushes. The
material being so very perishable, it will be a matter
of surprise that the sculptures should be so well pre-
served, even in their minutest details. This can only
be attributed to their having been suddenly buried,
before exposure, and to the great accumulation of
earth over them, by which they were preserved com-
pletely from damp in a country naturally dry.
On exposure to fire, this alabaster becomes of a
milky whiteness, as in the ruins of Khorsabad,
Kouyunjik, and the south west corner of Nimroud.


Chap. III.] MATERIALS FOR SCULPTURE.
315
The outline of the sculptures becomes, at the same
time, sharper and more defined. They have con-
sequently a more pleasing appearance than in the
grey slabs of the unburnt edifices; but they crack
into numberless pieces, which fall off in flakes, so
that it is impossible to move, and even frequently to
preserve them. The sculptures from Khorsabad in
the British Museum show this appearance, and are
easily distinguished by it from those of Nimroud.
The builders of the most ancient edifices at Nim-
roud also used a bright yellow limestone; a pair of
human-headed bulls in the north-west palace are of
this material.* Another pair of similar gigantic
figures once stood in the centre palace; only frag-
ments of them were discovered. This yellow lime-
stone must have been brought from some distance,
probably from the Kurdish hills; but I am unable
to determine the locality of the quarries. During
my journey in the mountains, I observed a stone
resembling it in the neighbourhood of Amadiyah, but
none nearer Mosul.
All the winged bulls and lions in the south-west
palace were sculptured out of a coarse grey lime-
stone.f The limestone used for the casing of the outer
walls, was harder and more compact, and was pro-
bably that fossiliferous stone described by Xenophon,
as forming the lower part of the wall of Mespila. J
* Entrance to chamber B, plan 3. The detached head in the British
Museum is a specimen.
f A detached human head of this limestone, from the south-west
palace, will also be placed in the British Museum.
J Xenophon, Anabasis, 1. iii. ch. 3.


316 NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS. [Chap. III.
A duck, carved in a fine-grained white marble *,
wa9 discovered in the rubbish covering the north-west
palace; but no other specimen of this material was
found in the ruins. The obelisk is of black marble.
Vases of a pure translucent alabaster were used by
the Assyrians; but there is reason to believe that
they were brought from elsewhere; probably, as it
has been conjectured, from Egypt.
The sitting figure from Kalah Sherghat, and frag-
ments of sculpture from the same ruins, are of
black basalt. This appears to have been the mate-
rial most generally employed in Assyria and Ba-
bylonia, for public monuments, when alabaster and
limestone were not to be obtained: in the absence of
granite it may, indeed, have been preferred to any
other stone, as being more durable. It abounds in
the Kurdish hills, particularly in the neighbourhood
of Jezirah (the ancient Bezabde); and in that part of
the Taurus through which the Tigris and Euphrates
find a narrow and sudden outlet into the Assyrian
plains. It is highly probable that the great obelisk,
brought, according to a tradition, by Semiramis, from
the mountains of Armenia, was of this material.
Several figures, and fragments of sculpture in it,
have been at different times discovered in Baby-
lonian ruins. The country, for many miles round
Babylon, is a recent alluvium, and no stone fit for
building purposes could be reached without exca-
vating to a very considerable depth ; consequently,
whilst employing, generally, baked and sun-dried
bricks in the construction of their edifices, the inha-
* Now in the British Museum.


CHAP. III.] MECHANICAL CONTRIVANCES. 317
bitants were compelled to obtain from afar, such
materials as were better calculated for the preserva-
tion of public records, and as would enable the artist
to erect large and durable monuments. The black
basalt of Armenia was best suited to this purpose,
and could without difficulty be floated down the Eu-
phrates and Tigris on rafts made of skins. Nearly
all the monuments hitherto discovered in Babylonia
are of this material.
Whether the Assyrians were acquainted with any
mechanical contrivances which enabled them to bring
by land, from great distances, the enormous masses
of stone employed in their public monuments, cannot
with any certainty be determined. That they were
acquainted with the pulley at a very early period is
evident, from its representation in the bas-relief of
part of which I have given a sketch *, and which was
originally in the most ancient palace of Nimroud.
In that sculpture a bucket appears to be attached to
a rope passing over a pulley, revolving on an iron or
wooden pin, and precisely similar in form to those
now in common use.f
Amongst the sculptures at Khorsabad was, I be-
lieve, a bas-relief representing the moving of a block
of stone, placed on a cart drawn by men. Once
* Page 32. of this volume.
f The pulley was also known to the Egyptians. One, in the Museum
of Leyden, is described by Sir Gardner Wilkinson, as having the sides of
athul, or tamarisk wood, the roller of fir, and the rope of leef, or fibres of
the date tree.
f This bas-relief, if amongst the collection brought by M. Flandin
from Khorsabad, has not yet been published in M. Botta's work. I have
some recollection of having seen a drawing of it in M. Flandin's portfolio.


318
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS. [Chap. III.
in the plains, with the assistance of rollers and levers,
no great difficulty would have been experienced in
moving any of the stones hitherto discovered in the
ruins ; particularly as they were not sculptured until
they were placed in the ediBces, and in the position
which they were intended to occupy; little care
was therefore required in their transport. That the
ancients, however, possessed mechanical means for
moving large masses is evident, from the enormous
blocks used in the monuments of Egypt, and from the
stones forming the basement of the temple of Baalbec;
built, as it is well known, many centuries before the
superstructure. Although the mere physical power
of large bodies of men, of which the Assyrians, like
the Egyptians, had probably an almost unlimited
command, went a great way in the transport of these
stupendous masses, yet we cannot believe that they
relied upon it alone. There are grounds for conjec-
turing, that they were acquainted with mechanical
contrivances, which are either unknown to us, or are
looked upon as modern inventions. I do not mean
to join from this remark, in the oft-repeated theme of
the inferiority of the moderns to the ancients, than
which nothing can be more unfounded: all that it is
necessary to admit is, that those who preceded us by
many centuries were not deficient in ingenuity and
reflection; and that experience and study had made
them familiar with many things, of which we would
boast ourselves the inventors.


Chap. IV.] DRESS OF THE KING.
319
CHAP. IV.
COSTUME OF THE A8SYRIAN KINGS.— THEIR ARMS. — THE EUNUCHS.
— THEIR DRESS. THE HISTORY OF PARSONDES OFFICERS OF
STATE. TnE WARRIORS. — THEIR ARMOUR. — THEIR COSTUME.
SPEARMEN. ARCHERS. HELMETS. ARMS SI.INGERS.
SHIELDS. — REGULAR TROOPS CHARIOTS. — HARNESS AND CA-
PARISON OF THE HORSES. — CAVALRY. — HORSES.
The Assyrians were celebrated, at a very early period
for the magnificence and luxury of their apparel.
"The Assyrian garments" became almost a proverb,
and having first been borrowed by the Persians,
descended, at a later time, even to the Romans.
These robes, as portrayed in the sculptures, confirm
the traditions of their beauty and costliness. The
dress of the king consisted of a long flowing garment,
descending to the ankles*, elaborately embroidered
and edged with fringes and tassels. It was confined
at the waist by a girdle, to which were attached
cords with large tassels, falling down almost to the
feet. Over this robe a second, nearly of the same
length, but open in front, appears to have been
thrown. It was also embroidered, and edged with
* The Assyrians were not ignorant of the dignity and majesty which
flowing garments added to the figure,—
"Pedes vestis defluxit ad imos,
Et vera incessu patuit Dea."
Virg. JSn. L i.


320
[CiiAp. rv.
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS.
tassels.* On his head he wore a high mitre or tiara
of peculiar shape, reserved for the monarch alone.
It is impossible, from its representation in the sculp-
tures, to determine the nature of the material of
which it was made. As it was frequently adorned
with flowers and other ornaments, was worn in the
temple as well as in battle, and seems to have been
folded or arranged in bands, it may have been of
linen, wool, or silk. Only one band passed round
the head-dress of the earliest monuments: at a later
period two or more were introduced, and the mitre
itself was higher and more richly ornamented. These
peculiarities mark, distinctly, the respective ages of
sculptures, in which the figure of the king occurs.f

H<je'-rjr*<j<a of the King. IIuaci-Dress of tiie King. IKouyucJik.
(N W Palace, Kimroud.)
* Such was probably the dress of the Babylonians as described by
Herodotus. "Their clothing is of this kind : they have two vests, one of
linen which falls to the feet, another over this, which is made of wool: a
white sash confines the whole." (Lib. i. c. 195.)
f The Persian monarchs wore a peculiar kind of head-dress, called
cidaris; it somewhat resembled the French cap of liberty, or the Phry-
gian head-dress. According to the lexicographers, only the king was
privileged to wear the top erect; this was probably in imitation of the
Assyrian peak. The cidaris of Darius was blue and white, or purple and
white. (Quint. Curt. 1. iii. c. 3 and 1. vi. c. 6.)


CuAr. IV.]
321
DRESS OF THE KING.
This mitre was surmounted by a small point or
cone. In the most ancient sculptures the ends of
the band hang down the back, and are ornamented
with embroideries and fringes. A kind of hood is
sometimes represented as falling over the shoulders,
and two long ribbons or lappets descend almost to
the ankles.
Nothing remains in the bas-reliefs to indicate the
materials of the robes. Like those worn at a subse-
quent period by the Babylonians, one may have been
of linen, and the other of wool; or they may have
been of cotton, or even of silk, which was an article
of produce at a very early period in Assyria. They
were richly embroidered and dyed. The designs upon
them were most elaborate, consisting of figures of
men and animals, flowers, and various devices. The
part of the dress most highly ornamented was gene-
rally that which covered the breast, although groups
of men and animals were introduced elsewhere. The
art of embroidering figures in wool, was afterwards
practised with great success by the Persians. The
Medes had previously adopted the flowing robes of
the Assyrians, so celebrated for their beauty, that
their invention was attributed to Semiramis.*
* Diodorus Sic. I. ii., and Ctesias.
"Et Syriae gentes, et laxo Persis amictu,
Vestibus ipsa suis hserens." Mahiuus, I. iv. t. 7.
The extraordinary combinations of animal forms on these woofs are
mentioned, Philostrat. Imag. ii. 32. and ii. 5.; and Euripides, Ion, v. 1176.
Miiller, Handbuch, s. 287.
The finest Persian tunic of the time of Darius was white and purple.
(Quint. Curt. 1. iii. c. 3.) This was the Xapamc, liipamoc xmii/ fitov-
Xiumf, of Hesychius and Pollux. We have a close imitation of the As-
syrian garment in the Olympic stole as described by Apuleius (Metam.
VOL. II. Y


322 NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS. [CHAr. IV
The neck, and the arms from a little above the
elbow, were bare. More than one necklace of elegant
form was generally suspended round the neck. The
arms were encircled by armlets, and the wrists by
bracelets, all equally remarkable for the taste and
beauty of the design and workmanship." The
clasps were in the shape of the heads of lions and
other animals; and in the centre of the bracelets
were stars or rosettes, which were probably inlaid
with precious stones. Ear-rings of many kinds
were worn ; those in the form of a cross appear to
have been most prevalent during the latter Assyrian
period.i.
In the shape and workmanship of their arms the
Assyrians displayed, as it has been seen, considerable
taste and skill. The king, even in time of peace,
l. xi.): “Et humeris dependebat, pone tergum, talorum tenus, pretiosa
chlamyda. Quaqua tamen viseres, colore vario circumnotatis insignita
animalibus. Hinc dracones Indici: inde gryphes Hyperborei: quos in
speciem pinnatae alitis generat mundus alter. Hanc Olympiadem stolam
sacrati nuncupant.”
* Astyages wore a purple coat and rich habit, necklaces around his neck,
and bracelets on his arms. Being pleased with the replies of Cyrus, his
grandson, when first introduced to him, he presented him with similar
articles of dress. (Xenophon, Cyrop. lib. i. c. 3.) The golden ear-rings,
peculiar to the Ishmaelites, the ornaments, collars, and purple raiment
of the Kings of Midian, are mentioned in Judges, viii. 26. The de-
scription given by Quintus Curtius (lib. iii. c. 3.) of the dress of Darius,
of his embroidered robes, golden girdle, and sword adorned with jewels,
agrees well with the sculptured representation of the Assyrian king.
“Cultus regis inter omnia luxuria notabatur: purpureae tunicae medium
albo intextum erat: pallam auro distinctam aurei accipitres, velutrostris
inter secorruerent, adornabant, et zona aurea muliebriter cinctus acinacem
suspenderat, cui ex gemma erat vagina. Cidarim Perse regium capitis
vocabant insigne; hoc caerulea fascia albo distincta circumibat.”
f See page 298.


Cuap. IV.]
323
ARMS.
appears always to have carried a sword and two
daggers. He is sometimes represented leaning,
during the celebration of religious ceremonies, upon
<*a bow, and holding two arrows in one hand. When
returning from war he also frequently raises the two
arrows-; and this action appears to indicate triumph
over his enemies. When not engaged in battle he is
usually portrayed at Khorsabad, and sometimes at
Nimroud, with a long staff or wand in his right hand,
the other resting on the hilt of his sword.
The king appears to have thrown off the outer
robe during the chase, and in battle; the under
garment was then confined at the waist by a broad
girdle. A small apron, or square piece of linen,
fell, on one side of the dress, over the loins, and
was probably attached to the girdle; it was richly
embroidered, and edged with fringes and tassels.
When in battle his arm3 were the bow and the sword;
in the sculptures he is seen using both. In a bas-
relief of the later period, discovered at Nimroud,
he was represented with a spear in one hand, standing
over a prostrate captive; but in no other instance,
as far as I am aware, has he been found with that
weapon.
The sandals worn by the king, and by his prin-
cipal officers, were formed of a sole either of wood
or thick leather; to which was attached an upper
case covering the heel and side of the foot, but leav-
ing exposed the instep and toes. It was fastened by
bands attached to loops, and carried twice over the
instep. They crossed on the top of the foot, and
Y 2


324
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS. [Chap IV.
were passed round the great toe, and between it and
the adjoining toe. In the sculptures, a red colour
could generally be traced on the heel; the body of
the sandal was painted black, and edged with red;
the bands were black.

The sandal represented at Khorsabad, and in sculp-
tures of the same period, is altogether of a differ-
ent shape. It appears to have consisted of a simple
leather covering for the heel, held by three strings
passing over the instep. It was painted in the bas-
reliefs, in alternate stripes of red and blue.*

The attendants upon the king, both in time of
peace and war, were chiefly eunuchs; and that these
* The sandals of the enemies of the Assyrians, differ from those of the
Assyrians themselves. Sometimes a simple band, probably attached to
a sole, passes over the instep and round the heel. Other sandals appear
to resemble shoes, with a sole and upper rim united by cross-bars, l>etween
which the foot was left exposed.


CW. IV.] THE EUNUCHS. 325
persons rose to the highest rank, and were not mere
servants, we learn from the Rabsaris, or chief of the
eunuchs, being mentioned amongst the principal offi-
cers of Sennacherib.* In the sculptures eunuchs are
represented as commanding in warf; fighting both
in chariots and on horseback; and receiving the pri-
soners, and the heads of the slain after battle. They
were also employed as scribes, and are seen writing
down the number of the heads, and the amount of
the spoil, obtained from the enemy. They were
even accustomed to officiate in religious ceremonies.J
They appear, indeed, to have occupied the same im-
portant posts, and to have exercised the same in-
fluence in the Assyrian court, as they have since
done in the East; where they have not only con-
tinually filled the highest offices of state, but have
even attained to sovereign power.§ It is to Assyria
that tradition assigns the origin of the barbarous
practice of mutilation, and it is upon a female that
the odium of its introduction rests.||
* 2 Kings, xviii. 17. and of Nebuchadnezzar, Jeremiah, xxxix. 3. In
Daniel, i. 3. we have mention of the prince of the eunuchs. So many
of the principal offices about the court were held by these persons, that
their name came at last to be confounded with that of the great officers
of state (compare 1 Samuel, viii. 15., 1 Kings, xxii. 9., and 2 Kings,
xxiv. 12.), and chamberlains and courtiers (2 Kings, ix. 32.). Potiphar
is called a " saris" or eunuch. That eunuchs were also an object of trade,
and were brought, as at this day, from the centre of Africa, we learn
from Jeremiah, xxxviii. 7.
f An eunuch set over the men of war is mentioned in 2 Kings, xxv. 19.
X See woodcuts in Chapter VTL
§ As Agha Mohammed Khan of Persia.
|| Marcellinus, 1. xiv. c. 6., andClaudian in Eutrop. 1. i. v. 339. et se<j.
"Seu prima Semiramis astu
Assyriis mentita virum, ne vocis acuta?
t 3


326
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS. [Chap. IV.
The countenance of the eunuchs is strongly con-
trasted in the sculptures with those of the men ; and
the rounded form, the bloated cheek, and double
beardless chin, at once mark them, and distinguish
them from females. Their dress consisted of a long
tunic descending to the ankles, resembling the king's
in shape, and in the richness and elegance of its em-
broideries. It was confined at the waist by a girdle
edged with fringes; and a band, similarly adorned,
passed over the shoulders. They wore no upper robe
like that of the king. Their ear-rings, armlets, brace-
lets, and necklaces were similar in form to those
of the monarch. In battle they were armed with the
bow and the spear ; and in peace, as well as in war,
generally carried a sword and daggers. When re-
presented as attending upon the king, they usually
bear a quiver, bow, and mace; all probably for his
use. At other times they raise a parasol or fan over
his head, or present him with the sacred cup; on
which occasion they are frequently unarmed.*
The umbrella or parasol, that emblem of royalty
so universally adopted by eastern nations, was gene-
rally carried over the king in time of peace, and
sometimes even in war. In shape it resembled, very
closely, those now in common use; but it is always
Mollitics, levesve genae se prodere possent,
Hos sibi conjunxit similes; seu Parthica ferro
Luxuries nasci vetuit lanuginis umbram;
Servatosque diu puerili flore, cocgit
Arte retardatam Veneri servire juventam."
* The cup-bearer appears to have been one of the principal officers
in the Assyrian court. See 2 Kings, xviii., where the Kabshakch, or
chief of the cup-bearers \° pent to induce the Jews to surrender.


Chap. IV.]
327
THE UMBRELLA.
seen open in the sculptures. It was edged with
tassels, and was usually ornamented at the top by a
flower or some other ornament. On the latter bas-
reliefs, a long piece of embroidered linen or silk, fall-
ing from one side like a curtain, appears to skreen
the king completely from the sun. The parasol was
reserved exclusively for the monarch, and is never
represented as borne over any other person.
The vizir or prime minister, the principal officers
and the attendants of the king, were clothed in robes
resembling those of the eunuchs. They were armed
with swords and daggers, and also wore necklaces,
bracelets, and ear-rings. A fillet or band, either
plain or richly ornamented, frequently confined their
hair, and encircled their temples. The eunuch is
occasionally represented with his head-dress. The
ends of the band were allowed to fall down the back.
The Assyrians paid particular attention to the
adorning of their persons. Besides wearing the nu-
merous ornaments described, they most carefully and
elaborately platted their hair and beards. The hair
was parted over the forehead, and fell from behind
the ears on the shoulders in a large bunch of
ringlets. The beard was allowed to grow to its
full length; and, descending low on the breast, was
divided into two or three rows of curls. The mous-
tache was also carefully trimmed, and curled at the
ends. The hair, as well as the beard, appears to
have been dyed, as is still the custom in Persia: but
it has been doubted whether the hair, represented in
the sculptures, was natural or artificial. The Egyp-
T 4


328
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS. [Chap. IV.
tians were accustomed to wear large wigs, elaborately
platted and adorned; and even false beards were not
unknown. The Persians, also, at a later period,
adopted this artificial coiffure*; but we have no
evidence of its having been in use in Assyria. On
the contrary, according to Herodotus, the Baby-
lonians wore their hair long.f The great regularity
of the curls, in the sculptures, would certainly lead to
the impression that part of the hair, at least, was
false ; but we can scarcely suppose that the warriors,
as well as the king, and the principal officers of state,
wore false beards; for all the sculptured beards are
equally elaborate and studied in the arrangement.
The mode of representing hair in the bas-reliefs is
most probably conventional. Most eastern people
have been celebrated for the length and beauty of
their hair; and if the Assyrians were as well provided
with it as the inhabitants of Persia were, in the days
of Darius, or as they now are, they would have had
little occasion for a wig.
The eye-brows were dyed black. Some substance
resembling the kohl, or surma, used in the East to
blacken the lids, and to give additional lustre to the
eyes, was also employed ; and we may conjecture that
the complexion was improved, and colour added to
the cheek, by paints and cosmetics. On the sculp-
tures, traces of thick black and white pigments arc
always visible on the eyes, eyebrows, and hair; and
these parts of the bas-reliefs appear to have been
more carefully painted than any others.
♦ Xcnophon, Cjrop. lib. i. c. 3.
t Lib. i. c. 195.


Chap. IV.] HISTORY OF PARSONDES. 329
Nicolaus of Damascus has preserved so faithful
and entertaining an account of the manners of the
Babylonians, that I cannot resist the temptation of
quoting it, as illustrative of the Assyrian sculptures
in many respects. From whence this author obtained
the following anecdote, it would now probably be
impossible to ascertain; although it is evident, from its
curious and accurate details, that it was borrowed from
some ancient writer, who had himself witnessed the
customs and fashions which he describes. The story
is thus related:—“In the reign of Artaeus, the king
of the Medes, and one of the successors of Sardana-
palus, the king of the Assyrians, there was amongst
the Medes one Parsondes, a man renowned for his
courage and strength, and greatly esteemed by the
king on account of his good sense and the beauty of
his person. He particularly excelled in the chase
and in battle, whether he fought on foot, from his
chariot, or on horseback. Now this Parsondes ob-
served that Nanarus (the governor or tributary king)
of Babylon, was very careful in his personal attire,
and wore ear-rings, and shaved himself carefully, and
was effeminate and unwarlike, and he disliked him
exceedingly; so he asked Artaeus, the king, to deprive
Nanarus of his government, and to bestow it on him-
self. But Artaeus, having bound himself by the
compact entered into by Arbaces, was loth to act
unjustly towards the Babylonian, and gave no answer
to Parsondes. The matter, however, reached the ears
of Nanarus, who promised great rewards to any one
of his sutlers who would catch his enemy.
“It happened one day that Parsondes, when hunt-


332
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS. [Chap. TV.
to demand the liberation of his former favourite.
But Nanarus, frightened, declared that he had never
seen Parsondes since he had disappeared. Artaeus,
however, sent a second ambassador, much greater in
rank and more powerful than the previous one, and
threatened, by letter, to put to death the Babylonian,
unless he delivered up his captive. Nanarus, being
now greatly alarmed, promised to give up the man,
and moreover apologised to the ambassador, de-
claring, that he was sure the king would see that he
had justly treated one, who had endeavoured to ruin
him in the king's favour. He then entertained
the ambassador with a great feast, during which
entered, to the number of one hundred and fifty,
the female players, amongst whom was Parsondes.
Some sang, and others played on the flute; but
the Mede excelled them all both in skill and beauty,
so that when the feast was over, and Nanarus asked
the ambassador which of the women he thought
superior to the rest in beauty and accomplishments,
he pointed without hesitation to Parsondes. Nanarus,
clapping his hands, laughed a long time, and then
said, 'Do you wish to take her with you?' 'Cer-
tainly,' replied the ambassador. 'But I will not give
her to you,' said Nanarus. 'Why, then, did you ask
me ?' exclaimed the other. 'This,' said Nanarus, after
a little hesitation, 'is Parsondes, for whom you have
come.' And the ambassador disbelieving him, he
swore to the truth of what he had said.
"On the following day the Babylonian placed Par-
sondes in a waggon, and sent him away with the


CHAP. IV.] HISTORY OF PARSONDES. 333
ambassador to Artaeus, who was at Susa. But the .
king did not recognise him, and was a long time
before he would believe that so valiant a man could
become a woman.
“Parsondes exacted a promise from Artaeus, that
he would revenge him upon Nanarus. And when
the king came to Babylon he gave Nanarus ten days
to do what was right; but the Babylonian, alarmed,
fled to Mitraphernes, the chief of the eunuchs, and
promised him for himself ten talents of gold, and ten
gold cups, and two hundred of silver, and one hun-
dred talents of silver money, and several suits of
clothes; and for the king, one hundred talents of
gold, and a hundred gold cups, and three hundred
of silver, and one thousand talents of silver money,
and numerous dresses and other fine gifts, if he
would save his life, and keep him in the government
of Babylon. The eunuch, who was held in great
estimation by the king, succeeded; but Parsondes
waited his opportunity, and afterwards, finding an
occasion, took his revenge both on Nanarus and the
eunuch.”*
There are many customs mentioned in this nar-

* Fragments of Nicolaus of Damascus, in the Prodromos Hellenikes
Bibliothekes, 8vo. Paris, 1805, p. 229. I am indebted to Mr. Birch for
this free version of the anecdote. That the effeminate customs described
by Nicolaus existed amongst the kings and nobles of the Assyrian em-
pire, is confirmed by all the ancient historians. Sardanapalus, according
to Athenaeus, when first seen by Arbaces, was adorned and dressed like
a woman, his chin was shaved, and his skin was rubbed smooth with the
pumice-stone. His flesh was as white as milk, and his eyes and eyebrows
were painted black. (Athen, lib. xii.) Astyages, too, according to Xeno-
phon (Cyrop. lib. i. c. 3.), had his eyes and face painted, and wore false
hair.


Chap. IV.]
335
KESFECT FOB ROYALTY.
noting an oath or homage. Dependants are seen in
the same posture on monuments of the Achaemenian
and Sassanian dynasties.
We know from the story of Esther, how sacred the
person of the king was considered, it being death for
even the queen to venture before him unbidden.*
Deioces permitted no one to see him, except certain
privileged persons! and it was unlawful for any one
to laugh or spit in his presence ! f
The costume of the warriors differed according to
their rank and the nature of the service they had to
perform.J Those who fought in chariots, and held
the shield for the defence of the king, are generally
seen in coats of scale armour, which descend either to
the knees or to the ankles. A large number of the
scales were discovered in the earliest palace of Nim-
roud.§ They were generally of iron, slightly em-
bossed or raised in the centre; and some were inlaid
with copper. They were probably fastened to a shirt
of felt or coarse linen.|| Such is the armour always
* Esther, iv. 11.
f Herod, lib. i. ch. 99. So the passage must be understood, for it says
that no man was admitted into the king's presence; and yet he was
consulted through messengers, who, we must presume, were forbidden to
laugh and spit before him.
I Jeremiah thus describes the dresses of the warriors. "Order ye the
buckler and shield, and draw near to battle. Harness the horses; and
get up, ye horsemen, and stand forth with your helmets; furbish the
spears, and put on the brigantines (or coats of mail)." (Ch. xlvi. v. 3, 4.)
§ In chamber I, plan 3, where also the helmets and various other iron
and copper fragments were found. Some interesting scale armour, in-
scribed with the name of Shishak I., is in the collection of Dr. Abbot at
Cairo. (Prisse Monum.)
|| Plates of steel, resembling the scales of fishes, are described by
Herodotus as worn by the Persian warriors. (Lib. vii. c. 61.)


336
[Chap. IV.
.NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS.
represented in the most ancient sculptures. At a
later period other kinds were used; the scales were
larger, and appear to have been fastened to bands of
iron or copper. The armour was frequently embossed
with groups of figures, and fanciful ornaments; but
there is no reason to believe, that the rich designs on
the breasts of the kings were on metal.*
The warriors were frequently dressed in an em-
broidered tunic, which was probably made of felt or
leather, sufficiently thick to resist the weapons then
in use. On the sculptures of Kouyunjik they are
generally seen in this attire. Their arms were bare
from above the elbow, and their legs from the knees
downwards, except when they wore shirts of mail
which descended to the ankles They had sandals on
their feet. The warriors on the later Assyrian monu-
ments, particularly on those of Khorsabad, are distin-
guished by a peculiar ornament, somewhat resembling
the Highland phillibeg. It appears to be fastened to
the girdle, and falls below the short tunic.
In the sculptures of Kouyunjik and of monuments
of the same period, the dress of the soldiers appears
to vary, according to the manner in which they
are armed. Those Avith spear and shield wear
pointed or crested helmets, and plain or embroidered
tunics, confined at the waist by a broad girdle. A
* They may have been the "linen cuirasses" mentioned by Herodotus
(lib. vii. c. 63.) as worn by the Assyrians in the army of Xerxes.
M. Lajard has published in his work on the worship of Mithra (plate
47.) a piece of ariuour similar in shape to that found at Nimroud, and
which has every appearance of being Assyrian. It is embossed with
groups of figures and Assyrian symbols.


Chap. IV.] DRESSES OF THE WARRIORS.
337
kind of cross-belt passes over the shoulders, and
is ornamented in the centre
of the breast by a circular disk,
probably of metal. The slingers
are attired in the embroidered
tunic, which I conjecture to be
of felt or leather; and wear a
pointed helmet, with metal lap-
pets falling over the ears. Both
the spearmen and slingers have
greaves, which appear to have
been laced in front.*
The archers are dressed in
very short embroidered tunics,
which scarcely cover half the
thigh, the rest of the leg being left completely bare
They are chiefly distinguished from
other warriors by the absence of the hel-
met. A simple band round the temples
confines the hair, which is drawn up in
a bunch behind.
It is probable that these various cos-
tumes indicate people of different coun-
tries, auxiliaries in the Assyrian armies,
who used the weapons most familiar to
them, and formed different corps or divisions.-}-

A .'lisimian (Eouyu'.^ik )

car s i t 0it tor
m hy W.i ■ a
* They were perhaps of leather, or, like the boots of the Boeotians, of
wood, or even of brass, as the greaves of Goliah. (1 Samuel, xvii. 6.)
The whole of the giant's armour, his helmet, his coat of mail, and his
shield, were of the same metal.
t According to Diodorus Siculus (1. ii.), it was customary for the
nations tributary to the Assyrians to send, yearly, bodies of troops to
VOL. II. Z


338 NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS. [CuAr. IV.
Thus, in the army of Xerxes, were
marshalled men of many nations;
each armed according to the fashion
of his country, and fighting in
his own peculiar way. We may,
perhaps, identify, in the Assyrian
sculptures, several of the costumes
described by the Greek historian,
as worn by those who formed the
vast army of the Persian king.
In the shape of their helmets -
the Assyrians displayed consider- **** ****
able taste. We trace in them, indeed, many well-
known forms afterwards adopted by the Greeks.”
Helmets. (Centre Palace, Nimroud)
The pointed helmet in the bas-reliefs, from the
earliest palace of Nimroud, appears to have been the
serve either in war or as garrisons. They were encamped outside the
gates of Nineveh. The Assyrian king had thus always a considerable
standing army at his disposal.
* The invention of the crested helmet, as well as of the ornamented
shield, is attributed by Herodotus (lib. i. c. 171.) to the Carians ; but it
is more probable that they received both indirectly from the Assyrians.


Ciiap. IV.] FOKMS OF THE HELMETS.
339
most ancient, and in the most general use; it is,
indeed, characteristic of the Assyrian warrior. Several
were discovered in the ruins; they were of iron; and
the rings which ornament the lower part, and end in
a semicircle in front, were inlaid with copper.*
These pointed helmets were sometimes furnished
with lappets or flaps covered with metal scales, con-
cealing the ears, the back of the head, the chin, and
the neck, and falling over the shoulders; the whole
head-dress having then very much the appearance
of the early Norman casque. At a later period, a
metal lappet merely protected the ears and the side
of the face, and was attached to the outer rim of the
helmet.f
Circular iron caps, fitting closely to the head, were
also in use at an early period. The
horseman who leads the horse of the
warrior in a bas-relief from the most
ancient palace at Nimroud J, is repre-
sented with this head-dress; and, in
a sculpture from the centre ruins, it
is worn by archers. <*m..i U'»<*. Kimr..«a)
The helmets of the later monuments of Nimroud,
and of those of Khorsabad and Kouyunjik, are fre-
quently surmounted by a curved crest, or by a kind
of plume. They show considerable variety, and
even elegance, in their forms. The simple curved
crest, resembling that of the Greek helmet, appears,
* Herodotus says that the Assyrian helmets were of brass. Loc. cit.
t See woodcuts on opposite page, and on page 337.
I See woodcut, p. 357.

x 2


340 NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS. [CuAP. IV.
from the sculptures, to have been peculiar to some
nation conquered by the Assyrians; but fragments of
- º
º
º
Assyrian Warriors fighting with the Enemy an Eage is carrying away the Entrails of the sain.
(Celitre Palace, Nirnroud.)
helmets of this shape were found, in the excavations,
in the same chamber as the pointed casques.
The conical helmet of the Assyrians appears to
have been worn even to the latest period. It has
been conjectured that this head-dress connects them
with the Scythians, who, according to Herodotus,
had high-pointed caps.” In the rock-sculptures of
* The Sacae, who were a Scythian nation, had caps which terminated in
a point, and wore loose trowsers. (Lib. vii. c. 64.) The latter article of
dress is certainly not represented in the Assyrian sculptures.


Chap. IV.]
341
ARMS OF THE ASSYRIANS.
Behistun, the Scythian prisoner is represented with a
lofty conical head-dress ; which differs, however, in
shape from the Assyrian helmet. It is slightly curved
at the top, and was probably, therefore, made of felt,
or some pliable material, and not of metal; and this
may also be inferred from the expression of Hero-
dotus, "that the caps, although coming to a point,
stood erect."
The arms of the early Assyrians were the spear,
the bow, the sword, and the dagger.* The sling is
not represented in the most ancient monuments as
an Assyrian weapon, although used by a conquered
nation: it was, perhaps, introduced at a later period.
The bows were of two kinds; one long and slightly
curved, the other short and almost angular: the two
appear to have been carried at the same time by
those who fought in chariots.
The arrows were probably made of reeds, and were
kept in a quiver slung over the back. The king,
however, and the great officers of state were followed
by attendants, who carried the quivers, and supplied
their masters with arrows. The bow was drawn to
the cheek, or to the ear, as by the Saxons, and not to
the breast, after the fashion of the Greeks. The
barbs were of iron and copper, several of both mate-
rials having been found in the ruins. When in battle,
it was customary for the archer to hold two arrows
in reserve, in his right hand; they were placed be-
tween the fingers, and did not interfere with the
* The Assyrians, in the army of Xerxes, carried shields, spears, daggers,
and wooden clubs knotted with iron. (Herod, loc. cit.)
z 3


342
[Chap. IV,
NINEVEH AND ITS BEMAINS.
motion of the arm, whilst drawing the bow. When
marching he usually carried the larger bow over his
shoulders, having first passed his head through it.
The bow of the king was borne by an attendant. The
smaller bows were frequently placed in the quiver,
particularly by those who fought in chariots. A
leather, or linen guard, was fastened by straps to the
inside of the left arm, to protect it when the arrow
was discharged. The swords were worn on the left
side, and suspended by belts passing over the
shoulders, or round the middle; some were short and
others long. I have already alluded to the beauty of
the ornaments on the hilt and sheath.
The dagger appears to have been carried by all,
both in time of peace and war; even the priests and
divinities are represented with them.* They were
worn indifferently on the left and right side, or per-
haps on both at the same time. Generally two, or
sometimes three, were inserted into one sheath,
which was passed through the girdle. The handles,
as I have already mentioned, were most elaborately
adorned, and were frequently in the shape of the
head of a ram, bull, or horse, being made of ivory or
rare stones, f A small chain was sometimes fastened
* This is still the custom in Persia. In that country no dress, except
that of persons specially devoted to religious duties, is complete without
a dagger with a jewelled or ivory handle. The dagger was probably used
by the Assyrians not only as a weapon, but, like the /jn,Y.<"P<t of the
Greeks, for carving the dinner. Cf. jElian, ii. 17., for the story of Ochus,
who was watched by the magi when he ate his first dinner, and his cutting
a loaf and laying a slice of meat on it.
t See woodcut, p. 299. Several dagger-handles of ivory, carved in
the shape of the forepart of bulls, and other animals, were found in the
tomb of an ivory-worker at Memphis.


Chap. IV.]
343
ARMS OF THE ASSYRIANS.
to the hilt, or to the sheath, probably to retain it in
its place. A dagger, resembling in forms those of the
sculptures, was found amongst the ruins of Nimroud:
it is of copper. The handle is hollowed, either to re-
ceive precious stones, ivory, or enamel.
The spear of the Assyrian footman was short,
scarcely exceeding the height of a man; that of the
horseman appears to have been considerably longer.
The iron head of a spear from Nimroud, is in the
British Museum. The shaft was probably of some
strong wood; and did not consist of a reed, like
that of the modern Arab lance. The large club
pointed with iron, mentioned by Herodotus amongst
the weapons carried by the Assyrians, is not repre-
sented in the sculptures; unless, indeed, the de-
scription of the historian applies to the mace, a
weapon in very general use amongst them, and fre-
quently seen in the bas-reliefs. This weapon con-
sisted of a short handle, probably of wood, to which
was fixed a head, evidently of metal, in the shape of
a flower, rosette, lion, or bull. To the end of the
handle was attached a thong, apparently of leather,
through which the hand was passed. I have not found
any representation of warriors using the hatchet, ex-
cept when cutting down trees, to clear the country
preparatory to a siege. It is, however, generally
seen amongst the weapons of those who fought in
chariots, and was carried in the quiver, with the
arrows and short angular bow.*
In the bas-reliefs of Kouyunjik, slingers are fre-
* See woodcut facing p. 350.
x 4


344
[Cuap. IV.
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS.
q uently represented amongst the
Assyrian troops. The sling ap.
pears to have consisted of a
double rope, with a thong,
probably of leather, to receive
the stone; it was swung round
the head. The slinger held a
second stone in his left hand, and
at his feet is generally seen a
heap of pebbles ready for use.*
The javelin is frequently in-
cluded amongst the weapons of
the Assyrian charioteers; but the warriors are not
represented as using it in battle. It was carried in
the quiver amongst the arrows.
The shields of the Assyrians were of various forms
and materials. In the more ancient bas-reliefs a
circular buckler, either of hide or metal, perhaps
in some instances of gold and silver f, is most fre-
quently introduced. It was held by a handle fixed
to the centre. Light oblong shields of wicker-work,
carried in a similar manner, are also found in the
early sculptures; but those of a circular form appear
to have been generally used by the charioteers.
Suspended to the backs of the chariots, and also
* That the Persian slingers were exceedingly expert, used very large
stones, and could annoy their enemies whilst out of the reach of their
darts or arrows, we learn from several passages in Xenophon. (See par-
ticularly Anabasis, lib. iii. c. 3.)
t King Solomon made three hundred shields of beaten gold; three
pounds of gold to each shield. (1 Kings, x. 17.) The servants of Hadad-
ezer, king of Zobah, carried shields of gold. (2 Samuel, viii. 7.) The
shield of Goliah was of brass.


CHAP. IV.] ARMS OF THE ASSYRIANS. 345
carried by warriors, are frequently seen shields in the
shape of a crescent, narrow, and curved outwards at
the extremities. The face is ornamented by a row of
angular bosses, or teeth, in the centre of which is the
head of a lion.
In the sculptures of Khorsabad, the round shield
is often highly ornamented. It re-
sembles, both in shape and in the
devices upon it, the bucklers now
carried by the Kurds and Arabs,
which are made of the hide of the
hippopotamus. In the bas-reliefs
of Kouyunjik, some warriors bear
oval shields, very convex, and suf.
ficiently large to cover the greater
part of the body. The centre
and outer rim were decorated
with bosses.
The shield used during a siege ..….....,
concealed the whole person of the ****
warrior, and completely defended him from the ar-
rows of the enemy. It was made either of wicker-
work, or of hides, and was furnished at the top with
a curved point, or with a square projection, like a
roof, at right angles to the body of the shield; which
may have served to defend the heads of the com-
batants against missiles, discharged from the walls
and towers. Such were probably the shields used by
the Persian archers at the battle of Platea.”
* Herod. lib. ix. c. 61. The expression of the Greek historian, that
the Persians made a fence of their osier shields, has perplexed the com-


346
[Chap. IV.
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS.
The archers, whether fighting on foot or in chariots,
were accompanied by shield-bearers, whose office it
was to protect them from the shafts of the enemy.
Sometimes one shield covered two archers. The
shield-bearer was usually provided with a sword,
which he held ready drawn for defence. The king
was always attended in his wars by this officer; and
even in peace one of his eunuchs usually carried
a circular shield for his use.* This shield-bearer
was probably a person of rank, as in Egypt. On
some monuments of the later Assyrian period he
is represented carrying two shields, one in eacli
hand."f"
Some of the circular bucklers appear to have been
made of small pieces of wood or leather, carefully
united.J The handles attached to the small circular
shields may have been of leather; but those belong-
mentators, -who conjecture that the archers formed a rampart of bucklers,
from behind which they discharged their arrows. But the sculptures of
Nimroud, and Kouyunjik, completely illustrate the passage; a shield
covering the whole person being held by a second warrior. The shields
of the Persians were of osier covered with skins.
* Teucer, when discharging his arrows against Hector, was protected
by the shield of Ajax.
"And last, young Teucer with his bended bow—
Secure behind the Tclamonian shield,
The skilful archer wide surveyed the field."
Iliad, b.Tiii.I. 319.
And again:
"Thus Ajax guards his brother in the field,
Moves as he moves, and turns the shining shield." 1.327.
Goliah had one " bearing his shield, who went before him." (1 Samuel,
xvii. 7.)
f See woodcut, p. 372.
} See woodcut, p. 337.


CUAP. IV.]
347
ASSYRIA^* ARMIKS.
ing to the larger, which were supported entirely by
them, must have been of wood or metal.*
Standards were carried by the charioteers. In the
sculptures only two devices have hitherto been found:
one a figure (probably that of the divinity) standing
on a bull and drawing a bow; the other, two bulls
running in opposite directions.-!- These figures an;
enclosed in a circle, and fixed to the end of a long
staff, ornamented with streamers and tassels. The
standards seem to have been partly supported by a
rest in front of the chariot, and a long rod or rope
connected them with the extremity of the pole. In
a bas-relief from Khorsabad this rod is attached to
the top of the standard. J
The Assyrians, like the Egyptians, appear to have
had organised and disciplined troops. In the sculp-
tures of Kouyunjik, we not only find long lines of
warriors on foot, divided into companies, each dis-
tinguished by their dress or their arms; but also
horsemen and chariots marshalled in array.§ In
* According to Herodotus (lib. i. c. 171.) the Carians invented the
handle of the shield; held before their time by a thong of leather sus-
pended from the neck. The bucklers used during the Trojan war had
wooden handles. (Iliad, viii. 193.)
f See "Monuments of Nineveh," plates 27 and 14. Mr. Birch sug-
gests that these may resemble the symbols of war and peace, which were
attached to the yoke of Darius's chariot.
J Standards, somewhat similar to those represented in the Assyrian bas-
reliefs, were in use in Egypt. Some sacred animal, or emblem, was also
generally placed upon them. Standards and banners are mentioned on
several occasions in the Bible. (Jer. iv. 21.; Song of Solomon, vi. 4.)
§ Uzziah "had a host of fighting men, who went out to war by
bands." (2 Chron. xxvi. 11.) Joscphus (1. ix. c. 10.) describes how
these men were divided into companies, and were armed, each man with
a sword, shield, breast-plate of brass, bow and sling; the weapons carried
by the warriors of the Assyrian sculptures.


348
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS. [Chap. IV.
one chamber of these ruins the walls were covered
with small figures of armed men marching in file.
In the same edifice were representations of archers,
defended by shields, and drawn up in line before the
walls of a besieged city. In front of them were rows
of spearmen, the first rank kneeling, and the second
stooping to enable the archers behind to discharge
their arrows. The group thus formed bears some
resemblance to the phalanx of the Greeks, and to the
squares of modern infantry.

Warriors fenmcg a r'lia'aux hefore lie
led City. (Kouyuojik.)
A great part of the strength of the Assyrian armies
consisted in chariots and horsemen, to which we have
frequent allusion in the inspired writings.* The cha-
* The chariots and horses of Naharaina (Mesopotamia) are mentioned
in an Egyptian monument of the earliest kings of the 18th dynasty : an
officer of Thothmes I. "captured for him, in the land of Naharaina,
twenty-one hands, a horse, and a chariot." (Birch's Memoir on the Sta-
tistical Tablet of Karnak, p. 8.) The Elamites, amongst the tributaries
of the Assyrians, were celebrated for their chariots carrying archers.
(Isaiah, xxii. 6.) Chariot cities, or cities for the support of warriors


Chap. IV.J ASSYRIAN CHARIOTS. 349
riots appear to have been used by the king, and the
highest officers of state, who are never seen in battle
on horseback; or, except in sieges, on foot.* They
contained either two or three persons. The king was
always acccompanied by two attendants— the warrior
protecting him with a shield (who was replaced during
peace by the eunuch bearing the parasol), and the
charioteer. The principal warriors were also fre-
quently attended by their shield-bearers, though more
generally by the driver alone.
The chariot was used during a siege, as well as
in open battle. The king and his warriors are fre-
quently represented as fighting in chariots with the
enemy beneath the walls of a castle; or as having
dismounted from their cars, to discharge their arrows
against the besieged. In the latter case, grooms on
foot hold the horses. When the king in his chariot
formed part of a triumphal procession, armed men
led the horses. The chariot was also preceded and
followed by men on foot.
The Assyrian chariot was probably made of
wood.f It appears to have been open behind; but,
fighting in chariots, are frequently mentioned in the Bible. (2 Chron. i.
14., and viii. 6.) Solomon had 1400 chariots, the Syrians 700 (2 Samuel,
x. 18.), the Philistines 30,000 (1 Samuel, xiii. 5.).
* Amongst the ancient Indians the king, and men of rank generally,
combated in chariots; very rarely, and only at a later period, on horse-
back. In the Assyrian sculptures, only war chariots have hitherto been
discovered ; we have no representation of the magnificent carriages which,
under the name of armamaxae, were used by the aucient Persians in pro-
cessions, and for their women.
f Chariots of iron are mentioned in Judges (i. 19. and iv. 3.). The
car discovered in an Egyptian tomb, and now at Florence, was made of
birch-wood and ivory.





Chap. IV.]
35 L
ASSTKIAN CHARIOTS.
riot is seen in a boat, and consequently without the
horses. We can thus judge of the form of the pole
and yoke, but not of the precise mode of their use,
nor of the material of which they were made.
The wheels of the earliest chariots had six spokes,
and the felloes consisted of four pieces. They appear
to have been thicker and more solid, and the whole
chariot, indeed, to have been heavier than that of the
Egyptians. At the end of the pole, which was curved
upwards, was generally the head of a bull, ram, or
some other animal, probably, as among the Greeks, in
metal. Sometimes a semicircular metal plate or crest,
ornamented with the figure of the winged bull, or with
some other religious emblem, was attached to the end
of the pole, and rose above the backs of the horses.
Behind the chariot was suspended a shield, with
teeth or bosses like that described; and a spear was
fixed in a rest, which was usually in the shape of a
human head.
The warriors stood upright in the chariot, which
does not seem to have been furnished with seats.
At a later period the Assyrian chariot* appears to
have undergone a considerable change, both in form
and size. The large ornamented frame-work, stretch-
ing from the forepart to the end of the pole, was re-
placed by a thin rod, or by a rope or leather thong,
knotted in the centre or near one end. The horses
were also differently harnessed. The pole no longer
ended in the head of an animal, and the yoke, as far
* See woodcut, opposite p. 137.


352
[Cuap. rv.
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS.
as we can judge by the sculptures, was altogether of
another shape. The later Assyrian chariot, more-
over, like the Egyptian and Persian, was always
drawn by two horses, and not by three.* It was
also much higher, and larger than that of the more
ancient sculptures, the wheel alone being almost of
the height of a man. The upper part was not
rounded, but square, with a projection in front,
which may have been a case to receive arrows; quivers
not being attached to the sides, as they are to the
chariots represented in the oldest Nimroud bas-reliefs.
The panels were carved, and adorned with rosettes and
tassels. The wheel had eight, and not six, spokes;
and was apparently strengthened by four pieces of
metal, which bound the felloes. The whole chariot
closely resembled that of the Persepolitan sculptures,
and of the great Mosaic from Pompeii in the Museum
of Naples, the subject of which is conjectured to be
one of the battles between Alexander and Darius.
The later chariots were often completely covered
with ornaments; those represented on the earlier
monuments had a very elegant moulding, or border,
round the sides. They were probably inlaid with
gold, silver, and precious woods, and also painted.f
* From a passage in Zechariab (vi. 2.) it would appear that the chariot-
horses were sometimes paired according to their colours. The chariot
of Darius on cylinders, and on the silver daric, as well as in the Per-
sepolitan sculptures, is drawn by two horses.
f Such were the chariots obtained by the Egyptians from Naharaina
(Mesopotamia), fifteen centuries before Christ. In the Statistical Tablet
of Karnak are mentioned " thirty chariots worked with gold and silver,
with painted poles," as brought from that country, and chariots similarly
adorned with paintings, from the Rutcn-nu, a neighbouring people.


Chap. IV.] HOUSE FURNITURE. 353
In a bas-relief at Khorsabad, a figure of the king
drawing a bow was placed as a device on a chariot
panel.
Chariots armed with scythes are not represented in
the Assyrian sculptures, although mentioned by Cte-
sias as having been employed in the army of Ninus.
As chariots were in such general use, we may pre-
sume that the Assyrians had formed roads, not only
over the plains, but through the mountainous pro-
vinces of their dominions. Indeed, in the sculptures
of Kouyunjik, both chariots and horsemen are seen
crossing high mountains.
The harness and trappings of the horses were

Grotm ltadlnQ II jrs. s.» (Fr_.ui a P-84meo. d!<coe red at KhorsaT.iV-, aud new in the
* It must bo remarked that those horses may belong, not to the As-
syrians, but to a conquered nation. Mr. Birch observes that the people
leading them have the same head-dress and garments as the Kuteu of a
tomb at Thebes.
VOL. II.
A A


354
[Chap. TV.
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS.
extremely rich and elegant. Plumes waved over the
heads of the animals, or fanciful crests rose gracefully
in an arch above their ears and descended in front to
their nostrils. To these ornaments were sometimes
appended long ribands or streamers, which floated on
the wind. Large tassels of wool or silk, dyed many
colours, fell on the forehead, and were attached to
many parts of the harness. The bridle generally
consisted of a head-stall, a strap divided into three
parts connected with the bit, and straps over the
forehead, under the cheeks, and behind the ears. All
these details were elaborately ornamented. In the
earlier sculptures we find the figures of winged bulls,
and other symbolical devices, on parts of the head-
furniture; in the later, rosettes are more commonly
introduced, frequently producing a very pleasing
appearance.
It is probable that the bit, as well as many orna-
ments of the bridle and trappings, were of gold and
other precious materials.*
The bit of the earlier Assyrians was in the form of
a double wedge or dovetail, and appears to have acted
more like a curb than a snaffle. The rein was at-
tached to the eentre, and the bit probably worked as
a lever. At a later period the form of the bit was
altered, and the rein was fastened nearer the end, to
add to its power.
Round the necks of the horses were hung tassels,
* The horses ridden by Astyages and Cyrus had bridles of gold.
Xenop. Cyrop. lib. i. c. 3. Compare 1 Ksdras, iii. 6., where the chariots
with bridles of gold of the Persians are mentioned.

^ I


Chap. IV.]
355
HORSE FURNITURE.
rosettes, and engraved beads. Three straps, richly
embroidered, passing under the fore-part of the belly,
kept the harness and chariot-pole in their places. A
breast-band, adorned with tassels, was also supported
by these straps. To the yoke was suspended a very
elegant ornament, formed by the head of an animal,
and a circle, in which was sometimes introduced a
winged bull, a star, or some other sacred device. It
fell on the shoulder of the animal, and to it were
attached three clusters of tassels.
Embroidered clothes, or trappings, were frequently
thrown over the backs of the chariot-horses, and
almost covered the body *, from the ears to the tail.
They were kept in their place by straps passing
round the breast, the rump, and the belly.
The chariot-horses of the later Assyrian period
differed entirely in their trappings and harness from
those of the earlier. High plumes, generally three
in number, and rising one above the other, waved
over their heads. Frequently an arched crest, and
clusters of tassels, were placed between their ears.
Similar tassels fell over their foreheads, and hung
round their necks. The harness attached to the
yoke was more profusely ornamented with rosettes
and fringes, than that of the earlier Assyrian chariot;
but the ornaments showed less variety and taste.
The manes were either allowed to fall loosely on
the neck, were platted, or were cut short and stood
erect. In the earlier sculptures, the tails of the
* "Dedan was thy merchant in precious clothes for chariots."
(Ezckicl, xxvii. 20.)


356
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS. [Chap. IV.
horses are simply bound in the centre with ribands;
in the later, the end is platted, as is now the fashion
in Persia and Turkey, and tied up in a bunch.*
Each horse appears to have been guided by two
reins, and the charioteer held three in each hand
when driving three horses. He also carried a whip,
which, like the Egyptian, consisted of a simple thong,
attached to a loop at the end of a short handle. In
the later Assyrian sculptures this thong is frequently
divided into two or three lashes, the handle of the
whip terminating in the head of a bull or lion.
The horsemen formed a no less important part of
the Assyrian army than the charioteers.f Horsemen
are seen in the most ancient sculptures of Nimroud J;
and I have already mentioned that disciplined bodies
of cavalry were represented in the bas-reliefs of
Kouyunjik. We learn from the book of Judith that
Holofernes had 12,000 archers on horseback.§ The
king himself is never represented on horseback, al-
though a horse richly caparisoned, apparently for his
use — perhaps to enable him to fly, should his chariot-
* This later fashion appears to have been adopted by the Persians,
and is represented in the Persepolitan sculptures. (Sir R. Kerr Porter,
PI. 41. 48, 49, and 50.) Compare also the chariot and horses on the
daric, and on the early tombs from Zanthus.
f "Assyrians clothed in blue, captains and rulers, all of them desirable
young men, horsemen riding upon horses." (Ezekiel, xxiii. 6.)
I It is singular, as observes Sir Gardner Wilkinson (Ancient Egyp-
tians, vol. i. p. 288.), that horsemen are nowhere represented on the
monuments of Egypt, although there can be no doubt, from numerous
passages in the sacred writings, that cavalry formed an important part of
the Egyptian armies.
§ Judith, ii. 15. Solomon had 12,000 horsemen. (1 Kings, x. 26.)








CHAP. IV.] HORSEMEN. 357
horses be killed—is frequently seen led by a warrior,
and following his chariot.
In the earliest sculptures the horses, except such
as are led behind the king's chariot, are unprovided
with clothes or saddles. The rider is seated on the
naked back of the animal. At a later period, how-
ever, a kind of pad appears to have been introduced;
and in a sculpture at Kouyunjik was represented a
high saddle not unlike that now in use in the East.
The horsemen were armed with swords and bows,
or with swords and long spears.” They wore short
tunics, and their legs and feet were bare. When
riding without pads or saddles they sat with their
Horsemen—one drawing the Bow, the other holding the Feins of both Horses.
(N.W. Palace, Nimroud.)
* “The horseman lifteth up both the bright sword and glittering
spear.” (Nahum, iii. 3.)

A A 3


358 NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS. [Ch.AP. IV.
knees almost on a level with the horse's back. After
the introduction of saddles, their limbs appear to
have been more free, and they wore greaves or boots,
but were unprovided with stirrups.
When an archer on horseback was in battle, his
horse was held and guided by a second horseman,
who rode by his side. He was then able to discharge
his arrows freely. On the monuments of Khorsabad
and Kouyunjik, the cavalry are usually armed with
the spear. When using this weapon they did not
require a second horseman to hold the reins.
The riding-horses are less richly and profusely
adorned than those in harness, the horsemen being
probably of inferior rank to those who fought in
chariots. The head-stall was surmounted by an
arched crest, and round the neck was an embroidered
collar, ending in a rich tassel or bell.”
&zºº
Head Tress of a Riding Horse. (Kouyunjik )
* See woodcut, p. 28., where a bell appears to be suspended round
the neck of a horse. Bells for horses' necks are mentioned in Zechariah,
xiv. 20.


Chap. IV.] HORSES. 359
The horses of the Assyrians, as far as we can judge
from the sculptures, were well formed, and apparently
of noble blood. It has been doubted whether the
breed, for which Mesopotamia and the neighbouring
deserts of Arabia are now celebrated, existed in the
same vast plains at a remote period; or whether it
was introduced shortly before the Mohammedan con-
quest. Although we have no mention in the sacred
writings of a trade actually carried on in horses with
Assyria, as with Egypt, yet it may be inferred from
several passages that it did exist.* Horses, it will be
remembered, were offered to the Jews, by the general
of the Assyrian king, as an acceptable present f;
and in the statistical tablet of Karnak, they are men-
tioned amongst the objects of tribute brought by the
people of Naharaina (Mesopotamia) and the neigh-
bouring countries to the Egyptians. We may judge,
therefore, that the Assyrian horses were celebrated at
a very early period. The Egyptians, indeed, appear to
have been chiefly indebted to the countries watered by
the Tigris and Euphrates for their horses, no repre-
sentation of this animal occurring, I believe, on Egyp-
• 1 Kings, x. 28, 29.
f 2 Kings, xviii. 23. "Now therefore, I pray thee, give pledges to
my lord the king of Assyria, and I will deliver thee two thousand horses,
if thou be able on thy part to set riders upon them." It may be inferred
from this passage that cavalry was not extensively used by the Jews.
The horses alluded to in the 3rd verse of the 14th chapter of Hosea, are
probably to be taken in connection with Assyria, mentioned in the pre-
vious parts of the verse. "Asshur shall not save us; we will not ride
upon horses." It is remarkable that there is no mention in the Bible of
Arab horses, afterwards so celebrated. The Arabs in the army of Xerxes
were mounted on camels, and were placed in the rear, because, says
Herodotus, the camels frightened the horses (lib. vii. c. 87.)


360
[Chap. IV.
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS.
tian monuments earlier than the eighteenth dynasty.*
However that may be, no one can look at the horses
of the early Assyrian sculptures without being con-
vinced that they were drawn from the finest models.'}'
The head is small and well-shaped, the nostrils large
and high, the neck arched, the body long, and the legs
slender and sinewy. "Their horses are swifter than the
leopards, and more fierce than the evening wolves,'
exclaims the prophet, of the horses of the Chaldeans. J
That the Assyrians faithfully portrayed animals is
shown by the lions, bulls, goats, and stags so fre-
quently introduced into their bas-reliefs; it is highly
probable, therefore, that they carefully copied the forms
of their horses, and showed the points for which they
were most distinguished. It is not unlikely that the
plains watered by the Tigris and Euphrates, producing
during the winter and spring the richest pasturage,
were at the earliest period as celebrated as they are
now for the rearing of horses; particularly when so
large a supply must have been required for the
cavalry and chariots of the Assyrian armies. At a
later period, indeed, we find the plains of Babylonia
furnishing horses to the Persians, both for the private
use of the king and for his troops. It may, there-
fore, be conjectured that they were of the most
noble and celebrated breeds; for the Persians, being
masters of the greater part of Asia and of Egypt,
* Birch's Statistical Tablet of Karnak, p. 32.
f The magnificent description of the war-horse in Job (ch. xxxix.),
shows that horses of the noblest breed were, at a very early period, not
only known in Syria, but used in battle.
t Habakkuk, i. 8.


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Chap. IV.]
361
HORSES.
could have obtained horses, had they found better,
from elsewhere. According to Herodotus, the stud
maintained by the Babylonians for the Persian mo-
narch included 800 stallions and 16,000 mares.f It
may have been derived by the Persians from those
whom they conquered; and it is not improbable that
the Assyrians themselves supplied their cavalry from
similar studs kept up near Babylon, or in other
parts of the Mesopotamian plains. Amongst the ob-
jects of tribute brought by the Ruten-nu to the
Egyptians, in the time of Thothmes III., are par-
ticularly mentioned brood-mares J; and this people,
it will be shown, are supposed to have inhabited As-
syria Proper, or some country immediately adjacent.
* According to Xenophon (Cyrop. lib. i. 3.), it was very difficult to
breed horses in Persia Proper; and it was a rare thing to see a horse in
the country which was too mountainous for riding. This must apply only
to the most western and northern provinces; but even this part of Persia
now produces a very good horse, probably originally bred from the
Turcoman and Arab. The site of the Nisaean plains, so celebrated for
their horses, has not yet been satisfactorily determined. Major Rawlinson
believes them to have been somewhere in the mountains of Luristan.
(Notes on a March through Susiana: Journal of the Geographical
Society.)
t Lib. i. c. 192.
X Birch's Memoir on the Statistical Tablet of Karnak, p. 44.


362
[ChAP. V.
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS.
CHAP. V.
MILITARY SYSTEM OF THE ASSYRIANS. — MAGNITUDE OK TIIK1R
ARMIES. THEIR TOMP SIEGES. THE BATTERING-RAM AND
OTHER ENGINES OF WAR.—MODE OF DEFENCE SCALING TIIE
WALLS.— SACK OF A CITY TREATMENT OF THE CAPTIVES
AND OF THE CITY. KNOWLEDGE OF SHIP-BUILDING EARLIEST
VESSELS. LATER VESSELS, AS REPRESENTED AT KHORSAKAD
AND KOUYUNJIK ENEMIES OF THE ASSYRIANS — DISTIN-
GUISHED BY THEIR DRESS ARMENIANS AND PARTHIANS OB
PERSIANS. CAPTIVES AND TRIBUTE FROM INDIA THE ARADS
THE JEWS.—THE BABYLONIANS THE PHOENICIANS. NOR-
THERN NATIONS. — IDENTIFICATION OF ENEMIES OF THE AS-
SYRIANS WITH THOSE OF THE EGYPTIANS.
As the Assyrians possessed disciplined and orga-
nised troops, it is probable that they were also ac-
quainted, to a certain extent, with military tactics,
and that their battles were fought upon some kind
of system. We know that such was the case with
the Egyptians; and their monuments show that
amongst their enemies, also, there were nations not
unacquainted with the military science. They had
bodies of troops in reserve; they advanced and re-
treated in rank, and performed various manoeuvres.
Although, in the Assyrian sculptures, we have no
attempt at an actual representation of the general
plan of a battle, as in some Egyptian bas-reliefs,
yet from the order in which the soldiers are drawn


Chap. V.]
363
POMP OF THE KINGS.
up before the castle walls, and from the phalanx
which they then appear to form, it seems highly
probable that similar means were adopted to resist
the assaults of the enemy in the open field.
The king himself, attended by his vizir, his eu-
nuchs, and principal officers of state, was present in
battle, and not only commanded, but took an active
part in the affray. Even Sardanapalus, when called
upon to place himself at the head of his armies to
meet the invading Medes, showed a courage equal
to the occasion, and repulsed his enemies. Like the
Persian monarchs who succeeded him in the dominion
of Asia, the Assyrian king was accompanied to the
war, however distant his seat might be, by his wives,
his concubines, and his children, and by an enormous
retinue of servants. Even his nobles were similarly
attended. Their couches were of gold and silver,
and the hangings of the richest materials. Vessels
of the same precious metals were used at their tables;
their tents were made of the most costly stuffs, and
were even adorned with precious stones.* They
were also accompanied by musicians, who are repre-
* The canopy or tent of Holofernes was of purple, gold, and emeralds
and precious stones; and every man had gold and silver (vessels) out of
the king's house. (Judith, z. 24.) This book contains an interesting ac-
count of the luxurious manner of living of the great Assyrian warriors,
confirming what has been said in the text, and showing that the Persians
were, in this respect, as almost in every other, imitators of the Assyrians.
Herodotus (lib. ix. c. 82. and 83.) describes the equipage, furnished with
gold and silver, and with various coloured hangings, and the gold and
silver couches and tables, found in the tents of Mardonius after the defeat
of the Persian army. They had been left by Xerxes when he fled from
Greece.


364
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS. [Chap. V.
sented in the sculptures as walking before the -war-
riors, on their triumphant return from battle.
The army was followed by a crowd of sutlers,
servants, and grooms; who, whilst adding to its
bulk, acted as an impediment upon its movements,
and carried ruin and desolation into the countries
through which it passed. As this multitude could
not depend entirely for supplies upon the inha-
bitants, whom they unmercifully pillaged, provi-
sions in great abundance, as well as live stock, were
carried with them. Holofernes, in marching from
Nineveh with his army, took with him "camels
and asses for their carriage, a very great number,
and sheep, and oxen, and goats without number, for
their provision; and plenty of victuals for every
man."*
Quintus Curtius f thus describes the march of a
Persian army : — The signal was given from the tent
of the king, on the top of which, so as to be seen
by all, was placed an image of the sun, in crystal.
The holy fire was borne on altars of silver, sur-
rounded by the priests, chanting their sacred hymns.
They were followed by three hundred and sixty-five
youths, according to the number of the days in the
year, dressed in purple garments. The chariot, dedi-
cated to the supreme deity (Jovi), or to the sun, was
drawn by snow-white horses, led by grooms wearing
white garments, and carrying golden wands. The
* Judith, ii. 17.
f Lib. iii. c. 3.; and compare Herodotus's description of the army of
Xerxes, 1. vii. c. 61.


3(JG
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS. [Cu.ip. V.
Ten thousand warriors, bearing spears, whose staffs
were of silver and heads of gold followed the royal
chariot. The king's led horses, forty in number, and
thirty thousand footmen, concluded the procession.
At the distance of one stadium, followed the mother
and wife of the king, in chariots. A crowd of
women, the handmaidens and ladies of the queens,
accompanied them on horseback. Fifteen cars, called
armamaxa?, carried the children of the king, their
tutors and nurses, and the eunuchs. The king's three
hundred and sixty concubines, who accompanied him,
were adorned with royal splendour. Six hundred
mules and three hundred camels bore the royal trea-
sury, guarded by the archers. The friends and re-
lations of the ladies were mingled with a crowd of
cooks and servants of all kinds. The procession was
closed by the light-armed troops.
The armies were provided with the engines, and
materials necessary for the siege of the cities they
might meet with, in their expedition. If any natural
obstructions impeded the approach to a castle, such
as a forest or a river, they were, if possible, removed.
Rivers were turned out of their courses, if they im-
peded the operations of the army*; and warriors are
frequently represented in the sculptures cutting down
trees which surround a hostile city.
The first step, in a siege, was probably to advance
the battering-ram. If the castle was built, as in the
plains of Assyria and Babylonia, upon an artificial
* In the Stratagemata of Frontinus (1. iii. c. 7. s. 5.) Scmiramis, like
Cyrus, is said to have taken Babylon by turning off the river.


Chai-. V.] THE BATTE1UNG-RAM.
367
eminence, an inclined plane, reaching to the summit
of the mound, was formed of earth, stones, or trees,
and the besiegers were then able to bring their en-
gines to the foot of the walls. This road was not
unfrequently covered with bricks, forming a kind of
paved way, up which the ponderous machines could
be drawn without much difficulty.
This mode of reaching the walls of a city is fre-
quently alluded to by the prophets, and is described
by Isaiah:—"Thus saith the Lord, concerning the
king of Assyria, He shall not come into this city,
nor shoot an arrow there, nor come before it with
shields, nor cast a bank against it." * Similar ap-
proaches were used by the Egyptians.! They not
only enabled the besiegers to push their battering-
rams up to the castle, but at the same time to esca-
lade the walls, the summit of which might otherwise
have been beyond the reach of their ladders.
The battering-rams were of several kinds. Some
were joined to moveable towers which held warriors
and armed men. The whole then formed one great
temporary building, the top of which is represented in
the sculptures, as on a level with the walls, and even
turrets, of the besieged city. In some bas-reliefs the
battering-ram is without wheels; it was then per-
* Chap. xxxvii. 33.; and compare 2 Kings, xix. 32.; Jeremiah, xxxii.
24., and xxxiii. 4. The shields mentioned by the prophet were probably
the large kind made of wicker-work, represented in the Nimroud sculp-
tures, and were used exclusively fur a siege; those carried by the warriors
in battle being smaller, and generally round.
| Ezekiel, xvii. 17. "Neither shall Pharaoh, with his mighty army
and great company, make for him in tha war, by casting up mounts, and
building forts, to cut off many persons."


368
[Cdap. V.
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS.
haps constructed on the spot, and was not intended
to be moved. The moveable tower was probably

Battering Ham With moeeahle ToWftr c: mailing Wairiora. M . W. lal-icc. KiinruUilJ
sometimes unprovided with the ram; but I have
not met with it so represented in the sculptures.
When Nebuchadnezzar, king of Babylon, besieged
Jerusalem, he " built forts against it round about."*
These forts or towers, if stationary, were solidly con-
structed of wood; if moveable, they consisted of a
light frame covered with wicker-work. The Jews
were forbidden to cut down and employ, for this pur-
* Jeremiah, lii. 4.


370
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS. [Ciur.Y.
Sometimes it may have been covered with hides. It
moved either on four or on six wheels, and was
provided with one ram or with two. The mode of
working the rams cannot be determined from the As-
syrian sculptures. It may be presumed, from the re-
presentations in the bas-reliefs, that they were partly
suspended by a rope fastened to the outside of the
machine, and that men directed and impelled them
from within. Such was the plan adopted by the
Egyptians, in whose paintings the warriors, working
the ram, may be seen through the frame.*
Sometimes this engine was ornamented by a carved
or painted figure of the presiding divinity, kneeling
on one knee and drawing a bow.t
The artificial tower was usually occupied by two
warriors; one discharged his arrows against the be-
sieged, whom he was able from his lofty position to
harass more effectually than if he had been below;
the other held up a shield for his companion's defence.
Warriors are not unfrequently represented as stepping
from the machine to the battlements.
Ezekiel alludes to all these modes of attack. "£<ay
siege against it," he exclaims, speaking of the city of
Jerusalem, "and build a fort against it, and cast a
mount against it; set the camp also against it, and
set battering-rams against it round about." J
. Archers on the walls hurled stones from slings,
* Wilkinson's Ancient Egyptians, vol. i. plate, p. 360.
f This device is seen on a battering-rain in a bas-relief engraved in
my "Monuments of Nineveh," Plate 19.
J Ch. iv. ver. 2.


Chap. V.]
371
MINES.
and discharged their arrows against the warriors in
the artificial towers; whilst the rest of the besieged
were no less active in endeavouring to frustrate the
attempts of the assailants to make breaches in their
walls. By dropping a doubled chain or rope from the
battlements, they caught the ram, and could either
destroy its efficacy altogether, or break the force of
its blows. Those below, however, by placing hooks
over the engine, and throwing their whole weight
upon them, struggled to retain it in its place.*
The besieged, if unable to displace the battering-
ram, sought to destroy it by fire, and threw lighted
torches, or fire-brands, upon it. But water was
poured upon the flames, through pipes attached to
the artificial tower.
Other engines an:l instruments of war were em-
ployed by the besiegers. With a kind of catapult,
apparently consisting of a light wooden frame covered
with canvass or hides, they threw large stones and
darts against the besieged, who, in their turn, en-
deavoured to set fire to it by torches. A long staff
with an iron head, resembling a spear, was used to
force stones out of the walls. Mines were also
opened, and the assailants sought to enter the castle
through concealed passages.f Those who worked at
them, or advanced to the attack, were perhaps pro-
tected by the testudo, as represented in the Egyptian
* "Monuments of Nineveh," Plate 19. Uzziah made large machines
for battering walls, and instruments to cast stones, and grappling irons,
and other instruments. (2 Chron. xxvi. 15., and Joscphus, lib. ix. c. 10.)
■(' All these modes of attack and defence arc represented in the plate
before referred to, and in Plate 29.
B B 2


37.2 NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS. [Char. V.
Warriors forcing Stºnes out of the lower Part of the wall of a besiegel City
(S W. Palace, Nimroud.)
paintings; but this defence is not seen in the As-
syrian sculptures.
Attempts were made to set fire to the gates of the
city by placing torches against them *, or to break
them open with axes.
Mounting to the assault by ladders was constantly
practised, and appears to have been the most general
mode of attacking a castle; for ladders are found on
those bas-reliefs, in which neither the battering-ram
nor other engines are introduced. They reached to
* “Abimelech went hard unto the door of the tower to burn it with
fire.” (Judges, ix. 52.)
f It is remarkable that the battering-ram is not introduced in the
sculptures hitherto discovered at Kouyunjik, nor, as far as I am aware,
in those of Khorsabad. It would appear, therefore, that at the period of
the building of those edifices, it had fallen into disuse. Scaling ladders
appear in Egyptian sculptures as early as the nineteenth dynasty.
Ramses III. is seen taking a city, by their means, at Medinet Habou.


To race pass 372 vol I
---
- º)
Kºº Exº -
º ---
-
º º
º ſ.
º §§ º
º O
º
ºnnºh
A CITY TAKEN BY Assault, AND THE INHABITANTs LED Away CAPTIVE
Kouyunik





ChAP. V.]
373
DEFENCE OF THE WALES.
the top of the battlements, and several persons could
ascend them at the same time. "Whilst warriors,
armed with the sword and spear, scaled the walls,
archers posted at the foot of the ladders kept the
enemy in check, and drove them from the walls.
The troops of the besieging army were ranged
in ranks below. The king was frequently present
during the attack. Descending from his chariot,
which remained stationary at a short distance behind
him, he discharged his arrows against the enemy.
He was attended by his shield-bearer, and eunuchs,
one of whom generally held over him the emblem of
royalty, the umbrella, whilst the others bore his arms.
He is sometimes represented in his chariots, superin-
tending the operations, or repulsing a sally. War-
riors of high rank likewise came in chariots, accom-
panied by their shield-bearers and charioteers.* The
vizir and the chief of the eunuchs are frequently seen
in the midst of the combatants.
The besieging warriors were protected, as I have
already mentioned, by large shields of wicker-work,
sometimes covered with hides, which concealed the
entire person. Three men frequently formed a group;
one held the shield, a second drew the bow, and a
third stood ready with a sword to defend the archer
and shield-bearer, in case the enemy should sally from
the castle.
The besieged manned the battlements with archers
and slingers, who discharged their missiles against
* "The choicest valleys shall be full of chariots, and the horsemen
shall set themselves in array at the gate." (Isaiah, xxii. 7.)
b b 3


Chap. V.] CAPTIVES. 375
people of Samaria.* Eunuchs and scribes were ap-
pointed to take an inventory of the spoil. They
appear to have stood near the gates, and wrote down
with a pen, probably upon rolls of leather, the num-
ber of prisoners, sheep, and oxen, and the amount of
the booty, which issued from the city. The women
were sometimes taken away in bullock-carts, and arc
usually seen in the bas-reliefs bearing a part of their
property with them—either a vase or a sack, perhaps
filled with household stuff. They were sometimes
accompanied by their children, and are generally re-
presented as tearing their hair, throwing dust upon
their heads, and bewailing their lot.
After the city had been taken, a throne for the
king appears to have been placed in some con-
spicuous spot within the walls. He is represented
in the sculptures as sitting upon it, attended by
his eunuchs and principal officers, and receiving
the prisoners brought bound into his presence. The
chiefs prostrate themselves before him, whilst he
places his foot upon their necks, as Joshua com-
manded the captains of Israel to put their feet
upon the necks of the captive kings.f This custom
• 2 Kings, xvii. 24. According to Josephus (lib. ix. c. 12.) Tiglath-
pileser having taken Damascus removed all the inhabitants, and peopled
the city with his own subjects. So, also, when Nebuchadnezzar took
Jerusalem, he carried away all the people captive, and "burned the
king's house and the houses of the people with fire, and brake down the
walls." (Jeremiah, xxxix. 8 and 9.)
f "And it came to pass, when they brought out those kings unto
Joshua, that Joshua called for all the men of Israel, and said unto the
captains of the men of war which went with him, Come near, put your
feet upon the necks of these kings. And they came near, and put their
B B 4


Chai-. V.]
377
THE SACK OF A CITS'.
tives are seen bringing small models of their cities to
the victorious king, as a token of their subjection.
Similar models are borne in triumphal processions.
The heads of the slain were generally collected,
and brought either to the king or to an officer ap-
pointed to take account of their number.* This mode
of reckoning the loss of the enemy was long resorted
to in the East.
As soon as the soldiers entered the captured city,
they began to plunder, and then hurried away with
the spoil. They led off the horses, carried forth
on their shoulders furniture,
and vessels of gold, silver,
and other metals; and made
prisoners of the inhabitants,
who, probably, became the
property of those who seized
them.
The Assyrian warriors are
seen in the sculptures bear-
ing away in triumph the
idols of the conquered na-
tions, or breaking them into
pieces, weighing them in scales, and dividing the
fragments.! Thus Hosea prophesied that the calf

* See woodcut, p. 184. When Ahab's seventy sons were killed, their
heads were cut off, and brought in baskets to Jezreel. They were after-
wards laid " in two heaps at the entering in of the gate." (2 Kings, x. 8.)
The Egyptians generally counted by hands.
f In a bas-relief from Khorsabad: "Babylon is taken, Bel is con-
founded, Merodach is broken in pieces; her idols are confounded, her
images arc broken in pieces." (Jeremiah, 1, 2.) Compare Isaiah, xxi. 9.


378 NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS. [CHAP. V.
the idol of Samaria, should be carried away by the
Assyrians”
When the city had been sacked, it was usually
given up to the flames, and utterly destroyed. The
surrounding country was also laid waste.f. If it had
been a capital—a place of strength and renown —
it was seldom rebuilt on the same spot; which was
avoided, as unfortunate, by those who survived the
catastrophe and returned to the ruins.
Ezekiel, in prophesying the destruction of Tyre by
Nebuchadrezzar, has faithfully recorded the events of
a siege, and the treatment of the conquered people.
His description illustrates the bas-reliefs of Nim-
roud. -
“Thus saith the Lord God; Behold, I will bring
upon Tyrus Nebuchadrezzar king of Babylon, a
king of kings, from the north, with horses, and with
chariots, and with horsemen, and companies, and
much people. He shall slay with the sword thy
daughters in the field: and he shall make a fort
against thee, and cast a mount against thee, and lift
up the buckler against thee. And he shall set en-
gines of war against thy walls, and with his axes he
* Ch. x. ver, 6. And Jeremiah declares that the Babylonians shall
kindle a fire in the houses of the gods of the Egyptians, “and burn them,
and carry them away captive." (Ch. xliii. ver. 12.) In a bas-relief from
the centre palace of Nimroud, the Assyrian warriors were represented
carrying away the image of a bird. See woodcut, p. 462.
f When Holofernes took Damascus, “he went into the plain in the
time of wheat harvest, and burnt up all the fields, and destroyed the
flocks and herds; also he spoiled the cities, and utterly wasted the coun-
tries, and smote all the young men with the edge of the sword.” (Judith,
ii. 27.)


CHAP. W.] SHIPS. 379
-----------------
shall break down thy towers. By reason of the
abundance of his horses, their dust shall cover thee :
thy walls shall shake at the noise of the horsemen,
and of the wheels, and of the chariots, when he shall
enter into thy gates, as men enter into a city wherein
is made a breach. With the hoofs of his horses shall
he tread down all thy streets : he shall slay thy
people by the sword, and thy strong garrisons shall
go down to the ground. And they shall make a spoil
of thy riches, and make a prey of thy merchandise:
and they shall break down thy walls and destroy
thy pleasant houses: and they shall lay thy stones,
and thy timber and thy dust in the midst of the
water.”*
Although the Assyrians were properly an inland
people, yet their conquests and expeditions, particu-
larly at a later period, brought them into contact
with maritime nations. We consequently find, on
the monuments of Khorsabad and Kouyunjik, fre-
quent representations of naval engagements and
operations on the sea-coast. In the most ancient
palace of Nimroud, only bas-reliefs with a river have
been discovered; they furnish us, however, with the
forms of vessels, evidently of Assyrian construction—
all those in the sculptures of Khorsabad and Kouy-
unjik belonging probably to allies or to the enemy.
It may be presumed that the rivers navigated by the
early Assyrians, and represented in their bas-reliefs,
were the Tigris, Euphrates and Khabour.

* Ch. xxvi. ver 7–12.


Chap. V.]
381
SHIPS.
were in his day at Babylon. But the boats which
excited the wonder of Herodotus seem to have been
more solidly built, and were capable of bearing ani-
mals, to which purpose the modern raft could not be
applied. They were probably more like the circular
vessels now used at Baghdad, built of boughs, and
sometimes covered with skins, over which bitumen is
smeared, to render the whole waterproof. The boats
commonly employed for the conveyance of goods and
animals, on the lower part of the Tigris and Eu-
phrates, and for ferries on all parts of those rivers,
are constructed of planks of poplar wood, rudely
joined together by iron nails or wooden pins, and
coated with bitumen.
In a bas-relief, from the most ancient palace of
Nimroud, two kinds of boats are introduced. The
larger vessel contains the king in his chariot, with
his attendants and eunuchs. It is both impelled by
oars and towed by men. The smaller resembles
that described by Herodotus. The head does not

A 1 oat ca-rylng a Chariot and Men floating on iaflitM Skim
differ in form from the stern, and two men sit face
to face at the oars.
In this bas-relief are also represented men sup-


382
[Chap. V.
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS.
porting themselves upon inflated skins, — a manner
of crossing rivers still generally practised in Meso-
potamia.
The larger boats were steered by a long oar; to
the end of which was attached a square or oval board.
This oar was held in its place by a rope fastened to
a wooden pin at the stern. By this contrivance the
steersman had considerable control over the vessel,
and could impel it, or turn the head at pleasure.
This mode of steering and propelling boats, still pre-
vails on the Mesopotamian rivers.
It may be presumed, that the Assyrians soon ac-
quired a more intimate acquaintance with the art of
ship-building, than is displayed by these rude ves-
sels; although they may not have put their know-
ledge in practice on the rivers. A tradition has even
assigned the invention of ships to Semiramis.* In a
bas-relief, from the centre palace of Niinroud, vessels
were represented with a mast, and with a carved
prow and stern, both ornamented with the head of
an animal or bird, probably in metal.f They were
also impelled by oars; and from the relative size
between them and the figures, they do not appear
to have been larger than the rude boats of the
earlier monuments. The mast was retained in its
position by two ropes. The oars Avere long, and the
blade projected at an angle with the handle. They
• Pliny, lib. vii. 417. That the Chaldees were skilful ship-builders,
"and exulted in their ships," we learn from Isaiah, xliii. 14.
t See woodcut, p. 395. In this ornament at the prow and stern they
resemble some of the Egyptian war-galleys, and those of the Greeks and
Romans.


Chap. V.]
383
SHIPS.
were probably used like paddles, which they re-
semble, indeed, in form. Although these ships were
near a castle, it would appear—from the fish and
marine monsters in the water— that the sea, and not
a river, was represented.
The vessels of the Khorsabad sculptures show
a considerable advance in the knowledge of ship-
building. That they did not belong to the Assy-
rians, but to some allied nation, appears to be indi-
cated by the peculiar costume of the figures in them.*
The form of the vessel is not inelegant: it is that of
a sea monster—the prow being in the shape of the
head of a horse, and the stern is that of the tail of a

A 8hip. (Klicrsahid )
* Small boats similarly constructed are, however, introduced into a
bas-relief, which appears to represent a scene on an Assyrian river or lake.
(Sec woodcut, p. 273.)


384
[Chap V.
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS.
fish. Several men stand at the oars. The mast, sup-
ported by two ropes, appears to be surmounted by a
box, or what is technically called a crow's nest; which,
in the galleys of the Egyptians, frequently held an
archer.
From the nature of the animals and fish swarming
in the water round the vessels, the Khorsabad bas-
reliefs,— like that which I have just described —
evidently represent an event on the sea. A castle
stands on the shore, and the ships are employed in
bringing planks; and beams of wood, to form an
artificial approach, by which the besiegers may reach
the walls. Some of these planks are dragged, at the
stern of the vessels, by ropes; others are on deck.
In the sea is seen a figure with the human form to
the waist, and with the tail of a fish. The horned
cap connects it with the sacred emblems of the
Assyrian sculptures, and we may, probably, recognise
in it Oannes, or the Chaldaean sea god.*
But it was in the sculptures of Kouyunjik, that
vessels were found represented in the greatest per-
fection. From their position, in the bas-reliefs, with
reference to the besieging army, it would seem that
they did not belong to the Assyrians themselves; but
to a people with whom they were at war, and whom
they appear to have conquered. The sea was also
here indicated by the nature of the fish and marine
animals; such as the star or jelly fish, and a kind
of shark. A castle stood on the shore; and the
* A sea-piece, such as that described in the text, is amongst the
Assyrian bas-reliefs in the Louvre.


386 NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS. [Cbap. V.
represented on certain coins of ancient date; which,
although not yet satisfactorily classed, evidently be-
long to the period of the Persian supremacy in Asia.
This may be inferred by their having on one side

the effigy of the king in his chariot, attended by his
charioteer, as found on darics and cylinders un-
doubtedly Persian.

Coin of uncertain Origin. conjocVUrcJ to fcaea heta itrock 1a a City on the Syrian Coast durio4
tht Occupation.
These coins, which are rare, have been discovered
both in Babylonia and on the coasts of Cilicia and
Syria *, and were probably struck by the cities on
* Those in the British Museum, from the collection of Mr. Rich, were
principally found in the bed of the Euphrates, near
Babylon; but, as they


388
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS. [Chap. V.
similarly constructed, and on the other the head of
an Assyrian goddess.
The castles of the maritime people, whose conquest
is recorded by the Kouyunjik bas-reliefs, are distin-
guished by the shields hung round the walls. This
peculiarity appears to illustrate a passage in Ezekiel
concerning Tyre: "The men of Arvad with thine
army were upon the walls round about, and the Gam-
madims were in thy towers: they hanged their shields
upon thy walls round about."* We have no other
allusion to this custom in Holy Writ; and its par-
ticular mention in con-
nection with Tyre, may
perhaps be considered a
further proof in favour of
the identification of the
event, recorded by the
sculptures, with a siege
and capture of that city.
Around the sides of the vessels were also sus-
pended the shields of the warriors; and a similar
custom appears to have prevailed amongst other
nations in the infancy of the art of ship-building.f
The Tyrian vessels were constructed of the most
costly materials. The sails were of " fine linen with
embroidered work from Egypt;" and the ornaments
were of "blue and purple from the isles of Elisha."
The benches were of ivory, and, it will be remarked,
were made by Assyrian workmen, of whose skill we

* Ezekiel, xxvii. 11.
f On the sides of the upper deck of the Chinese junks are suspended
the shields and arms of the crew.


Chap. V.]
389
SHIPS.
have full proof in the beautiful carvings from Nim-
roud. The oars were of the wood of the oaks of
Bashan, the planks of fir-trees from the mountain
of Senir, and the masts of cedar of Lebanon. The
people of Zidon and Arvad were employed as ma-
riners, and the management and sailing of the ship
were confided to the pilots of Tyre, who, through
long experience, were well versed in the art of navi-
gation, and were consequently looked upon as "the
wise men" in a city of sailors and merchants.* In
these vessels the Phoenicians coasted along the shores
of the Mediterranean, and carried on an active com-
merce with very distant nations; establishing their
colonies, and diffusing far and wide their civilisation,
their arts, and their language.
Besides the vessel I have described, a smaller is
represented in the same bas-reliefs. It has also a
double tier of rowers; but the head and stern are

Galley. (Kouyunjik.)
* The 27th chapter of Ezekiel contains a complete description of the
vessels of the Tyrians, and is a most important and interesting record
of the commercial intercourse of the nations of antiquity.
c c 3


300
[Cuai-. V.
NINEVEU AND ITS REMAINS.
differently constructed from those of the larger
galley, and both being of the same shape, are not to
be distinguished one from the other, except by the
position of the rowers. They rise high above the
water, and are flat at the top, with a beak projecting
outwards. This vessel had no mast, and was im-
pelled entirely by oars. On the upper deck are seen
warriors armed with spears, and women.
It is impossible to determine, from the sculptures,
the size of the vessels; as the relative proportions
between them and the figures they contain are not
preserved. It is most probable that the four rowers
in each tier are merely a conventional number; and
we cannot, therefore, conjecture the length of the ship
from them.
No representations of naval engagements, as on
the monuments of Egypt, have yet been found in the
Assyrian edifices. It is most probable that, not being a
maritime people, the Assyrians—a$the Persians did
afterwards—made use of the fleets of their allies in
their expeditions by sea, furnishing warriors to man
the ships.
The bas-reliefs hitherto discovered in Assyria,
principally record the wars and triumphs of the As-
syrians, and represent their achievements in battle.
Their enemies, therefore, are frequently portrayed in
them. On the earlier monuments the conquered are
marked by two distinct costumes. In the series of
sculptures, forming the southern side of the great hall
in the north-west palace*, they are principally distin-
guished by the absence of helmets and armour. A
* Hall B, plan 3.


Chap. V.] ENEMIES OF THE ASSYRIANS. 391
simple fillet, or band, binds their temples, and in no
instance have they any other head-dress. Their long
hair, and beards, are less carefully and elaborately
arranged than those of the Assyrians; but this dis-
tinction may be attributed to the malice of the
sculptor, who appears to have wilfully disfigured
the pictures of the enemies of his nation, or at least
to have bestowed less care upon them than upon
those of his own people. They wore short tunics,
descending to the knee. Their sandals were peculiar,
formed apparently by a number of straps, or cross-
bars, from the instep to the sole of the foot. They
used the same arms as the Assyrians, with the ad-
dition of the sling—a weapon which is not seen in
the hands of the conquerors in the most ancient bas-
reliefs. The women were clothed in long embroidered
robes descending to the ankles, fitting tight over the
breasts (which are indicated in the sculptures), and
confined at the waist by a girdle. Their hair fell
loosely over their shoulders. The conquered have no
very marked peculiarity in the form of their features,
to distinguish them from the Assyrians; and if their
race or nation was shown at all, it was, probably, as
on the monuments of Egypt, by colour, which has
completely disappeared. There is nothing in the
bas-reliefs to show the region they inhabited. They
possessed walled cities, some standing on a river;
and their country was apparently wooded, as trees are
generally represented in the sculptures. It may be
presumed that they were not far behind their con-
querors in civilisation; for they were acquainted with
c c 4


392
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS. [Chap. V.
the use of the pulley; and, it may be inferred from
their castle gates, with the principle of the arch.
They possessed chariots drawn by horses nearly as
richly caparisoned as those of the Assyrians. Their
chariot-wheels had eight, or even twelve spokes, dif-
fering in this respect from those of the conquerors.
On a bas-relief, representing captives brought before
the king, we find—amongst vases and bowls of elegant
shapes — objects resembling elephants' tusks, bundles
of precious wood, and shawls; this would appear to
connect the conquered people with some Asiatic
nation far to the east of Assyria.
The other conquered race, represented in the
earliest sculptures of Nimroud, are chiefly distin-
guished by their conical caps; which are not pointed,
like the Assyrian helmet, but rounded at the top, and
apparently made of felt, or bands of linen. They
wore high boots reaching half-way up the calf of the
leg, and turned up at the toes, like those still in use
in Persia and Turkey; and were dressed either in
short tunics, scarcely covering the knee, or in robes
descending to the ankles. Their hair, although long,
was not curled, but was gathered into a bunch be-
hind; the end being either tucked under the cap, or
confined by a band passing round the temples. On
the northern side of the great hall of the north-west
palace, were discovered two bas-reliefs*, representing
the siege of the city belonging to this people, which
stood on the banks of the river. Beneath the walls
* Nos. 27. and 28. hall B, plan 3. No. 27. will be placed in the British
Museum.


Chap. V.]
393
ENEMIES OF THE ASSYRIANS.
the armies of the two nations are seen in battle — the
Assyrians in chariots, their enemies chiefly on horses.
One of the horsemen turns back, like the Parthians of

Flying Warrior dL*cha:ging aa Aiuw. (N. W. Palace Nirnrcud )
old, whilst his horse is at full speed, to discharge an
arrow against his pursuers.*
* "Fidentemque fuga Parthum, versbque sagittis."
Vibg. Georg. 3.
And
"Versis animosum equis
Parthum." Hob. Carm. lib. i. ode xix.
Justin (lib. xli. c. 2.) describes this mode of combating as peculiar to
the Parthians, and very dangerous to those incautiously engaging in their
pursuit. That the same custom existed at a very early period amongst
the Persians, we learn from Xenophon. (Anabasis, book iii. ch. 3.)


CHAP. W.] ENEMIES OF THE ASSYRIANS. 395
which the name of the son of the builder of the
north-west palace occurs. They record the subju-
gation of several nations. In some were represented
warriors on fleet camels, fleeing from the Assyrians.
Women, also mounted on camels, were seen escaping
from their enemies.” The head-dress of the men was
a simple fillet passing round the temples, the hair
being either confined by it, or sometimes allowed to
fall loose on the shoulders. They wore short tunics
or aprons from the waist to the knee, the rest of the
body being left naked. The women were clothed in
robes descending to the ankles, and their hair was long.
This people appears to have possessed large flocks of
Walled City standing on a River or on the sea, (Centre Palace, Nimroud)
* The saddles of the camels appear to have consisted of a square pad
or seat placed upon the hump.


396
[Chap. V.
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS.
camels, sheep, goats, and horned cattle, and to have
inhabited a country producing the palm-tree. As
they used camels in war, we may conjecture that
they were Arabs living either in the south of Meso-
potamia, or in a part of the Arabian Peninsula.*
Another conquered people represented in these bas-
reliefs dwelt in fortified cities standing on the banks
of a river, and having palms within and without
the walls. The men wore their hair loose, and were
mostly armed with bows. After their cities had been
captured, the women were taken away in square carts,
drawn by oxen. These carts had wheels with eight
spokes. The palm-trees represented in the bas-reliefs
may indicate some part of Babylonia.

Captiee women in a Cart dra-xu hy Oxen (Centre Palace, Niroroud.)
A third nation, whose subjugation is recorded, had
cities or castles built on the tops of mountains. They
wore helmets ornamented with a curved crest, and
were armed with spears and bows.
A fourth possessed walled cities surrounded by lofty
ramparts, and wore caps apparently formed of bands
of linen, resembling the Phrygian cap reversed. They
* The Arabs, tnounted on camels, formed a part of the great army of
Xerxes, and the camel-riding Shasu (Arabs) are frequently mentioned in
the monumental inscriptions of Egypt.





Chap. V.] ENEMIES OF THE ASSYRIANS.
897
were armed with spears and bows. The women are
distinguished by hoods covering the head, and falling
over the shoulders. In one bas-relief the captive
king, or chief, of this people is seen crouching before
the Assyrian king, who is placing the end of a spear,
or wand, on the head of his prostrate foe in token of
triumph.
In two bas-reliefs built into the walls of the south-
west palace, but not originally belonging to that
building, were represented the victories of the Assy-
rians over warriors, who wore a helmet with a curved
crest, resembling in shape that in early use amongst
the Greeks.*
The subjugation of several nations was recorded on
the walls of Khorsabad. The captives, and tribute-
bearers, were generally distinguished by caps or
turbans, fitting closely to the head, and apparently
made of folds of linen, or some similar material. It
has been conjectured that they are Jews; but, un-
less the inscriptions furnish some evidence of the
fact, there is nothing, I think, sufficiently marked,
either in their physiognomy or dress, to identify
them with that people.f Several heads from these
bas-reliefs are now in the British Museum. The
features may certainly be distinguished from those
of the Assyrians, particularly in the shape of the
nose, which is very hooked: but this is a peculiarity
* See woodcut, p. 28. of this volume.
f It has been suggested that one of the names written over the be-
sieged city in a Khorsabad bas-relief is that of Ashdod, or Azotus,
against which Sargon, king of Assyria, sent Tartan. (Isaiah, xx.)


398
[CiiAp. V.
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS.
common to several eastern races, and not confined to
the Jew. The hair and beard are less elaborately
curled; but, as it has already been observed, they may
have been left unfinished by the sculptor, to mark the
distinction between the conquerors and the conquered.
The head-dress of another vanquished people con-
sists of a hood, which completely covers the head,
conceals the hair, and falls over the shoulders, re-
sembling that of the women in some of the bas-reliefs
from the centre of the mound at Nimroud.
Men dressed in skins were represented amongst the
conquered nations at Khorsabad and Kouyunjik.
The only Asiatic people thus clothed in the army of
Xerxes, according to Herodotus, were the Caspians
and the Pactyes, who wore goat-skins. Some of the
skins in the Khorsabad sculptures appear to be those
of leopards; if so, the wearers may be identified with
an African nation.*
Monsieur Flandin conjectures, that negroes are in-
cluded amongst the conquered people of the Khorsabad
bas-reliefs. In a drawing he has given to a prisoner
the well-known negro features, and the short woolly
hair. But the only bas-relief in which he believes
the negro to occur is very much injured; and a little
too much imagination may have been resorted to in
its restoration.
* They may, however, be the skins of spotted gazelles. The skins may
indicate, as on Egyptian monuments, a division of the human race.
The Egyptians ethnographically divided mankind into four branches :—
1. the Rut, themselves; 2. the Naamu, or Nations, the Scmitics;
3. the Nahsi, or Negroes; and 4. the Tamuhu, or Northerns, who are
distinguished by the ostrich-feathers on their heads, and by tunics of
goat-skins.


CHAP. W.] ENEMIES OF THE ASSYRIANS. 399
The tribute brought by the subject nations por-
trayed in the Khorsabad sculptures consists chiefly
of vases and bowls, ear-rings, bracelets, and other
ornaments, all probably made of the precious metals.
The conquerors, after the sacking of a city, carry
away couches, tables, and chariots. The chariots
differ from those of the Assyrians in the form of the
yoke, (which is very distinctly represented in a bas.
relief.) in the pole, in the four-spoked wheel, and
in having an angular projection at the back.
chariot carried away by the Assyrians, amongst other spoil, from a captured city (thorsata".)
At Kouyunjik, as I have already had occasion to
observe, the conquest of a different people appears to
have been recorded on the walls of each chamber. It
was during the reign of one of the kings to whom I
would attribute the foundation of this magnificent
edifice, either Sennacherib, Esarhaddon, or Shalma-
neser, that the bounds of the empire were enlarged to
an unexampled extent. Almost the whole of western
-


400
[Chat. V.
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS.
Asia was overrun by the Assyrians; and their vic-
torious armies, having subdued Syria and Judaea, and
carried away captive their monarchs and their in-
habitants, penetrated through Egypt into Ethiopia
and Lybia. Records of these conquests still exist in
Syria, in Cyprus, and in various parts of Asia Minor.*
I have pointed out on what grounds we may iden-
tify with the Tyrians, or with the Phoenicians in-
habiting the Syrian coasts, the maritime people re-
presented in the sculptures. History has recorded
the conquest of Tyre by Shalmaneser f; and the
tablet at the Nahr-el-Kelb, near Beyrout, bears, I
conjecture, either his name or that of a monarch of
the same dynasty. The Kouyunjik bas-reliefs may,
• * I discovered the name of the Kouyunjik king on the rock-tablet at
the mouth of the Nahr-el-Kelb (the Lycus), near Beyrout, of which a cast,
taken by Mr. Bonomi, is in the British Museum. It is curious that, in a bas-
relief found at Khorsabad, a niche, containing a figure precisely similar to
that at the Nahr-el-Kelb, was represented on the walls of a castle. I have
not been able to examine, or to obtain an accurate description, of the
Assyrian monument recently discovered in Cyprus, and now at Berlin.
I am inclined, however, to believe that it is of the same period as the
Syrian bas-reliefs.
f Josephus (lib. ix. c. 14.) states that Shalmaneser warred against
Tyre when EIuIebus was king. According to Menander, as quoted by
the Jewish historian, the Assyrian monarch subdued the whole of Phoe-
nicia. The Tyrians having revolted, Shalmaneser attacked them with
sixty vessels and eight hundred rowers, furnished by the inhabitants of
the other maritime cities. The Tyrians, however, engaged this large
fleet with only twelve galleys, completely dispersed it, and took five hun-
dred men prisoners. The Assyrians then invested the city for five years,
cutting off the communication of the inhabitants with the rivers and wells
which furnished them with freshwater. Eusebius, quoting from Abyde-
nus, states that Sennacherib defeated the Greek fleet on the Sicilian coast.
The whole passage is curious, as connecting Sennacherib with a Sarda-
napalus of history, and attributing to him the building of Tarsus, in the
form of Babylon, with the Cydnus running through the centre.


Chap. V.] ENEMIES OF THE ASSYRIANS.
401
therefore, portray this event. In them the con-
quered people are distinguished by the absence of
both head-dress and helmet—their hair falling loosely
on their" shoulders. The women wear high turbans
or mitres, to the back of which a veil appears to have
been attached.
Amongst other conquered people were represented
the inhabitants of a city, which stood between two
rivers, and in the midst of groves of palm-trees.*
They may have been the Babylonians, and the bas-
reliefs may have recorded the reconquest of their city
after one of those rebellions, alluded to in history,
in which they had thrown off the Assyrian yoke.f
Another subdued nation had castles built on lofty
mountains, and in the midst of forests. Some cities,
captured by the Assyrians at this period, were built
on the banks of rivers, in the midst of vineyards,
and on mountains clothed with firs or pines.J The
fir, which does not grow, as far as I am aware, in
the mountains of Kurdistan, seems to indicate a
country far to the north of Assyria Proper.
On the walls of one chamber the Assyrian warriors
were represented taking by assault a city built in
the midst of mountains and forests. The walls
were defended by men armed with spears and bows,
and carrying small square shields. § They were
clothed in short tunics descending to the knee, and
* "Monuments of Nineveh," Plates 72 and 73.
f Under Merodach Baladan, for instance.
t "Monuments of Nineveh," Plates 74. 77, 78, 79, 80, and 81.
§ See woodcut facing p. 372.
VOL. II. D D


402 NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS. [CHAP. W.
confined at the waist by a girdle. Their hair was
gathered in a bunch at the back of the head, or
was cut short. The women wore long robes, or-
namented with fringes. Their hair was either con-
fined by a fillet passing round the temples, or was
completely concealed by a hood, which, covering
the head and lower part of the face, fell over the
shoulders. When driven away captive by the Assy-
rians, they carried their children with them *, and
bore in their hands vases, bowls, and skins filled with
water or provisions.
In the sculptures of Kouyunjik, sheep, goats, and
horned cattle were frequently included amongst the
spoil taken from the conquered nations. From a
burning city, containing large
buildings several stories in
height, the Assyrian warriors
were represented hurrying
away with vases, chariots,
couches, beds, horses fully ca-
parisoned, and various other
objects, the nature of which
I could not determine, as the
bas-reliefs had been greatly
injured. Women riding upon
mules, and mules laden with
booty, were also introduced ºr ºty-
into a procession of captives.f
* The younger children were represented seated on the mother's
shoulder, and held by the leg.
f “Monuments of Nineveh,” Plate 74.
: Id., Plates 82 and 83.


404
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS. [Chap. V.
may be inferred, by their being generally named
with Naharaina and Singara.* They resemble a
people whose conquest by the Assyrians is recorded
in the bas-reliefs of Khorsabad and Kouyunjik f,
and who, like the Khita, inhabited castles, carried
square or oblong shields, and wore hoods over their
heads.
The Shairutana of the Egyptian monuments have
many peculiarities in common with the Assyrians
of the most recent bas-reliefs of Nimroud; but the
helmet, ornamented with horns and surmounted by
a crest, consisting of a ball on a small shaft, is not
Assyrian. They carried a round shield, a long spear,
a javelin, and a pointed sword; and wore a short
dress, over which was a coat of mail, or. a cuirass of
broad metal plates overlying each other, adapted to
the form of the body, and secured at the waist by a
girdle. They allowed their beards to grow, and had
large ear-rings. Their features were distinguished
by a prominent aquiline nose, and their complexion
was lighter than that of the Egyptians.J The Tok-
kari, or Takaru, also, bear some resemblance to a
people represented in the Assyrian sculptures, both
in their arms and dress, and in the shape of the carts
drawn by oxen.§
• Menander, as quoted by Josephus (lib. ix. c. 14.), mentions the con-
quest of a nation called the Kittasi by EluUeus, king of Tyre. They
must have been a maritime people, for the Tyrians are said to have sailed
against them.
f See woodcut facing p. 372.
J Wilkinson's Ancient Egyptians, vol. i. p. 365.
§ See woodcut, p. 396.


CHAP. W.] ENEMIES OF THE ASSYRIANS. 405
Mr. Birch is inclined to identify the Ruten-nu, or
Lodan-nu, of the Statistical Tablet of Karnak with the
Cappadocians, or Leuco-Syrians, inhabiting the coun-
try to the north and south of the Taurus; who,
he conjectures, are also represented at Khorsabad.
Their physical characteristics in the Egyptian sculp-
tures are a light complexion, brown or red hair,
and blue eyes; and they bring horses, chariots, rare
woods, ivory, gloves, a bear, and gold and silver
vases, with the head of Baal. They wore tight
dresses, apparently of wool, fastened in front with a
buckle, and carried objects like long gloves.” That
the Ruten inhabited a country adjoining the Assy-
rians may be inferred, from their being mentioned
in geographical lists between Naharaina (Mesopo-
tamia), and Singara (Sinjar). Amongst the spoil
represented as brought from a conquered city at
Khorsabad, is the chariot closely resembling, in its
yoke and four-spoked wheels, that seen at Thebes
amongst the objects of tribute of this people.f
It is singular that the name of Assyria cannot be
satisfactorily identified as that of a conquered nation
on any Egyptian monument. With the exception
of the Statistical Tablet of Karnak, in which, as it has
been seen, Nineveh appears to be mentioned $, there
* Memoir on the Statistical Tablet of Karnak, p. 17.
i Wilkinson's Ancient Egyptians, vol. i. p. 377. ; and see woodcut of
chariot, p. 399.
f At Medinet Habou there appears to be, amongst other names of
conquered Asiatic nations, “Atur,” which Mr. Birch connects with Ataru,
Aturia; but the reading is, I believe, doubtful. (Memoir on the Statis-
tical Tablet of Karnak, p. 24.)
§ See page 224.


406 NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS. [Chap. V.
is no record of any expedition undertaken by the
Egyptians beyond Mesopotamia into Assyria Proper.
Naharaina and the Euphrates seem to have been the
boundaries of their conquests. Assyria may have
been at that period too powerful to invite invasion;
or a campaign against it, proving unsuccessful, may
not have been recorded. Among the people beyond
Syria, subdued by the Egyptians, are only mentioned
the inhabitants of Naharaina and Singara, and the
Khita, and the Ruten; and, unless either of those
nations include the Assyrians, we must infer that the
Sinjar formed the limits of the Egyptian expeditions
in this part of Asia. The Ruten and the Khita may,
perhaps, be identified with some of the tribes with
whom the Assyrians themselves were at war; but in
the Egyptian sculptures we do not find those peculiari-
ties in the costume, and in the forms of the chariots
and horse-furniture, which would satisfactorily con-
nect the people represented with the inhabitants of
Nineveh. It can scarcely be doubted that had the
Assyrian warriors of the early Nimroud bas-reliefs
been amongst the Egyptian captives, these distinc-
tions would have been carefully portrayed. Nor, it
will be remembered, does the name of Babel, or
Babylon, more than once occur in the great statis-
tical tablet of Karnak; whilst Singara and Naharaina
are continually included amongst the conquered na-
tions. Neither is there any mention of the great
cities situated between Nineveh and Babylon, and
in Susiana, nor of the rivers flowing into the Tigris
after its passage through the Taurus. These facts


Chap. V.] ENEMIES OF THE ASSYRIANS.
407
appear to prove that the Egyptians had not, at an
early period, carried their conquests into Assyria
Proper, Babylonia, or Chaldaea, although there are
strong grounds for suspecting that they were not
unacquainted with the inhabitants of those countries,
but that, on the contrary, they had felt the influence
which the Assyrians exercised over Asia.*
* I am indebted to Mr. Birch for the following note with regard to the
various people mentioned in the text. "Different opinions exist as to
whom the Sharu or Kharu are to be referred. They cannot be Assyrians,
for in one of the hieratic papyri (Select Papyri, Ixxxiv. 1. 11.), the
writer states, 'thou hast a galley going to the Sharu,' which would
apparently refer to a galley coasting along the Mediterranean, probably
for the sake of wine, which in another papyrus is especially alluded to as
their product. (Select Papyri, pi. xcvii. 1. 1.) The earliest mention of
them is in the Statistical Tablet of Karnak, in the reign of Thothmes III.,
when they supplied Egypt with bows. (Birch, Gallery, p. 88—192., and
Statistical Tablet.) They are the Syri or Syrians. Osburn (Ancient
Egypt, p. 57.) supposes the name to be Tyre, IV, Tsur, which is nearly the
same. According to Dr. Hincks (An Attempt to ascertain the Letters of
the Hieroglyphic Alphabet, p. 15.) it is Khelbon, XaXu'/jwr, or Aleppo.
The necklaces and ear-rings are probably in the shape of the goddess
Astarte, or Ashtaroth. The name is distinct from Tyre, written in
hieroglyphics ' Turu,' and from Kaleb, written with very different sym-
bols. From their maritime position they were probably Syrians in general.
The Kbits were probably a Mesopotamian people. They have been con-
jectured to be the Scythians (Charopollion, Lettres Ecrites, p. 151.
501.), the Shethites or Moabites (Osburn, Ancient Egypt, p. 136.), the
Hittites (cf. Bunsen, iEgyptens Stelle, Buch i. S. 480.), and the Cuthseans
of Mesopotamia (Birch, Gallery, p. 89.). For the reasons for supposing
them to be the Cutlweans, Casdim, or Chaldaeans, see the Statistical
Tablet of Karnak, p. 22 and 23. The Shairutana are always described
as a maritime people, as 'the Shairutana of the Sea.' (Champ. Mon.
Eygpt, pi. ccciii. No. 1.) They appear at the time of the nineteenth
dynasty as allies or enemies of the Pulusatu, or Philistines. They have
been conjectured to be the Sidonians (Osburn, Anc. Egypt, p. 108.), and
the helmet has been supposed to be surmounted by the disk and crescent
of Astarte. All this is, however, doubtful, and another way of writing
Sidon (not to object to the introduction of >'), occurs in the historic
papyri. Did the 'Great Lake,' or 1 Sea,' refer to the Caspian? The
d d 4


Chap. VI.] PBIVATE LIFE OF THE ASSYRIANS. 409
CHAP. VI.
PRIVATE LIFE OF THE ASSYRIANS PUBLIC FESTIVALS.—MUSIC.—
MANUFACTURES. EMBROIDERIES AND CARPETS. METALS.
GOLD AND SILVER. — IRON AND COPPER IVORT.— GLASS.—
AGRICULTURE. — DOMESTIC ANIMALS. — WILD ANIMALS. — THE
LION.—THE WILD BULL. THE IBEX. — HUNTING. PARKS OR
PARADISES. WILD ANIMALS BROUGHT AS TRIBUTE. THE
BACTRIAN CAMEL, ELEPHANT, AND RHINOCEROS.—MONKEYS AND
APES. — BIRDS FISH. — TREES.
The monuments hitherto discovered in Assyria furnish
us with few details illustrating the private life and
domestic economy of those who raised them. The
bas-reliefs are mostly public records of conquests, tri-
umphs, and great religious ceremonies. As they were
placed in palaces and temples, they could, of course,
but refer to national events; no others being worthy
of so conspicuous a position. If any memorial of the
private life of an individual were preserved, or if his
peculiar profession or trade were indicated, it must
have been in his own dwelling, or in his tomb, as in
Egypt. Hitherto, only the public buildings of Assy-
ria have been discovered, and we have consequently
only the public records. If the interiors of houses
and the occupations of their inmates, are represented
in the bas-reliefs, they are casually introduced, to
illustrate or to convey more fully the meaning of
the general subject. Thus within the walls of castles
belonging to the Assyrians, or captured by them,


Chap. VI.] ASSYRIAN FESTIVITIES.
411
sembled in the gardens of his palace, and were served
in vessels of gold. The richest tapestries adorned
the halls and tents, and the most costly couches were
prepared for the guests.* Wine was served in abun-
dance, and women, including even the wives and con-
cubines of the monarch, were frequently present to
add to the magnificence of the scene. According to
Quintus Curtius, not only did hired female per-
formers exhibit on these occasions, but the wives and
daughters of the nobles, forgetting their modesty,
danced before the guests, divesting themselves even
of their garments.f Wine was drunk immoderately.
When Babylon was taken by the Persians, the in-
habitants were celebrating one of their great festivals,
and even the guards were intoxicated.J The Baby-
lonian king, ignorant of the approaching fate of his
capital, and surrounded by one thousand of his
princes and nobles, and by his wives and concubines,
drank out of the golden vessels that had been carried
away from the Jewish temple. § On the walls of the
palace at Khorsabad was a bas-relief representing a
public feast, probably in celebration of a victory.
Men were seen seated on high chairs with drinking-
cups in their hands; whilst attendants were bringing
in bowls, goblets, and various fruits and viands, for
* Esther, 1.; Daniel, v.
t That it was subsequently the custom of the Persians to introduce
their wives and concubines at their public banquets, is shown by the
anecdote of Amyntas and the Persian ambassadors, related by Herodotus.
(Lib. v. c. 18.)
J Xenophon, Cyrop. yii. 5.; Ilerod. 1. i. c. 191.
§ Daniel, v. 2.


Chap. VI.]
413
MANUFACTURES.
tiful ornaments, but with groups of human figures
and animals. Of all Asiatic nations, the Babylonians
were most noted for the weaving of cloth of divers
colours. In these stuffs gold threads were intro-
duced into the woof of many hues.* Amongst those
who traded in "blue clothes and embroidered work"
with Tyre, were the merchants of Asshur or As-
syria f; and that the garments of Babylon were
brought into Syria, and greatly esteemed at a very
early period, we learn from their being classed
amongst the most precious articles of spoil, even
with gold, in the time of Joshua.J They formed,
perhaps, "the dyed attire and embroidered work"
so frequently mentioned in the Scriptures as the
garments of princes and the most costly gifts of
kings. The ornaments and figures upon them may
either have been dyed, worked in the loom, or em-
broidered with the needle, Uke "the prey of divers
colours of needle-work, of divers colours of needle-
work on both sides." §
The cotton manufactures of Babylon were as re-
markable for brilliancy of colour as fineness of tex-
ture, and Pliny attributes the invention of cotton weav-
ing to Semiramis.|| The silken robes of Assyria were
equally esteemed. The looms of Babylon maintained
* Pliny, viii. 48. t Ezekiel, xxvii. 24.
J Joshua, vii. 21. Acban confesses to Joshua that "when he saw
among the spoils a goodly Babylonish garment, and two hundred shekels
of silver, and a wedge of gold of fifty shekels weight, he coveted, and
took them."
§ Judges, v. 30. H C. vii. p. 417.


414 NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS. [Chap. VI.
their celebrity long after the fall of the Assyrian
empire—even to the time of the Roman supremacy.*
The carpets of Babylon were no less prized than
her other manufactures. Like the Assyrian robes,
they appear to have been embroidered with figures of
animals and flowers. A purple carpet covered the
tomb of Cyrus; and on the bed upon which the body
was placed ; were Babylonian garments, carpets, and .
purple drapery, f
These manufactures probably formed one of the
principal branches of trade of " this land of traflic and
city of merchants."J The Babylonians and Assy-
rians carried on a considerable commerce with India;
and the costly produce of that peninsula was conveyed
through the Babylonian territories to the most dis-
tant regions of Syria, from whence it was diffused
over western Europe and Asia Minor. §
* According to Plutarch, Cato, receiving a9 a legacy a Babylonish
garment, sold it because too costly for a citizen to wear. Arech, on the
Euphrates, was long celebrated for its looms. Some Babylonian curtains
and draperies were sold, according to Pliny, for nearly 7000/.
t Arrian, vi. 29. The carpets of Babylon, worked with wonderful
animals, are described by Athenaeus, v. p. 197. From Persia they passed
into Greece, (^schyl. Agam. 1. 898, 899. 913. 925.; Aristophanes,
Ran83, 1. 935.; Aristot. Phys. Ausc. iv.; Menander, apud Athen. xi
.
p. 484. 500.) The Parthians appear to have preserved the art of these
manufactures (Pliny, 1. viii. c. 73.), for which the modern Persians and
the inhabitants of the Kurdish mountains are still eminently distin-
guished.
J Ezekiel, xvii. 4.
§ Heeren has fully and ably described the nature and extent of the
commerce of the Babylonians in his Essays on the Policy and Commerce
of the Ancients. The commercial route from India to Syria was first to
the Sabaei and Dedan on the southern and eastern coast of Arabia.
(Isaiah, Ix. 6.; Ezekiel, xxvii. 15. and 20.) It then passed through the


ChAP. VI.]
419
METALS.
of some such combination; but as the Egyptians
appear to have been acquainted, at a very early
period, with steel, and to have used it as well as
bronze, in sculpturing stone, marble, and granite, it
may be inferred that the Assyrians were not igno-
rant of this useful form of iron. The soft limestone
of their monuments would not, however, like the
granite of Egypt, require a very highly tempered
instrument. But the black basalt is hard, offering
considerable resistance to the tools of the sculptor
and we find, consequently, that the Assyrian statues
in this material are less carefully finished than the
bas-reliefs of alabaster.
Antimony is, I believe, found in the Kurdish moun-
tains; but I am not aware of the existence of tin
within the limits of Assyria. Still the Assyrians and
the adjoining nations must have obtained this metal
from their own dominions, or from some country to
the east of them, as it is mentioned amongst the ob-
jects of tribute brought to the Egyptians from that
part of Asia. The nations to the east of Syria would
scarcely have procured it, merely for the purpose of
an offering, from the Phoenicians, who were so much
nearer Egypt.
The Assyrians were equally skilled in working and
casting metals. Amongst the copper figures from
Nimroud, I must particularly mention the lions in
solid metal found under the fallen bull in the great
hall, which are of great beauty, and three hollow
lion's paws, which apparently formed the feet of a
throne or couch.
B K 2


420
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS. [CiiAp. VI.
I have already had occasion to speak of their
dexterity in carving ivory, and have described the
beautiful ornaments in that material discovered at
Nimroud. Although the elephant was not an in-
habitant of Assyria, but was probably brought from
India, its tusks appear to have been an article of
trade between the Assyrians and the nations to the
westward. The workmen, too, of Assyria, were
employed by foreign nations as carvers in ivory;
and we find the company of the Ashurites or As-
syrians, making the benches of that material in the
Tyrian galleys.* The Assyrians had already ex-
tensively used it in the construction of their palaces;
and it was from them, perhaps, that the Jews adopted
it in the decoration of their palaces and furniture f
The human head and limbs carved in ivory, dis-
covered at Nimroud, probably belonged to an entire
figure, the body of which may have been of wood
or metal, like the Chryselephantine statues of the
Greeks, which were of wood inlaid with gold and
ivory. The Assyrians were acquainted with the art
of inlaying. Blue opaque glass, lapis lazuli, and other
* Ezekiel, xxvii. 6. It is possible that some tribe, and not the Assy-
rians, is meant. Mr. Birch conjectures that the Phoenicians, who appear
to have supplied the Greeks with ivory ornaments at a very early perioi',
may have chiefly derived the elephant's tusk from an indirect communi-
cation with India and Bactria through Assyria.
■f Ahab had an ivory house. (1 Kings, xxii. 39.) Ivory palaces are
mentioned in Psalm xlv. 8. And compare Amos, iii. 15. Solomon made
a throne of ivory. (1 Kings, x. 18.) Beds of ivory are spoken of in
Amos, vi. 4. Mr. Birch has collected, in his Memoir on the Nimroud
Ivories (Trans, of R. Soc. of Lit., New Series), various instances of the
early use of ivory amongst the Assyrians, Egyptians, and Greeks.


Chap. VI.]
AGRICULTURE. » 421
substances of various colours are let into the ivory
tablets from Nimroud.
They had also acquired the art of making glass.*
Several small bottles or vases of elegant shape, in
this material, were found at Nimroud and Kouyunjik.
One bears the name of the Khorsabad king; and to
none of the specimens discovered can we with certainty
attribute a higher antiquity than the time of that
monarch; although some fragments in the shape of a
dagger from a hall of the north-west palace of Nim-
roud may possibly be more ancient. The gems and
cylinders still frequently found in ruins prove that
the Assyrians were very skilful in engraving on stone.
Many of their seals are most delicately and minutely
ornamented with various sacred devices and with the
figures of animals. Those of the Babylonians are
mentioned by Herodotus, who also describes the heads
of the walking-sticks in the shape of an apple, a rose,
a lily, or an eagle, f These ornaments were probably
carved in ivory or in precious stones.
Herodotus alludes to the extreme fertility of As-
syria, and to its rich harvests of corn, the seed pro-
ducing, according: to his account, two or three hun-
dredfold. The blades of wheat and barley grew to
full four fingers in breadth; and, such was the general
richness of Babylonia, that it supplied the Persian
king and his vast army with subsistence for four
months in the year, whilst the rest of the Persian
* Pliny attributes the invention of glass to the Phoenicians,
t L. i. c. 195.


422
« NINEVEH AND ITS BEMA1NS. [Chap. VI.
dominions furnished provisions for the other eight.*
This, it must be remembered, was when the country-
had lost its independence, and had been reduced to
a mere province. I have already described the mode
of irrigation by artificial canals derived from the
Tigris and Euphrates, which intersect the whole of
the lower part of Mesopotamia, and the country in the
neighbourhood of the rivers in the upper.f The
Assyrians also used machines for raising water from
the river, and from the canals, when it could not be
led into the fields through common conduits. They
were generally obliged to have recourse to this ar-
tificial mode of irrigation, as the banks of the rivers,
and consequently those of the canals, were high above
the level of the water, except during the spring.
At that season of the year the streams, swollen by
the melting of the snows in the Armenian hills, or
by violent rains, overflowed their beds.
The only representation of an agricultural instru-
ment yet found in Assyria or Babylonia is that of a
plough, on a black stone from the ruins opposite
Mosul.J It somewhat resembles in shape that now
in common use. On the same stone is an altar or low
building, before which stands a priest, apparently
performing some religious ceremony: near him are
the sacred tree, a bull, a heap of corn or a hill, a
palm-tree, and a square instrument with a small circle
or wheel at each corner, the nature of which I am
unable to determine. These sculptures are accom-
panied by an inscription in the Babylonian character.
* Herod. L i. c. 192. f Vol. L p. 354.
I Now in the possession of the Earl of Aberdeen.


Chap. VI.]
425
DOMESTIC ANIMALS.
country to the Jews as a "land of corn and wine, a
land of bread and vineyards, a land of olive-oil and of
honey." * Amongst the objects of tribute brought to
the Egyptians from the Tahai, and from Naharaina,
are corn, bread, palm-wine, wine, honey, incense, and
conserve of dates.f
The domestic animals of the ancient Assyrians
were probably such as are still found in the country.
On the monuments are seen sheep, goats, oxen, horses,
mules, and camels. In a bas-relief from the centre of
the Nimroud mound, there appeared to be the figure
of a dog standing near a tent; but the sculpture was
much injured. I have not found any other represent-
ation of this useful domestic animal, although hunting
scenes were portrayed on the walls of Khorsabad.
We learn, however, from Herodotus J, that during the
Persian occupation, the number of Indian dogs kept
in the province of Babylon for the use of the governor
was so great, that four cities were exempted from
taxes for maintaining them. Neither is the ass re-
presented in the sculptures; although Herodotus
mentions it amongst the domestic animals of the
country, and Xenophon amongst the wild.§ The
* 2 Kings, xviii. 32.
f In the hieratic papyri (Select Papyri, pi. xcvi. 15.), a drink called
nekfitaru or nekftar, a word which resembles the celebrated nectar, is
said to come from Saenkar, or Sinjar; it is mentioned with other liquids
or cosmetics from the Arusa, the Khita, the Amaur, the Tachisa, and
Naharaina.
J Lib. i. c. 192. The dog is occasionally seen on cylinders ; and on a
fragment of an ivory tablet in the British Museum are apparently repre-
sented the hind-quarters of a greyhound.
§ Chariots or carts drawn by asses arc mentioned in Isaiah, xxi. 7.


426
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS. [Chap. VI.
mules of the Kouyunjik bas-reliefs appear to belong
to a conquered people; in a procession of captives,
women are seen riding on them, and they carry the
spoil. They are correctly delineated, and may at
once be distinguished from the horse.
The sheep represented in the bas-reliefs are of two
kinds. One has a large broad tail, and is still found
in the country. The tail of the other is smaller. As
they are amongst the spoil, and consequently be-
longed to the enemies of the Assyrians, they may be
the sheep of Arabia which excited the wonder of
Herodotus. "One," says he, "has a large tail, not
less than three cubits in length, which, if suffered
to trail, would ulcerate. The shepherds, therefore,
make little carts to support it. The other has a tail
nearly a cubit in breadth."*
The goats have long spiral horns. The oxen are
evidently of two kinds, one distinguished by horns
curved towards the back of the head, the other having
horns projecting in front. It is possible that this
distinction marks the buffalo and common ox. Of the
Assyrian horses I have already had occasion to speak.
Although the form of the camel is somewhat ex-
aggerated, the character of the animal is faithfully
portrayed. On the obelisk is the two-humped or
Bactrian camel; but it evidently came from afar, and
was not a native of Assyria Proper. The one-humped
camel, as it has been seen, was ridden, even in war, by
• Lib. iii. c. 113. This broad tail is the it'^N mentioned in Leviticus,
iii. 9., vii. 3. &c., translated " the rump" in our version. The sheep is
the ovis laticaudia, Linn. (Gesenius, Heb. Diet.)


Chap. VI.]
431
THE CHASE.
The ibex, or wild goat, is an inhabitant of the
mountains of Kurdistan.* The stag is found in
the forests, and the Assyrian plains are covered with
innumerable flocks of gazelles. More than one species
of wild sheep, only recently known to European na-
turalists, haunt the higher ranges of the mountains.
The ibex was evidently a sacred animal, as it is
carried by the winged figures, and is frequently in-
troduced as an ornament.f A stag, also borne by
a winged priest or divinity, was spotted like the
fallow deer of our parks.
The frequent representation of hunting scenes in
the Assyrian sculptures is a proof of the high estima-
tion in which the chase was held by the people. A
conqueror and the founder of an empire was, at the
same time, a great hunter. His courage, wisdom,
and dexterity were as much shown in encounters
with wild animals as in martial exploits ; he rendered
equal services to his subjects whether he cleared
the country of beasts of prey, or repulsed an enemy.
The scriptural Nimrod, who laid the foundation
of the Assyrian empire, was "a mighty hunter
before the Lord;" and the Ninus of history and
tradition, the builder of Nineveh, and the greatest
of the Assyrian kings, was as renowned for his en-
counters with the lion and leopard, as for his tri-
• It is possible that the animal I have assumed to be the ibex is
sometimes the gazelle.
t See p. 296. of this volume.


432 NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS. [CIIAP. VI.
umphs over warlike nations. We have seen that
the Babylonians, as well as the Assyrians, orna-
mented the walls of their temples and palaces with
pictures and sculptures representing the chase; and
that similar subjects were introduced, even in the
embroideries on their garments.” The Assyrians
were probably also the inventors of the parks, or
paradises, which were afterwards maintained with
so much sumptuousness by the Persian kings, of the
Achaemenian and Sassanian dynasties.f. In these
spacious preserves various kinds of wild animals were
continually kept for the diversion of the king, and
for those who were privileged to join with him in
the chase. They contained lions, tigers, wild boars,
antelopes, and many varieties of birds. As amongst
the Persians, the Assyrian youths were probably
trained to hunting at an early age. Xenophon gives
an interesting account of the hunting expeditions of
the Persians in the time of Cyrus. The king was ac-
companied by half his guard, each man being fur-
nished with a bow, quiver, sword, shield, and two
javelins—armed, indeed, as if he were going to battle.
That such was also the practice amongst the Assy-
rians is shown by the Nimroud bas-reliefs, in which
* Ammianus Marcell. lib. xxvi. c. 6; Diod. Siculus, lib. ii.; Athen.
lib. xii. c. 9. -
+ Xenophon, Cyr. lib. i. c. 3.; Quint. Curt. lib. vii. and viii. These para-
dises were stocked, not only with game of every kind, but with various
trees, shrubs, and plants; and were watered by numerous artificial streams.
The Persian word has passed into various languages, and is used for the
first abode of man before his fall, as well as for the state of eternal hap-
piness.


Cuap.VI.]
433
THE CAMEL.
the king is always represented as accompanied in the
chase by warriors fully equipped; hunting being, as
Xenophon declares, the truest method of practising
all such things as relate to war.*
The animals represented on the obelisk were evi-
dently brought from distant countries, and presented
to the Assyrian king as objects of tribute. The pre-
sence of the two-humped camel proves that they came
from the East, and not from Africa. This animal is
a native of Bactria, or of the great steppes inhabited
by the Tatar tribes. It is unknown to the Arabs,
and is rarely seen to the west of Persia, except
amongst a few isolated families of Turcomans, who
now reside in the north of Syria, and who pro-
bably brought this beast of burden from the north-
east, when they first emigrated.

1 a trian or Two-humped Camels, (Oh -liak. Nimroud.)
The small ears of the elephant, on the same obelisk,
show that the animal is of the Indian, and not the
African species, f
On Egyptian monuments, the elephant is seen,
* Cyrop. lib. i. c. 2. t Elephas Indicus.
VOL. II. F F


434
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS. tCuAP. VI.
amongst other animals, brought as a tribute by an
Asiatic, though not an Indian people.* It was pro-
bably obtained by them from the eastward; for there
is no record of the elephant having been indigenous

ElerLaut. Uic Ourau Guuin (') the Hourmman or small Indian ileukey (.).
( helisk. Nimroud )
in any part of Asia west of the Indus. Although
it appeared in the Persian armies, and might even
have been pastured long previously in the rich plains
of Mesopotamia, it originally came from the Indian
dominions of the great king. Had it been used in
war by the Assyrians, it would doubtless have been
so represented in the sculptures.f
The presence of the rhinoceros on the obelisk fur-
ther points to the Indian origin of the accompanying
animals. It is in several respects incorrectly de-
lineated, the sculptor having given it hoofs, a mane
on the neck, and long hair, which appears to have
* Sir Gardner Wilkinson's Ancient Egyptians, vol. v. p. 176.; vol. i.
pi. iv.
■f The elephant has not been found represented as a beast of burden
on the monuments of Egypt. The only African nation who appear to
have used it in their wars were the Carthaginians.


436
[Cuxr. VI.
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS.
peculiarities, four distinct species of monkeys or apes.
Immediately behind the elephant is a man leading
a large monkey without a tail, which, if from In-
dia, can only be identified with- the ouran outan, no
other monkey found in that country being so distin-
guished.* A man follows with two smaller monkeys,
one raising itself on its hind legs, the other sitting on
the shoulders of its keeper. These may be the hou-
numanf, a monkey regarded with some degree of
religious veneration by the Indians, and frequently
domesticated by them. They appear to be of the

The I ruh cr ;ieat Indian Monkey ( ) and -he Wanderco or Maned Ai> (')
same species as those represented in the large bas-
relief from the north-west palace of NimroudJ, which
are covered with spots or marks, probably intended
to denote long hair.
In a separate group are two monkeys or apes, whose
strength and ferocity are indicated by thick chains
* The only other monkey without a tail is, I believe, the chimpanzee
of Africa
f Simia Entellus.
| "Monuments of Nineveh," plate 40.


Ciur. vr.]
437
MONKEYS.
passed round their bodies, and held by keepers. The
first raises a fore-paw to its mouth; and wears a
necklace of beads. It may be the bruh*, the largest
of the Indian monkey tribe; and it is not altogether
unlike that animal in shape. In the bas-relief it- is
even larger than the man; but the sculptor probably
exaggerated its size. The other monkey is distin-
guished from the rest by a hood or mane rising above
the head and falling over the shoulders. This pecu-
liarity may identify it with the wanderoo, or maned
ape of India.f
The only birds represented on the Assyrian monu-
ments, hitherfo discovered, are the eagle or vulture,
the ostrich and the partridge, and a few smaller birds
at Khorsabad, whose forms are too conventional to
permit of any conjecture as to their species.
The vulture or eagle — for the bird is rarely de-
lineated with sufficient accuracy to enable us to
decide which—is continually seen over the heads of
the conquerors in battle, and in triumphal proces-
sions, and was probably considered typical of vic-
tory. It is also represented feeding on the bodies
of the slain, and flying away with the entrails. J
The ostrich was only found as an ornament on
the robes of figures in the most ancient edifice at
Nimroud.§ As it is accompanied by the emblema-
tical flower, and is frequently introduced on Baby-
lonian and Assyrian cylinders, we may infer that it
was a sacred bird.
* Simia Nemestrinus. t Simia Silenus.
J See woodcut, p. 340.
§ "Monuments of Nineveh," plates 43. and 47.
F F 3


Chap. VII.] RELIGION OF THE ASSYRIANS. 439
chap, vn.
RELIGION OF THE ASSYRIANS. DISTINCTIONS BETWEEN EARLIEST
AND LATEST PERIODS. SAB^EANISM AND WORSHIP OF THE
HEAVENLY BODIES IDENTITY OF ASSYRIAN AND PERSIAN SYS-
TEMS OF FIRE-WORSHIP.— THE CHALDEANS. RELIGIOUS EM-
BLEMS IN THE SCULPTURES. THE WINGED FIGURE IN THE
CIRCLE. BAAL OR BELUS. HERA, VENUS, OR AST ARTE
RHEA. — NISROCU OR EAGLE-HEADED GOD THE GRYPHON
WINGED BULLS AND LIONS THE SPHINX. MYTHOLOGICAL
FIGURES. SYMBOLICAL FIGURES OF EZEKIEL. OANNES OR
THE MAN-FISH. FIRE-WORSHIP. THE MAGI. FLOWERS AND
SACRED EMBLEMS INFLUENCE OF RELIGION ON PUBLIC AND
PRIVATE LIFE. MODE OF BURIAL TOMB OF NINUS. DEATH
AND TOMB OF SAHDANAPALUS. — CONCLUSION.
A general inquiry into the nature of the worship
of the Assyrians would be beyond the scope of
these volumes. I will merely point out how far
their religious system is illustrated by the newly
discovered monuments, and what information, when
better understood, they are likely to furnish on the
subject. As I have more than once had occasion to
observe, a marked distinction may be traced between
the religion of the earliest and latest Assyrians. It
is probable that corruptions gradually crept into their
theology. Originally it may have been a pure Sabaean-
ism, in which the heavenly bodies were worshipped as
mere types of the power and attributes of the supreme
deity. Of the great antiquity of this primitive wor-
ship, there is abundant evidence; and that it origin-
r t 4


410
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS. [Chap. VII.
ated amongst the inhabitants of the Assyrian plains
we have the united testimony of sacred and profane
history. It obtained the epithet of perfect, and was
believed to be "the most ancient of religious systems,
having preceded even that of the Egyptians.*
* "iEgyptiis vero antiquores esse magos Aristoteles auctor est in prirao
de philosophia libro." (Theopomp. Frag.) Iamblichus de Myst. p. 3.
ed. Gale, li/U'c ovv rd p'tv' Aawpiutv irdrpta (in some MSS. Trpiora) (oyiiarti
vapauoaofiiv aoi fiird a\i)6iiue n)v yvuifirjv. The identity of many of the
Assyrian doctrines with those of Egypt, is alluded to by Porphyry and
Clemens. (See Gale, ibid. p. 185.) I am indebted to Mr. Birch for the
following observations on this subject.
"There can be no doubt of the Sabaeanism of the Chaldees, and appa-
rently of the early Assyrians, whose pantheon, from its fusion of human
and animal forms, resembles the Egyptian and Hindhu. The relation of
religion with astronomy is, however, more striking in Assyria than in
Egypt; the system of the latter country being solar, while the Assyrian
worship was rather astral. On the Babylonian cylinders and monuments,
the sun and moon constantly occur, and often seven stars arranged more
in the manner of the Pleiads than of the Great Bear, but probably the
latter. Zodiacal signs are frequently placed in the area along with the
sun, moon, and seven stars, and show unequivocally that the Greeks
derived their notions and arrangements of the Zodiac from the Chaldees:
thus, I. a fish (Cullimore, on Cyl. Nos. 19. 28. 88. 113.) stands for pisees;
II. the extraordinary combination, Capricorn (Ibid. 29, 30. 32.), on
cylinders bearing, in the lapidary Babylonian cuneiforms, the name of
Nebuchadnezzar; III. a woman, Virgo (Ibid. 50. 94. 117. 91.); IV. the
two men, Gemini (Ibid. 65. 70. 94.) with Capricorn (Ibid. 71.); VI. the
bull, Taurus (Ibid. 91, 92. 106. 156.); VII. the Archer, Sagittarius
(Ibid. 107.). Other signs appear to be, IX. a man, probably Aquarius
(Ibid. 51. 95. 66. 112.); X. an uncertain and ill-defined animal, perhaps
a dog (Ibid. 51, 52, 53. 57.); XI. a goat (Ibid. 107. 136. 95. 93. 112,
113.); XII. a lion, Leo (Ibid. 91. 94.). I do not pretend to explain every
symbol on these cylinders, but all those which I have selected are placed
in the area, are not essential to the general *subject, and are of smaller
proportions than the principal figures, which may also have an astro-
nomical import. The identity of Nimrod and the constellation Orion is
not to be rejected; and Nimrod may be one of the divinities standing on
a dog with eight stars behind him (Ibid. 157.). Another God with four
wings, each terminating in a star (Ibid. 153.), is apparently a constel-
lation, as also the god seated on a throne with eight stars all round him.


Chap. VII.] RELIGION OF THE ASSYRIANS. 441
On the earliest monuments we have no traces of
fire-worship, which was a corruption of the purer
form of Sabaeanism; but in the bas-reliefs of Khors-
abad and Kouyunjik, as well as on a multitude of
cylinders of the same age, we have abundant proofs
of its subsequent prevalence in Assyria. Although
we may not at present possess sufficient materials
to illustrate the most ancient Sabaeanism of the
Assyrians, we may, I think, pretty confidently judge
of the nature of the worship of a later period. The
symbols and religious ceremonies represented at
Khorsabad and Kouyunjik, and on the cylinders, are
identical with those of the ancient monuments of
Persia; at the same time, the sculptures of Perse-
polis, in their mythic character, resemble in every
respect those of the Assyrians. We have the same
types and groups to embody ideas of the divinity and
to convey sacred subjects. When the close connec-
tion, in early ages, between religion and art is borne
in mind, it will be at once conceded, that a nation
like the Persian would not borrow mere forms without
attaching to them their original signification.* If
even this were not, as a general rule, the case, there
is still at Persepolis sufficient to prove that the re-
ligious symbols of the Persians were adopted from the
Assyrians. The form of supreme deity (the winged
(Ibid. 153.)" The strange animal forms on the Babylonian relic called
the " Caillou de Michaud," have apparently some reference to the zodiacal
signs: amongst them is the scorpion.
* The connection, as exhibited by art, between Assyria and Persia,
illustrated in a previous chapter, is sufficient, I think, to prove the origin
of the symbols and myths of the Persians.


Chap. VII.]
THE CHALDJEASS.
have recognised the Assyrian source of their religion
when they declared Perseus, the founder of their race,
to have been an Assyrian.*
The origin of the Chaldaean theology has ever been
a favourite theme of the poet and philosopher. The
Assyrian plains, uninterrupted by a single eminence,
and rarely shadowed by a passing cloud, were looked
upon as a fit place for the birth of a system which
recognised the heavenly bodies as types of the su-
preme power, and invested them with supernatural
influences. The wonderful regularity of their pe-
riodical movements, and even their effects upon
the physical world, must have been apparent to
the Chaldean shepherd long before they became the
study of the philosopher and the priest. Whilst
he watched his sheep by night, he marked the stars
. as they rose above the horizon, and learned to dis-
tinguish one from another, and to invest the most
remarkable groups with distinct forms. If the at-
tributes of the Deity were to be typified, — if the
his birth many thousand years before that of Moses: whilst others would
fain bring the time of his ministry down to the reign of Darius Hystaspes.
According to Suidas he was a Chaldean. That the fire-worship did not
originate with any Zoroaster may perhaps be inferred from the concur-
rent testimony of ancient authors. According to a fragment of Apol-
lonius (69. ed. Muller), Ninus taught the Assyrians to worship fire: and
so Marcellinus (1.23.), "Oujus scientist seculis priscis multa ex Chal-
dneorum arcanis Bactrianus addidit Zoroastris."
* Herodotus, 1. vi. c. 54. Some traditions made this Perseus a great
astronomer, who instructed men in the knowledge of the stars. Uipaivg
i 'HXioc (Perseus is the sun) says the scholiast in Lycophr. v. 18. Ac-
cording to some, he married Astarte, the daughter of Belus. All these
traditions point to his Assyrian origin.


444 NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS. [Chap. VII.
limited intellect of man required palpable symbols
to convey ideas which he could not understand in
the abstract, more appropriate objects could not have
been chosen then those bright luminaries whose mo-
tions and influences were enveloped in mystery, al-
though they themselves were constantly present.
The* transition from this adoration to a national
system of astronomy is natural; and it is not sur-
prising that the Chaldaeans, having been the first to in-
vest the heavenly bodies with sacred properties, should
also have been the first to cultivate the sublimest of
sciences.* The periodical movements of the heavenly
* "Principio Assyrii, propter planitiera magnitudinemque regionum
quos incolebant, cum coelum ex omni parte patens et apertum iutuerentur,
trajectiones motusque stellarum observaverunt." (Cicero de Divin. I. i)
The greatest of our modern poets has thus beautifully conveyed the sen-
timent and philosophy of this Chaldamn star-worship: —
"Chaldocan shepherds, ranging trackless fields,
Beneath the concave of unclouded skies
Spread like a sea in boundless solitude,
Looked on the polar star, as on a guide
And guardian of their course, that never closed
His stedfast eye. The planetary Five
With a submissive reverence they beheld;
Watched, from the centre of their sleeping flocks,
Those radiant Mercuries, that seemed to move,
Carrying through ether, in perpetual round,
Decrees and resolutions of the Gods;
And, by their aspects, signifying works
Of dim futurity, to Man revealed.
The imaginative faculty was lord
Of observations natural: and, thus
Led on, those shepherds made report of stars
In set rotation passing to and fro,
Between the orbs of our apparent sphere
And its invisible counterpart, adorned


Cuap.VJI.] SACRED SYMBOLS. 447
edifice they are constantly introduced as ornaments,
particularly on the chariots. They are frequently
accompanied by seven disks, which probably represent
the seven great heavenly bodies, that mysterious
number so prevalent in the Sabaean system, or per-
haps the Pleiads, like which they are grouped.*
It will be observed, that in the earliest sculptures
of Nimroud the king is only seen in adoration before
one symbol of the deity — the figure with the wings
and tail of a bird enclosed in a circle, resembling the
Ormuzd of the Persian monuments. Although there
are eagle-headed figures, and other mythic forms,
yet in no case do they appear to be objects of
worship. The king is generally standing or kneeling
beneath this figure in the circle, his hand raised in
sign of prayer or adoration f ; and if the sacred tree is
before him, it is only, it may be presumed, as a type.
The same symbol is also seen above him when in
battle, and during his triumphal return. It is never
represented above any person of inferior rank, but
appears to watch especially over the monarch, who
was probably typical of the nation. When over the
ders, evidently refer to a mythological system j but a particular notice
of them would lead me into an unsuitable digression.
* See note, p. 299. Vol. I. The seven stars are mentioned in Amos, v.
8., and in Job, ix. 9., xxxviii. 31., where they are translated in our version
the Pleiads. As there are, however, but six bright stars in this group,
the seven stars may, perhaps, represent Ursa-Major.
f Two kings are frequently represented kneeling or standing beneath
the winged figure; but whether the two are representations of the same
monarch, or whether they show the father and son associated in the
government, or two friendly monarchs concluding a treaty, I cannot
determine. The two figures are identical in every respect, and I am in-
clined to think that but one monarch is intended.


448
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS. [Cmr. VIT.
king in battle it
shoots, against
the enemies of
the Assyrians,
an arrow, which
has a head in
the shape of a
trident. If it
presides over a
triumph, its ac-
tion resembles
that of the king,
the right hand
being elevated,
and the left
holding the un-
bent bow; if
over a religious
ceremony, it car-
, . Emhlems of the Deity. (N. W. Palace. Nimrc-ud.)
nes a ring, or
raises the extended right hand. This emblem does
not always preserve the form of the winged figure in
the circle, but sometimes assumes that of a winged
globe, wheel, or disk, either plain, or ornamented with
leaves like a flower. In this shape, its resemblance
to the winged globe of Egypt cannot be overlooked.*
* This is one of the representations most intimately connected with
Egypt, resembling the symbol found on the cornices of tablets as early
as the twelfth dynasty. In Egypt it was the sun, with the wings of a
scarab; a red snlar disk, and two pendent uraei. It is called the "Hunt,"
(the name of the Coptic Atfoo, or Edfoo, Apollinopolis magna). M.
Lajard, as I have already observed, endeavours to derive the Egyp-





Chap. VII.] BABYLONIAN DEITIES. 451
The descriptions handed down to us of the contents
of the Babylonian temples are highly interesting, as
illustrative of the monuments recently discovered.
According to Diodorus Siculus, the three deities
worshipped in the great temple at Babylon, were
Belus (or Jupiter), Hera, and Rhea, whose statues
were of beaten gold. Belus was represented upright,
in the act of walking. His statue, weighing 1000
Babylonian talents, was forty feet in height. Rhea,
seated on a chair of gold, had two lions at the sides
of her knees, and near her were large silver serpents.
Hera stood erect, holding in her right hand a serpent
by the head, and in her left a sceptre ornamented
with precious stones. Before these deities was a
table of silver, and on it were placed three golden
cups, one for each deity.
In a bas-relief, probably of the later Assyrian
period, discovered in the ruins of the south-west
palace at Nimroud, we have a procession of warriors
carrying on their shoulders four images. It is doubt-
ful whether they are the idols of a conquered people
borne in triumph by the conquerors, or whether the
sculpture commemorates the celebration of some re-
ligious ceremony, during which the statues of the gods
were carried in procession by the people, like those of
the Virgin and saints in Roman Catholic countries.
The Roman author may have substituted these names for others. It has
been mentioned that "Nini" is an emendation by Scaliger, the MSS.
having "Pacis." Belus was confounded with Mars. "After Ninus
reigned Thyrras, whom they named Mars. He was very mighty and
warlike, and the Assyrians placed him amongst the gods, naming him
Belus, or Mars, the god of battles." (Arch, of John of Antioch, in
Cramer, Anecdota Grseca, vol. ii. p. 386.)
q g 2


Chap. VII.]
453
EPISTLE OF JEREMY.
that offendeth him holdeth a sceptre, as though he
were a judge of the country. He hath also in his
right hand a dagger and an axe." He is represented
in the bas-relief with an axe; and the introduction of
this weapon could scarcely have been accidental. The
sculpture, therefore, appears to corroborate the au-
thenticity of, and to illustrate the epistle.
The same epistle furnishes us with several in-
teresting details as to the nature of the Babylonian
idols. We learn that they were frequently made of
wood and laid over with gold, and that parts of them
were polished by the workmen. Crowns were made
for their heads; they were decked in garments, and
covered with purple raiment *; and fires or lamps
were kept burning before them.
This account appears to confirm the assertion of
Diodorus, that the statues in the Babylonian temples
were made' of beaten gold, or that they were gilded
so as to have that appearance. Nor must the propor-
tions assigned to them by the geographer be deemed
exaggerated, if we remember that the image of gold
set up by Nebuchadnezzar in the plain of Dura was
threescore cubits in height, and six cubits in breadth! f
The figure in the bas-relief has horns on its head;
and would consequently appear to be connected with
the divinity wearing the horned cap, so frequently
* Compare Jeremiah, x. 9. "Silver spread into plates is brought from
Tarshish, and gold from Uphaz, the work of the workman, and of the
hands of the founder: blue and purple is their clothing: they are all the
work of cunning men." These idols at Babylon were of gold, silver,
brass, iron, wood, and stone. (Daniel, v. 4.)
f Daniel, iii. 1.
a a 3


456 NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS. [Chap. VTT.
She was "the Queen of Heaven," frequently al-
luded to in the sacred volumes.* Diodorus mentions
the vases which were placed on tables before the
divinities in the Babylonian temple; the prophet de-
scribes the drink offerings to her; and in the sculp-
tures, the king is constantly represented with a cup
in one hand, in the act of performing some religious
ceremony. The planet, which bore her name, was
sacred to her; and in the Assyrian sculptures, a
star is placed upon her head. She was called Beltis,
because she was the female form of the great divinity,
or Baal; the two, there is reason to conjecture,
having been originally but one, and androgyne, f Her
worship penetrated from Assyria into Asia Minor,
where its Assyrian origin was recognised.J In the
rock-tablets of Pterium she is represented, as in
those of Assyria, standing erect on a lion §, and
crowned with a tower, or mural coronet; which, we
learn from Lucian, was peculiar to the Semitic figure
of the goddess. || This may have been a modification
Armenians, who evidently owed its introduction to the Assyrians.
(Herod, i. 199.; Strabo, xi. 16. and xii. 36.)
• Jeremiah, vii. 18., xliv. 17, &c.
t Hesychius, voce Bi/Xrijc; Megasthenes, apud Abydenum; Euseb.
Priepar. Evang. ix. 41.; Plut. in Vita Crassi. The Persian Mithra was
also originally androgyne.
I For the worship of Anaitis, or the Assyrian Venus, in Armenia, we
have the authority of Strabo, Geog. 1. xi.; Pliny, Hist. Nat. 1. iv. c. 20.;
Dion Cassius, 1. xxxvi. c. 32—36. A district of that country was called
the Anaitic region.
§ Texier, Description de l'Asie Mineure, vol. i. part i. pi. 78.
|| In the Syrian temple of Hierapolis she was represented standing on
a lion, crowned with a tower, and having a cestus or zone round her waist.
(De Dea Syria, 31, 32.) Mylitta (Astarta), with her feet on the lion, is
also mentioned, Macrob. Saturn, i. 23. May she be connected with the


To face page 456 Vol II
HERA, OF THE Assy RIAN VENUs (From a Rock Tablet near the ancient Pterium )





Chap. VII.]
457
RHEA.
of the high cap of the Assyrian bas-reliefs. To the
Shemites she was known under the names of As-
tarte*, Ashtaroth, Mylitta, and Alitta, according to
the various dialects of the nations amongst which her
worship prevailed.
The goddess Rhea, with her lions and serpents, as
described by Diodorus, may perhaps be identified
both in the rock-sculptures of Malthaiyah, and in the
bas-relief from Nimroud.f In these sculptures she
is seen, like Astarte and other divinities, with a star
upon her head. J This shows a connection with some
system in which the heavenly bodies formed a prin-
cipal feature; but the representation in a human form
"El Maozem," the deity presiding over bulwarks and fortresses, the
"god of forces," of Daniel, xi. 38. P
* It has been conjectured that this name was derived from the word
"star" in the primitive Indo-European languages, from whence, it is
well known, came the Persian name of Satara, the daughter of Darius,
and that of the biblical Esther. David Kimchi, a Hebrew commentator,
connects the name of Ashtaroth with a word signifying an egg, a curious
coincidence with the tradition of Aphrodite and Semiramis. (Selden, de
Dis Syriis, c. 2.) In a fragment of Sanchoniathon, Astarte, travelling
about the habitable world, is said to have found a star falling through the
air, which she took up, and consecrated in the holy island Tyre; hence
the Phoenicians said that Astarte was Aphrodite. (Cory's Fragments.)
According to a tradition resembling the Orphic legends, Aphrodite was
born of an egg which fell out of heaven into the Euphrates, and was
incubated by two pigeons. (Hygin. fab. 197., Schol. ad Geron. 233.)
Also Ampelius (1. 2.) says — " Dicitur et in Euphrate fluvio ovum piscis
in ora fluminis columbas assedisse dies plurimos, et exclusisse deam be-
nignant et misericordiam hominibus ad bonam vitam : " — connecting the
fables of Semiramis and Dcrceto.
f This divinity was probably the O/wpuKa or O/iopra of Berosus (apud
Alex. Polyhistor ; Euseb. Chron. 1. i. c. 11.), the Thalath (6<iAare) of the
Chaldees. She was particularly honoured by the Trojans and Phrygians,
who may have received her worship from the Assyrians. (Strabo, 1. x.)
J This custom of placing the figure of a star upon the heads of idols
is probably alluded to by the prophet. "The star of your god, which ye
made to yourselves." (Amos, v. 26.)


460
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS. [Chap. VII.
The winged human-headed lions and bulls, those
magnificent forms which guarded the portals of the
Assyrian temples, next deserve notice. Not only are
they found as separate sculptures, but, like the eagle-
headed figures, are constantly introduced into the
groups embroidered on the robes. It is worthy of
observation that, whenever they are represented,
either in contest with the man, or with the eagle-
headed figure, they appear to be vanquished. Such
is also the case on cylinders. Frequently a human
figure is seen suspending them in the air by the hind
legs, or striking them with a mace. I have already
ventured to suggest the idea which these singular
forms were intended to convey — the union of the
greatest intellectual and physical powers; but cer-
tainly their position with reference to other symbolical
figures, would point to an inferiority in the celestial
hierarchy. Although the andro-sphinx of the Egyp-
tians was the type of the monarch, we can scarcely
believe it to have been so amongst the Assyrians;
for in the sculptures we find even the eagle-headed
figure, the vanquisher of the human-headed lion and
bull, ministering to the king. Whether the sphinx
originated with the Assyrians, or with the Egyp-
tians, may now become a question of some interest.
It may not, perhaps, be out of place to remark that
it was first introduced into Egypt in the time of
the Assyrian sculptures in bis Egyptian form, unless the Priapean figure
on the vase discovered at Nimroud (Vol. I. p. 128.) has reference to bis
worship. As to all the Assyrian and Syrian deities, see Selden, de Dts
Syriis.


462 NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS. [Chap. VTL

Eaaloheaded Figure. (8. W. Palace. Nimroud.)
To all these images some mythic meaning was un-
doubtedly attached.* They were emblematical, repre-
* The Iynges, or sacred birds, belonged to the Babylonian, and pro-
bably to the Assyrian religion. They were a kind of demons, who exer-

Warriora carrying a Bird. (Centre Palace. Nimroud )


464
NINEVEH AND ITS KEMAINS. [Chap VII.
at present, to conjecture the signification of any of
them; nor am I able to determine the character of the
winged human figures which so frequently occur on
the walls of Assyrian buildings. They may be the
representations of presiding deities, or genii; or of
priests who, during the celebration of sacred cere-
monies, assumed that which was believed to be the
outward form of the divinities. In two instances
they were portrayed as females. Sometimes they bear
animals or plants, either for sacrifice or as types. As
they are frequently seen in an act of adoration before
the king (whom they generally accompany), or before
the mystic tree, their divine character may be ques-
tioned. They may perhaps be identified with the
good spirits, or Amshaspands, of the later Persian
theology.
The resemblance between the symbolical figures I
have described, and those seen by Ezekiel in his vision,
can scarcely fail to strike the reader. As the prophet
had beheld the Assyrian palaces, with their mysterious
images and gorgeous decorations, it is highly proba-
ble that, when seeking to typify certain divine attri-
butes, and to describe the divine glory, he chose forms
that were not only familiar to him, but to the people
whom he addressed—captives like himself in the land
of Assyria. Those who were uncorrupted by even
the outward forms of idolatry, sought for images to
convey the idea of the Supreme God. Ezekiel saw in
his vision the likeness of four living creatures, which
had four faces, four wings, and the hands of a man
under their wings on their four sides. Their faces


466
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS. [Chap.VTL
I must not omit to allude to the tradition pre-
served by Berosus, which appears to attribute to a
foreign nation, arriving by sea, the introduction, at
some remote period, of civilisation and certain arts
into Babylonia. According to the historian, there
appeared out of the Erythraean, or Persian Gulf, an
animal endowed with reason, called Oannes. Its body
was like that of a fish; but under the head of the
fish was that of a man, and added to its tail were
women's feet. Its voice, too, was human, and it spoke
an articulate language. During the day it instructed
the Chaldaeans in letters and in all arts and sciences,
teaching them to build temples; but at night it
plunged again into the sea. Five such monsters ap-
peared at different epochs in Babylonia, and were
called "Annedoti." * The first was named the
Musarus Oannes, and the lust Odacon. Their im-
ages, he adds, were preserved in Chaldaea even to
his day.f
In a bas-relief from Khorsabad
representing a naval engagement,
or the siege of a city on the sea-
coast, we have the god nearly as
described by Berosus. To the body
of a man as far as the waist, is
joined the tail of a fish. The

* i. e. " coming out of," or " proceeding from."
f This fragment of Berosus is preserved by Apollodorus. (See Cory's
Fragments, p. 30.) Such may have been the dragon of the Apocryphal
book of Bel and the Dragon.


CiiAp. VII.]
469
FIRE-WORSHIP.

i'LK AUar aud Sacrifice. (-\ouyuDjik )
blems and ceremonies of the Assyrian fire worship so
closely resemble those afterwards in use amongst the
Persians, that, until the discovery of the Kouyunjik
sculptures, I was inclined to attribute these relics
to a time long posterior to the fall of the Assyrian
empire.
Amongst the ruins of Khorsabad were discovered
two circular altars, which are so much like the Greek
tripod, that they may be cited as an additional proof
of the Assyrian origin of many forms and religious
types, afterwards prevalent in Asia Minor and Greece.
The altar is supported by three lions' paws. RoUnd;
the upper part is an inscription, in cuneiform cha-
racters, containing the name of the Khorsabad king.*'
* One of these altars is now in the Lquvre.
H H 3


470
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS. [Chap. VII.

Altar. or Tripod. (From Khoraahad.)
The presence of eunuchs at religious ceremonies,
not only as assistants, but apparently as principal
actors, is worthy of observation. In the symbolical
groups embroidered on robes, the eunuch is even
frequently seen invested with outward attributes of
a sacred character. It is possible that youths are
meant; or that the priests, forming an exception to
the general rule, shaved their beards. However, as
far as I can judge, the Assyrians never portrayed a
male figure without a beard; and the attendants, or
priests, at the fire-altars cannot be distinguished,
either by their features or their dress, from the
eunuchs of the bas-reliefs. That the Babylonians had
an order of priesthood not only resembling the Magi
of the Persians, but even bearing the same name,
we learn from the title of one of the principal officers
of Nebuchadnezzar, the king of Babylon.* He was
* Jeremiah, xxxix. 3.


472 NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS. [Chap. VIT,
circular with five or more petals, or resemble the
Greek honeysuckle.* From the constant introduction
of the tree ornamented with them, into groups repre-
senting the performance of religious ceremonies, there
cannot be a doubt that they were symbolical and were
invested with a sacred character. The sacred treer
or tree of life so universally recognised in Eastern
systems of theology, is called to mind, and we are
naturally led to refer the traditions connected with it
to a common origin.! On the later Assyrian monu-
ments, as it has already been observed, the lotus fre-
quently takes the place of the honeysuckle* both as
a sacred emblem carried by the winged figures, and
as an ornament in architecture and in embroideries.
I have attributed this change to a close connection
with Egypt.
When the king is represented in the sculptures as
engaged in the performance of some religious cere-
mony before the sacred tree, or beneath the image
of the deity, he appears to be peculiarly attired. His
waist is encircled by a kind of knotted zone, the
ends of which fall down almost to his feet. Such
was probably the girdle with which the Persian dis-
* See woodcuts, page 294.
f We have the tree of life of Genesis, and the sacred tree of the Hindhus,
with its accompanying figures — a group almost identical with the illus-
trations of the fall in our old Bibles. The Zoroastrian Homa, or sacred
tree, was preserved by the Persians, almost as represented on the Assyrian
monuments until the Arab invasion. M. Lajard (Recherches surlaCulte
du Cypres, in the Nouvelles Annates de l'lnstitut Archeologique, vol. xix.)
has collected all the authorities on the probable connection of this object
with the worship of Venus, and of its introduction from Assyria into
Asia Minor, Persia, and central Asia on one side, and into Arabia on the
other.


474
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS. [Chap. VH.
war or peace, appear to have been connected with the
national religion, and were believed to be under the
special protection and superintendence of the deity.
When he is represented in battle, the winged figure
in the circle hovers above his head, bends the bow
against his enemies, or assumes his attitude of
triumph. His contests with the lion and other for-
midable animals, not only show his prowess and skill,
but typify, at the same time, his superior strength
and wisdom. Whether he has overcome his enemies
or the wild beasts, he pours out a libation from the
sacred cup, attended by his courtiers, and by the
winged figures. The embroideries upon his robes,
and upon those of his attendants, have all mythic
meanings. Even his weapons, bracelets, and armlets
are adorned with the forms of sacred animals, the lion,
bull, or duck. In architectural decorations, the same
religious influence is evident. The fir, or pine cone,
and the honeysuckle, are constantly repeated. They
form friezes, the capitals of columns, and the fringes
of hangings.* Chairs, tables, and couches are adorned
with the heads and feet of the bull, the lion,
and the ram, all sacred animals.f Even on chariots,
* Note the Ionic form of the capital of the Assyrian pillars already
alluded to (p. 274.), and the sacred character of the Greek Ionic column,
which was exclusively used for funereal purposes. A column of this
order stands alone in the centre of the pediment of a tomb at Telmissus.
f The bull has always held a prominent place in the religious systems
of Asia. The sacred bull of the Assyrians, the Apis of the Egyptians, and
the bull Nandi of the Hindhus are evidently identical types. The golden
calf of the Israelites will not be forgotten, and for the use of the figure of
the bull as a sacred ornament by the Jews, the brazen sea in the temple
of Solomon may be cited. (1 Kings, vii. 25.; 2 Chron. iv. 4,5.; and Jere-


Chap. VII.]
475
MODE OF BURIAL.
and on the trappings of horses, the Assyrians intro-
duced their religious emblems. This singular con-
nection between religion and the duties and events
of life, whether public or private, so remarkably il-
lustrated by the monuments of the Assyrians and
Egyptians, and by the Jewish law, is well worthy of
philosophical inquiry. But the subject does not enter
into the scope of these volumes.
It only remains for me to say a few words on the
mode of burial of the Assyrians. As no tombs which
can with certainty be attributed to that people, have
yet been discovered, we may conjecture,—the ana-
logies between the two nations being in other respects
so evident,—that the funereal ceremonies of the As-
syrians resembled those of the Persians. The body
may have been enclosed in a coffin filled with honey,
wax, or oil; a supposition which may be confirmed
by the anecdote of the opening of the tomb of Belus,
related by iElian.* Traditions have been preserved
relating to the tombs of the two most celebrated
Assyrian kings—Ninus and Sardanapalus; but they
are so confused and vague, that even the precise
place of sepulture of those monarchs cannot be de-
miah, Hi. 20.) That in Assyria Baal, or the Supreme Deity, was wor-
shipped under the form of a bull or heifer may be inferred from Tobit,
i. v. "Now all the tribes which together revolted, and the house of my
father Kaphthali sacrificed unto the heifer Baal;" but the reading is
doubtful.
* See note, p. 220. Rich discovered a skeleton in a square wooden box
or coffin amongst the ruins of Babylon. Under the head was a round
pebble, on the outside of the coffin a brass bird, and in the inside an orna-
ment of the same material, which had probably been suspended to some
part of the corpse. But from the position of the coffin, it is doubtful
whether it was of the pure Babylonian epoch.


476
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS. [Chap. VTL
termlned. According to some the tomb of Ninus was
at Babylon, where, it will be remembered, Ovid
places the "Busta Nini"; according to others, at
Nineveh. Ctesias relates that when her husband died,
Semiramis buried his body in the palace, and raised
over it a huge tumulus or pyramid of earth, which
was visible from afar, and was still standing after
the destruction of the city and the fall of the em-
pire.* From the ambiguous expression of the Greek
author it might be inferred, that the palace itself
was actually buried. The extraordinary preserva-
tion of the sculptures at Nimroud, and the existence
of the pyramid, almost induced me at one time to
believe that the building had been purposely co-
vered up; and that the part of the mound enclosing .
the north-west edifice was actually the monument de-
scribed by Ctesias. Nor can this conjecture be rejected
on account of its mere absurdity, when we remember
the extraordinary works of those ancient nations
which more or less resembled the Assyrians in their
customs, and in their political condition. An ancient
tradition declares that Ninus neither died, nor was
buried, in Assyria: but that, having been dethroned
by Semiramis, he fled into Crete.f Semiramis herself
is said by some to have been changed into a dove,
* Diod. Sic. 1. ii. Although Ctesias, as usual, has placed Nineveh on
the Euphrates, the destruction of the city by the Medes identifies it with
the city on the Tigris, and, at the same time, may connect the tumulus
he describes with the Nimroud mound.
f Moses Chor. c. xiv. Quippe vir ejus (Semiramis) Ninus, non ut
fertur, mortuus in Nineves regia ab ea sepultus erat, sed ubi impudicitiam
ejus ac mores flagitiosos perspecit, relicto regno, in Cretam confugit.


Chap. VII.] , SARDANAPALUS.
477
and to have been honoured with an apotheosis; whilst
according to others she burnt herself at. Babylon, on
account of the death of a favourite horse*, an inscrip-
tion recording her conquests and great works having
been placed over her tomb there.f
The same doubt exists as to the burial-place of
Sardanapalus. Some have placed his tomb at An-
chiale, in Cilicia, where it was said to have been seen
by Alexander; others at Tarsus; others, again, at
Nineveh. According to Amynthus J, at the gate of
the Assyrian capital was a high artificial terrace or
tumulus, which was the tomb of the monarch, and
bore an inscription to that effect, in Chaldaean letters.
During the siege of Nineveh engines of war, brought
against the besieged, were placed upon it. But if
this were the tomb of the Sardanapalus of history,
who burnt himself, with his wealth and concubines,
and after whose death the Assyrian dynasty and
capital were totally destroyed, it may be asked how it
could have been thus raised in the most conspicuous
part of the city? It is most probable that the high
terrace described by Amynthus was the pyramid or
mound of Nimroud, and the tomb of a much earlier
monarch. The epitaph inscribed upon the tomb of
Sardanapalus—"Sardanapalus, the son of Anacyn-
daraxos, built Anchiale and Tarsus in one day: eat,
* Pliny, Ilist. Nat. 1. viii. c. 42. " Semiramis in Babylonia equo amisso
in pyram se conjecit." Mr. Birch suggests to me that the true reading
may be "regno amisso." .
f Polyoenus (vii. c. 25.) gives the inscription, which, however, may be
looked upon as fabulous.
X Zra6/ioi. L 3.


478
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS. [Chap. VII.
drink, and lust; the rest is nothing " — has been
quoted for ages, and its authenticity is generally ad-
mitted. Yet some versions of the same inscription
would give a more favourable view of the character
of the monarch: although the sentiment, according
to those who pretended to have seen the monument,
was sufficiently illustrated by a statue, representing
the king snapping his fingers in contempt, or standing
in the attitude of a dancer.*
The manner of the death of Sardanapalus is no
less doubtful than the sight of his tomb. The As-
syrian king upon the funeral pile, surrounded by
* Various versions of this celebrated epitaph have been handed down
to us. Athenseus gives three (lib. viii.); one by the poet Cherillus, in seven
hexameter verses, from the works of Ckrysippus; a second, by the poet
Phoenix, of Colophon, containing fourteen verses, with a preamble of
eleven; and a third from Amynthus, all in the same sense. Note that
Sardanapalus is called Ninus in one of these versions. According to
Clearchus, a disciple of Aristotle, the epitaph was merely "Sardanapalus,
the son of Anacyndaraxos, built the cities of Tarsus and Anchiale in one
day. He is now dead." Thus inferring the vanity of human power and
greatness. The concluding words in the text, which convey the con-
demnatory sentiment, were added. (Essai sur l'Histoire, &c. des Assyriens
de Ninive, by Freret, in the Memoires of the Academie Royale des In-
scriptions, &c. from 1718 to 1725.) With regard to the form of the tomb
itself, as represented on the imperial coins of Anchiale, it may be pre-
sumed that it is merely conjectural, or that it was derived from an ancient
monument restored at a later period. Still there is something Assyrian
both in the design and in the figures placed upon it. It consisted of a
kind of pyramid, surmounted by an eagle, having in front an Assyrian
god, holding a cone, and trampling on a sphinx. Two winged figures
stood on the wall, or peribole, surrounding the pyramid. A massive ruin
of stone and brick-work — consisting of a square base, surrounded by a
wall of great thickness—in the midst of the modern town of Tarsus, has
been by some identified with the tomb of Sardanapalus. This ruin was
opened in one or'two places some years ago by the French consul, but
without results of any interest. The whole appears to be a solid mass of
masonry, and was probably only the lower part of a monument, perhops
originally cased with marble.


480
NINEVEH AND ITS EEMAINS. [Chap. VII.
But if an impenetrable mystery surrounds the lives
of kings who were connected with the greatest revolu-
tions and political changes in Asia, how can we hope
to determine the precise mode and place of their
burial? If this obscurity hangs over the deeds of
the three greatest characters in Assyrian history,
how fruitless would be an endeavour to frame a
narrative of any minor events, from the materials
hitherto accessible! Although the ancients were
unable to discover the records of more than thirty
generations of kings, we cannot concur in their
sweeping assertion that the lives of those monarchs
were passed in inglorious sloth, and that their reigns
were unmarked by a single achievement worthy of
notice. These writers contradict themselves when
they speak of the Assyrian power not extending from
India to the Hellespont, and the name of Assyria as
applying to a region stretching from the confines
of Pontus to the borders of Egypt. History may
gether before they were described. The dove appears to have been an
Assyrian emblem. Yet we have no representation of it in the sculptures,
unless it be the bird carried by the warriors, which I have been inclined
to identify with the Iynges. (Note, p. 462.) Mr. Birch has pointed out,
in his Memoir on the Nimroud Cartouches (p. 160.), the coincidence of
the name of the first husband of Semiramis, Onnes, with that of the Chal-
dean sea god Oannes. The legendary accounts of the queen go far to
connect her with Astarte and Venus. A scholiast, on the Periegesis of
Dionysius, makes her the same as the goddess Artemis or Despoina.
Note also the Assyrian and Syrian origin of Adonis, and the legends
connected with him. The authorities on the worship of Astarte and
Derceto are collected by Selden (de Dis Syris, c. 3.). With regard to
the historical Semiramis, the confusion as to the time of her existence,
her deeds, and her conneotion with Ninus, is equally inexplicable. She is
declared to be the wife, daughter, and even the mother, or step-mother,
of that monarch. (Cramer, Anecdota Grasca, vol. ii. p. 170.)


INDEX.
A.
AM- Allah, sultan, tomb of, i. 28.; ii. 104.
Abtfrubbou, sheikh of the Jeuours, i.
73.; ii. 47.
Abd-ul-Summit Bey, i. 167. 170.
Abd-ur-rahnan, sheikh of the Abou
Salman, i 56. 117. 120.; ii. 84.
Abou Salman Arabs, encampment of,
i. 56.
Abou Maria, village of, i. 312.
Abraham and Nimrod, story of, i. 24.
His migration from Assyria, ii. 222.
Language spoken. by, 237.
Abulfeda mentions Athur or Nimroud,
ii. 245. note.
Abydenus, nis list of Assyrian kings,
ii. 231.
Acacius, archbishop of Seleucia, pro-
fesses Nestorianism, i. 242.
Aaron, king of Lydia, the son of Ninus,
ii. 227. note.
Ahasuerus, feast of, ii. 300. note.
Ahmed Pasha, his name on slab at Nim-
roud, i. 28.
Ain Sifhi, village of, i . 151.
Aimworth, Dr., visit to Kalah Sherghat,
ii. 55. Measurement of ruins, 63.
Alabaster, Tablets of, i 115. Vases of,
discovered, 342. Used in buildings,
ii. 254. 313.
Albanians, a chief of, i. 161. 163.
Al Hather, visit to ruins of, i. 82. 109.
AH Bey, a chief of the Yezidis, i. 275.
AH Effendi, a gentleman of Mosul, i.
83.
Alkath; village of, i. 232. Tomb of
Nahum at, 233.
A Mamoun, the Caliph, protects Chal-
deans, i. 249.
Altars, before sculpture at Nimroud,
i. 134. In the ruins of Kborsabad,
149. Assyrian, ii. 467. The tripod,
470.
Amadiyah, the town of, i. 157. History
of, 160.
American missions to Clialdajans, i.
178. 267.
Amsha, the wife of Sofuk, i. loo.
Anchiale, tomb of Sardanapalus at, ii.
478. note.
Aneyza Arabs plunder village, ii. 106.
Animals embroidered on robes, ii. 321.
and note. Domestic, of Assyrians,
425.
Antelope on obelisk, ii. 435.
Antimony, found in Assyria, ii. 419.
Apenehai, district of, i. 198.
Apollo confounded with Belus, ii. 450.
note. Called Gryphenias, 459. note.
Arabs, family of, i. 22. Charms of Arab
life, 79. Repast of, 87. Beauty of
women, 101. Their dances, 119.
Astonishment of, on discovery of
sculptures, 137. Workmen, 331.
Women, 359. Mode of life, 361.
Protect the Chaldsans, 246. En-
campment of, ii. 53.
Arch known to Assyrians, i. 167.; ii.
260. Discovery of, 41.
Archers, Assyrian, their dress, ii. 337.
On horseback, 357.
Architecture, Assyrian, ii. 250. No re-
mains of exterior, 267.
Arech, celebrated for its looms, Ii. 414.
note.
Aristotle, works of, translated by Chal-
deans, i. 248.
Armenia, rock tablets of, ii. 178.
Armenian historians, their Assyrian
chronology, i. Inlrod. xvii.; ii. 223.
note.
Armenian Palaces, origin of, ii. 262.
note.
Armour, Assyrian, discovered at Nim-
roud, i. 341. In sculptures, ii. 335.
Arms of king, ii. 323. Of warriors,
344.
Army, description of Persian, ii. 364.
Of Assyrian, 364.
Arrow-headed writing. See Cuneiform,
Arrows, Assyrian, ii. 341.
I I
2


INDEX.
485
Berwari, valley of, i. 165. 166.
Birch, Mr., his description of the ivory
ornaments, ii. 10. note. His remarks
on ivories, 205—211. Remarks on
foreign nations represented on Egyp-
tian monuments, 407. note. On tri-
bute of Tahai, 415. On the Saba?-
anism of the Assyrians, 440. note.
Birijai, village of, i. 198.
Birds in Assyrian sculptures, it 437.
Bit of horses, ii. 854.
Bitti, village of, i. 221.
Bitumen under pavement at Nimroud,
i. 29. Used by Arabs for various
purposes, ii. 47. Employed as ce-
ment by Assyrians, 278.
Blood on slabs at entrances, ii. 256.
Blue, Assyrian and Egyptian, ii. 310.
Botta, M., his excavations, i. 9.
Bows, Assyrian, ii. 299. 341.
Bracelets, Assyrian, i. 136. Worn by
king, ii. 322.
Breastplates, Assyrian, ii. 297.
Bricks, paintings on, ii. 13. Inscriptions
on, 185. 187. Invention of, 252. note.
Painted, 257. 312.
Bridge of boats at Mosul, ii. 76.
Bull, human-headed, discovery of, i.
47. In yellow limestone, 127. King
hunting wild, 129. Removal of, ii.
77—83. Colossal, discovered inN.W.
Palace, 108. An Assyrian orna-
ment, 295. A sacred type, 461.
474. note. The wild, 429. On obe-
lisk, 435.
Burial, mode of, amongst Assyrians,
ii. 475.
C.
Cadi, of Mosul, i. 31. Of the camp j
his bigotry, 319.
Caillou de Michaux, ii. 180. 441. note.
Calisthcnes obtains astronomical ob-
servations at Babylon, ii. 445.
Camel in Assyrian sculptures, ii. 21.
104. 427. note. Bactrian, on obelisk,
433.
Canning, Sir Stratford, undertakes ex-
cavations, i. 16. 130. 325. Libe-
rates Nestorian slaves, 173. note.
Carians inventors of helmets, it 338.
note. Of handles of shields, 347.
note.
Carpets, Assyrian and Babylonian, ii.
414.
Cart constructed to remove sculptures
ii. 75. Represented in bas-relief, 396.
Cartouche, Egyptian, discovery of, ii. 9.
On ivories, 209.
Caryatida in Assyrian furniture, ii. 301.
Castor, his Assyrian chronology, ii.
216.
Cavalry in Assyrian armies, ii. 356.
Cawal, a Yezidi title, i. 303.
Ceiling of Assyrian chambers, how
formed, ii. 259. 263, 264. note.
Chairs in Assyrian bas-reliefs, ii. 299.
Chal, district of, i. 193.
Chalah, whether identified with Kalah
Sherghat, ii. 63.
Chaldaans, of Kurdistan, origin of, i.
240. Extent of their early missions,
243. Learning of, 247. Their pa-
triarch, 255. Their doctrines, 260.
Their language, 267.
Chaldaans, ancient, of Babylon, anti-
quity of their astronomical observ-
ations, ii. 185. Their language and
origin, ii. 237. Their religion, 443.
Their astronomy, 445.
Challek, village of, i. 224.
Chambers, upper, discovery of, ii. 14.
Assyrian, how lighted, 260.
Chonba, village of, i. 218.
Charcoal, found in ruins, i. 30.
Chariots, Assyrian, ii. 348.
Chase, the, ii. 431.
Chebar, a river of Assyria, ii. 308.
Cheloki, valley of, i. 156.
China, Chalda?an missions in, i. 243.
Cidaris of the Persian kings, ii. 320.
Cilicia, coins of, ii. 386.
Cirele, winged, emblem of the divinity,
ii. 441. 448.
Climate of Assyria, ii. 424.
Clinton, his Assyrian chronology, ii
161. 217. note.
Coins, not known to Assyrians, ii. 418.
Colonies, formed from conquered people, .
ii. 374.
Colours, used by Assyrians on walls, i,
130. On sculptures, ii. 306. 309.
312. note. Their nature, 310.
Column, the, not known to Assyrians,
ii. 272. Ionic origin of, 274. At
Persepolis, 291. .
Commerce, route of, from India to As-
syria, ii. 414. note.
Copper ornaments discovered at Nim-
roud, i. 215. Means of, in the Ti-
yari mountains, 223. Discovery of
vessels in, ii. II. Inscriptions on,
I I
3


INDEX.
487
Etisebius, his Assyrian chronology, ii.
216. 227. 231.
Evorita, palace of, ii. 218. note. 248.
Excavating, mode of, ii. 119.
Eyebrows of Assyrians, dyed, ii. 328.
Ezehiel, his description of the Assy-
rian palace, ii. 307. Of the fall of
Nineveh, 309. Of a siege, 370. Of
the fall of Tyre, 378. Of Tyrian
ships, 388. Vision of, illustrated,
464.
F.
Fan in worship of Bacchus of Assyrian
origin, ii. 471. note.
Fakir, order of priesthood among Ye-
zidi, i. 305.
Female divinities in Assyrian sculptures,
i. 342.; ii. 5. 464.;
Ferhan, son of Sofuk.'i. 92.
Festivals, public, magnificence of, ii. 411.
Fir-cone, the. a sacred emblem, ii. 471.
Fire-altar in Assyrian bas-reliefs, ii.
467.
Fire-worship, origin of, in Assyria, ii.
442. note. Taught by Ninus, 443.
note. In Assyria, 467.
Fish represented in Assyrian sculp-
tures, i. 340.; ii. 438. Worship of
amongst Assyrians, 467.
Flandin, M., his opinion of Assyrian
roof, ii. 258. note. Of use of paint.
306.
Flowers, sacred, of Assyrians, ii. 296.
471.
Forbes, Dr., his account of the Sinjar,
i. 324. note.
Footstools, i. 136.; ii. 302.
Freemason, a term of reproach in the
East, i. 163. note.
Furniture, ii. 299.
G.
Galleys in Assyrian bas-reliefs, ii. 384.
Ghara, mountains of, i. 156.
Gardens, hanging, of Babylon, ii. 277.
note.
Garments, Assyrian, ii. 319.
Gates to Assyrian edifices, ii. 255.
Gems, engraving on, ii. 421.
Ghissa, village of, i. 198.
Gilding, art of, known to Assyrians, ii.
417.
Gingis Khan, his wife a Nestorian,
i. 254.
Girdle, sacred, worn by king, ii. 472.
Glass, vases of, discovered at Nimroud,
i. 343. At Kouyunjik, ii. 124.
Manufacture of, 421.
Globe, winged, an Assyrian emblem, it
448.
Goat, the wild, i. 206.; ii. 431. An
ornament, 296. In bas-reliefs, 426.
Gods, Assyrian, connected with Egyp-
tian, ii. 211. Carried in procession,
35. 451. Names of, 459. note.
Gold, use of, in architecture, ii. 264. and
note. Abundance of, in Assyria,
300. note. 416.
Gold-leaf discovered, i. 30. Under
altar, 134.
Gomel, river, the ancient Bumadus, i.
152.
Grant, Dr., i. 179. note.
Greaves, Assyrian, ii. 337.
Greeks, influence of Assyria on, ii. 155.'
285. 293. Remains of their occu-
pation of Assyria, 221. note.
Grotefend, discoveries of, ii. 168. 171.
note.
Gryphon, the, an Assyrian emblem, ii.
459.
Guilloche, the, an Assyrian ornament, ii.
296.
Gunduktha, village of, i. 205.
a
Haddedeen Arabs, the, i . 85. The
Sheikh of, 87.
Hadla, an Arab girl, i. 361.
Hair, mode of dressing the, ii. 327.
Halicarnassus, sculptures from, i. 17.
note.
Hamaydat, village of, i. 312.
Hammum AH, village of, i. 4.
Harness, Assyrian, ii. 299. 353.
Harp represented in bas-relief, ii. 412.
Harpy tomb from Xanthus, ii. 292.
Harrison, Mr., his cuneiform type, ii.
193. note.
Hatchet carried by Assyrian warriors,
ii. 343.
Hayis, village of, i. 166.
Hayshat, hamlet of, i. 202.
Heads of conquered brought and
counted, ii. 377.
Heeren, his theory as to origin of Per-
sian myths, ii. 442. note.
II
4


INDEX.
493
Se-gan-foo, inscription of, L. 243, 244.
note.
Siege, how carried on by Assyrians, ii.
366.
Selamiyah, village of, i. 36.
Seleucia, city of, i. 242. How con-
structed, ii. 175.
Seleucida, era of, i. 200. note.
Selim Agha of Amadiyah, i. 159.
Semiramis, account of her edifices, fabu-
lous, ii. 176. Ruins attributed to
her, 218. note. Invention of ship-
building attributed to her, 382. In-
troduces worship of Venus, 455.
Her death and tomb, 477. More
than one of the name, 479. note.
Semitic races, their characteristics, ii.
238.
Sennacherib, identified with Sardanapa-
lus, ii. 400. note.
Serspeetho, village of, i. 221.
Seth, fabulous pillars of, ii. 183. note.
Stthos, an Assyrian king, ii. 215.
Seven, a sacred number amongst Sa-
lmans, i. 299. note.
Seyyid, visit to a, ii. 65.
Shairutana, the, of Egyptian monu-
ments, it 404. note; 407. note.
Shalmanezer, his expedition against the
Phoenicians, ii. 400. note.
Shammar, the, Arabs, description of, i.
89.
Shammeriyah, the mare of Sofuk, i . 105.
Sharu, the, of Egyptian monuments, ii.
403. 407. note.
Shawls, represented in sculptures, i. 129.
Shceas, the, peculiar doctrines of, i. 76.
note.
Sheep represented in Assyrian bas-
reliefs, ii. 426.
Sheikh Adi, tomb of, i. 151. 281. His
history, 299.
Sheikh Nasr. See Nasr.
Sheikh Shem, sanctuary of, i. 289.
Sheihh, seizure of an Arab, i. 367.
Sheta of Egyptian monuments, ii. 403.
Shields of the Assyrians, ii. 344. Of
wicker work for sieges, 368. 373.
Hung on walls and ships, 388.
Shieldbearer, the, ii. 346.
Shietan or Satan, a word not used by
Yezidis, i. 216. 297.
Ships in sculptures, ii. 128. 379. 384.
Of Tyre, 386. 388.
Shoordh, village of, i. 193.
Siege, represented in bas-relief. i. 41.
337. Description of a, ii. 378.
Silver used in roofs, ii. 264. Abundant
in Assyria, 417.
Sinjar, visit to, i. 310. Ruined town
of, 322.
Skim, mode of crossing rivers on, i.
129.; ii. 382. Men dressed in, 398.
Used for carrying provisions, 410.
not*.
Slabt sculptured after placed, ii. 163.
Sling, not an early Assyrian weapon,
ii. 341.
Slingers, Assyrian, ii. 337. 344.
Sofuk, sheikh of the Sbammar, visit to,
i. 91. His history, 93. His domestic
establishment, 100. His mare, 105.
His death, 114.
Soil, fertility of, in Assyria, ii. 69.
Solomon, throne of, ii. 301. Golden
shields of, 344. note.
South-east ruins at Nimroud, chambers
discovered in, ii. 38.
South-west ruins at Nimroud, discovery
of royal genealogy in, i. 350.; ii.
197.; discoveries in, 25.
Spandareh, village of, i. 156.
Spear carried by King, ii. 323. Form
of Assyrian, 343.
Sphinx discovered, i. 349. ; ii. 26. The
Assyrian, 214. 460. An architec-
tural ornament, 262. and note.
Stag represented in bas-reliefs, i. 63.;
ii. 431.
Stamp used to impress inscriptions, ii.
187.
Standards, Assyrian, ii. 347.
Stun, worship of, ii. 440. note. 443,
444. 457.
Steamer, ascent of Tigris by, i. 139.
Sin I probably known to Assyrians, ii.
419.
Stone, inscriptions on, ii. 188.
Storms, violence of, i. 124.
Sugar-cane formerly cultivated in As-
syria, ii. 424.
Suiter, a Turkish buffoon, i. 318.
Sun, Yezidi veneration for, i. 290. 301.
Horses dedicated to, ii. 365. note.
An Assyrian emblem, 446. Same as
Baal, 450. note.
Swimming, mode of, in Assyria, i. 129.
Swords, Assyrian, ii. 298. 342.
Symbols suspended around neck of king,
i. 135.} ii. 446. Above king's head,
23.


494
INDEX.
T.
Tables, Assyrian, ii. 303. -
Tablets on rocks, ii. 182.
Tahai, their tribute to Egyptians, ii.
415.
Tahar Sheikh, a fanatic, i. 228.
Tahlehl, the, an Arab noise of rejoic-
ing, i. 120.
Tahyar Pasha, i. 121. Visit from, 141.
His death, ii. 1.
Tamerlane persecutes the Chaldaeans,
i. 257.
Tatars, Nestorian mission to the, i.
249. 254.
Taylor, Colonel, his cylinder, ii. 186.
Tearus, Darius's column on the, ii. 183.
Tel Afer, town of, i. 313.
Teland, the city of Ninus, ii. 285. note.
Tel Assar, i. 314.
Tel Kef, village of, i. 33.236.
Temples, the residence of the king, ii.
267. 473.
Tents in bas-reliefs, ii. 271. In com-
mon use amongst Assyrians, 272.
Magnificence of Assyrian, 363.
Teutames, king of Assyria, sends aid to
Troy, ii.227.
Thathar, the, a salt stream, i. 315.
Throne of Assyrian king, i. 136. ; ii.
301.
Thurus, king of Assyria, ii. 215. note.
Thyrsus of Bacchus of Assyrian origin,
ii. 471.
Tiara worn by Assyrian king, ii. 320.
Tiles, inscription on, ii. 185.
Tin not found in Assyria, ii. 419.
Tyari, departure for the, i. 147. Houses
of 176. Dress of 194. Employed
in the excavations, 362.
Thhoma, district of, i. 203.
of inhabitants of 238.
Thhoma Gowaia, village of, i. 202.
Tokkari, the, of Egyptian monuments,
ii. 404. 407. note.
Tombs, discovery of, i. 351.; ii. 17.
Discovered at Kalah Sherghat, 58.
Assyrian not discovered, 154. At
Nimroud, 220. Of Persian kings,
220.
Tools of copper, ii. 418.
Towers, Assyrian, ii. 270.
used in sieges, 370.
Tree, the sacred, ii. 296. In Assyrian
sculptures, 438. Of life, 472.
Tribe, Arab, in march, i. 89.
Massacre
Artificial,
Tribute brought by conquered nations,
ii. 399.
Tripod discovered at Khorsabad, i.
149. ; ii. 469.
Troops, disciplined, of the Assyrians,
ii. 347.
Troy, an Assyrian dependency, ii.227.
Tunnel under the Euphrates attributed
to Semiramis, ii. 260. note.
Type, cuneiform, ii.193.
Tyre, Assyrian conquest of, ii. 144.400.
Ships of, 388.
U.
Umbrella carried over king, ii. 133. 326.
Unicorn, the, ii. 429.
Ur of the Chaldees, its site, ii. 63.238.
note.
Uzziah, his regular troops, ii. 247. note.
His engines of war, 371. note.
V.
Van, inscriptions at, ii. 172. note.
Variants in cuneiform inscriptions, ii.
191. 229. note.
Warnish placed on cuneiform inscrip-
tions, ii. 188.
Wases in glass, alabaster, and clay, dis-
covered at Nimroud, i. 341. Earthen
vase discovered behind slab, ii. 13.
From tombs at Nimroud, 219. As-
syrian, 304. 416.
Vault known to the Assyrians, ii. 260.
Venus, representation of the Assyrian, ii.
7. Her worship in Assyria, 454. 471.
When introduced into Persia, 442.
Wessel, square, carried by winged fi-
gures, ii. 471.
Vines represented in bas-reliefs, ii. 125.
Grew in Assyria, 424.
Vizir represented in bas-reliefs, i. 60.
Dress of, ii. 327.
Vizirial letter, arrival of, i. 130.
Vulture, the, represented in Assyrian
sculptures, ii. 437.
W.
Walls of Assyrian palaces, ii. 268. Of
Nineveh and Babylon, 270. 275,
276. note.
Warriors, costume of Assyrian, ii. 335.


- INDEX.
495
Water, machines for raising, i. 354.
Wedge, the, a sacred emblem, ii. 181.
Wheel of chariot, ii. 351. A sacred
emblem, 465.
Whips carried by officers in Assyrian
army, i. 339. Of Assyrian chariot-
eers, ii. 356.
Whirlwinds of Mesopotamia, violence
of, i. 124.
Wigs worn by the Assyrians and Per-
sians, ii. 328.
Wilkinson, Sir Gardner, his work on
Egypt, ii. 154. note. His analysis of
Egyptian colours, 310.
Windows not found in Assyrian build-
ings, ii. 260.
Wine drunk at public festivals, ii. 411.
Wine-skins in bas-reliefs, i. 55.
Women represented in bas-reliefs, i.
338. Present at public festivals, ii.
244. 411.
Wood, beam of, discovered, ii. 37.
X.
Xanthus, people of burn their city, ii.
218. note. Marbles from,287. Their
Assyrian character, 291. 449. note.
JKenophon, his description of the walls
of Nineveh, ii. 270. 276.
Xerxes, name of, on vase, ii. 161. note,
Auxiliaries in the army of 338.
Y.
Pakoub Rais, i. 181.
Pakuti, an Arab geographer, mentions
Khorsabad, i. 149. And Athur or
Nimroud, ii. 245. and note.
Para, mound of, i. 34.
Pezidis, visit to, i. 270. Persecution
of the, 277. Their dances, 287.
Their music, 293. Their doctrines,
297. Origin of their name, 300.
Their reverence for the sun, 289.
301. Their names, 303. Orders
of the priesthood, 303. Their lan-
guage, 305. See Sinjar.
Z.
Zab, wicker bridge across the, i. 192.
Zakko, murder of the Bey of, i. 98.
Zaweetha, village of, i. 182.
Zodiac, signs of, on Assyrian monu-
ments, ii. 440. note.
Zoroaster, ii. 442, note.
THE END.