Title Investigating Claims of Eroticism in Images of the Annunciation 

Author Frank Ferrie 

Publication FORUM: University of Edinburgh Postgraduate Journal of Culture and the Arts 

Issue Number 14 

Issue Date Spring 2012 

Publication Date 05/06/2012 

Editors Barbara Vrachnas & James Leveque 

 
FORUM claims non-exclusive rights to reproduce this article electronically (in full or in part) and to publish this 
work in any such media current or later developed. The author retains all rights, including the right to be 
identified as the author wherever and whenever this article is published, and the right to use all or part of the 
article and abstracts, with or without revision or modification in compilations or other publications. Any latter 
publication shall recognise FORUM as the original publisher. 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 
 
 

University of Edinburgh  
Postgraduate Journal of Culture and the Arts 
Issue 14 | Spring 2012 



FORUM Issue 14 | Spring 2012 Ferrie 1

Investigating Claims of Eroticism in Images of the Annunciation
Frank Ferrie | Birkbeck College, University of London

In late-medieval Europe growing interests in ‘man-centred’ philosophies,
known subsequently as humanism, had profound effects upon art and literature. In the
visual arts, which were dominated by Christian themes, there was an increasing
tendency to depict biblical stories and those from the lives of saints realistically. In
contrast to the schematic symbolism of medieval times, the "gures and objects
pictured in the Renaissance closely resembled those from everyday life. #is new
naturalism was particularly evident in the expanding urban centres of Florentine
Tuscany. 

#e usefulness of religious images to the Christian Church had long been
appreciated, but their function was most clearly expressed from the time of #omas
Aquinas (1225-74) onwards. Images were to instruct the illiterate and the ignorant, to
remind devotees about the mysteries of the faith by reference to the exemplary lives of
the saints, and to stimulate devotion (Welch 137). Naturalism, which began to emerge
in the early fourteenth century, can be seen as a logical extension of these aims. 

#ere were dangers involved in the encouragement of naturalism. One risk was
that the importance of the images themselves could become wildly exaggerated to the
extent that they were worshipped in an idolatrous fashion. Another danger was that,
in breaking time-honoured conventions, artists became exposed to accusations of
misinterpretation and even profanity. #e systematic destruction of artworks and other
objects during the Byzantine Iconoclastic period (principally the eighth and early
ninth centuries) demonstrated the gravity of such issues for the Christian faith. As the
mood for reform of the Church gathered pace in the second half of the "fteenth
century, the use and propriety of imagery was once again coming into sharp focus. In
the wrong hands and in a changing visual and philosophical environment the sacred
could so easily become the sacrilegious.



FORUM Issue 14 | Spring 2012 Ferrie 2

Profanity at the Annunciation?
Without question, the scene in which the Angel Gabriel announces to the

Virgin Mary that she will bear the Messiah, Jesus Christ, is a de"ning moment in
Christianity. It is reasonably well-documented in Scripture (Luke 1:26-38) and
consequently its depiction has changed little over the centuries. However, in the age of
naturalism this very traditional encounter could take on a particularly sensual or even
erotic dimension in a number of Italian Renaissance images. An undoubtedly
sensuous-looking Virgin appears, for example, in Alessandro Botticelli's Annunciation
(c. 1489-90, "g.1). 

#is article employs Susan Rhor von Scaff’s recent analysis (2002) as a vehicle
to discuss the possibility of eroticism in Italian Renaissance images of the
Annunciation. Scaff highlights changes to the image type brought about by the
increasing use of naturalistic poses and gestures as well as the abandonment of the
schematic devices common in medieval art. #e new meanings suggested by these
more earthly encounters are, however, extremely difficult to de"ne. Scaff’s reading of
the contrast between Mary's purity and earthly sensuality appears well grounded, but
her conclusion suggests that the images were ambiguous and inappropriate:
“[although] Mary's heavenly perfection is de"ned by her chastity [...], her
womanliness is completed by her human sexuality. In this regard she has been
transformed [...] into an object of erotic desire” (118). 

I acknowledge the enhancement of a number of gestural and symbolic
references to sexuality and procreation in the images identi"ed. Indeed, I will describe
what I believe to be hitherto unrecognised characteristics of this type. However, my
argument is that these images would not have been considered erotic, improper or
ambiguous in any way. To the devout Renaissance viewer there was no paradox in the
Virgin Mary’s human sexuality and virginity. #e distinction between the sacred and
sacrilegious, which can appear blurred or ambiguous to the modern viewer of such
images, was clearly delineated in the fourteenth and "fteenth centuries. #e Virgin’s
human sexuality and perpetual virginity are in accordance with her role as human



FORUM Issue 14 | Spring 2012 Ferrie 3

mother and Mother of God and the contrast between them, highlighted by the
images, signi"es further the miraculous nature of the Incarnation. #is sense of an
entirely orthodox and non-controversial tension is particularly persuasive when we
consider the religious context in which the images would have been encountered and
used. 

By the late-medieval period, the Virgin Mary had been considered a paragon
of virtue for over a thousand years. Following the teachings of the Latin theologian
Helvidius in the fourth century, Mary’s perpetual virginity was consistently
proclaimed by both the Eastern and Western Church (Graef 10). Indeed, claims for
Mary’s purity developed to the extent that by the Renaissance, after centuries of
theological debate and despite the fact that it is never mentioned in Scripture, the
Immaculate Conception was widely established in the Church. #e reasons for the
Virgin’s importance are, in fact, Christological and at the heart of the Faith. Mary had
to be beyond reproach so that Christ’s coming was both miraculous and free from the
sins of Adam. #is is why any concrete association between the Virgin and actual
sexual intercourse would have been considered scandalous and beyond the pale.

It can be difficult to distinguish between physical and spiritual feelings during
worship and at intense moments of religious contemplation or ‘rapture’. Over the
centuries theologians and mystics alike have noted that the body and soul (or
intellect) are co-dependent and that their pathway through life is an identical one
(Elliott 141). Scaff (quoting Marina Warner), links her conclusion to “the tendency
[in Catholicism] to con%ate [...] physical and spiritual expressions of love” - carnal
desire and “the leap of the soul towards God” are expressed in similar ways (118). #e
ostensible contradiction of Roman Catholic teaching is that whilst chastity, abstinence
and modesty are championed, devotees are at the same time encouraged to imagine a
“physical embrace” with God as the soul ‘leaps’ toward him (118). 



FORUM Issue 14 | Spring 2012 Ferrie 4

!e Song of Songs and Saint Bernard
To ground this claim Scaff refers to Saint Bernard of Clairvaux's in%uential and

overtly erotic visualisations of the 'Song of Songs' from the Vulgate Bible. Saint
Bernard regarded the Song as a sublime allegory on the love of God that can be
experienced through contemplation. He re-interprets the story of a beautiful virginal
bride as referencing the Virgin Mary, the Church itself, and, at the same time, the soul
of the individual devotee (Schäfer 157). Bernard’s reading is highly complex and
allegorical. It has, for example, been interpreted by many recent commentators as
evidence of the medieval male assuming feminine characteristics - a renunciation of
male ‘worldly’ values in a male-only environment (the monastery at Clairvaux) with
the aim of spiritual enlightenment (Krahmer 304). 

#e complexity of Bernard’s reading is demonstrated by Sermon 29, ‘On discord
in the church and in communities.’ Bernard consistently employs physical and sensual
language, often with unmistakably erotic overtones, but it is applied metaphorically to
highlight both the enduring strength of spirituality and the very ‘weakness’ of the
%esh. #e Virgin Mary and the institution of the Church itself are often regarded as
one and the same, implying a mutually supportive sense of sexual neutrality and
propriety.

Time and again, Bernard emphasises the association between physical weakness
and spiritual strength. His language is rich in penetrative sexual metaphors, but like
images of the Annunciation, these are always tempered or neutralised in some
manner, as indicated here by the phrase "full of grace," which is borrowed from Luke's
Annunciation: 

"A polished arrow" too is that special love of Christ, which not only
pierced Mary's soul but penetrated through and through, so that even the
tiniest space in her virginal breast was permeated by love. #enceforth
she would love with her whole heart, her whole soul and her whole
strength, and be full of grace.

#is is a mystical penetration not a physical one. Mary is “transpierced” by love, but



FORUM Issue 14 | Spring 2012 Ferrie 5

sexual neutrality is guaranteed by the lack of any actual bodily exchange or contact.
Christ is “conceived invisibly, neither from the %esh nor by means of the %esh”.

However, the following excerpt might be considered proof that physical and
spiritual love are, at times, considered one and the same by Bernard. My view is that
Bernard thinks they are, but I am not sure that one would call this sexual love. A
physical embrace, (here, with Christ) does not necessarily involve carnal desire and in
Bernard's opinion the spirit always overcomes the %esh:

In the process she experienced through her whole being a wound of love
that was mighty and sweet; and I would reckon myself happy if at rare
moments I felt at least the prick of the point of that sword. Even if only
bearing love's slightest wound, I could still say: "I am wounded with
love." How I long not only to be wounded in this manner but to be
assailed again and again till the colour and heat of that %esh that wars
against the spirit is overcome.

Scaff argues that because, like Bernard’s vision, images of the Virgin were conceived
and produced by men, the Virgin was therefore a perfect expression of male desire.
Mary has “virtue and beauty, submissiveness to authority, and readiness to absorb
every circumstance and feeling that might be imputed to her from modesty and
reluctance to receptiveness and sexuality ripe for the taking” (Scaff 119). Given the
paternalistic nature of the Church and the visceral and penetrative quality of Bernard's
metaphors, this argument is an inviting one. However, Bernard's thoughts are cited by
Scaff without sufficient reference to the conditions and times in which they were
expressed and received. Practices of worship could change just as radically as imagery.
Recent work by Caroline Walker Bynum demonstrates that there existed a medieval
corporeal sense of piety that is completely alien to modern sensibilities. It would be
misleading, in these circumstances, to read Bernard’s words too literally.



FORUM Issue 14 | Spring 2012 Ferrie 6

Other claims of eroticism
#ere are other grounds for the assertion that the Madonna's portrayal in the

"fteenth century could be considered erotic, not least the Dominican preacher
Girolamo Savonarola's late "fteenth-century sermons in which he attacks the practice
of dressing religious "gures in the fashions then current to young women:

You painters do an ill thing [...] Do you believe the Virgin Mary went
dressed this way, as you paint her? I tell you she went dressed as a poor
woman, simply, and so covered that her face could hardly be seen [...]
You make the Virgin Mary seem dressed like a whore (quoted in Gilbert
157-158).

#e issue of eroticism in images of the Virgin is not, therefore, straightforward.
Savonarola might be regarded as a special case, a fanatic, who, even during his own
ascendancy in the mid-1490s, was seen by many as someone who wished to turn
Florence into a convent (Martines 102). However, we know that eroticism was
becoming an issue for other church leaders, especially in the sixteenth century as
testi"ed by the infamous controversy surrounding the naked "gures in Michelangelo’s
Last Judgement (1536-41). 

As argued convincingly by writers such as Margaret Miles and Megan Holmes,
the bare-breasted lactating Madonna is an image-type that was considered
inappropriately erotic in "fteenth-century Florence. By the late century, it was
becoming rare to "nd images in which the lactating Virgin’s bare breast was depicted
in a graphic manner. As naturalism developed, such images could be confused with
other discourses about women in Florentine society, namely, “the bare-breasted or
erotic woman” and the wet-nurse (Holmes 178-80). Indeed, the con%ation between
ideal beauty in women and the Virgin Mary has a broader basis in literature. Medieval
poetry honouring the Virgin Mary often has features identical to profane love poetry
written around the same time (Wimsatt 29).

Nevertheless, a close analysis of Renaissance Annunciation images reveals the
very limitations of erotic characteristics in this context. #ere may indeed be a



FORUM Issue 14 | Spring 2012 Ferrie 7

tendency to con%ate expressions of spiritual and physical love in Catholic texts and
associated devotional practices, but the extent to which such a con%ation is echoed by
the images in question is highly debatable. Even if we accept that there are erotic
overtones in the "fteenth-century Annunciation, such views are tainted by modern-
day secular perspectives. Leo Steinberg (1983) notes this difficulty with reference to
latter day prudishness about the nudity and sexuality of Christ (17).

!e Immaculate Conception
Although Christ alone was considered indisputably sinless, the Virgin Mary

was, in the eyes of many, effectively equal to him in this regard. For although the
doctrine of the Immaculate Conception was disputed (principally by the Dominican
order), even those who questioned it agreed that Mary was sancti"ed in her mother
Anne's womb or, at the very latest, at the moment of the Incarnation (Graef 203).
#omas Aquinas, the doctrinaire inspiration of the Dominicans and one of the
leading medieval theologians opposed to the Immaculate Conception, did not believe
that Original Sin compromised Mary's purity (O’Faolain and Martines 118-20).

#e argument against the Immaculate Conception had always been that if Mary
was exempt from sin, she could not have participated fully in the Redemption of man.
Christ dies on the Cross for man’s sins, cancelling them out, but Mary needs to be
fully human to guarantee the reality and fruition of his sacri"ce. William of Ware
(%ourished 1290-1305) countered this concern by pointing out the essential difference
between Mary and Christ. Whereas the former was pure, but from an impure
background, Christ was ‘pure from pure.’ His pupil Duns Scotus (1270-1308) went a
stage further. Turning the Redemption argument on its head, he claimed that because
Mary’s Immaculate Conception required the supreme intervention of Christ, she was,
although free from normal sin, fully human. Indeed, Mary was even more dependent
upon the Redemption than all others, who could be saved from Original Sin by the
simple act of baptism. Christ’s gift, as it were, had been bestowed upon Mary in
advance of the Cruci"xion (Graef 236-237). #is subtle argument exerted a singularly



FORUM Issue 14 | Spring 2012 Ferrie 8

pervasive in%uence in the following centuries. But, even to the doubters, Mary’s
perpetual virginity was never in question. 

It follows, therefore, that although a conception is central to Annunciation
images, this does not present any difficulty or danger of misinterpretation.
Accordingly, it is quite common to "nd that the Annunciation takes place in Mary's
bedroom, the !alamus Virginis (Scaff 111). She is after all, the bride of Christ.
Indeed, in fourteenth-century Italian images of the Annunciation in particular, the
exchange often takes place in a “womb-like space” (Scaff’s term). #is reference to an
internal space follows the only indication we have in Scriptures about the location of
the Annunciation: “And the angel being come in, said unto her: Hail, full of grace...”
(Luke 1:28, my emphasis). 

Importance of location, form, function and reception
#e womb-like space, often a cut-away or schematically indicated structure, also

re%ects the need for an efficient method of representing a larger internal space within
a limiting format. Individual episodes of religious narratives are frequently recorded in
discrete areas of fresco cycles, within small side panels, or the narrow con"nes of an
altarpiece predella. #e reduction of architectural features in comparison to the "gures
in a scene was quite common in fourteenth-century art.

Images of the Annunciation were most commonly produced for church
locations. #ey were, as such, integral to the teachings, ceremonies and acts of worship
associated with the Eucharist and other religious feasts and rituals. One of the
principal reasons why the Annunciation is a suitable subject for the central panels of
high altarpieces is that it concerns the Incarnation of Christ and ultimately, like the
cruci"x, Christ's sacri"ce and the Redemption. #e Virgin's withdrawn or sad
disposition at the Annunciation is often interpreted as a sign that she has foreseen the
death of her son even at the moment of his conception (Lavin 195-196).

It is clear, therefore, that issues of function (devotional, didactic or liturgical),
location and reception (whether private, public, or as part of regular or speci"c



FORUM Issue 14 | Spring 2012 Ferrie 9

ceremonies) need to be taken into account when assigning meaning. #e issue of
private patronage and the detailed circumstances and constraints of individual
commissions is beyond the scope of this article. However, when it is considered that
the austere Fra Angelico Annunciation (c. 1440-41, "g. 2) was made for the friary of
San Marco, it becomes clear that the kneeling, obedient and submissive nature of the
Virgin Mary was primarily an example for the friar who occupied the cell within
which it is painted and did not necessarily constitute a model for women (Honour
and Fleming 450).

#e format of the Annunciation type and its iconography were also intimately
associated with the design and development of altarpieces and church architecture, as
well as the increasing popularity of the Virgin Mary. For example, because the
Annunciation episode involves two "gures, it was convenient to show them on
separate parts of an altarpiece, on opposite wings or on either side of a structural
architectonic divide or decorative division derived from a structural one (see "g. 3). 

On the arch, high upon the choir wall in the Arena chapel, Giotto pictures God
dispatching the Angel Gabriel on his mission. #en, following the narrative of the life
of Christ and western sequencing conventions, the Annunciation takes place in the
next two scenes below and upon either side of the choir opening, with the Virgin as
recipient of the angel's message pictured to the right ("g. 4). With the rise in the
popularity of the Virgin Mary, the two protagonists were often brought physically
closer on the central panels of altarpieces.

Common Annunciation symbolism
Another common idea in the Trecento, but more pronounced a century later, was

that the encounter took place near an enclosed garden, the hortus conclusus, symbolic of
virginity and the womb (Scaff 111). In addition, the meeting is often pictured within
view of a distant interior window, the fenestrum crystallinam, symbol of the intact
hymen and Mary’s perpetual virginity. Care is needed when interpreting the
signi"cance of such symbols. #e enclosed garden was a symbol of fruitfulness but



FORUM Issue 14 | Spring 2012 Ferrie 10

more often, like the window - and especially in Annunciation imagery - it signi"ed
Mary’s virginity (Schiller 53). 

Arguably, there is a phallic quality to the way that this intimate space is
breeched by the dove or by a ray of light from God, symbolising the Holy Spirit. Yet,
unlike Saint Bernard’s ‘transpiercing’ arrow, these rays never reach the Madonna’s body
(Steinberg, 1987, 34).1 #eir effect is perhaps most aptly summarised in a verse
inscribed upon the frame (now lost) of an Annunciation by Jan van Eyck:

As the sunbeam through the glass 
Passeth but not staineth 
#us, the Virgin, as she was, 
Virgin still remaineth (quoted in Carrier 239)

Scaff’s claim of a similarly phallic quality to the “tall spiked trees” in Leonardo's
Annunciation ("g. 5), the “typically erect” lilies, and the “long straight alleys leading
back to Mary's enclosed garden” in other "fteenth-century Annunciation images
seems exaggerated (119). #e latter is merely a re%ection of "fteenth-century
preferences for scenes that favoured the inclusion of prominent linear perspective
devices such as the convergence of parallel lines towards a distant vanishing point. 

If there is any sense of impiety or overt sensuality it is most often cancelled out
by the sexually neutral Angel Gabriel, who is commonly depicted as a female with
similar features to Mary herself (Scaff 111). #e division of the enclosed space and the
separation of the two "gures by a wall or another architectural feature, which is
particularly prevalent in Italian art, reinforces this sense of propriety and neutrality.
#e Virgin is shown frequently with head bowed and eyes closed, maintaining the
psychological distance between the two "gures. Scaff notes that in one unusual
example, the eyes of the two protagonists appear to meet, suggesting an intimate
exchange (Fra Angelico, c.1420-40, "g. 6). But on closer inspection, the Virgin, who is

1 Early church fathers such as Zeno, Bishop of Verona (363-372) and Ephraem of Syria (ca. 306-373)
believed that Christ entered Mary through the ear (Graef 44-46).



FORUM Issue 14 | Spring 2012 Ferrie 11

pictured on the other side of a central pillar from the angel, is typically lost in
contemplation.

One can interpret Donatello's Santa Croce Annunciation sculpture (c.1435, "g.
7), as further evidence of the development of the ‘conversation’ between the angel and
the Virgin (Schiller, 38-39). #e two "gures are brought into close proximity, are
realistically portrayed (the angel’s wings aside) and the exchange between them
visualised as more of an intimate entreaty than an ‘announcement.’ #e above
characteristics are also prominent in Botticelli’s Uffizi Annunciation ("g. 1), the
Lippi/del Cervelliera version ("g. 8), and Ghirlandaio’s fresco (1486-90, "g. 9). 

However, any sense of impropriety is invariably mitigated or neutralised by
other factors in the images. Even in Botticelli's unusually sensuous-looking Uffizi
example, where the two "gures are pictured at close quarters, the Virgin's eyes are
downcast and, despite her suggested movement or agitation, there is a solemnity and
distant character, a platonic remoteness, about her whole being. Although, by her body
movements, it is evident she has been disturbed by the visitation of the angel, turning
away in apparent confusion from the lectern, it is as though her contemplation of the
mysteries of faith has not effectively been disturbed at all. She is performing the role
prophesised for her in the Old Testament, from which, according to Saint Bernard,
she had just been reading: “#erefore the Lord himself will give you a sign; Behold, a
virgin shall conceive, and bear a son” (Isaiah 7:14). In any case, these intimate
depictions are the exceptions. In other versions of the Annunciation the same artists
(Fra Filippo Lippi and Sandro Botticelli) retained the more traditional elements such
as the physical separation of the two "gures by architectural features. 

!e Virgin Mary as a portal
#e extent to which these characteristics suggested tensions between eroticism

and propriety is difficult to gauge. #ese are complex images, at least to the modern
viewer. I would argue that Mary's opened cloak in a number of Italian "fteenth-
century images acted as a portal or gateway. As noted above, Botticelli's standing



FORUM Issue 14 | Spring 2012 Ferrie 12

Madonna somehow maintains her balance and contemplative calm as she turns away
from her lectern and gesticulates in disbelief and initial confusion towards the Angel
Gabriel. Despite the considerable disturbance she manages to keep her cloak, which is
fastened at the neck, but is forced wide open by her arms, closed around her legs (a
detail that is also evident in Carlo Crivelli's Annunciation, "g. 10). Combined with the
stark contrast between the colours of her cloak and gown (traditionally blue and red
respectively) this forms a striking eye-shaped aperture towards the viewer - a symbolic
container in front of the Madonna's enlarged abdomen. #is opening echoes the
mandorla in which Christ was commonly pictured in medieval and Byzantine imagery
(signifying his divinity and holiness) and, in turn, may even be a reference to Christ’s
wound and to Mary’s birth canal (see "g. 11).2 Like the penetrative rays of light more
common in medieval depictions, the aperture is also a reference to the sexual act, a
deliberate yet subtle emphasis upon the contrast between the Madonna’s physical
sexuality and, because no actual penetration ever takes place, her unquestioned purity.
#e devout "fteenth-century viewer witnesses, without contradiction, a truly
miraculous event - the opening of the gateway to mankind's redemption. As
schematic symbolism became less fashionable, the subtlety with which poses and
gestures had to convey meaning became ever more sophisticated. 

Balancing the roles of the Virgin
Innovation and subtlety of meaning were not, however, con"ned to naturalism

during the Renaissance. In the mosaic of the Annunciation at Santa Maria Maggiore,
Rome (432-40, "g. 12), which was commissioned by Pope Sixtus III as part of a
Christological cycle to glorify the Incarnation after the First Council of Ephesus
(431), Mary is shown seated formally as though enthroned, wearing rich clothing and
many jewels. #is portrayal is in accordance with Mary's declaration at Ephesus as

2 As well as divinity, sacredness and holiness, the mandorla also represented virginity, the vulva, and
an opening or pathway. Each side of the almond shape could represent opposite poles (Cooper, 103-
104). On Christ’s wound and the opening to Mary’s gown see Lavin, 195-196. On the Virgin’s womb
as a temple with its own portal, see Jacobus, 170.



FORUM Issue 14 | Spring 2012 Ferrie 13

Mother of God. Nevertheless, re%ecting her humble origins, she is shown carrying out
the simple, ordinary task of spinning wool, which is an allusion to the apocryphal
account of the Annunciation in the Protoevangelium of James. Yet another layer of
subtlety is indicated by the colour of the wool, which is purple and represents Mary’s
regal and queenly status. 

#e sensitive balance between Mary’s recently exalted position and humble
origins is especially apparent if we consider this scene in the context of the rest of the
programme. #e scene immediately below the Annunciation upon the triumphal arch
is the Adoration of the Magi ("g. 13) in which Christ is unmistakably elevated and
separated from all the other "gures. Shown as a young boy, he is robed in white and
seated upon a large and elaborate throne and dais, an imperial synthronon. Mary,
although richly clothed underneath, is covered modestly and sits simply to his left.
Her plain outer cloak or maphorion indicates clearly that she is being portrayed as wife
and mother (Rubery 160, 164). Reverence for Mary as Mother of God is thus
carefully modulated between that of her glori"cation at the moment of the
Incarnation and her humility, virtue and acceptance of God’s will. 

Another female "gure is pictured beside Christ’s throne in the Adoration scene.
Eileen Rubery speculates that both women, who have not been identi"ed de"nitively,
are simultaneously the Virgin Mary. She notes that the "gure to Christ’s right is
similarly adorned to that of Mary in the Annunciation scene above. Rubery also notes
the striking similarity of this bejewelled woman to depictions of virgins from the same
period in Rome and Ravenna. #e "gure to the Christ’s right is, therefore, identi"ed
as the ‘ever-Virgin’ Mary and the other, the Mother of God, re%ecting the
contemporary emphasis, around the time of the Council of Ephesus, upon the unity of
Christ, his simultaneous and complete humanity and divinity. If this reading is
correct, the Adoration image represents one of the most sophisticated attempts to
convey the mystery of Mary’s motherhood and virginity.



FORUM Issue 14 | Spring 2012 Ferrie 14

Continuity of meaning
#e same sense of a delicate balance between the contrasting roles and

characteristics of the Virgin was carried forward in the centuries following the
Council of Ephesus. An unambiguous sense of propriety and correctness between the
angel and Mary is maintained and carefully modulated as changes resulting from
naturalism and the Virgin’s status were introduced in the fourteenth and "fteenth
centuries. 

Despite the prominence of the symbolic opening to the Virgin’s outer cloak
discussed above, it is never discarded and usually covers the majority of her body
maintaining the emphasis upon her motherhood, chastity and modesty.  #e idealised
"gure of Mary is undoubtedly more sensuous-looking in the Renaissance, but this
does not necessarily infer sexual love. As naturalism progressed the penetrating ‘phallic
rays’ of light are removed from Annunciation scenes. #e Angel Gabriel may
occasionally move closer to Mary in "fteenth-century images, suggesting a more
intimate exchange between the "gures, but this is defused in some manner by other
devices. For example, by divisions such as the lectern in Leonardo’s Annunciation, or by
the increasing inclusion of references to the Fall, which contrasts Mary’s purity with
the sinful Adam and Eve ("g. 14, see Schiller 39-41). In addition, as we move outside,
the Virgin’s bedroom is visibly subordinated.  

#e kneeling Gabriel does indeed contrast sharply with the standing Madonna
in the later Annunciation images, but in the light of the Virgin Mary’s contemporary
ascendency in the church as well as in the popular domain, this, rather than the
entreaties of a courtesan, can be understood more readily as devout or rapturous
religious salutation. It is the earthly nature of the exchange that brings the lives of
these saints and other religious "gures, their very piety, chastity and devotion to God,
closer to that of the devotee. It is highly questionable whether artists would seek to do
this by stimulating or encouraging carnal desire. 

As indicated by the Roman mosaics these adjustments can be seen as part of a
much longer series of checks and balances, designed to maintain simultaneously



FORUM Issue 14 | Spring 2012 Ferrie 15

Mary’s special status as Mother of God (con"rming Christ’s divinity), and her
importance as human mother (guaranteeing man’s ultimate redemption).

Conclusion
#is article considered the possibility that, because of their naturalism, a number

of images of the Annunciation in the Renaissance became eroticised. It seemed that in
depicting the Virgin Mary as a beautiful, richly-attired and sensuous young woman,
artists were treading a "ne line between the sacred and the sacrilegious. However, a
closer study of the images, combined with a consideration of their meaning and use,
particularly in the context in which they would have been encountered, revealed a very
different picture. 

It has to be acknowledged that we are dealing with a visual language and
related devotional habits that will never be entirely transparent. A brief review of
Saint Bernard’s reading of the ‘Song of Songs’ suggests propriety, but not in modern-
day terms. It was also noted that in "fteenth-century Florence there was a risk of
sexual ambiguity in other images of the Virgin Mary, most notably, perhaps, the bare-
breasted lactating Madonna. In the 1490s Savonarola, although regarded by many as a
moral extremist, signalled a new sensitivity about religious images, including those in
which the Madonna was inappropriately dressed.  

However, the Annunciation in art reveals a contrasting feature about naturalistic
developments. As schematic devices were abandoned and as the Virgin's status and
popularity increased, Renaissance artists adapted with, at times, what can only be
described as an astonishing degree of resourcefulness and subtlety. New and sensitive
methods of balancing the Virgin Mary’s often sharply contrasting attributes had to be
found whilst completing the traditional task of instructing devotees and stimulating
devotion. #ese methods evolved in close harmony with the functions, the various
forms and the locations of the images. Of course, as the Reformation approached in
the sixteenth century, the artistic and critical climate was about to change. But from
the evidence discussed, it is difficult to imagine any sense of impiety or sexual



FORUM Issue 14 | Spring 2012 Ferrie 16

ambiguity invading the encounter between the devotee and these "fteenth-century
images. #ere was indeed a tension between the Virgin Mary’s ‘ever-virgin’ perfection
and her sensual, earthly reality in Renaissance Annunciation imagery, but this was
entirely appropriate. It underscored powerfully the miraculous nature and the mystery
of the Incarnation.

Works Cited

Bernard of Clairvaux, Commentary on the Song of Songs, E-text arranged by Br.Sean, a
Choir monk, 2008,

http://www.archive.org/stream/StBernardsCommentaryOn#eSongOfSongs/
StBernardOn#eSongOfSongsall_djvu.txt (accessed 21/4/12). Web.

Bynum, Caroline Walker. “#e Body of Christ in the Later Middle Ages: A Reply to
Leo Steinberg.” Renaissance Quarterly 39.3 (1986): 399-439. Print.

Carrier, David. “Naturalism and Allegory in Flemish Painting” !e Journal of Aesthetics
and Art Criticism 45.3 (1987): 237-249. Print.

Cooper, J.C. An Illustrated Encyclopaedia of Traditional Symbols. London: #ames and
Hudson, 1978. Print.

Elliott, Dyan. “#e Physiology of Rapture and Female Spirituality.” Medieval !eology
and the Natural Body. Ed. Peter Biller and A.J. Minnis. York: Medieval Press,
1997. 141-158. Print.

Gilbert, Creighton. Italian Art, 1400-1500: Sources and Documents. Evanston, Illinois:
Northwestern University Press, 1992. Print.

Graef, Hilda. Mary, A History of Doctrine and Devotion. New York: Sheed and Ward,
2009. Print.

Holmes, M. “Disrobing the Virgin: the Madonna Lactans in Fifteenth century
Florentine Art.” Picturing Women in Renaissance and Baroque Italy. Ed. G.A.
Johnson and S.F. Matthews Grieco. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press,
1997. 167-95. Print.

Honour, Hugh, and Fleming, John. A World History of Art. London: Lawrence King
Publishing, 2002. Print.



FORUM Issue 14 | Spring 2012 Ferrie 17

Jacobus, Laura. Giotto and the Arena Chapel: Art, Architecture & Experience. London:
Harvey Miller, 2009. Print.

Krahmer, Shawn M. “#e Virile Bride of Bernard of Clairvaux.” Church History 69.2
(2000): 304-327. Print.

Lavin, Marilyn Aronberg. Piero della Francesca. London, New York: Phaidon Press,
2002. Print.

Martines, Lauro. Scourge and Fire: Savonarola and Renaissance Italy. London: Pimlico,
2006. Print.

Miles, Margaret R. A Complex Delight: !e Secularization of the Breast, 1350-1750.
Berkeley: University of California Press, 2008. Print.

O’Faolain, Julia and Lauro Martines, eds. Not in God ’s Image: Women in History from
the Greeks to the Victorians. London: Virago Press, 1979. Print.

Rubery, Eileen. “Pope John VII’s Devotion to Mary: Papal Images of Mary from the
Fifth to the Early Eighth Centuries.” Origins of the Cult of the Virgin Mary. Ed.
Chris Maunder. London and New York: Burns and Oates, 2008. Print.

Scaff, Susan von Rhor. “#e Virgin Annunciate in Italian Art of the Late Middle
Ages and Renaissance.” College Literature 29.3 (2002): 109-123. Web.

Schäfer, Peter. Mirror of His Beauty: Feminine Images of God from the Bible to the Early
Kabbalah. New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 2002. Print. 

Schiller, Gertrud. Iconography of Christian Art. Trans. Janet Seligman. London: Lund
Humphries, Second Edition, 1969. Print.

Steinberg, Leo. “‘ How Shall #is Be?’ Re%ections on Filippo Lippi's ‘Annunciation’ in
London Part I.” Artibus et Historiae 8.16 (1987): 25-44. Web.

---. “#e Sexuality of Christ in Renaissance Art and in Modern Oblivion.” !e MIT
Press 25 (1983): IV, 1-198, 204-222. Web.

Welch, Evelyn. Art and Society in Italy 1350-1500. Oxford, New York: Oxford
University Press, 1997. Print.

Wimsatt, James I. “#e Apotheosis of Blanche in ‘#e Book of the Duchess’” !e
Journal of English and Germanic Philology 66.1 (1967): 26-44. Print.



FORUM Issue 14 | Spring 2012 Ferrie 18

Illustrations

Fig. 1, Sandro Botticelli, Annunciation, 1489-90, Tempera on panel, 150 x 156 cm,
Uffizi, Florence

Fig. 2, Fra Angelico, Annunciation, 1440-41, Fresco, Cell, Monastery of San Marco,
Florence



FORUM Issue 14 | Spring 2012 Ferrie 19

Fig. 3, Giovanni da Milano, Prato Polyptych (detail), Annunciation, before 1363,
Tempera on panel, Pinacoteca Comunale, Prato

Fig. 4, Giotto, Annunciation, c.1305-8, Fresco, Arena Chapel, East End, Padua

Fig. 5, Leonardo da Vinci, Annunciation, c.1472-75, Panel, Uffizi, Florence 



FORUM Issue 14 | Spring 2012 Ferrie 20

Fig. 6, Fra Angelico, Annunciation, c.1420-40, Fresco, Monastery of San Marco, North
Corridor, Florence

Fig. 7, Donatello, Annunciation, c.1435, Gilded pietra serena, Santa Croce, Florence



FORUM Issue 14 | Spring 2012 Ferrie 21

Fig. 8, Filippo Lippi and Giovanni di Francesco del Cervelliera, Annunciation, mid-
1440s, Panel, San Lorenzo, Florence

Fig. 9, Domenico Ghirlandaio, Annunciation, 1486-90, Fresco, Cappella Tournabuoni,
Santa Maria Novella, Florence



FORUM Issue 14 | Spring 2012 Ferrie 22

Fig. 10, Carlo Crivelli, Annunciation, 1486, Panel, National Gallery, London

Fig. 11, Christ displaying his wound to a nun, Initial D, Hours of the Passion, S. France,
1275-1300, British Library, MS. Egerton 945 f.237v



FORUM Issue 14 | Spring 2012 Ferrie 23

Fig. 12, Annunciation, 432-40, Triumphal Arch (detail), Mosaic, Santa Maria
Maggiore, Rome

Fig. 13, Adoration of the Magi, 432-40, Triumphal Arch (detail), Mosaic, Santa Maria
Maggiore, Rome



FORUM Issue 14 | Spring 2012 Ferrie 24

Fig. 14, Lorenzo di Credi, Annunciation, 1480-85, Panel, Uffizi, Florence