NEDL TRANSFER HN 2GUJ L. 802.13 KD 42712 NIVERS a VARD HARU INSTITUTE SITY of 1770 Boma HAEC STUDY TUDIA ADOLESCENTIAM EX DONO TAS BIRD INQUIRY INTO THE CHARACTER AND TENDENCY OF THE AMERICAN COLONIZATION, AND AMERICAN ANTI-SLAVERY SOCIETIES. BY WILLIAM JA Y. "Give me the liberty to know, to utter, and to argue freely, according w my conscience, above all liberties.”—MILTON. SECOND EDITION. STEREOTYPED BY CONNER AND COOKE. NEW YORK: PUBLISHED BY LEAVITT, LORD & CO. 182 BROADWAY. BOSTON: CROCKER & BREWSTER, 47 WASHINGTON-STREET. 1835. met KD 42712 HARVARE A0 LE ARY i Entered according to the Act of Congress, in the year 1835, by WILLIAM Jay, in the Clerk's Office of the District Court of the Southern District of New York. D. Fanshaw Printer. CONTENTS.. PART I. AMERICAN COLONIZATION SOCIETY. Introduction - - - - - - - - - - • - PAGE 7 CHAPTER I. Origin, Constitution, and Character of the American Colonization Society. - - - - - - - - - - 11 CHAPTER II. Influence of the Society on the condition of Free Per- sons of Color. - - - - - - - - - - - - 17 CHAPTER III. Influence of the Society on Africa-Suppression of the Slave Trade. - - - - - - - - - - - 55 CHAPTER IV: Influence of the Society on Africa-Diffusion of Civili- zation and Christianity. - - - - - - - - - 61 CHAPTER V. Influence of the Society on Slavery. - · · · · · 72 PART II. AMERICAN ANTI-SL A VERY SOCIETY. CHAPTER I. Principles of the Society-Character of American Slavery. - - - - - - - - - - - - - CHAPTER II. Proposed Objects and Measures of the Society-Cen- sure of Abolitionists. - - - - - - - - - 141 CONTENTS. CHAPTER III. Fanaticism of Abolitionists. · · · · · · · · 145 CHAPTER IV. Incendiarism and Treason of Abolitionists. · 149 CHAPTER V. Slavery under the authority of Congress. · · · · 154 CHAPTER VI. Slavery under State authority. · · · · · · · 162 CHAPTER VII. Safety of Immediate Emancipation. · · · · - 168 Chapter VIII. Emancipation in St. Domingo and Gaudaloupe, and present state of St. Domingo. · · · · · · · 171 CHAPTER IX. Emancipation in the British West Indies. · · · · 187 CHAPTER X. Gradual and Immediate Emancipation. · · · · 192 CHAPTER XI. Danger of Continued Slavery........ 199 PREFACE. No allusion has been made, in the following pages, to certain popular objections to the Colonization Society; nor have any cases of individual cruelty been cited, to illustrate the evils of slavery. It is proper, that the rea- sons for this departure from the ordinary mode of discus- sing these two subjects, should be given, that they may riot be misunderstood. The objections I have omitted to notice, are, the mor- tality to which the emigrants are exposed, in conse- quence of the climate of Liberia ; the demoralizing traf- lic, which the colonists have carried on with the natives, in rum and military stores; and the improvident appli- cation of the funds of the Society, which has rendered it bankrupt. These objections, serious as they are in themselves, are not inseparable from the system of Colonization. Another and more salubrious site, may be selected; the traffic complained of, may be discontinued ; and the fiscal affairs of the Society, may hereafter be managed with prudence and economy. But there are inherent evils in the system, and it is important that the public attention should not be diverted from these evils, by the contem- plation of others, which are only accidental. So, also, it is important, that the sinfulness of slavery, should not be merged in that of its unauthorized abuses. Many contend for the lawfulness of slavery who readily PREFACE. admit the sinfulness of insulated cases of cruelty. It has, therefore, been my object to show, that admitting the slaves to be treated as a prudent farmer treats his cattle —that they have enough to eat—are sheltered from the inclemency of the weather, and are not subjected to a greater degree of severity than is necessary, to extort from them a due amount of labor-American slavery is, nevertheless, a heinous sin, and, like every other sin, ought to be immediately abandoned. February, 1835. PART I. AMERICAN COLONIZATION SOCIETY. INTRODUCTION. On the 1st of January, 1835, there were in the United States, 2,245,144 slaves.* This number about equals the population of Holland, and exceeds that of Scotland, of the Danish Dominions, of the Swiss Confederation, and of various Republics in South America. These millions of human beings, are held as chattels by a people professing to acknowledge, that “all men are created equal, and endowed with certain unalienable rights, among which are, life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness :"_they are, moreover, kept in ignorance, and compelled to live without God, and to die without hope, by a people professing to reverence the obligations of Christianity. But slavery has ceased in other countries, where it for- merly prevailed ; and may we not hope that it is gradually expiring in this? Such a hope is, alas, forbidden by the follow- ing statement of our slave population, at different periods : United States, 1790, 697,697, 1835, 2,345,144 Kentucky, do. 12,430 1830, 165,350 Mississippi and ? 1800, 3,489 do. 182,953 Alabama, Louisiana, 1810, 34,660 do. 109,631 Missouri, do. 3,011 do. 24,990 Perhaps, however, the political evils of slavery may be gradually mitigated, and finally removed, by an increas. According 10 the ratio of increase between 1820 and 1830, 10 INTRODUCTION. The excellent of the earth, are to be found among the friends and enemies of this association; and if various ecclesiastical bodies in our own country, have recommend- ed it to the patronage of their churches, it is regarded with abhorrence by almost the whole religious community of Great Britain ; and the last effort made by WILBERFORCE in the great cause of negro liberty, was, to address to the people of Great Britain his solemn protest against the doc- trines and conduct of the American Colonization Society. This Institution may have been formed by good men, and from the purest motives, yet it is possible, that its opera- tion may not have been such as they anticipated. So many unforeseen, concealed, and inappreciable causes,” says a very eminent writer, “have an influence on human insti- tutions, that it is impossible to judge a priori of their effects. Nothing but a long series of experiments, can unfold these effects, and point out the means of counteracting those that are hurtful.” The following inquiry has been commenced, and pur- sued, under a deep sense of the importance of the subject, and with a solemn recollection, that no deviation from truth, can escape the notice and displeasure of Him, unto whom all hearts are open, and from whom no secrets are hid. CHAPTER I. ORIGIN, CONSTITUTION, AND CHARACTER OF THE AMERI- CAN COLONIZATION SOCIETY. On the 230 December, 1816, the Legislature of Vir- ginia passed a resolution requesting the Governor to cor- respond with the President of the United States, “ for the purpose of obtaining a territory on the coast of Africa, or at some other place not within any of the States, or terri- torial governments of the United States, to serve as an asylum for such persons of colour as are now free, and may desire the same, and for those who may hereafter be eman- cipated within this commonwealth." Within a few days of the date of this resolution, a meet- ing was held at Washington to take this very subject into consideration. It was composed almost entirely of south- ern gentlemen. Judge Washington presided ; Mr. Clay, Mr. Randolph, and others, took part in the discussions which ensued, and which resulted in the organization of the American Colonization Society. Judge Washington was chosen President, and of the seventeen Vice Presidents, only five were selected from the free States, while the twelve managers were, it is believed, without one excep- tion, slave-holders. The first two articles of the constitution, are the only ones relating to the object of the Society. They are as follows: Art. I. This Society shall be called the American So- ciety for colonizing the free people of colour of the United States. Art. II. The object to which its attention is to be exclu- sively directed, is to promote and execute a plan for coloni- zing (with their consent) the free people of color residing in our country in Africa, or such other place as Congress shall 12 ABSENCE OF AVOWED MOTIVES. deem most expedient. And the Society shall act to effect this object in co-operation with the general government and such of the States as may adopt regulations on the subject. It is worthy of remark, that this constitution has no preamble setting forth the motives which led to its adop- tion, and the sentiments entertained by its authors. There is no one single principle of duty or policy recognized in it, and the members may, without inconsistency, be Christians or Infidels : they may be the friends or enemies of slavery, and may be actuated by kindness or by hatred towards “the free people of color.” · The omission of all avowal of motives was, probably, not without design, and has not been without effect. It has secured the co-operation of three distinct classes. First, such as sincerely desire to afford the free blacks an asylum from the oppression they suffer here, and by their means to extend to Africa the blessings of Christianity and civili. zation, and who at the same time flatter themselves that colonization will have a salutary influence in accelerating the abolition of slavery: Secondly, such as expect to en- hance the value and security of slave property, by removing the free blacks : And, thirdly, such as seek relief from a bad population, without the trouble and expense of improving it. The doors of the Society being thrown open to all, a heterogeneous multitude has entered, and within its portals men are brought into contact, who, in the ordinary walks of life, are separated by a common repulsion. The devoted missionary, ready to pour out his life on the sands of Africa, is jostled by the trafficker in human flesh; the humble, self-denying Christian, listens to the praises of the Society from the unblushing profligate; and the friend of human rights and human happiness greets as his fellow- laborer the man whose very contribution to the cause is extorted from the unrequited labor of his fellow-men. This anomalous amalgamation of characters and motives, has necessarily led to a lamentable compromise of princi- ple. Whatever may be the object each member proposes to himself, he is conscious it can be effected only by the harmonious co-operation of all the other members. Hence it is all important to avoid giving and taking offence ; and never was the maxim, “bear and forbear," more scru- -- COMPROMISE OF PRINCIPLES. 13 pulously obeyed. Certain irreconcileable opinions, but regarded by their holders as fundamental, are, by common consent, wholly suppressed; while in matters of less im- portance, the expression of opposite sentiments is freely allowed and borne with commendable patience. The advocates of slavery forbear shocking its opponents by justifying it in the abstract, and in return for this com- plaisance, those opponents forbear condemning it in par- ticulars. Each party consents to make certain conces- sions to conciliate the other. The Southron admits slavery to be a political evil; the northern member courteously replies, that under present circumstances, it is unavoidable, and therefore justifiable. The actual condition of the slave, his mental bondage, his bodily sufferings, are understood to be forbidden topics. The oppressor of the free negro dwells on his depravity and degradation; the friend of the free negro admits, and often aggravates the charges against him, but carefully ab- stains from all allusion to the true causes of that depravity and degradation, unless to excuse them as being inevitable. Both parties unite in depicting in glowing colors, the effects of the oppression of the free negro, in order to prove the humanity of banishing him from the country; while both refrain from all attempts to remove or lessen the oppres- sion. .. The simplicity of the object of the Society as stated in its constitution, tends in a powerful degree to encourage and enforce this compromise of principle. The constitu- tion, in fact, vests a discretionary veto in every member on the expression of unpalatable opinions. The attention of the Society is to be - exclusively” directed to the coloni- zation of persons of color, and the constitution contains no allusion to slavery. Hence any denunciation of slavery as sinful,* any arguments addressed to slave holders to induce them to manumit their slaves, would be unconstitutional, and are therefore carefully avoided. But the free blacks * Candor requires the admission that there is at least one exception to this remark. At the annual meeting of the Society in 1834, the Rev. Mr. Breck- enridge in his speech insisted on the sinfulness of slavery. A distinguished lay member of the Society, who was present, complained to the author of Mr. P.'s unconstitutional conduct, and declared that he was strongly tempted publicly to call him to order.. COMPROMISE OF PRINCIPLES. cannot be transported without money, and much money cannot be had, without the aid of the enemies of slavery. It is therefore permitted to represent the Society as an an- tidote to slavery, as tending to effect its abolition, any thing in the constitution to the contrary notwithstanding. But then this abolition is to be brought about at some future indefinite period. True it is, that the constitution is as silent, with respect to manumission, as it is to slavery ; but by common consent, this silence is not permitted to inter- pose the slightest obstacle to a unanimous, vigorous, and persevering opposition to present manumission. Were the American Bible Society to deprecate the emancipation of slaves, and to censure all who proposed it, the outrage would excite the indignation of the whole community. But what would be a perversion of its avowed object in a Bible Society, is perfectly lawful in a Colonization Society, not because it is authorized by the constitution, but because it is expedient to conciliate the slave holders. Many of the supporters of the Society are interested in the American slave trade* -a trade replete with cruelty and injustice. To condemn this trade, or to labor for its suppression, would be unconstitutional. The African slave trade rather interferes with, than promotes the interests of the slave owners, and the Society deem it unnecessary to seek for any constitutional warrant to justify the most vio- lent denunciation of the foreign traffic ; or an application to foreign powers to declare it piratical.f . To hold up the free blacks to the detestation of the community, is constitutional-to recommend them to the sympathy of Christians, to propose schools for their in- struction, plans for encouraging their industry, and efforts for their moral and religious improvement, would be such a flagrant departure from the “ exclusive" object of the Soci- ety, that no member has hitherto been rash enough to make the attempt. At the same time it is quite constitutional to vindicate the cruel laws which are crushing these people in the dust, and to show that the oppression they suffer is "an ordination of Providence.” * The first President of the Society, wag, as we shall see hereafter, no inconsiderable dealer. † See proceedings of Am. Col. Society of 20th January, 1827. CONSEQUENCES OF THE COMPROMISE. 15 The constitution indeed, forbids the transportation of the free blacks without “ their consent;" but it is very consti- tutional to justify and encourage such oppression of them, as shall compel them to seek in the wilds of Africa, a re- fuge from American cruelty. The natural result of this compromise of principle, this suppression of truth, this sacrifice to unanimity, has been the adoption of expediency as the standard of right and wrong, in the place of the revealed will of God. Unmind- ful of the poet's precept, Be virtuous ends pursued by virtuous means, Nor think the intention sanctifies the deed, good men, and good Christians, have been tempted by their zeal for the Society, to countenance opinions and practices inconsistent with justice and humanity. Confident that their motives were good, and their object important, they have been too little scrupulous of the means they employed; and hence the Society has actually exerted a demoralizing influence over its own members, by leading them occasion- ally to advance in its behalf opinions at variance with truth and Christianity. Unhappily the evil influence of the Society has not been confined to its own members. It has, to a lamentable extent, vitiated the moral sense of the com- munity, by reconciling public opinion to the continuance of slavery, and by aggravating those sinful prejudices. against the free blacks, which are subjecting them to insult and persecution, and denying them the blessings of educa- tion and religious instruction. We are sensible that these are grave assertions, and that many will deem them very extraordinary ones. The reader's belief is not solicited for them at present, nor will it be for any assertion hereafter made, till supported by unquestionable evidence. The remarks in this chapter are intended only as a general statement of the case against the Society, and as an explanation of the process by which many excellent men belonging to it, have insensibly been seduced into conduct of at least doubtful morality. The charges now made will in due time be substantiated by authentic facts, and by quotations from the language, both official and private, of members of the Society. 16 SOCIETY TO BE JUDGED BY ITS LANGUAGE. True it is, that Colonizationists protest most earnestly against being judged by any but the official language of the Board of Managers. To the justice of this protest it is impossible to assent. The Society is arraigned at the bar of the public, not for the object avowed in the constitution, but for the influence it exerts in vindicating and prolonging slavery, and in augmenting the oppression of the free blacks. This influence, if exerted at all, must be exerted by individuals in the capacity of members, agents, and officers of the Society, and the only means they possess of exerting this influence, is by the expression of their sen- timents. To insist, therefore, that these sentiments may not be quoted, to show what influence the Society does exert, is to contradict the plainest suggestions of common sense. Certainly the whole Society is not necessarily res- ponsible for the sentiments of a single member; but the question is not, whether one or two or more members have said improper things, but whether the influence generally exerted by the Society, is what it is alleged to be ; and this is a question of fact, to be decided by evidence, and that evidence necessarily consists of the opinions expressed by its officers, agents, and distinguished members, and auxiliary associations. This protest, moreover, comes with an ill grace from a Society that has appealed to the letters and the speeches of its members, to repel the objection urged against it in cer- tain quarters, of a desire to interfere with the rights of slave-holders.* Should the members and officers of an Anti- Slavery Society, continually, at its public meetings, deliver addresses in favour of intermarriages between whites and blacks-should auxiliaries pass resolutions approving of such marriages-should these addresses and resolutions be published and circulated at the expense of the Society, and should its official magazine recommend such marriages. would it not be the excess of disingenuousness, for the Society to attempt to repel the charge that its influence was exerted to bring about an amalgamation of the two races, by denying that it was responsible for the language of its members, and by appealing to its constitution and * See Af. Rep. VI. 198. ITS INFLUENCE ON FREE COLORED PERSONS. 17 official reports, in which no allusion was made to the sub- ject? All that can fairly be demanded, is that the quota- tions be honestly made, and that they be sufficiently nu- merous and explicit, to establish the facts they are brought to prove. It must not, however, be supposed, that we in- tend to prove our charges against the Society, only by the declarations of individual members. On the contrary, we shall summon as witnesses, the MANAGERS of the parent So- ciety, and its auxiliaries; and shall exhibit in evidence their official reports and addresses. In the following pages will be found numerous extracts from Colonization documents; and it is right to observe, that they are for the most part, merely selections, and bearing generally but a small pro- portion to the whole number of extracts to the same point, that might have been adduced. Some few of the extracts have been made by other writers ; but the great mass of them have been selected by the author, and in no instance has he given a quotation which he does not believe is fairly and honestly made. To prevent mistakes, it may be well to mention, that the African Repository is a monthly maga- zine, and is, as appears from the title page, “published by order of the Managers of the American Colonization Soci- ety." The Editor is understood to be the Secretary of the Society. This periodical, together with the annual reports, and occasional official addresses, are the only publications for which the managers of the Society are responsible: when Colonization newspapers are mentioned, nothing more is intended by the expression, than that they are pa- pers which espouse the cause of the Society. CHAPTER II. INFLUENCE OF THE SOCIETY ON THE CONDITION OF FREE PERSONS OF COLOR. The object of the Society is declared by the Constitu- tion, to be exclusively the colonization of free persons of color, with their own consent. Now there is nothing in this object necessarily benevolent. A colony may be es- tablished for commercial purposes, or as a military station, 2* 18 AGGRAVATES PREJUDICE. or as a receptacle for convicts, or to aid the diffusion of Christianity. The absence in the Constitution of all avowed motive for the proposed colony, invites the co-operation of all who advocate the scheme from any motive whatever. For the purpose of raising money, it is the policy of the Society to appeal to all the various and discordant motives that can be incited in behalf of the colony. A strong and very general prejudice exists against the free blacks. It is unfortunately the policy of the Society to aggravate this prejudice, since the more we abominate these people, the more willing we shall be to pay money for the purpose of getting rid of them. The influence of the doctrine of ex- pediency on good men, will be seen in the unchristian lan- guage they have used, in regard to this unhappy and op- pressed portion of their fellow-men. “Free blacks are a greater NUISANCE than even slaves themselves.” Address of C. C. Harper, Af. Rep. II. 189. “ A horde of miserable people--the objects of universal suspicion—subsisting by plunder.” Speech of Gen. Mercer, Vice President. “Of all classes of our population, the most vicious is that of the free colored--contaminated themselves, they ex- tend their vices to all around them.” Speech of Mr. Clay, Vice President, 12th Report, p. 21. "Averse to labor, with no incentives to industry, or mo- tives to respect, they maintain a precarious existence by petty thefts and plunder.” African Rep. VI. 135. " They are alike injurious by their conduct and example to all other classes of society.” Memorial of Manchester Col. Soc. to Virginia Legislature. " A large mass of human beings who hang as a vile ex- crescence upon society." Address of C. L. Mosby, before a Col. Soc. in Virginia. • This class of persons a CURSE AND CONTAGION wherever they reside.” African Rep. III. 203. “Of all the descriptions of our population, and of either portion of the African race, the free persons of color are by far, as a class, the most corrupt, depraved and aban- doncd.” Speech of Mr. Clay, African Rep. VI. 12. " An anomalous race of beings, the most depraved upon carth.” African Rep. VII. 230. EXCUSES OPPRESSION. 19 “ They are a mildew upon our fields, a scourge to our backs, and a stain upon our escutcheon.” Memorial of Kentucky Col. Soc. to Congress. “I will look no farther when I seek for the most de- graded, the most abandoned race on the earth, but rest my eye on this people.” Address before the Lynchburgh Col. Soc. “ There is a class (free blacks) among us, introduced by violence, notoriously ignorant, degraded and miserable, mentally diseased, broken spirited, acted upon by no mo- tives to honorable exertions, scarcely reached in their de- basement by the heavenly light.” Editorial Article, Afr. Rep. I. 68. We may here remark, that the tone of these extracts is very different from that used when the speaker desires to excite sympathy for the wretched. We are told that these people are vicious and debased, but no hint is given that their vice and debasement are the result of sinful prejudices and cruel laws.-No appeal is made to the spirit of Chris- tianity to pour oil and wine into the wound of suffering humanity. We are not reminded that these wretches are our brethren for whom Christ died. Nothing is omitted to impress us with a sense of the depth of the misery into which they are plunged ; but for what object are these fright- ful pictures presented to us? Is it to urge us to feed the hungry, to clothe the naked, to instruct the ignorant, and to reform the wicked ! No, but to transport them to Africa ! To an unsophisticated Christian it would seem that the true way of relieving the wretchedness and vice of these people would be, first to protest against their unrighteous oppression, and to procure the repeal of those laws which forbid their instruction; and then to make them partakers of the blessings of education and religion. But far from the Colonization Society are all such old fashioned ways of doing good. Instead of protesting against the causes of all this misery, THE SOCIETY EXCUSES AND JUSTIFIES THE OPPRESSION OF THE FREE NEGROES, AND THE PREJUDICES AGAINST THEM. “ SEVERE NECESSITY places them (free negroes) in a class of degraded beings." Address of Mr. Rides to Lynchburgh Col. Soc. Afr. Rep. V. 238. EXCUSES OPPRESSION. “ The severe legislation, I will not say that under all circumstances it is too severe, the severe legislation of the slave States which drives their emancipated blacks to the free States, and scatters the NUISANCE there, attests that we have a share in this evil.” Speech of G. Smith, Esq. Vice President. 14th Report, p. xiii. “ This law," (a law by which a manumitted negro be- comes again a slave if he remains twelve months in the state) “ odious and unjust as it may at first view appear, and hard as it may seem to bear upon the liberated negro, was doubtless dictated by sound policy, and its repeal would be regarded by none with more unfeigned regret than by the friends of African colonization. It has restrained many masters from giving freedom to their slaves, and has thereby contributed to check the growth of an evil alrea- dy too great and formidable.” Memorial from Powhattan Col. Soc. to Virginia Legislature. “I am clear that whether we consider it with reference to the welfare of the state, or the happiness of the blacks, it were better to have left them in chAINS, than to have li- berated them to receive such freedom as they enjoy, and greater freedom we cannot, must not allow them.” Af. Rep. III. 197. “ The habits, the feelings, all the prejudices of society -prejudices which neither refinement, nor argument, nor education, NOR RELIGION ITSELF CAN subdue, mark the people of color, whether bond or free, as the subjects of a degradation inevitable and incurable." Address of the Connecticut Col. Soc. “ The managers consider it clear that causes exist and are now operating to prevent their improvement and eleva. tion to any considerable extent as a class in this country, which are fixed not only beyond the control of the friends of humanity, but of any human power: CHRISTIANITY can- not do for them here what it will do for them in Africa. This is not the fault of the colored man, nor of the white man, but AN ORDINATION OF PROVIDENCE, and no more to be changed than the laws of nature.” 15th Report, p. 47. 66 We do not ask that the provisions of our Constitution and statute book should be so modified as to relieve and ex. alt the condition of the colored people whilst they remain LAWS AGAINST FREE BLACKS. with us. Let these provisions stand in ALL THEIR RIGOR to work out the ultimate and unbounded good of these peo- ple." Memorial of the New-York State Col. Soc. to the Legislature. “If we were constrained to admire so uncommon a being,” (a pious, highly cultivated, scientific negro,) " our very admiration would be mingled with disgust, because in the physical organization of his frame we meet an insur- mountable barrier even to approach to social intercourse, and in the Egyptian color which nature has stamped on his features, a principle of repulsion so strong as to forbid the idea of a communion either of interest or of feeling as ut- terly abhorrent.” Af. Rep. VII. p. 331. * We find from the foregoing extracts that the Board of Managers of the American Colonization Society officially declare, that no human power can counteract the causes which prevent the elevation and improvement of the free black in this country. That not even the religion of Christ can in this land of light, of Bibles, and of temples, do for him what it can amid the darkness and paganism of Africa. And we find a powerful State Society recommending to the Legislature to do evil, that good may come. Now if it be true, that the degradation of the free blacks is inevi- table and cannot even be removed by Christianity, then in- deed, as the Society affirms, it is not the “ fault” of the white man, and he, not being in fault, there is no reason why he should change his conduct towards them, or repeal those laws which Mr. Smith will not say are under all cir. cumstances “too severe." Let us see what are these laws, which a most worthy Colonizationist, and a distinguished officer of the Society, intimates, are not too severe; and what are those causes of degradation which we are assured by the Board of Managers, are an ordination of Providence, and no more to be changed than the laws of nature. In some of the States, if a free man of color is accused of crime, he is denied the benefit of those forms of trial which the Common Law has established for the protection of innocence. Thus, in South Carolina, it is thought quite unnecessary to give a Grand and Petit Jury the trouble of inquiring into his case : he can be hung without so much ceremony. But who is a colored man? We answer, the 22 LAWS AGAINST FREE BLACKS. fairest man in Carolina, if it can be proved that a drop of negro blood flowed in the veins of his mother. The fol- lowing extract from a late Charleston paper gives us a cu- rious instance of the administration of criminal justice in a Christian country in the 19th Century. "TRIAL FOR MUR- DER- William Tann, a free colored man, was tried on Friday last at John's Island, for the murder of Moses, the slave of Jos. D. Jenkins, Esq. of that place. The Court consisted of William H. Inglesby and Alexander H. Brown, Esqrs. Judicial Magistrates” (Justices of the Peace) “ of this City, together with five freeholders- The murder was committed at John's Island on the 4th July, 1832, Tann shooting down Moses with a musket loaded with buckshot. Tann was at that time overseer of a Mr. Murray, and from the fairness of his complexion was thought to be and passed for a WHITE MAN. He was accordingly bound over to answer for this offence to the COURT OF SESSIONS, but it having been decided on an issue ordered and tried at Wal- terborough, for the purpose of ascertaining his caste, that he was of MIXED BLOOD, he was turned over by the Court, to the jurisdiction of Magistrates, and Freeholders the Court found him guilty, and sentenced him to be hung on Friday the 24th April next,” 1835.-Charleston Courier. In South Carolina, if a free negro " entertains" a runa. way slave, he forfeits ten pounds, and if unable to pay the fine, which must be the case ninety-nine times in a hundred, he is to be sold as a slave for life. In 1827, a free woman and her three children were thus sold, for harbouring two slave children. In Mississippi, every negro or mulatto, not being able to prove himself free, may be sold as a slave. Should the certificate of his manumission, or the evidence of his pa. rent's freedom, be lost or stolen, he is reduced to hopeless bondage. This provision extends to most of the slave States, and is in full operation in the District of Columbia. In South Carolina, any assembly of free negroes, even in the presence of white persons, “in a confined or secret place, for the purpose of mental instruction,” is an unlaw- ful assembly, and may be dispersed by a magistrate, who is authorized to inflict twenty lashes on each free negro at- tending the meeting. IMPROVEMENT OF FREE BLACKS DISCOURAGED. 23 In the city of Savannah, any person who teaches a free negro to read or write, incurs a penalty of thirty dollars. Of course a father may not instruct his own children. In Maryland, a Justice of the Peace may order a free negro's ears to be cut off for striking a white man. In Kentucky, for the same offence, he is to receive thirty lashes, 6 well laid on." The law of Louisiana declarcs, “ Free people of color ought never to insult or strike white people, nor presume to conceive themselves equal to the whites ; but, on the contrary, they ought to yield to them on every occasion, and never speak or answer them but with respect, under the penalty of imprisonment ac- cording to the nature of the case.” The corporation of Georgetown, in the District of Co- lumbia, passed an ordinance, making it penal for any free negro to receive from the post-office, have in his possession, or circulate, any publication or writing whatsoever of a seditious character. In North Carolina, the law prohibits a free colored man, whatever may be his attainments or ecclesiastical authority, to preach the gospel. In Georgia, a white man is liable to a fine of five hundred dollars for teaching a free negro to read or write. If one free negro teach another, he is to be fined and whipped at the discretion of the court! Should a free negro presume to preach to, or exhort his companions, he may be seized without warrant, and whipped thirty-nine lashes, and the saine number of lashes may be applied to each one of his congregation. In Virginia, should free negroes or their children assem- ble at a school to learn reading and writing, any Justice of the Peace, may dismiss the school with twenty stripes on the back of each pupil. In some States, free negroes may not assemble together for any purpose, to a greater number than seven. In North Carolina, free negroes may not trade, buy, or sell, out of the cities or towns in which they reside, under the penalty of forfeiting their goods, and receiving in lieu thereof thirty- nine lashes. The laws of Ohio against the free blacks are peculiarly detestable, because not originating from the fears and pre- IMPROVEMENT OF FREE BLACKS DISCOURAGED. judices of slave-holders. Not only are the blacks excluded in that State from the benefit of public schools, but with a refinement of cruelty unparalleled, they are doomed to idle- ness and poverty, by a law which renders a white man who employs à colored one to labor for him one hour, liable for his support through life!! By a late law of Maryland, a free negro coming into the State, is liable to a fine of fifty dollars for every week he remains in it. If he cannot pay the fine, he is sold. In Louisiana, the penalty for instructing a free black in a Sunday School, is, for the first offence, five hundred dollars ; for the second offence, DEATH !! Such, in a greater or less degree, is the situation of three hundred thousand of our fellow-citizens; and the only comfort, the only consolation, the only mitigation of their sufferings, which a Society, said to be “ full of bene- volence, and the hallowed impulses of Heaven's own mer- cy," proposes, or even wishes for them, is their transpor- tation to Africa! Is this a harsh assertion ? Let us attend to the proofs that THE SOCIETY DISCOURAGES ALL ATTEMPTS TO IM- PROVE THE CONDITION OF THE FREE BLACKS. We have already seen, that the managers of the Ameri- can Colonization Society officially declare, that, in their opinion, no human power can remove the causes which prevent the improvement and elevation of the free negroes to any considerable extent in this country ; and that the New York Society, in addressing the Legislature, express their desire, that the provisions in the constitution and sta- tute book of that State relative to the blacks, may “stand in all their rigor." The provision in the constitution here alluded to, is that recent one, which, by requiring a freehold qualification, virtually deprived the blacks of the elective franchise, which the fathers of the revolution had given them. In the Convention by which the new consti- tution was formed, many of the most distinguished citizens and able lawyers, including Rufus King and Chancellor Kent, had protested against this proscription as unjust and anti-republican; but the Colonization Society declare to the Legislature, without whose consent this provision can- not be changed, that they wish it to stand in all its rigor. IMPROVEMENT OF FREE BLACKS DISCOURAGED. 25 Not contented with giving their sanction to past acts of in- justice, the Society use their influence with the Legislature to prevent its benevolent operation in future. Their Me- morial proceeds :~"Persuaded that their condition here is not susceptible of a radical and permanent improvement, we would deprecute any legislation that should encourage the vain and injurious hope of it.” The Connecticut Colonization Society, in their address already quoted, denies that even “religion itself” can subdue the prejudices existing against these people. The same address authoritatively decides, that the free blacks “constitute a class by themselves, a class out of which no , individual can be elevated.” The Kentucky State Colonization Society, in their offi- cial address, say, “It is against this increase of colored persons, who take but a nominal freedom, and cannot risc from their degraded condition, that this Society attempts to provide.” Af. Rep. VI. 82. - The people of color must, in this country, remain for ages, probably forever, a separate and distinct caste, weighed down by causes powerful, universal, invincible, which neither legislation, nor CHRISTIANITY, can remove." Af. Rep. Edit. Art. VII. 196. “ We have endeavored, but in vain, to restore them (the free negroes) either to self respect, or to the respect of others. It is not our fault that we have failed. It is not theirs. It has resulted from a cause over which neither we nor they can ever have control.” Speech of Rev. Dr. Nott before N. York Col. Soc. This last extract claims attention from the extraordinary assertions which it contains, and from the high character of the author. No explanations are given of the vain endea- vors which have been made to restore the blacks either to self respect, or to the respect of others. When, where, by whom, and how were these efforts made ? Dr. Nott is ad. dressing the State Society, and speaks in the plural num- ber. We confess we see nothing like such efforts in the Memorial of that Society to the Legislature. It is more- over to be recollected, that the American Society, in its address to its auxiliaries, warns them against such efforts. 26 IMPROVEMENT OF FREE BLACKS DISCOURAGED. 6. The moral, intellectual, and political improvement of people of color within the United States, are objects foreign to the powers of this Society.” Address of the Am. Col. Soc. to its auxiliaries. Af. Rep. VII. 291. Let us see also what two religious colonization papers say on this subject. “If the free people of color were generally taught to read, it might be an inducement to them to remain in this country; we would offer them no such inducements.” South- ern Religious Telegraph, Feb. 19, 1831. “ It must appear evident to all, that every endeavor to divert the attention of the community, or even a portion of the means which the present crisis so imperatively calls for, from the Colonization Society, to measures calculated to bind the colored population to this country, and seeking to raise them to a level with the whites, whether by found- ing colleges, or in any other way, tends directly in the pro- portion that it succeeds, to counteract and thwart the whole plan of colonization.” New Haven Religious Intelligen- cer, July, 1831. We perceive from these extracts, that the improvement of the free blacks is represented by Colonizationists as im- possible, and of course it is folly to attempt what is imprac- ticable. The very attempt, moreover, is calculated to counteract and thwart the whole plan of Colonization, as far as it succeeds. But this is not all. Some might think the obligations of Christianity required us to instruct the ignorant, and to succor the oppressed. To remove this prejudice, we are assured that even Christianity cannot help the negro in America! When before, has the power of our blessed religion in changing the heart, subduing evil affections, and removing unholy prejudices, been questioned by professing Christians ? The influence of the gospel of Christ, has led thousands and tens of thousands to offer themselves as willing victims at the stake or in the amphitheatre-it has prostrated the temples, the altars, and the gods of paganism—it has tri- umphed over ancient and endeared superstitions—it has delivered the Hindoo from the ſetters of caste, and tamed the North American savage, and yet according to Coloniza- NUMBER SENT TO AFRICA. 27 tionists, it is utterly impotent, when brought into collision with the prejudices of American Christians, towards an un- happy portion of their fellow countrymen! And what unsuccessful experiments justify this deprecia- tion of the gospel of Jesus Christ? When have those who thus speak of the inefficacy of religion in subduing these sinful prejudices, tried its power? When have Coloniza- tionists warned Christians that the negro is created by the same Almighty Being, descended from the same parent, re- deemed by the same Saviour, and made an heir of the same immortality with themselves? When have we been reminded by them of that heart-searching declaration which will be uttered by the Judge at the last day, o inasmuch as ye did it not to one of the least of these my brethren, ye did it not to me?" Admitting that the blacks who have gone to Africa have improved their condition, what is the total amount of good thus effected? Of the 319,467 free negrocs in the United States, 2,122 have in the last 18 years been sent to Liberia. Supposing them to be happy in their new abode, at what a deplorable sacrifice of the happiness of their brethren here, has their own been purchased! To raise funds for their transportation, our churches and halls, in all parts of the United States, have rung with reproaches and accusa- tions against the free people of color. Orators, preachers, legislators, have denounced them as nuisances, vile excres- cences on the body politic ; ignorant, depraved, debased, and utterly incapable of improvement and elevation. The laws oppressing them have been vindicated, and all legis. lation deprecated, that would even encourage the hope of their permanent improvement. And is it possible that this general and united effort to prevent these people from rising, and to render them odious to the community, should have no practical effect on public opinion and conduct? Already do we hear their for- cible expulsion from the country, urged in petitions, and advocated in our State Legislatures. He must be wilfully blind to passing events, who does not perceive that the per- secution of these people is increasing in extent and malig- nity. Lafayette remarked in his last visit with astonish- · ment, the aggravation of the prejudices against the blacks, 28 COLONIZATION INFLUENCE IN CONNECTICUT. and stated that in the revolutionary war, the black and white soldiers messed together without hesitation. In no instance, perhaps, has Colonization had so direct and obvious an influence in augmenting the injuries and oppression of this unhappy race, as in Connecticut. To that State have good men long rejoiced to look as to a bright pattern of a Christian republic. There they beheld political liberty in its highest perfection, and so divested by the influence of religion, of those irregularities of conduct which too often attend it, that the State was proverbially distinguished as “the land of steady habits.” In no part of the world were the blessings of education more highly valued, or more generally diffused. The Colonization Society had there taken a strong hold on the affections of the people, and had found in Connecticut, divines and politicians, and in the religious periodicals of New Haven, zealous and able champions. The city of New Haven had been long, alike distin- guished for its literary institutions, and for the sobriety and piety of its inhabitants. It is not, therefore, surprising that some of the most intelligent and influential of our colored citizens, trere led to believe that New-Haven would be a proper site for a school for their children, and that such a school would there find generous patrons. In 1831, a convention was held in Philadelphia of delegates from the free colored people in other States, and it was deter- mined that an effort should be made to raise funds for "a Collegiate school, on the manual labor system.” A com- mittee was appointed to carry the plan into execution. This committee published in Philadelphia, “ An appeal to the benevolent,” in which they stated the necessity of the proposed school, on account of the difficulty which colored children experienced in gaining admission into ordinary seminaries, or mechanical establishments; and that the proposed seminary would be located at New-Haven, and “ established on the self supporting system, so that the student may cultivate habits of industry, and obtain a useful mechanical or agricultural profession, while pursuing classical studies.” Bishops White and Onderdonk, and the Rev. Doctors Mc Auley, Bedell, and Ely, of Philadelphia, gave the Com- PROGRESS IN NEW-HAVEN. 29 mittee written certificates of their approbation, of the edu- cation of colored youth. Little, alas, did these gentlemen anticipate the feeling this effort would excite, among the Christians of New Haven. No sooner had intelligence of the intended school reached that city, than the mayor sum- moned a town meeting “ to take into consideration a scheme, said to be in progress, for the establishment in this city of a college for the education of colored youth.” The meeting was held on the 8th September, 1831, and it was “Re- solved by the Mayor, Aldermen, Common Council, and free men of the city of New Haven, in city meeting assem- blcd, that we will resist the establishment of the proposed college in this place by every lawful means." This reso- lution was preceded by a preamble, stating that “ in con- nexion with this establishment, the immediate abolition of slavery in the United States, is not only recommended and encouraged by the advocates of the proposed college, but demanded as a right,” and “ that the propagation of senti- ments, favorable to the immediate emancipation of slaves, in disregard of the civil institutions of the States to which they belong, and as auxiliary thereto, the contemporaneous founding of colleges for educating colored people, is an un- warrantable and dangerous interference with the internal concerns of other States, and ought to be discouraged." That the education of colored citizens in Connecticut, is an unwarrantable interference with the internal concerns of other States, and that the friends of the proposed college ever recommended the immediate emancipation of slaves in disregard of the civil institutions of the States to which they belong, are assertions which the Mayor, Aldermen, Common Council, and free men of the city of New Haven, prudently permitted to rest on their own authority, without adducing any other evidence of their truth. But surely, the pious and excellent Colonizationists of New Haven, who are so anxious to civilize the natives of Africa, must have been indignant at this attempt to keep Americans in ignorance. Alas, in that crowded assembly, there was but one voice raised against its unholy resolution, and that was the voice of a decided Anti-colonizationist, the Rev. S. S. Jocelyn, while one of the public advocates of the resolution, was the Secretary of the New Haven 3* 30 PROCEEDINGS IN CANTERBURY. Committee of Correspondence of the American Colonization Society. The Colonization party in New Haven, could have pre- vented this high handed oppression, but their influence was exerted not for, but against the improvement and elevation of their colored brethren. Unhappily for the character of Connecticut, for that of our common country, and even of Christianity itself, the proceedings in New Haven were but the commencement of a series of outrages on justice, humanity, and the rights of freemen. There are occasions on which it is treason to truth and honor, if not to religion, to suppress our indignation; and while we shall scrupulously adhere to truth in relating the measures pursued in Connecticut, to prevent the education of a certain class of colored persons, we shall not shrink from a free expression of our opinions of those measures, and of their authors. Miss Crandall, a communicant in the Baptist church, and, as we believe, a lady of irreproachable character, had for some time been at the head of a female boarding school, in the town of Canterbury, Connecticut, when in the au- tumn of 1832, a pious colored female applied to her for admission into her school, stating that she wanted “ to get a little more learning-enough if possible to teach colored children.” After some hesitation, Miss Crandall consented to admit her, but was soon informed that this intruder must be dismissed, or that the school would be greatly injured. This threat turned her attention to the cruel prejudices and disadvantages under which the blacks are suffering, and she resolved to open a school exclusively for colored girls. It has been thought expedient to doubt the philan- thropy of this resolution, and to attribute it to pecuniary motives. Whatever may have been her motives, and pecu- niary ones would not have been unlawful, she had a perfect right to open a school for pupils of any color whatever, and had not the moral sense of the community been perverted, this attempt to instruct the poor, the friendless, and the ignorant, would have met with applause instead of con- tumely. She discontinued her school, and in February, 1833, gave public notice of her intention to open one for PROCEEDINGS IN CANTERBURY. 31 colored girls. This notice excited prodigious commotion in the town of Canterbury. That black girls should pre- sume to learn reading, and writing, and music, and geogra- phy, was past all bearing. Committee after committee waited on Miss Crandall, to remonstrate against the intend- ed school, but to no purpose. More efficient means were found necessary to avert the impending calamity, and a legal town meeting was summoned to consider the awful crisis. At this meeting resolutions were passed, expressing the strongest disapprobation of the proposed school, and the preamble declared that “the obvious tendency of this school would be to collect within the town of Canterbury, large numbers of persons from other States, whose charac- ters and habits might be various and unknown to us, there- by rendering insecure the persons, property, and reputa- tions of our citizens.”. Had this extreme nervous appre- hension of danger, been excited in the good people of Canterbury, by the introduction of some hundreds of Irish laborers into their village to construct a rail road or canal, we should still have thought their temperament very pecu- liar; but when we find them thus affecting to tremble not merely for their property, but for their persons and reputa- tions, at the approach of fifteen or twenty • young ladies and little misses of color,” we confess we are astonished that the collected wisdom of these people was not able to frame an argument against the school, less disgraceful to themselves. Andrew T. Judson, Esq. acted as clerk to this meeting, and supported the resolutions in a speech, in which he is reported to have said, "that should the school go into operation, their sons and daughters would be forever ruined, and property no longer safe.” For his part, he was not willing for the honor and welfare of the town, that even one corner of it should be appropriated to such a purpose. After the example which New Haven had set, he continued, shall it be said that we cannot, that we dare not resist ?" Mr. Judson farther stated, that they had “A LAW which should prevent that school from going into operation.” The resolutions of the town meeting, as became so grave a matter, were communicated to Miss Crandall by the “civil authority and selectmen,” but strange as it may seem, 32 PROCEEDINGS IN CANTERBURY. that lady stood less in dread of them, than they did of the “ young ladies of color," for she refused to retreat from the ground she had taken. The example of New Haven, we have seen, was held up to the people of Canterbury by Mr. Judson, for their en- couragement, and as an earnest of their ultimate success. Still the cases were not exactly similar. 66. The civil autho- rity and selectmen" of Canterbury, had not the imposing array of power and influence displayed by 6 the Mayor, Aldermen, Common Council, and freemen of the city of New Haven.” The latter, by the mere expression of their opinion, had prevented the establishment of a college for colored youth; the former were set at naught by an unpro- tected female. Some means more efficacious than the ful- minations of a town meeting were, therefore, next to be tried. Mr. Judson had indeed a certain LAW in reserve, but it was necessary that certain influences should be pre- viously brought into action, before a civilized and Christian people could be induced to tolerate the application of that law. Colonization, as already remarked, had taken a deep hold on the affections of the people of Connecticut. Their most eminent men had enrolled themselves in the ranks of the Society. To this powerful association recourse was now had. On the 22d March, 1833, the " civil authority and selectmen” of Canterbury made their “ APPEAL TO THE AMERICAN COLONIZATION SOCIETY.” In this most extra- ordinary paper, they expatiate on the benevolence of the Society towards the colored population, and deplore the opposition it encounters from certain individuals who have formed “the Anti-Slavery Society." These men, they as- sert, wish to admit the blacks “ into the bosom of our so- ciety," and would “justify intermarriages with the white people.” They then recite their own grievances, detail the proceedings of their town-meeting, dwell on Miss Cran- dall's pertinacity in pursuing her own plans, express their horror of abolition principles, and state that Mr. Garrison had said that the excitement in Canterbury “is one of the genuine flowers of the Colonization garden;" and they add, “Be it so, we APPEAL to the American Colonization So- ciety, to which our statement is addressedwe appeal to PROCEEDINGS IN CANTERBURY. every philanthropist and to every Christian !" Mr. Judson's name appears at the head of the signers to the appeal. Had Miss Crandall appealed to the Society in behalf of her school, she would probably and very properly have been told that the subject of her school was not embraced in the constitutional objects of the Society ; and may we not ask, if the Society has no right to encourage, has it any right to discourage the establishment of schools of any description whatever ? In the singleness of its object it has often been compared to the Bible Society; what would have been thought of such an appeal to the American Bible Society ? How the appeal was answered we shall presently see. Having thus identified their cause with that of the Colo- nization Society, and secured the sympathy of its nume- rous and powerful friends in Connecticut, Mr. Judson and his associates proceeded to further operations. Foiled in their attempts to persuade or intimidate, they now resolved on coercion. On the first April, another town-meeting was convened, at which it was “ Voted that a petition in behalf of the town of Canterbury, to the next General As- sembly, be drawn up in suitable language, deprecating the evil consequences of bringing from other towns and other States people of color for any purpose, and more especially for the purpose of disseminating the principles and doctrines opposed to THE BENEVOLENT COLONIZATION SYSTEM, pray- ing said assembly to pass and enact such laws as in their wisdom will prevent the evil.” Mr. Judson, with others, was appointed a Committee to prepare the petition, and to request other towns to forward similar petitions. The ma. lignity of this vote is equalled only by its absurdity. The desired law is to prevent the evil of blacks passing not only from other States, but other towns. Every black citizen of Connecticut is to be imprisoned in the town in which the law happens to find him, and he may not travel into the ad- joining town for “ any purpose," and all this especially to prevent interference with “ the benevolent Colonization system.” Did the Colonization Society protest against such an outrage being committed in its' behalf-did it indignantly disclaim all connexion, all sympathy with men, who in its name, were striving to perpetrate such abominable tyranny? 34 PROCEEDINGS IN CANTERBURY. It is not known, that in any way whatever, it has ever ex- pressed its disapprobation of these proceedings. Certain it is, that the effect of the “appeal” and of this vote, was not such as to induce the Canterbury gentlemen to falter in their career-we have seen that Mr. Judson had a LAW, which was to arrest the school. When the “appeal” had been before the public just one month, the selectmen re- solved to avail themselves of this law. Among the pupils of Miss Crandall, was a colored girl about seventeen years of age, who had come from Rhode- Island to enjoy the advantages of the school. The pursuit of knowledge under discouraging difficulties has rarely fail- ed to excite applause; and the virtuous struggles of the poor and obscure to improve and elevate themselves, claim the sympathy of Christian benevolence. In the present in- stance we behold a youthful female, of a despised and de- pressed race, attempting to emerge from the ignorance and degradation into which she had been cast by birth ; and abandoning her home and friends, and travelling to another State, applying for instruction to the only seminary in the whole country open to receive her. And now let us see what sympathy this poor and defenceless, but innocent and praiseworthy girl, experienced from the admirers of “the benevolent Colonization system.” On the day after her arrival, she was ordered by the selectmen to leave the town. This order, as illegal as it was inhumane, was disregarded ; and on the 22nd April, Mr. Judson and his fellow function- aries instituted on behalf of the town, a suit against her under an old vagrant act of Connecticut, and a writ was issued to the sheriff, to require her appearance before a Jus- tice of the Peace. The writ recited, that according to the statute she had forfeited to the town $1.62 for each day she had remained in it, since she was ordered to depart; and that in default of payment, she was TO BE WHIPPED ON THE NAKED BODY NOT EXCEEDING TEN STRIPES, unless she departed within ten days after conviction. The barba. rous and obsolete law under which this suit was brought, was intended to protect towns from the intrusion of pau- pers who might become chargeable. The friends of the school had offered to give the selectmen bonds to any amount, to secure the town from all cost on account of the . PROCEEDINGS IN CANTERBURY. 35 pupils ; and of course this suit was a wicked perversion of the law, and the plaintiffs ought to have been indicted, for a malicious prosecution under color of office. With equal propriety might the civil authority of New Haven warn a student in Yale College from New York to leave the city, and on his refusal, order him to be whipped on the naked body as a vagrant pauper. About the time of the return of this writ, the Legisla- ture of Connecticut assembled, and so successfully had the Canterbury persecution been identified with Colonization, that a law was passed to suppress the school, and all others of a similar character. Its preamble declared that “at- tempts have been made to establish literary institutions in this State for the instruction of colored persons belonging to other States and countries, which would tend to the great increase of the colored population of this State, and there- by to the injury of the people.” The act provides, that every person, who shall set up or establish any school, academy, or literary institution, for the instruction or edu- cation of colored persons who are not inhabitants of Con- necticut; or who shall teach in such school, or who shall board any colored pupil of such school, not an inhabitant of the State, shall forfeit one hundred dollars for the first of- fence, two hundred dollars for the second, and so on, doub- ling for each succeeding offence, unless the consent of the civil authority, and select men of the town, be previously obtained. Mr. Judson's late attempt to enforce the whipping law, reminded the Legislature of the propriety of abolishing that relic of barbarism, and it was accordingly repealed, and thus were the backs of Miss Crandall's pupils saved from the threatened laceration. It is painful and mortifying to reflect on the law ob- tained by Mr. Judson and his associates, for the suppression of the school, and which has very generally received the title of " the Connecticut Black Act." It is an act alien to the habits, the character, the religion of Connecticut. It is an act which neither policy nor duty can vindicate. It is an act which will afford its authors no consolation in the prospect of their final account, and which their child- ren will blush to remember. 36 ACT OF CONNECTICUT LEGISLATURE. It is not surprising that a Connecticut Legislature, about to pass a law, for the discouragement of learning, should wish for an excuse; nor that they should find themselves constrained to invent one. Miss Crandall had fifteen or twenty girls in her school, and it does not appear that the Legislature had ascertained how many of them had come from other States, nor that they had inquired into the amount of injury sustained by the citizens of Canterbury in their “persons, property, and reputations," from these “misses of color ;' and yet they unhesitatingly assert, that the “increase" of the colored population in the State oc- casioned by such schools, would be “ great ;" and that such increase would tend to the “ injury of the people." To test the truth of these two assertions, let it be recol- lected, first, that no evidence existed that any other semi- nary for blacks was at this time contemplated in Connec- ticut; and that the free colored people are, as a class, sunk in abject poverty, and that very few of them have the means of sending their children from other States into Con- necticut, and there maintaining them at school; and, se- condly, that no portion of this population would be so lit- tle likely to occasion “injury to the people," as those who were placed at a religious school, and instructed in morals and literature. As to the sincerity of the apprehensions felt by the Legislature, let it be further recollected, that the law is intended to prevent the ingress of such blacks only as might come for the honorable and virtuous purpose of education, while not the slightest impediment is opposed to the introduction of cooks, waiters, scullions, shoeblacks, &c., in any number. The best are excluded, the worst freely admitted. We have seen that Colonizationists regard all attempts to elevate the free blacks, as an interference with their sys- tem, and the Black Act is admirably calculated to prevent such attempts. Connecticut closes her schools to blacks from New York and elsewhere. If this is right, and what State more religious than Connecticut, other States may be expected to follow her example. Hence no seminary, in any one State, for the instruction of the blacks, can be founded by their joint contributions ;- from the academies, boarding schools, and colleges of the whites, they are al- ACT OF CONNECTICUT LEGISLATURE. 37 ready excluded ; of course, they are-doomed to perpetual ignorance. Let each State, it is said, instruct its own youth. It is well for Yale College that this doctrine is ap- plied only to black aspirants for knowledge. In 1828, an African Mission School was established at Hartford, for the purpose of educating colored youth, “to be selected from our numerous African population,” and, of course, from other States besides Connecticut. It was under the patronage of the Bishops of the Protestant Epis- copal Church in the United States. No outcry was ex- cited against this school; no citizen of Hartford trembled for his property, person, or reputation. Why not? Be- cause the school was auxiliary to Colonization, and those instructed in it were to be sent out of the country, No sooner was the passage of the Black Act known in Canterbury, than this triumph over justice, humanity, and constitutional liberty, was celebrated by a feu de joie, and the ringing of bells. Nor was the act permitted to remain a dead letter. Miss Crandall was prosecuted under it, and being unable to procure bail, was committed to PRISON. The next day bail was obtained, and she returned to her school. Well, indeed, might the public press, with some memorable exceptions, execrate the Black Act; and well, indeed, might Mr. Judson feel impatient, under the obloquy that was falling upon hin, as the chief instigator and ma- nager of the prosecution. " A friend in need, is a friend indeed.” And now was the time when he needed and re- ceived that countenance, for which he had appealed to the Colonization Society. It was not probably expected that the managers of the parent Society would officially notice the appeal, but a mode was devised, on the part of Con- necticut Colonizationists, of publicly expressing their ap- probation of Mr. Judson's conduct. 'On the anniversary of the declaration that “all men are created equal,” and a few days after Miss Crandall's imprisonment, the Windham County* Colonization Society convened, and appointed Mr. Judson their orator and agent, thus proclaiming that he was the man they delighted to honor. Another response to the appeal, was in a few days heard from New York. The chairman of the executive committee of the New York City * The county in which Canterbury is situated. 38 TRIAL OF MISS CRANDALL. Colonization Society, is the editor of the New York Com- mercial Advertiser, and its columns were loaded with cri- minations of Miss Crandall, and vindications of the Black Act. 6 The inhabitants of Canterbury” were declared to be " as quiet, peaceable, humane, and inoffensive people, as can be named in the United States.” The constitutionality of the Black Act was broadly maintained, and it was averred to be “just such a law in its spirit, if not in its provisions, as we are in the constant practice of enforcing in this city, to prevent our charitable institutions from being filled to overflowing with black paupers from the South, and white paupers from Europe." of the gentleman who drafted the Black Act, the public were assured, so warmer heart than his throbs in few bosoms, and the African race has no firmer friend than him."'* On the 23d of August, Miss Crandall was brought to trial. The crime with which she was charged, was fully proved. One of the witnesses testified: “ The school is usually opened and closed with prayer ; the Scriptures are read and explained in the school daily ; portions are com- mitted to memory by the pupils, and considered part of their education." The orator and agent of the Windham Colonization Soeicty, opened the case on the part of the prosecution, and to this gentleman, it is believed, belongs the distinction of having been the first man in New England to propound publicly the doctrine, that free colored persons are not citi- zens. This doctrine was essential to the validity of the Black Act, since by the federal Constitution, citizens of one State are entitled to all the privileges of citizenship in every other State; and the Act prohibited colored persons from other States from going to school in Connecticut, a prohibition palpably unconstitutional, if free blacks are citi- zens. The presiding Judge submitted the cause to the jury without comment; and some of them having scruples about Mr. Judson's new doctrine, refused to agree in a ver- dict of guilty, and a new trial was consequently ordered. In the ensuing October, Miss Crandall was again placed at the bar, while the vice president of the New Haven Colonization Society, Judge Daggett, took his seat on the * Com. Adv. July 16 and 29, 1833. TRIAL OF MISS CRANDALL. bench. The cause against the defendant was again argued by the Windham Colonization orator and agent; and Judge Daggett, warned by the result of the preceding trial, of the necessity of enlightening the consciences of the jury, delivered an elaborate charge. Rarely has any Judge en. joyed such an opportunity of defending the poor and father- less, of doing justice to the afflicted and needy, of delivering the spoiled out of the hand of the oppressor. The me- rits of the cause turned on the simple question whether frec blacks are citizens or not. We might have presumed that a Judge, aware of his solemn responsibility, would have prepared himself for the decision of this momentous ques- tion, by the most patient and thorough research. On the opinion he might pronounce, would perhaps rest the future education, comfort, freedom, and not unlikely, everlasting happiness of multitudes of his fellow men. Under such cir- cumstances, the public had a right to expect, that he would resort to every source of information ; that he would con- sult the opinions of eminent statesmen and jurists, investi- gate the constitutional history of the rights of these people ; study the proceedings of Congress in relation to them, and bring together such a mass of facts, such an array of ar- guments, as would prove that his decision, whatever it might be, was the result of conscientious inquiry, and that the bench was elevated far above the prejudices and pas. sions, which had brought to the bor an innocent and be. nevolent female. The Judge, in his charge, expresses himself in the fol. lowing words :* “ Are the free people of color citizens ? I answer, no.” The grounds on which this answer is given, appear to be the following: 1st. “ They are not so styled in the Constitution of the United States. In that clause of the Constitution which fixes the basis of representation, there was an opportunity to have called them citizens, if they were so considered. But that makes free persons (adding three fiſths of all other persons) the basis of representation and taxation.” The words of the Constitution referred to by the Judge, * We quote from a newspaper report of the charge, and have no know- ledge that the accuracy of the report has ever been denied. JUDGE DAGGETT'S CHARGE. are, (Art. 1. Sec. 3.) “ Representatives and direct taxes shall be apportioned among the several States which may be included within this Union, according to their respective numbers, which shall be determined by adding to the whole number of free persons, including those bound to service for a term of years, and excluding Indians not taxed, three fifths of all other persons." Now, it seems, free colored persons cannot be citizens, because they are not in this section so called ; but unfortu- nately free white persons are not called citizens, and they also must therefore be disfranchised! Apprentices (“ those bound to service for a term of years,'') are likewise inclu- ded among free persons, and they also cannot be citizens ! Had free white persons been spoken of as citizens, and free black persons only as 6 persons," then indeed there would have been some force in the Judge's first reason; but as there is not the slightest reference in the Constitu- tion to the complexion of the “ free persons," we cannot understand the argument, and proceed, therefore, to his 2d reason. “ They (free negroes) are not so styled, (citi- zens,) so far as I am aware, in the laws of Congress, or of any of the States." It would thus seem that men with black skins cannot be citizens, unless the laws expressly declare them to be so. So far as we are aware, men with red hair are not styled citizens in the laws of Congress, or of any of the States. 3d reason. “His Honor then read from Kent's Com- mentary, Vol. II. p. 210, a note in which the commentator speaks of the degraded condition of the blacks, and the dis- abilities under which they labor, and thence inferred that, in Kent's opinion, they were not citizens.” Had the Judge found it convenient to consult the text of this learned and independent jurist, the following passage would have saved him the trouble of drawing an inference. “ The article in the Constitution of the United States, declaring that citizens of each State were entitled to all the privileges and immunities of citizens in the several States, applies to natural born or duly naturalized citizens, and if they remove from one State to another, they are entitled to the privileges that persons of the same description are en- titled to in the State to which the removal is made, and to JUDGE DAGGETT'S CHARGE. none other. If, therefore, for instance, free persons of color are not entitled to vote in Carolina, free persons of color emigrating there from a Northern State would not be entitled to vote.” Here is an express admission of the citizenship of free colored persons, and their case is cited to illustrate the rights of citizens under the federal Consti- tution. If a free black, according to the Commentary, moving from one State to another, is, under the federal Constitution, entitled only to such privileges as the free blacks in the latter State enjoy, it follows irresistibly that he is entitled to such privileges as the free blacks do there enjoy. Now, the free blacks of Connecticut enjoy a legal right to go to school, and to any school that will receive them; hence, according to Chancellor Kent, a free black removing from another State into Connecticut, has the same right, and hence the Black Act is plainly and palpably unconstitutional. · 4th “ Another reason for believing that people of color are not considered citizens, is found in the fact, that when the United States Constitution was adopted, every State except Massachusetts tolerated slavery.” Why a free black man cannot be a citizen, because another black man is a slave, is a problem we confess our- selves unable to solve. Such are the arguments, and the only ones adduced by the Judge, to support his portentous decision-a decision which tends to strip the free negro of his property and rights; renders him an alien in the land of his birth; ex- poses him to contumely and oppression, and prepares the way for his forcible deportation to the shores of Africa. . : In order to do full justice to Judge Daggett, it may be proper to notice his answers to objections, since these an. swers may perhaps be regarded as negative arguments. To the assertion that free blacks own vessels which participate in the peculiar privileges of American shipping, and that they sue in the United States courts, he simply replied, that these claims have never been settled by judicial decisions. To the argument that free blacks may be guilty of high treason, he replied, “ So may any person who resides un- der the government, and enjoys its protection, if he rises up against it." 42 FREE BLACKS CITIZENS. Having thus fairly stated the Judge's arguments, we will now take the liberty of presenting a few facts having an important bearing on this question ; facts, be it remember- ed, that were accessible to the Judge, had he thought it worth while to look for them. By the fourth of the “ Articles of Confederation," it was provided, that “ the free inhabitants of these States shall be entitled to all the privileges and immunities of free citi- zens in the several States." While these articles were un- der consideration in Congress, it appears from the journals, that on the 25th June, 1778, “ the delegates from South Carolina moved the following amendment in behalf of their State- In Article fourth, between the words free inhabit- ants, insert WHITE.' Passed in the negative-Ayes 2 States, Nays 8 States—1 State divided.” Here then was a solemn decision of the revolutionary Congress, that free negroes should be entitled to all the privileges and immunities of free citizens in the several States. Judge Daggett thinks that the Constitution of the United States did not regard free blacks as citizens, because in 1788 all the States with one exception tolerated slavery ; yet in 1778, Congress de- cided that free blacks were citizens, although all the States, without one exception, tolerated slavery. Ten years after this decision, the new Constitution was formed, and the clause respecting citizenship in the several States was transferred to it from the Articles of Confederation, with slight verbal alterations. That the clause embraced free negroes, at the time it was transferred, was settled by the vote we have quoted—no words were added to exclude them; no intimation was given that the new Constitution was disfranchising thousands, and tens of thousands, who Congress had declared were invested with all the rights and immunities of free citizens. No desire was expressed to disfranchise these people, and in the debates on the Con- stitution, this disfranchisement was never alluded to either in the language of praise or of censure,-and for more than forty years after the adoption of the Constitution, no sus- picion existed that it had divested the free blacks of the citizenship they enjoyed under the confederation, till the discovery was made by the agent and orator of the Wind- ham Colonization Society, and juridically announced by FREE BLACKS CITIZENS. the Vice President of the New Haven Colonization So- ciety. Judge Daggett “is not aware that free blacks are styled citizens in the laws of Congress or of any of the States !" How laborious has been his search for such laws, we shall now see. Probably the Judge will admit that when the laws speak of male citizens, they recognize the existence of female citizens; and most Judges would admit, that where the law speaks of white citizens, they recognize the exist- ence of citizens who are not white. The act of Congress of 1792, for organizing the militia, provides for the enrolment of “free white male citizens.” The act of Congress of 1803, “ to prevent the importa- tion of certain persons into certain States, when by the laws thereof their admission is prohibited,” enacts that masters and captains of vessels shall not "import or bring, or cause to be imported or brought, any negro, mulatto, or other person of color, not being a native, a citizen, or regis- tered seaman of the United States," &c. The Constitution of Judge Daggett's own State, limits the right of suffrage to “free white male citizens.” Why male citizens if there are no female citizens; and why white citizens, if there can be no colored ones? Seven or eight State Constitutions, in the same manner, recognize the existence of colored citizens. Had the Judge extended his inquiries into State laws, to those of Massachusetts, he would have found one prohibiting any negro, “ other than a CITIZEN of the United States," or a subject of the Emperor of Morocco, from tarrying, in the Commonwealth, longer than two months. Had he taken the trouble to consult the statute book of New York, he would have found the fol- lowing clause in the act relative to elections, viz. : “If the person so offering to vote be a colored man, the following oath shall be tendered to him. “You do swear (or affirm) that you are of the age of twenty-one years, that for three years you have been a CITIZEN OF THIS STATE,'" &c. Revised Statues, I. 134. Had the Judge condescended to look into the debates of the New York Convention of 1821, on the question of ad- mitting the free blacks to the right of suffrage, he would have discovered to his astonishment, that the New York FRBE BLACKS CITIZENS. lawyers and judges had no hesitation in admitting these people to be citizens, whatever might be their objections to permitting them to vote. He would have found Chancellor Kent earnestly contending for their rights to citizenship in other States under the federal Constitution. He would have found Rufus King, (no mean authority) concluding an argument in their behalf with these words—" As certainly as the children of any white man are citizens, so certainly the children of the black man are citizens." Had the Judge opened the Constitution of the State of New York, he would have met with a clause in the Article respecting the elective franchise, declaring, “ No man of color, unless he shall have been three years a CITIZEN OF THIS STATE," &c. On the 4th of September, 1826, Governor Clinton, of New York, addressed a letter to the President of the United States, demanding the immediate liberation of Gil- bert Horton, a colored man, as "A CITIZEN of this State," he having been imprisoned in Washington as a fugitive slave. In every State in the Union, we believe without one ex- ception, a native free born negro may legally take, hold, and convey real estate. Will Judge Daggett deny this to be an attribute of citizenship ?* Will he maintain that any but citizens may exercise the right of suffrage? But in eight or ten States free negroes may legally vote. True it is, that in others this privilege is denied to them, but it is not true that none are citizens who cannot vote. The act of Congress respecting naturalization provides, that in a certain case, the widow and children of a deceased alien “ shall be citizens of the United States." Impressed colored sailors have been claimed by the Na. tional government as “ citizens of the United States ;" and colored men going to Europe have received passports from the department of State, certifying that they were citi- zens of the United States. The proposed Constitution of the new State of Missouri * Real estate in the city of New York to the value of 50,000 dollars was lately devised to a free colored man in that city, but according to the Judge he is not a citizen, and of course cannot take by devise. If so, the pro- perty must go to the heir at law, or escheat to the State. FREE BLACKS CITIZENS. 45 required the Legislature to pass such laws as might be necessary“ to prevent free negroes and mulattoes from coming to settle in the State, under any pretext whatever." The Legislature of New York, in reference to this pro- vision, on the 15th November, 1820, “ Resolved, if the pro- visions contained in any proposed Constitution of a new State deny to any CITIZENS of the existing States the privi. leges and immunities of citizens of such new State, that such proposed Constitution should not be accepted or con- firmed, the same, in the opinion of this Legislature, being void by the Constitution of the United States.” This re- solution was adopted in high party times, by an almost unanimous vote. The Constitution being submitted to Congress, the article excluding colored citizens, was deemed by the House of Representatives a violation of the national compact, and that body refused to receive Missouri into the Union. A compromise was at last agreed to, and Congress admitted Missouri on the express condition that the offensive clause in her Constitution should never authorize any law by which any citizen of any of the States should be excluded from the enjoyment of any of the privileges and immunities to which such citizen is entitled by the Constitution of the United States; and that the Legislature of Missouri should by a solemn Act declare their assent to this condition. The Legislature passed the Act required, and thereupon the State became a member of the Union. Yet Judge Daggett is not aware of any Act of Congress recognizing free blacks as citizens ! Admit free negroes to be men, and to be born free in * the United States, and it is impossible to frame even a plausible argument against their citizenship. The only ar- gument on this point, we have ever met with, in which the conclusion is legitimately deduced from the premises, is by a late writer, * who maintains that the negroes are a distinct race of animals. Now it must be conceded, that the negro, if not a human being, is not a citizen. We recommend * The author of "Evidences against the views of the Abolitionists, con- sisting of physical and moral proofs of the natural inferiority of the ne- groes." New York, 1833. 46 FREE BLACKS CITIZENS. the following reasoning, to the future judicial apologists of the Black Act. “His (the negro's) lips are thick_his zygomatic mus- cles large and full-his jaws large and projecting—his chin retreating—his forehead low, flat and slanting, and as a con- sequence of this latter character, his eye balls are very pro minent, apparently larger than those of white men. All of these peculiarities at the same time contributing to reduce his facial angle almost to a level with the BRUTE. If then it is consistent with science to believe, that the mind will be great in proportion to the size and figure of the brain, it is equally reasonable to suppose that the acknowledged meanness of the negro's intellect only coincides with the shape of his head; or in other words, that his want of ca- pability to receive a complicated education, renders it im- proper and impolitic that he should be allowed the privileges of CITIZENSHIP in an enlightened country.” P. 25, 26. The author is an ultra Colonizationist, and the conclusion to which he arrives is, “ let the blacks be removed, nolens volens, from among us.” We have dwelt the longer on the Connecticut decision, on account of its immense importance to a numerous class of our fellow countrymen. The victims of a cruel preju- dice, and of wicked laws, they especially claimed the aid and sympathy of the humane, when striving to elevate them- selves by the acquisition of useful knowledge. But Judge Daggett's doctrine crushes them to the earth. Denounced by a powerful Society, extending its influence over every part of our country, as “NUISANCES,” and judicially declared not to be citizens, they are delivered over to the tormentors, bound hand and foot. If not citizens, they may be dispos- sessed of their dwellings, for they cannot legally hold real estate--they may be denied the means of a livelihood, and forbidden to buy and sell, or to practise any trade, for they are no longer protected by the Constitution of the United States. Nay, they may be expelled from town to town, and from State to State, till finding no resting place for the soles of their feet, they “CONSENT" to embark for Africa. However inconclusive we are disposed to regard Judge Daggett’s arguments, they were satisfactory to the jury, and a verdict was given against Miss Crandall. The cause was · NEW-HAVEN PETITION. removed to the Connecticut Court of Errors, where all the proceedings were set aside on technical grounds. Certain of the “ quiet, peaceable, humane, and inoffensive people of Canterbury," tired with the law's delay, determined on ejecting the school by a summary process, and accordingly mobbed the house by night, and smashed in the windows. It was now discovered, that it was the “ persons” of inoffen- sive females, and not of Mr. Judson and his associates, that were endangered, and the school was abandoned,_thus were the efforts of the admirers of “the benevolent system of Colonization” crowned with entire success. Soon after Judge Daggett's decision, a most inflamma- tory petition to the Connecticut legislature, was circulated in New Haven. We quote from a printed copy. If they (the negroes) have rights, we humbly hope it is not yet too late to presume that the white man also, the only legal native American citizen, whom we shall ever consent to acknowledge, may be permitted to suggest that he has some rights. If he (the white man) purchases a piece of land, the first negro, who locates near him, deteriorates its value from 20 to 50 per cent. ; for who will have a negro neighborhood, or live in unceasing fear of theft and tres- passes. The white man cannot labor upon equal terms with the negro-he is compelled to yield the market to the Afri- can, and with his family ultimately becomes the tenant of an Alms-house, or is driven from the State to seek a better lot in the western wilds. Thus HAVE THOUSANDS of our most valuable citizens been banished from home and kin- dred, for the accommedation of the most debased race that the civilized world has ever seen.” The petitioners, as might be supposed, are Colonizationists. " If the negro cannot consistently with our interest or our feelings be ad- mitted to the same rights that we enjoy, let him seek a country where he will find those who are his equals ; let us unite in aiding him to reach that country." It has never been denied, that good men belong to the Colonization Society; and it ought not to be denied, that even good men are fallible, and subject to erroneous opinions and unwarrantable prejudices. To us it appears unques. tionable, that the facts developed in the preceding pages, COMPULSORY EMIGRATION. prove a tendency in the Society to excite in the community, a persecuting spirit towards the free blacks. That the pious, and respectable members of the Society, detest the horrible outrages, recently committed upon these people in New-York, Philadelphia, and elsewhere, it would be both foolish and wicked to doubt; and yet no one who candidly and patiently investigates the whole subject, can fail to be · convinced that these outrages never would have happened, had the Society never existed. The assertion is not hazardous, that of the multitudes composing the negro mobs, there was not an individual, less disposed than the Canterbury town meeting, to laud the “benevolent Colo- nization system.” Every wretch who participated in beat- ing, and plundering free negroes, would rejoice in their ex- pulsion from their country, and in the Society he beholds an instrument for the accomplishment of his wishes. But how is it possible that the best and the worst of men, can unite in supporting the same institution? In the first place, these good men, as is abundantly evident from their own confessions, are actuated by motives of supposed pub- lic policy, as well as benevolence, in promoting the coloni- zation of people whom they regard as nuisances ; and in the second place, there are in the constitution, three talis- manic words, which through the influence of existing preju- dices have blinded the eyes of these good men to the prac- tical operation of the Society on the colored people. The words are “WITH THEIR CONSENT.” It is speciously ar- gued, if the free blacks consent to go to Africa, why not send them ? if they do not wish to go, they are at liberty to remain. This argument seems for the most part, to have benumbed the consciences and understandings of Coloniza- tionists, as to the cruel persecution which their Society ne- cessarily encourages. They would be horrified at the idea of their agents scouring the country, and seizing men, wo- men, and children, placing them on the rack, till as joint after joint was dislocated, the suffering wretches consented to go to Africa ; and yet the Society feels no compunction in countenancing legal opposition, having the same ulti- mate object in view, and in transporting negroes whose con- sent they well know, has been extorted by the most abomi- COMPULSORY EMIGRATION. nable persecution. Many will feel disposed to deny the truth of these assertions; but not, we trust, after seeing the proof of them, which we will now proceed to offer. We have already adverted to the cruel laws by which these people are oppressed, and kept, purposely kept, in ignorance and degradation. Now let it be recollected, that with but few exceptions, these laws have been either enacted, or are kept in force by legislatures, which have formally and in their legislative capacity, passed resolutions in favor of the Society. Fourteen States have thus avowed their attachment to Colonization. Now had these States, including Connecticut, Ohio, and several of the slave States, repealed their laws against the free blacks, and forborne to enact new ones; their sincerity in approving a plan for the removal of these people with their consent would have been less questionable, than it is now, when they persist in the course of policy well calculated to coerce that consent. The Society appears to be a particular favorite with the slave States, with the exception of South Carolina, where its true character seems to have been misunderstood. Now hear the acknowledgment of a Southern writer. We have before us the fourth edition, 1834, of “A Trea- tise on the Patriarchal System of Society :" by a Florida slave holder. It is a treatise, in sober earnestness, on the means of perpetuating slavery, and increasing its profits. The author says, p. 1246 Colonization in Africa has been proposed to the free colored people: to forward which, a general system of persecution against them, upheld from the pulpit, has been legalized throughout the Southern States." The writer does not explain his allusion to the Southern pulpit; but we may judge of its influence on the condition of the free blacks, from the avowal already quoted from the Southern Religious Telegraph, of its repugnance to these people being taught to read, because such an acquirement would be an inducement with them to remain in this country; or, in other words, that the better they were treated here, the less likely would they be to con- sent to go to Africa. The Legislatures of Maryland and Virginia, it is well known, have made large appropriations for Colonization, and yet these Legislatures are among the most malignant COMPULSORY EMIGRATION. persecutors of the free blacks. The original bill, making the Virginia appropriation, contained a clause for the compul- sory transportation of free blacks. Let it be recollected, that the Colonization Society has ever been the peculiar favorite of Virginia, and that her most distinguished citi- zens have been enrolled among its officers; and let us now see how Colonization has been promoted in that State. On a motion to strike out the compulsory clause, Mr. Brodnax thus expressed himself against the motion : "IT IS IDLE TO TALK ABOUT NOT RESORTING TO FORCE. Every body must look to the introduction of force of some kind or other. If the free negroes are willing to go, they will go ; if not willing, THEY MUST BE COMPELLED TO GO. Some gentlemen think it politic not now to insert this feature in the bill, though they proclaim their readiness to resort to it when it becomes necessary; they think, that for a year or two, a sufficient number will consent to go, and THIEN THE REST CAN BE COMPELLED. For my part, I deem it better to approach the question and settle it at once, and avow it openly. The intelligent portion of the free negroes know very well what is going on. Will they not see your debates ? Will they not see that COERCION IS ULTIMATELY TO BE RESORTED TO. I have already expressed it as my opinion, that few, very few, will voluntarily con- sent to emigrate, if no compulsory measures be adopted. Without it, you will still, no doubt, have applicants for removal equal to your means. Yes, sir, people who will not only consent, but beg you to deport them. But what sort of consent—a consent extorted by a species of oppres- sion, calculated to render their situation among us insup- portable! Many of those who have been already sent off, went with their avowed consent, but under the influence of a more decided compulsion, than any which this bill holds out. I will not express in its fullest extent, the idea I entertain of what has been done, or what enormities will be perpetrated to induce this class of persons to leave the State. Who does not know that when a free negro, by crime or otherwise, has rendered himself obnoxious to a neighborhood, how easy it is for a party to visit him one night, take him from his bed and family, and apply to him the gentle admonition of a severe flagellation, to induce COMPULSORY EMIGRATION. 51 him to go away. In a few nights the dose can be repeated, perhaps increased, until, in the language of the physicians, quantum suff. has been administered, to produce the de- sired operation, and the fellow becomes perfectly willing to move away. I have certainly heard, (if incorrectly, the gentleman from Southampton will put me right) that all the large cargo of emigrants, lately transported from that country to Liberia, all of whom professed to be willing to go, were rendered so by some such ministration as I have described. Indeed, sir, all of us look to FORCE of some kind or other, direct or indirect, moral or physical, legal or illegal.” Another member, Mr. Fisher, in opposing the motion, said, “If we wait till the free negroes consent to leave the State, we shall wait until time is no more. They never will give their consent. He believed if the compulsory principle were stricken out, this class would be forced to leave by the harsh treatment of the whites." The compulsory clause was stricken out, but we have the assurance of Mr. Brodnax, that they who objected to it at present, were ready to resort to force, whenever it should become necessary; and he tells us, that all look to force of some kind or other; and he might have added, “ all of us look to the Colonization Society as the instrument by which the forcible expulsion of the free negroes is to be effected.” Nor do they look in vain. At the very time that the negroes of Southampton were suffering the barba- rities he describes, the managers of the Society addressed their auxiliaries, urging them to increased efforts in raising funds, and alluding to the excitement occasioned by the insurrection at Southampton, remarked, “ the free people of color have awakened from their slumber, to a keen sense of their situation, and are ready in large numbers, to emi. grate to the Colony of Liberia." Address, 17th Nov. 1831. A large number of these miserable people did indeed consent to go to Africa, and the managers well knew how their consent was obtained. “I warned the managers against this Virginia business," said Mr. Breckenridge in his speech before the Society, " and yet they sent out two shiploads of vagabonds, not fit to go to such a place, and COMPULSORY EMIGRATION. that were coerced away as truly as if it had been done with a cartwhip.” Hear the confession of Mr. Gurley, the Secretary of the Society, on this subject>" Our friends at Norfolk appealed to us, and said the people were persecuted, and that it was a matter of humanity to take them. Our agent said they were driven from the county, and had appealed to him, and begged to go to Liberia.” Speech before the Society. Hear the testimony of Thomas C. Brown from Liberia, given in May, 1834. “I am acquainted with several from Southampton County, Virginia, who informed me that they received several hundred lashes from the patroles to make them willing to go. In one instance, a man was several times compelled to witness the lashes inflicted on his wife, and then to be severely flogged himself. In another instance, a family received information from their white neighbors, that unless they went to Liberia, they should be whipped. Having no means of redress, they were obliged to go.” Hear the New York Colonization Society, when address- ing the public—“ We say to them (the free blacks) we think you may improve your condition by going thither, but if you prefer remaining here, you will be protected and treated with kindness.” Proceedings of New-York Col. Soc. 1831. Hear the same Society, when addressing the Legisla- ture—“ We do not ask that the provisions of our constitu- tion and statute book should be so modified as to relieve and exalt the condition of the colored people while they re. main with us. Let these provisions stand in ALL THEIR RIGOR, to work out the ultimate and unbounded good of this people.” In plain English, to coerce their consent to go to Africa. Memorial to New York Legislature, 1832. We have seen what are the Connecticut and Virginia plans for promoting Colonization—now for the Pennsyl- vania plan. At a public meeting held in the borough of Columbia, (Penn.) at the Town Hall, 230 August, 1834, the following, among other resolutions, were unanimously passed. “Resolved, that we will not purchase any articles that can be procured elsewhere, or give our vote for any office COMPULSORY EMIGRATION. 63 whatever, to any one who employs negroes to do that spe- cies of labor white men have been accustomed to perform. : “ Resolved, that the Colonization Society ought to be supported by all the citizens favorable to the removal of the blacks from this country.” Here we find the support of the Society avowedly cou- pled with a most detestable plan of persecution. And now for the practical operation of this meeting of the friends of the “benevolent Colonization system.” It appears from a Columbia paper, that one or two nights after the meeting, a mob collected, and partly tore down the dwelling of a black man ; they then proceeded to the office of another black man, who had had the presumption to deal in lumber, “a species of labor white men had been accustomed to per- form," broke open the windows and door, rifled the desk, scattered the papers in the street, and attempted to overturn the building. Surely the Society may reasonably antici- pate the consent of the blacks to emigrate, when in Con- necticut, Pennsylvania, and Virginía, such cogent arguments are used to obtain it. Were the Society governed, as it ought to be, by Christian principles, it would shrink from encouraging persecution by accomplishing its object, the exportation of its victims. It would say explicitly to the authors of these atrocities, “ you shall gain nothing by your cruelty, through our instrumentality. We will not en- courage your farther persecutions, by removing those whose consent you have obtained by such unjustifiable means; we will not, to please you, -"Keep the word of promise to the ear, And break it to the hope." But alas, it has virtually given official notice that it will transport all whose consent can be obtained, no matter by what barbarity. Hear the declaration of Mr. Gurley, the Secretary of the Society. “ Should they (free blacks) BE URGED BY ANY STRESS OF CIRCUMSTANCES to seek an asylum beyond the limits of the United States, humanity and religion will alike dictate that they should be assisted to remove and establish them selves in freedom and prosperity in the land of their CHOICE.”—Letter to gentlemen in New York. 5* 54 COMPULSORY EMIGRATION. True it is, the free blacks have been rendered by preju- dice and persecution, an ignorant and degraded class; but they are still competent to appreciate the practical character of Colonization philanthropy. The following resolutions, passed by a meeting of free blacks in New Bedford, in 1832, express the unanimous opinion of all their brethren who have intelligence to form, or courage to express an opinion on the subject. “Resolved, that in whatever light we view the Coloniza- tion Society, we discover nothing in it but terror, prejudice, and oppression. The warm and beneficent hand of philan- thropy is not apparent in the system, but the influence of the Society on public opinion is more prejudicial to the in- terests and welfare of the people of color in the United States, than slavery itself. " Resolved, that the Society, to effect its purpose, the re- moval of free people of color (not the slaves) through its agents, teaches the public to believe that it is patriotic and benevolent to withhold from us knowledge, and the means of acquiring subsistence; and to look upon us as unnatural and illegal residents in this country, and thus by the force of prejudice, if not by law, endeavor to compel us to em- bark for Africa, and that too apparently by our own free will and consent." And now let us ask what purpose is to be answered by persecuting this people, and keeping them ignorant and degraded ? Does any one believe that they will ever be removed from the country ? They now amount to 362,000. In 16 years, 2,162 have been sent away, some at first volun- tarily, but many of them through coercion. But can cru- elty, be it ever so extreme, furnish the Society with funds and ships sufficient to transport such a multitude? They must, in spite of Connecticut and Virginia persecution, re- main with us. And if they are to remain with us, what con- duct towards them, do policy and religion prescribe ? Con- duct precisely opposite to that pursued by the Society. We must instruct and elevate them, if we would not be incum- bered by an ignorant and depraved population; we must treat them with justice and kindness if we would avoid the displeasure of him who has declared, “ Ye shall not op- press one another." CHAPTER III. INFLUENCE OF THE COLONIZATION SOCIETY ON AFRICA SUPPRESSION OF THE SLAVE TRADE. Very many, who now despair of extirpating slavery by means of the Society, continue to support it, from a belief that it will confer rich blessings on Africa. These antici- pated blessings are the suppression of the slave trade, and the diffusion of religion and civilization. Let us at present inquire, how far the first may reasonably be expected. In the declarations of the Society, and its members on this subject, we shall find an astonishing medley of igno- rance, rash assertion, and honest confession. " Sierra Leone has repaid Africa with still greater bless- ings; her example, her influence and efforts, have given peace and security to the neighboring coast; and who can estimate the extent of misery prevented, and of happiness conferred, to a population delivered from all the horrors of the slave trade.” Fifth Rep. p. 18. • The line of coast from Sierra Leone to Cape Mount, is now under British protection; and from Cape Mount to Tradetown, a distance of one hundred and twenty miles, the slave trade cannot be prosecuted with the least hope of success.” Af. Rep. II. p. 125-Editorial. “Every colony of civilized inhabitants, established on that coast, and resolved to stop this trade to the extent of its means, will, at all events, put an end to it for a consi. derable distance. The colonies of Sierra Leone, and of Liberia, both produce this effect within their respective vi. cinities.” Judge Blackford's Address to Indiana Coloni- zation Society. Af. Rep. VI. p. 66. Of these compliments to Sierra Leone, it must be ob- served, one is paid officially by the Board of Managers, and the other by the Editor of the Repository. We beg the reader to keep them in mind, as we shall hereafter in- quire into their truth. We will now proceed to notice some assertions relative to the agency of the Liberia co- lony in suppressing the slave trade. 56 SLAVE TRADE. “In fact, the Colonization Society proposes the ONLY means by which this accursed trade can ever be effectually stopped ; and, indeed, the Colony of Liberia, which this Society has planted, has already freed about two hundred and fifty miles of that coast from the ravages of these ene- mies of the human race.” Address of J. A. McKinney, 4th July, 1830. Af. Rep. VI. p. 231. “ The flag that waves on Cape Montserado, proclaims to the slave trader that there is one spot, even in Africa, con- secrated to freedom, one spot which his polluted foot shall not tread.” Speech of G. Smith, V. Prest. 13th Jan. 1831. 14th Rep. “Did we desire to put an end to these outrages upon hu- manity, (the slave trade,) the Colonization Society offers it- self as the ONLY efficient means. The slaver has dared to show herself but once within the limits of Liberia, and then she received the rewards of her temerity.” Proceedings of N. Y. Col. Soc. 1832. “No slaver now dares come within one hundred miles of the settlement.” Rev. Dr. Hawkes' Speech at Col. Meeting in New York, Oct. 1833. " In less than 13 years since its foundation, Liberia con- tains about 3000 free and happy citizens, who have re- moved from oppression and bondage to the enjoyment of liberal institutions. The slave trade has been UTTERLY DESTROYED along its ENTIRE COAST, formerly the most frequented mart of human flesh.” Report of Philadelphia Young Men's Col. Soc. made 24th Feb. 1835, U. S. Ga- zette, 4th March, 1835. • The above are specimens of the assertions which have been rashly made, and credulously received. Let us now attend to the honest confessions on this subject, and let the reader compare them with the foregoing assertions. That these confessions may be better understood, it may be well to mention, that in the remarks accompanying a map of Liberia, published in the 6th vol. of the African Reposi- tory, it is stated, “ the colony of Liberia extends from the Gallinas River to the territory of Kroo Settra, a distance of about 280 miles along the coast. The territory at pre- sent, (1830,) under the actual jurisdiction of the colony, ex- tends from Grand Cape Mount, to Trade Town, a distance SLAVE TRADE. 57 of about 150 miles." It appears, from the map, that the last limits embrace Cape Mount, Cape Montserado, on which is built the town of Monrovia, Bushrod Island, Bassa Cove, and Trade Town. “ The records of the colony afford abundant and unequi- vocal testimony of the undiminished extent and atrocity of the slave trade. From eight to ten, and even fifteen vessels have engaged at the same time in this odious traffic, almost within reach of the guns of Liberia, and as late as July 1825, there were existing contracts for eight hundred slaves to be furnished in the short space of four months, WITHIN EIGHT MILES OF MONROVIA.” Rep. X. p. 44, 1827. From all I can learn, I am induced to believe, that the slave trade is now carried on at the Gallinas, between Cape Mount and Sierra Leone, and to the leeward of this place, to a greater extent than it has been for many years." Let- ter from R. Randall, Agent at Liberia, 28th Dec. 1828. Af. Rep. V. p. 4. " Frequently within sight of the colonial factories, the slave traders carry on their operations. The slave trade never has been carried on with more activity, than it is at this time. There is established at Gallinas, a regular slave agent, who furnishes slaves to the slave vessels. He receives his goods from trading vessels, and it is said prin- cipally from an American vessel. He purchases large numbers of slaves, and furnishes the slave vessels, who principally bring out specie. These vessels run up and down the coast until a convenient opportunity offers, when they run in and get their cargoes of slaves. Some of them are captured, and I have been informed, they have been bought afterwards by their original owners, and that the same vessel has frequently been bought and sold seve- ral times." Letter from R. Randall, Āgent at Liberia, Feb. 1829. Af. Rep. V. p. 148. The same letter states the astounding fact, that “Mamma, the proprietress of Bushrod Island, just in front of Monrovia, whose town is not more than a quarter of a mile from our settlements on that island," was engaged in the slave trade, and had sold several hundred_p. 150. “ It is painful to state, that the managers have reason 58 SLAVE TRADE. to believe that the slave trade is still prosecuted to a great extent, and with circumstances of undiminished atrocity. The fact that much was done by Mr. Ashmun to banish it from the territory, under the colonial jurisdiction, is un- questionably true, but it now exists even on the territory; and a little to the north and south of Liberia, it is seen in its true characters of fraud, and rapine, and blood.” Rep. XIII. p. 13.—1830. Now, be it recollected, that it was after this official an- nunciation by the Board of Managers, that the slave trade existed even on the territory of Liberia, that the African Repository published without contradiction the vaunt of Mr. M•Kinney already quoted, that the Colony had freed about two hundred and fifty miles of the coast from the slave trade! “I hope the Board will adopt some more effectual measures for suppressing the slave trade within the territory of Liberia. Since the death of Don Miguel of Bassa, Peter Blanco, a Spanish slave trader, for some years a resident in the Gallinas, has opened a slave factory at GRAND CAPE Mount. Such a thing ought not to be, as it is only forty-five miles from here. I am sorry to remark, that this abominable traffic is carried on with the utmost activity, all along the coast. Capt. Parker, during his trading at the Gallinas of about three weeks, saw no less than nine hundred shipped.” Letter from A. D. Williams, Agent of the Society at Liberia,—10th Sept. 1830. Af. Rep. VI. p. 275. “ With undiminished atrocity and activity is this odious traffic now carried on all along the African coast; slave fac- tories are established in the immediate vicinity of the co- lony," &c. Rep. XIV. p. 11.-1831. • The cursed practice of slave trading, I regret to say, is still carried on between this and Sierra Leone.” Letter of Rev. Mr. Cox; Monrovia, 8th of April, 1833. Af. Rep. IX. p. 252. “ Bassa Cove was purchased* by Governor Pinney from . * Bassa Cove is situated between Monrovia and Trade Town, and has therefore been for years under the jurisdiction of the colony; of course the purchase alluded to, must have been of the possession of the native occu- pants. SLAVE TRADE. 59 King Joe Harris, the native sovereign of that fine harbor. It was bought at a moderate price, and without a drop of spirits. The negociation was effected in November last, 1834, and affords peculiar satisfaction to the friends of hu- manity, inasmuch as no less than 500 SLAVES had been shipped from there in October.” N. Y. Commercial Ad- vertiser, 17th March, 1835. The same fact is stated in the 6 Colonization Herald,” 4th April, 1835. Such are the refutations furnished by the Society itself, of all its boasts about suppressing the slave trade; and yet we are told that the Society is the ONLY means of putting an end to the traffic! It seems never to occur to these gentlemen, that the abolition of slavery would, as a matter of course, put an immediate and total stop to the trade.* But in what way does the Society expect to destroy this commerce ? By planting colonies of ignorant and depraved negroes on the African coast. Every slave factory is of itself a colony, and for the most part, of intelligent white men ; and yet it is supposed, that negro colonists, who, when in America, were “the most depraved of the human race," will be too virtuous to yield to the temptations of a lucra- tive commerce. Why, should the free negroes of America, who Mr. Clay assures us, are “ of all descriptions of our population, the most corrupt, depraved, and abandoned," have, when removed to Liberia, a greater abhorrence for the iniquity of the slave trade, than their brethren of Sierra Leone? If the trade has been actually promoted by the latter colony, why will it be suppressed by the former? " The acting Attorney General of Sierra Leone de- clared, 1812, on the trial of certain persons for the infrac- tion of the British abolition laws, that the town of Sierra Leone was the heart from which all the arteries and veins of the Slave trading system, had for years been animated and supplied.?” Dr. Thorpe's views of the present increase of the slave trade, p. 71. The following facts are gathered from documents pub- * To what extent the importation of slaves in the United States is now carried, we are ignorant. In 1819, Mr. Middleton of South Carolina, stated on the floor of Congress, that, in his opinion, 13,000 Africans were annually smuggled into the Southern States. Mr. Wright of Virginia, estimated the number at 15,000. 60 SLAVE TRADE. lished by the British Parliament in 1832. Chief Justice Jeffcott of Sierra Leone, in 1830, delivered a charge to the Grand Jury, in which he declared that he had received credible information, that persons in the colony were en- gaged in aiding and abetting the slave trade, and fitting our ships for the trade. He asserted, that the colony “esta- blished for the express purpose of suppressing this vile traffic, was made a mart for carrying it on." He also stated, that within the last ten years, twenty-two thousand Africans had been located in the colony by the British Government, at an expense of nearly seven millions ster- ling, and that now there are not to be found in the colony above seventeen or eighteen thousand men ! These extra- ordinary and appalling declarations, attracted the atten- tion of the British Government, who appointed a Commis- sion to inquire into their truth. The Commissioners, in their report, dated the 26th October of the same year, state that, from the testimony taken before them, “ they cannot but conclude, that the nefarious system of kidnapping has prevailed in this colony to a much greater extent, than was even alluded to in the charge of the Chief Justice.” From the testimony published with the report, it appears that the slave vessels are in the habit of bringing out specie, for the purchase of supplies on the coast; and that “ Mr. Hilary Teague, who resides at the American settlement at Liberia, at Cape Mesurado, near the Gallinas, and who trades be- tween that place (Gallinas, a slave factory) and Sierra Le- one, purchasing some goods from a Mr. Lake, a merchant in the colony, produced a bag containing about one thou- sand dollars, on which was marked the name of the Spanish schooner Manzanares. This vessel took in her cargo at the Gallinas, and was subsequently condemned as a slave ship.” Here we find a colonist of Liberia, trading at a slave factory, and afterwards exhibiting 1000 dollars in specie, received in all human probability from a slave ship. It is surely unreasonable to suppose, that petty colonial mer- chants will refuse to sell supplies to slave ships for specie. Indeed every new colony on the coast, will, while slavery continues, give new facilities to this accursed commerce ; nor can the government at home, prevent avaricious and INFLUENCE OF THE SOCIETY ON AFRICA. 61 unprincipled colonists from participating in it. No one can question the desire of Great Britain to purge Sierra Leone of this enormity, and yet we find the following statement in the English Monthly Review, for May, 1833. “One of the Schoolmasters in Sierra Leone, has been tried for selling some of his scholars. There were lately upwards of one hundred liberated Africans, who were kidnapped from Sierra Leone, and were conveyed to a place near the banks of the river Pongos. Here they were detained, till an opportunity occurred of re-shipping them as slaves." CHAPTER IV. INFLUENCE OF THE COLONIZATION SOCIETY ON AFRICA-- DIFFUSION OF CIVILIZATION AND CHRISTIANITY. ALTHOUGH the Society is not a missionary institution, builds no churches, employs no ministers, and distributes no Bibles or tracts, yet it has persuaded the public, that Liberia is a missionary establishment, and the radiating point, from which a flood of light and holiness is to spread over Africa. So confidently and constantly has the mis- sionary influence of the Society been asserted, that many of the members unfeignedly believe it, and their contribu- tions are lavished, and their prayers are offered for the re- generation of Africa by emigrants, who, when in the United States, were denounced as "a curse and contagion wherever they reside.” Let us attend to the stupendous objects the Society proposes to accomplish. " It would illuminate a CONTINENT. It would publish the name of Christ on the dark mountains of Africa, and the burning sands of the desert. It would kindle up holi- ness and hope among uncounted tribes, whose souls are as black with crime and misery, as are the forms of matter that veil them.” Af. Rep. I. 164. Editorial. " The little band at Liberia, who are spreading over the wilderness around them, a strange aspect of life and beauty, are in every sense a missionary station. Every ship freight- 62 CHARACTER OF THE COLONY. ed from our shores with their suffering kindred, will be freighted also with the heralds of the cross. You will see the light breaking in upon one and another dark habitation of cruelty. The night of heathenism will depart. One tribe after another will come to the light of Zion, and the brightness of her rising. Ethiopia will awake and rise from the dust, and look abroad on the day and stretch forth her hand to God. The light will spread and kindle and brighten till ALL THE FIFTY MILLIONS of Africa are brought to the glorious liberty of the sons of God.” Address to the Ken- tucky Col. Society by Mr. Breckenridge. "" They (the emigrants) go to unchain MILLIONS of slaves fettered in the bondage of death.” Af. Rep. IX. 198. “ Like the star in the East, which announced the Sa- vior to the astonished Magi, it (the Society) points to the advent of the same Redeemer, coming in the power of his spirit to roll away the darkness of a thousand generations." Speech of Mr. Frelinghuysen, Vice President. “ This Society proposes to add another regenerated con- TINENT to our globe, and ONE HUNDRED AND FIFTY MIL- LIONS to the family of civilized man.”. Speech of Elliot Cresson before the Society. Af. Rep. IX. 360. The number of Agents to be employed, are proportioned to the mighty work to be achieved. - The Society proposes to send out not one or two pious members of Christianity into a foreign land, but to trans- port annually, for an indefinite number of years in one view of its scheme, 6,000, in another 56,000 missionaries of the descendants of Africa itself, to communicate the benefits of our religion and the arts.” Mr. Clay's speech before Ken- tucky Col. Society. Af. Rep. VI. 24. It will be observed that these missionaries are to commu- nicate the benefits of both religion and the arts, and they are to be taken from two classes. The 6,000 are to be the annual increase of the free negroes; the 56,000 are to be manumitted slaves. The character of the first class is thus given by Mr. Clay, in the same speech in which he pro- poses their employment: Of all descriptions of our population, and of either portion of the African race, the free people of color are by far, as a class, the most corrupt, depraved, and abandoned." CHARACTER OF THE COLONY. 63 As this seems rather an unpromising character for teachers of religion, we presume this portion are to be confined to instruction in the arts ; and that the explanation of religious mysteries, and the inculcation of moral duties, are to be entrusted to the 56,000 just released from bondage. Of the peculiar opportunities afforded them by the laws of the slave States, for fitting themselves for their new vocation, we may speak hereafter. Of this “great company of preachers," about three thousand have already set up their tabernacle at Liberia. We might naturally suppose, that a colony of missionaries would be “a holy city," a sort of New Jerusalem, and such we are assured it is. We have heard of “the poetry of philanthropy," as applied to the sympathy expressed by abolitionists for the sufferings of the slaves ; the following extracts prove, that there is a poetry of Colonization which "Can give to airy nothing A local habitation and a name.' “It (the colony) is already to the African tribes, like a city set upon a hill, which cannot be hid. A thousand barbarians, who have long made merchandize of their brethren, and been regarded themselves as the objects of a bloody and accursed traffic, come within its gates, and are taught the doctrine of immortality,—the religion of the Son of God.” 8th Report, p. 14.-1825. Here we have a solemn and official annunciation by the Board of Managers, of one of the most extraordinary facts ever recorded in the annals of missionary exertions. It appears from official documents, that at the date of this report, the whole number of emigrants could not have been more than 242, and had probably been reduced by death below that number; and of this number, a large portion were, of course, women and children. Yet this little band of Christian missionaries, just escaped from the ignorance and vice in which they had been enveloped in America, and still struggling for existence in a sickly climate, and amid all the hardships and privations of a recent settlement in a savage land ; casting aside the fear of man, and with a faith almost miraculous in divinc protection, admit within their gates an army of barbarians, four times the number of 64 CHARACTER OF THE COLONY. the whole of their little community ; barbarians too, who had long been engaged in a bloody and accursed traffic, making merchandize of their brethren; and these barba. rians suddenly divested of their savage character, sit hum- bly at the feet of the newly arrived messengers of Heaven, and the natives of Africa, receive instruction in the doctrine of immortality, and the religion of the Son of God, from lips that had never uttered any other language, than broken English! It is singular that in the subsequent documents of the Society, we hear nothing farther of these thousand bar. barians. How many became converts to the religion in which they were instructed ; how long their attendance on the missionaries was continued, and why it was afterwards totally suspended, are points on which no information has been vouchsafed to us. It is natural we should wish to know more of these won- derful teachers, and fortunately we are presented with the following picture of them by an eye witness. “ The holy Author of our religion and salvation, has made the hearts of a large proportion of these people, the temples of the divine Spirit. I have seen the proudest and profanest foreigners that ever visited the colony, trembling with amazement and conviction, almost literally in the descriptive phraseology of St. Paul, find the secrets of their hearts made manifest, and falling down upon their faces, worship God, and report that God is in the midst of these people of a truth.” Ashmun's letter, 31st December, 1825. Af. Rep. II. 90. We should certainly conclude from these accounts, that these holy men were blessed with "Composed desires, affections ever even, Tears that delight, and sighs that waft to Heaven." Yet strange to tell, we are presented with the following perplexing statement, by the same eye witness : “ About twelve months since it (the colony) had entirely given way, as the committee are but too well apprised, to a blind and furious excitement of the worst passions, caused by a somewhat unfortunate policy operating on ignorance and invincible prejudice. During my absence for health, the people were obliged to taste some of the bitter fruits of CHARACTER OF THE COLONY. anarchy, and by the singular mercy of God, only escaped those tragedies of blood, which can find no modern parallel, but in the history of the civil murders and devastations of St. Domingo.” Ashmun's letter, 15th January, 1825. Af. Rep. I. 23. The excitement here alluded to, and its unhappy con- sequences, occurred, it will be seen by a comparison of dates, in 1824 ; and that wonderful moral change, which rendered the hearts of a large proportion of these people the temples of the Divine Spirit, must have been effected in 1825. Yet it was in the beginning of 1825, that the managers announced at their annual meeting at Washington, the marvellous fact of the instruction of the thousand bar- barians within the gates of the colony, a fact which of course must have happened several months previous to the date of the report, and consequently during, or about the time of the “ furious excitement !". In March, 1825, the Editor of the Af. Rep., gives us the following delightful intelligence : “ The eye of the stranger is struck with the religious as- pect of the settlement. He beholds, on Cape Montserado, standing in lonely beauty, a Christian village. There flou- rish the virtues of the gospel, defended by the Almighty, from the influences of paganism, cherished and refreshed by the dews of his grace.” Af. Rep. I. 5. The secret of this surprising exhibition of Christian love- liness and purity, is thus explained. “ It is well known that this little community is made up of SELECTED INDIVIDUALS, and that the Board have ever re- quired of those seeking their patronage, satisfactory evidence that their morals were pure, and their habits industrious. Hence this settlement has from its origin exhibited great decency and sobriety, respect for the Sabbath, and the other peculiar duties and ordinances of our religion. It has thus shed a benign and sacred light upon the heathen, and the feelings of the profane and lawless stranger as he treads upon Cape Montserado are subdued into unwonted serious- ness.” Af. Rep. IX. p. 19. 1826. But again we are perplexed, by the assertion of the Go- vernor of the Colony. “For at least two years to come, a much more discrimi- 66 CHARACTER OF THE COLONY. nating selection of settlers must be made than EVER HAS BEEN—even in the first and second expeditions by the Eli- zabeth and Nautilus in 1820 and 1822-or the prosperity of the colony will inevitably and rapidly decline." Ashmun's Letter, 3d March, 1828. Af. Rep. IV. 86. In the 11th Report, the managers assure us: “No village perhaps, in our own land, exhibits less which is offensive, and more that is gratifying to the eye of the Christian, than the village of Monrovia. Crimes are almost unknown, and the universal respect manifested for the Sab- bath, and the various institutions and duties of Christianity, have struck the natives with surprise, and excited the ad- miration of foreigners.” Af. Rep. XI. p. 14. 1828. But how are we to reconcile this, with the following statements ? “ Permit me to say, sir, there must be a great revolu- tion in this colony, before it can have a salutary influence on the surrounding natives; that is, before it can have a moral influence over them.” Letter from Rev. G. M. Ers. kine, 3d April, 1830. Af. Rep. VI. 121. “ We stand in much need of a work house, and some acres of land enclosed, for confining licentious females, and other disorderly and lazy persons.” Letter from A. D. Williams, Agent, 10th Sept. 1830. Af. Rep. VI. 275. " There are several enterprising merchants here. It is not, however, a favorable spot for small storekeepers and wandering pedlars, who, I am told, generally become stript of what they may have got, and in wandering about in the interior for small traffic, disgust the natives by their immo- ralities.” Letter from Lieut. Page to Sec. of Navy, 9th April, 1832. Af. Rep. VIII. 141. "* With respect to the character of the people composing this expedition, I regret to be compelled to state, that they are, with the exception of the Pages from Virginia, and a few others, the lowest and most abandoned of their class. Our respectable colonists themselves, are becoming alarmed at the great number of ignorant and abandoned characters that have arrived here within the last twelve months.” Let- ter from Dr. Mechlin, Agent, Sept. 1832. Af. Rep. VIII. 298. “ Let them (the friends of the Society in America) know, CHARACTER OF THE COLONY. 67 that to extend knowledge and promote sound piety, a quire of paper is at the present moment of more worth than a Bible. Bibles and Tracts have been sent here, and either used as waste paper, or made food for worms—why? Not because the people despise either, but because we have not a reading population. Until this is secured, Bibles would be of more value in China." Letter from Rev. J. B. Pin- ney, Agent, 7th March, 1834. On the 17th June, 1833, Mr. Gurley, Secretary of the Society, in a speech at a Colonization meeting in New York, hazarded the following most extraordinary assertion, “ TEN THOUSAND NATIVES had placed themselves under the pro- tection of the colony, receiving from it, instruction in ci- vilization." The Society, at its annual meeting 20th January, 1834, unanimously “Resolved, that this Society is cheered in its enterprise by the beneficent effects which its operations have upon the natives of Africa itself.” Af. Rep. IX. 360. On the 20th February, 1834, the Rev. Mr. Pinney, Agent at Liberia, thus writes from the colony. “ The colonists are very ignorant of every thing about the interior. Except the tribes along the coast, nothing at all is known, and of them, little but their manner of traffic. Nothing has been done for the natives hitherto by the Co- lonists, except to educate a few, who were in their families in the capacity of servants.” Mr. Pinney appears not to have been acquainted with the fact, that " a thousand bar- barians” had been taught the doctrine of immortality with- in the gates of the colony, or that “ten thousand natives" had received instruction in civilization ! Had any Missionary Society been guilty of such extra- vagant anticipations and such gross and palpable contradic- tions, the whole community would have joined in loading it with ridicule and odium. It is deeply to be regretted, that some distinguished Colo- nizationists, have of late attempted to lead the public to hope, that in future no emigrants but such as are of good moral character, will be permitted to go to Liberia. It is difficult to reconcile such an attempt with moral rectitude, unless it be accompanied with a total and avowed abandonment of Colonization as a means of relieving the country from the 68 CHARACTER OF THE COLONY. nuisance of a free colored population, and from the guilt and curse of slavery. Of the gross inconsistency, (not to use a harsher term,) of Colonizationists on this subject, the proceedings of a Colonization meeting in Cincinnati, Octo- ber 31st, 1834, afford a striking example. On motion of the Rev. Dr. Beecher, the following Resolution was unani- mously adopted : “ Resolved, that the establishment of co- lonies in Africa, by the selection of colored persons who are moral, industrious, and temperate, is eminently cal- culated of itself to advance the cause of civilization and religion among the benighted native population of that continent; as well as to afford facilities to the various Missionary Societies for the prosecution of their pious designs.” This resolution would be utterly without point or mean- ing, were it not laudatory of the plans of the Colonization Society; and no person of common intelligence would con- jecture from the resolution, that the " selection” mentioned in it, was utterly at variance with, and directly opposed to, the avowed objects of the Society. Slavery in our country cannot be abolished by Colonization, without removing more than two millions of slaves; and how is it possible to remove this number, and yet select for colonists only “ the moral, industrious, and temperate ?” Nevertheless, the meeting - Resolved, that the friends of humanity and the friends of God, should cherish the Colonization Society, be- cause of its influence to ABOLISH SLAVERY, and advance the best interests of the African race.” Pages might be quoted to show that the professed ulti- mate object of the Society, is to remove the whole colored population to Africa, without any selection whatever. In 1824, a Committee of the Board, in an official report, de- clared, that the national interest “required that the whole mass of free persons of color, and those who may become such with the consent of their owners, should be progres- sively removed from us, as fast as their own consent can be obtained, and as the means can be found for their removal and for their proper establishment in Africa.” Afric. Rep. VII. p. 113. “But the Colonization Society hopes for, and aims at, much more—the abolition of slavery, and the removal of A SELECTION OF EMIGRANTS. 69 ALL the black people from the United States." Proceed- ings of New York Col. Soc. 2nd Anniversary. We have remarked that EXPEDIENCY is unhappily the governing principle of the Society, and to this principle must be attributed the recent talk about select emigrants. Funds are low, and temperance is popular, and all at once we hear that the colonies in Liberia are to be temperance colonies ; and that the emigrants are to be “moral, indus- trious, and temperate." And so we are to send the good negroes away, and keep the bad at home! And yet, by transporting the few moral, industrious and temperate in. dividuals, that can be selected in a vicious and ignorant po- pulation of between two and three millions, we are to abo- Iish slavery !! Surely Colonizationists, by holding such lan- guage, pay but a poor compliment to their own candor, or the common sense of the community. The truth is there never has been, and never will be, a selection made.* The two last cargoes sent by the Society, were by the public con- fession of Mr. Breckenridge “ two cargoes of vagabonds." Will it be pretended that all the coercion exerted to induce the blacks to emigrate, operates only on the good; or that it is the drunken and profligate who find favor in the eyes of Colonizationists, and are permitted to remain in peace and quietness at home! The Society itself has borne abundant testimony to the depravity of the free blacks, and its friends, with scarcely an exception, zealously maintain that the slaves are unfit for freedom; and yet, as we have seen, it is proposed to transport them all to Africa. And now we would ask, on what principle of common sense, on what record of experience, does the Society expect that a population, which in a land of Bibles and churches, is sunk in vice and ignorance, will, * Since the first edition of this work, a public meeting has been held (17th March) in N. Orleans, preparatory to the departure of some manumitted slaves to Africa. At this meeting, the intended emigrants were arrayed before the audience, and the Agent of the Amer. Col. Soc. informed them that the society was “unalterably determined to send to the Colouy none but such as are willing to wledge thernselves to total abstinence from ardent spirits." He also announced that one negro had been rejected as an emigrant“ on account of his habits of intoxication." A pledge was then read to the negroes, and they were ordered to signify their assent by rising, which they accord- ingly did. See New York Journal of Commerce, 181 April, 1835. This N. Orleans scene will afford no gratification to the friends of temperance ; nor will it per- manently advance the cause of colonization. In a population universally addicted to intoxica tion, ONE is selected as a public example of the abhorrence of the sociсty to drunkenness, and is shut out from the promised land, not for refusing to take the pledge, but on account of his in. temperate habits; while his companions are required to promise total abstinence, under the pe. nalty of spending their lives in bondage!! If the society wishes to promote temperance, instead of extorting pledges from miserable slaves, let them exercise the power they possess of excluding all intoxicating liquors from their Colony. A SELECTION OF EMIGRANTS. when landed on the shores of Africa, and immersed in all the darkness of paganism, become on a sudden, a Christian society, and employed in teaching thousands of barbarians “the doctrine of immortality, the religion of the Son of God!" Pious Colonizationists would themselves be shocked at the proposal of disgorging on the islands of the Pacific the tenants of our prisons, under the pretext of instructing the natives in “religion and the arts ;” and yet they flatter themselves, that emigrants, who, by their own showing, are less intelligent, and scarcely less guilty than our prisoners, will, by undergoing a salt water baptism, land in Africa wholly regenerated; and qualified as heralds of the cross, to convert millions and millions to the faith of the Gospel. So monstrous an absurdity, can be the offspring only of a deep and sinful prejudice. Hatred to the blacks can alone delude us into the belief that in banishing them from our soil, we are doing God service. Were it not for this hatred, we should feel and acknowledge, that Christianity must be propagated in Africa, as elsewhere, by faithful and enlightened missionaries. If the climate or other circum- stances require that such missionaries be of African de- scent, it is our duty to educate them, before we send them. But alas, instead of educating negroes, we wish to keep them in ignorance, and yet pretend that our nuisances will, in Africa, be converted into blessings. But if Coloniza- tionists are so perverse as to believe that a bitter fountain will send forth sweet waters, let them contemplate the fol- lowing picture of Sierra Leone, drawn by a devoted friend to the Society. " Including the suburbs of the town, (Free Town,) there are some six or eight thousand inhabitants, about eighty of whom are white.-The morals of Free Town are fearfully bad. As in colonies, too generally, where the re- straints of home, of friends, of those we love, and those we fear, are broken off, licentiousness prevails to a most lament- able degree. The abomination is not committed under the cover of midnight, nor am I speaking of the natives whose early habits might plead some apology for them- it is done at noonday, and to use a figure, the throne as well as the footstool has participated in the evil; and the . CHARACTER OF SIERRA LEONE. evil, I am told, is increasing. Sanctioned as it is, by those who take the lead in the society, and who ought to form the morals of the colony, avarice has been added to lust, and those who otherwise might have been virtuous, have sold themselves to work wickedness.-Humanity and philan- thropy, which have struggled so hard and so long to help this degraded country, must weep and cover itself with sackcloth, to see its best interests so wickedly perverted !" Letter from Rev. M. B. Cox, Methodist Missionary in Li- beria. · Af. Rep. IX. p. 209. There is still an important consideration, which does not seem to have engaged the attention of Colonization- ists. It is proposed to transport to Africa, our whole color- ed population, and of course to found a mighty nation in Liberia. But how long will this nation remain dependent on the Board of Managers at Washington ? Instead of millions, suppose the colony to be only ten thousand strong. Who is to govern it, who defend it, and fight its battles ? Were the colony now to declare independence, how would the Society reduce it to subjection ; and if not subjected, what becomes of the mighty plan of making it the recepta- cle of our slaves and free negroes? Suppose the colonists like their brethren of Sierra Leone engage in the slave- trade, who is to punish or control them ? Suppose in time they find the influx of emigrants inconvenient, and refuse to admit them, who shall coerce them. On the whole, the system of African Colonization is full of absurdities, and contradictions, and evils, which are not seen, because they are concealed by a veil of prejudice. It is a systein which strikingly exposes the folly of human wisdom, when opposed to the precepts of the Gospel of Christ. Had America possessed that fear of the Lord, which is the beginning of true wisdom, slavery would long since have ceased from among us, and our colored brethren, treated with Christian kindness, instead of being ignorant and degraded, would have been valued and useful citizens, and our churches, instead of uniting to send “ cargoes of vagabonds" to Africa under the guise of Christian missiona- ries, would have aided the descendants of her sons, furnish- ed by us with all the stores of human learning, and selected 72 INFLUENCE OF THE SOCIETY ON SLAVERY. for their piety and zeal, in proclaiming the glad tidings of salvation, throughout that benighted continent. CHAPTER V. INFLUENCE OF THE SOCIETY ON SLAVERY. IN 1822, a committee was appointed by a public meeting in Boston, to report on the character and tendency of the American Colonization Society. The committee in their report remark: * It is only from the belief which the committee very cordially entertain, that the active members of the Ameri- can Colonization Society are perfectly disposed to frame their measures with reference to the entire suppression of the slave trade, and to a gradual and prudent, but COMPLETE EMANCIPATION of those now held in slavery, that we can regard the Society as having any claim upon the sympathy or assistance of the people of New England.” Such were the expectations by which northern philanthro- pists were at first induced to countenance the Society. There is scarcely to be found a Colonization article or speech that does not warrant these expectations, that does not promise the exertion by the Society of a mighty MORAL INFLUENCE in abolishing slavery. Now it is obvious, that such an influence must operate in one or more of the following ways, viz. : 1. On the conscience of the slave holder, convincing him that slave holding is sinful, and that his Maker requires him to liberate his slaves. 2. On the reputation of the slave holder, making him feel, that his standing in the community is lowered by keep- ing his fellow men in bondage, and enjoying, without com- pensation, the fruits of their labor. 3. On the interests of the slave holder, persuading him, that emancipation would enhance his property. 4. On the fears of the slave holder, alarming him for the safety of himself and family. INFLUENCE OF THE SOCIETY ON SLAVERY. 73 5. By the power of example, showing the slaveholder, by the conduct of others whom he esteems, what his own ought to be. We flatter ourselves, that we shall prove, that the influ- ence of the Society is in no degree exerted in any one of these ways, except the last. Of the extent of this last mode, we shall speak hereafter. It will not be pretended, that the Society addresses itself to the conscience of the slaveholder. Such addresses are not authorized by the constitution, and have been repeated- ly disclaimed by the Society. But when the Sociсty dis- claims appeals to the conscience, it disclaims the most powerful of all means for the removal of slavery. “We never made any headway,” says a British writer, 6 in the abolition of the slave trade, and of slavery, till it was taken up by the religious men, prosecuted as a concern of the soul, with reference to eternity, and by motives drawn from the cross of Christ." Mr. G. Smith, a most estimable officer of the Society, remarked, in a temperance address : "I never heard that temperance had any success any where, unless the appeals in its favor were made directly to the consciences of the rum dealers. Strike out these, and it is in vain that you seek for other means to propel the tri- umphant car of temperance. Hitch to that car, health, economy, expediency, the public good, what you please, if you leave out the appeal to men's consciences, you have, as we say at the North, a weak team." And surely a more weak, broken-winded, good for nothing team, than coloni- zation, was never hitched to the car of abolition. How, and in what direction, does this team draw? It is amusing to observe how wary Colonizationists are of approaching this question. They dwell on the political evils of slavery, and call on religion and patriotism for aid in removing them; and when, in breathless attention, we are waiting to learn by what process the moral influence of the society is to deliver us from the curse of slavery, in a moment the scene shifts to Africa, and we are entertained with visions of its future bliss and glory. It may be safely asserted, that not one Colonization writer or orator in a hundred, ever attempts to explain how the Society is to induce mas- 74 MORAL INFLUENCE OF THE SOCIETY ters to liberate their slaves. Occasionally, however, the effort is made. Mr. Knapp, in a speech before the Society, thus explains the matter : “In my opinion, it (slavery) may be cured in less time than it has been growing up. Open once the facilities of emigration-show an object for it, and, like any other bu- siness, it will increase to any extent we may wish. The natural world has yielded her impossibilities, as they were thought, to the efforts of enlightened men; why should we not be as successful in the moral? A fair and permanent road is now built over the Alps, the passage of which was once considered as sufficient to give immortality to the successful adventurer.” 10th Rep. p. 6. So, it seems, that if we open once the facilities of emi- gration, that is, provide ships, &c., the planters will at once call in their slaves from their cotton and sugar fields, and ship them to Africa ; but why they will do so, is a problem, which, after all, Mr. Knapp omits to solve. “This work, (Colonization,) as it advances, tends to im- prove the character, and elevate the condition of the free people of color, and thus to take away one standing and very influential argument against both individual and general abolition. This, to an unprejudiced mind, is one of the most obvious tendencies of African Colonization. Ele. vate the character of the free people of color, let it be seen that they are men indeed ; let the degrading associa- tions which follow them be broken up by the actual im- provement of their character as a people, and negro sla- very must wither and die.” New-Haven Christian Spec- tator for March, 1833. As the Society utterly disclaims all attempts to elevate the free blacks here, the meaning of the above is, that when the slave holder in America learns that black men in Liberia are intelligent and respectable, he will release his slaves from their fetters. We wonder if similar intelligence from the West Indies will produce the same effect: if so, it may be obtained at far less expense of time and money, than from Africa. Let us now attend to the process by which an excellent Vice President of the Society, supposes slavery is to bę aboļished, UPON SLAVERY. “Let Africa begin to enter upon the redemption of her character, which guilty Christian nations have for centu- ries combined to keep down to the lowest point of degra- dation, and she will begin to be respected, and the condi- tion of her outcast children on our shores, will awaken a livelier sympathy. And when Africa shall have put on the garment of civilization, and the influence of her regenera- tion shall be felt throughout this land, our most tenacious, and obstinate slave holder, will shrink from the relation he bears to her children. The poor creature whom he for- merly regarded as a few removes above the brute, will noy present himself before the new associations of his master's mind, as his fellow man, and his equal, and the slave will be permitted to go free.” Speech of G. Smith, Esq. 14th Rep. p. 11. It would seem, that at the close of the fourteenth year of the Society's labors, Africa had not yet, in the opinion of Mr. Smith, begun to enter upon the redemption of her character. How soon a beginning is to be made, and in how many years, or centuries, the Society expects to com- plete the work of dressing Africa in the garment of civili- zation, we are not informed. But when this work shall have been finished, and when it shall have produced a general sensation (how'strong and of what kind we know not) throughout America, THEN the motions of the sugar- mill and cotton-gin are to be arrested, and the fetters are to fall from the slave. Why? Because the commands of God, and the interests and safety of the master, require it? No; but because the master will then make the discovery, that his poor slave, but little removed as he is from the brute, is still his fellow man, and his equal ! This is cer- tainly a most marvellous process for teaching the Southern planters a plain, simple truth; a truth, too, which was pro- claimed by their own representatives, so long ago as 1776, in the declaration of independence, but which unfortunately seems not to have had the influence which Mr. Smith sup- poses it will exert, when taught by the regeneration of Africa. We may now judge a little of the elements of that moral influence, which a Christian Society exerts against SLAVES TO BE REMOVED. slavery. Conscience, and the word of God, death, judg- ment, and eternity, enter not into its composition. “ The Society,” declares one of its vice presidents, “ tends, and may powerfully tend, to rid us gradually and entirely in the United States, of slaves and slavery." R. G. Harper. See 14th Rep. p. 23. Let us now see how gradually this riddance is to be effected. “We have never supposed, that the Society's plan could he accomplished in a few years; but, on the contrary, have boasted, that it will demand a CENTURY for its fulfillment.” Mr. Fitzhugh, Vice President. Af. Rep. IV. p. 344. It may seem singular that philanthropists should exult in the conviction, that their plan for doing good would re- quire a century for its fulfillment; but the benevolence of the “ Colonization system” is peculiar. 66 There are those, sir, who ask, “and could not a quarter of a century cease and determine these two great evils,' (free blacks and slaves.) You and I, my dear sir, on whom the frost of time has fallen rather perceptibly, would say a CENTURY." Speech of Mr. Custiss. 13th Rep. p. viii. “ The sudden abolition of slavery in a community where it existed to any considerable extent, would be pernicious. But this is danger which can occasion no alarm, admitting that the Colonization scheme contemplates the ultimate abolition of slavery, yet that result could only be produced by the slow and gradual operation of CENTURIES.” Af. Rep. I. p. 217. "It is not expected to remove so great an evil as two millions of slaves suddenly : if it can be accomplished in a CENTURY, it will be as much as the most sanguine of our friends ought to expect.” Judge Best's Address to the In- diana Col. Soc. Āf. Rep. IX. p. 71. “ It is not the work of a day, nor a year; it is not the work of one time, nor of two; but it is one which will now commence, and may continue for AGES.” View of Slavery, by Humanitas, a Colonization advocate. Baltimore, 1822. Thus we see that the continuance of slavery, with all its licentiousness, ignorance, and suffering, for at least a century to come, is calmly contemplated by zealous and SLAVES ALREADY REMOVED. 77 distinguished Colonizationists. But still the Society ex- pects ultimately to abolish slavery. Let us therefore in- quire what it must effect to fulfill this expectation. The increase of our slave population, from the census of 1820 to that of 1830, was 472,568. Estimating the future increase at the same ratio, it will be for the ten years ending in 1840, 617,263; and for the ten years end- ing in 1850, 806,762. The annual increase is now up- wards of 54,000, and the daily excess of births over deaths, 147. In 1850, it will be 80,676 annually, and 221 daily! From this statement, it will be perceived, what must be the power of the “ moral influence” of the Society to re- move to Africa merely the annual increase of our slave population ; and hence, we may judge of its ability to de- liver the country from slavery. In forming an opinion on this subject, we shall be further aided by inquiring what advantages the Society has enjoyed, and what have been the results of its labors. Never has any voluntary association received in an equal degree the applause and patronage of both state and church. Men of all parties, and of all religions, and of no religion, have zealously espoused its cause. On the roll of its offi- cers, are emblazoned the names of the most popular leaders of rival political parties. The Legislatures of fourteen States have passed resolutions in its favor. The highest ecclesiastical judicatories, of almost every religious denomi- nation, have recommended it to the patronage of their churches. Politicians have declaimed, ministers have preached, and Christians have prayed in its behalf. To promote its objects, liberal contributions have been made from the coffers of the nation, and the pockets of indivi- duals. Under color of providing for the removal to Africa, of about three hundred recaptured negroes, the general government appropriated 130,000 dollars, which were “ap- plied to an object affiliated to our design, and essentially, though collaterally, contributing to its advancement; the sending out of agents of the United States to the African coast, and the transportation of persons in the public ships. By these means we have obtained, in fact, all we could have expected to gain, had Congress decided to aid our en- terprise.” Speech of Gen. Harper, 7th Rep. p. 12. - 78 INFLUENCE OF THE SOCIETY Since 1820, $220,449 have been poured into the treasury. If to this be added $45,645, the debt due by the Society at the beginning of 1834, we have a total of 266,094 dollars expended, independent of the 130,000 dollars paid by go- vernment. Such have been the pecuniary means of the So- ciety; and now let us see how far its “ moral influence” has progressed in freeing the country of its millions of slaves. Since December, 1816, when the Society was organized, to the present time, (1st of January, 1835,) it has transported eight hundred and nine manumitted slaves to Africa- equal to the increase of the slave population for five and a half days! But it will be said, that some years elapsed be- fore the Society was in a capacity to transport emigrants. Be it so let us inquire then, how many manumitted slaves have been sent out the last five years. In 1830, 1, 2, 3, six hundred and sixty-six were transported : in 1834, none, * making a removal on an average, of less than the increase of one day in each year! In the eighteenth year of the Society's existence, it finds itself compelled to pause and rest, after the mighty effort of arresting the increase of the slave population for FIVE DAYS AND A HALF. Such are the results of the moral influence about which we have heard so much. And upon whom has this influence operated ? Surely upon those who were most within its sphere, the presidents, vice-presidents, and managers of the Society. Unfortunately, facts do not confirm this very na- tural supposition. Judge Washington was President of the Society, from its first organization, till his death in 1829. In a letter to the Society, he observed, “ We may fairly hope it will lead to the sure but gradual abolition of slavery." Af. Rep. VII. p. 20. Whatever were the hopes of this gentleman, he was per. sonally beyond the reach of the Society's moral influence. In a published letter in 1821, after stating that his slaves had got the idea that as nephew to General Washington, or President of the Colonization Society, he could not hold them in bondage, he adds, “I called the negroes together * In 1834, the Philadelphia Society sent out one hundred and ten slaves, manumitted by the will of their master, who also left two thousand two bundred dollars for their transportation. The Society, at the same time, gave a passage to fourteen emigrants for the Parent Institution, free of ex- penso. UPON ITS OWN MEMBERS. 79 in March last, and after stating to them what I had heard, I assured them that I had no intention to give freedom to any of them." The Judge was as good as his word. He did indeed shortly after part with fifty-four of his slaves, but it was not to the agent of the Society, to be transported to Liberia, but to a slave dealer, to be shipped to New Orleans. Mr. Carroll, a large slave holder, succeeded to the presidential chair, but for aught that appears to the contrary, neither he nor Mr. Madison, the present incumbent, ever liberated a single slave. Mr. Clay, a Vice President, publicly inti- mated, that he did not intend to send his slaves to Africa. Mr. Fitzhugh, another Vice President, the proprietor of “ numerous slaves,” speaking of slavery, remarked : “No plea can be urged in justification of its continuance but the plea of necessity.” Af. Rep. V. p. 354. The will of this gentleman, who died in 1830, is a singular comment on this plea of necessity. The follow- ing extract is given in the African Repository under the head of PHILANTHROPIC EXAMPLE. “ After the year 1850, I leave all my negroes uncondition- ally free, with the privilege of having the expenses of their removal, to whatever places of residence they may select, defrayed. If they consent to go to the Colony, (Liberia,) they are to be paid fifty dollars each on their arrival.” Af. Rep. VI. 247. It will be perceived that the testator believed in the " ne- cessity” of requiring his slaves to toil for twenty years for his heirs, after he himself was in the grave, before they could be permitted to labor for themselves; and also the necessity of leaving the children who might be born of these slaves in the twenty years, in interminable bondage, for it will be observed, that the prospective manumission is confined to Mr. Fitzhugh's “negroes," and not to the children to be hereafter born. Should this Philanthropic example be universally followed, in how many centuries would slavery cease ? DIFFICULTIES OF COLONIZATION. Mr. Custiss, well known as a zealous advocate of the So. ciety, in a speech before it, thus exclaims, ." Lend us your aid, to strike the fetters from the slavc, and to spread the enjoyment of unfettered freedom over the whole of our favored and happy land." 7th Report, p. 13. · Had Mr. Custiss applied to the Board, for a passage for his slaves to Liberia, the boon would unquestionably have been granted. But such a boon, was not the aid he de- sired. In the New York Commercial Advertiser of Janu- ary 31, 1829, it is stated that Philip Lee, the son of Gene- ral Washington's favorite servant, is the slave of Mr. Cus- tiss, the adopted son of Washington : that Philip is a pious, faithful, and in all respects an exemplary man, and has a wife and children, to whom he is tenderly attached ; and that 1000 dollars, are required to deliver Philip and his family from slavery. “Much interest has been excited in the district of Columbia, where it is supposed one half of the sum required will be raised.” The paper farther states, that 121 dollars had been subscribed in New York. In the appendix to the 15th Report, p. 41, is a list of persons who have manumitted slaves to be sent to Liberia. The list does not profess to give all, but contains fifteen names, and it is remarkable that the name of any one pre- sent or former officer of the American Colonization Society is not to be found among them, with the exception of Mr. Fitzhugh, who is included, on account of his testamentary devise. We will not assert that no officer of the Society, has ever parted with a slave, that he might go to the Colony ; but we do say, that although our acquaintance with coloni- zation documents is not superficial, we have met with no record of such a “philanthropic example." - If such be the impotency of the moral influence of the Society upon its officers, its orators and advocates, what will be its power on slaveholders generally? But let us suppose, what we all know to be untrue, that every slave holder in our country, is in very deed anxious to get rid of his slaves, and that the whole slave population is now and will continue to be at the disposal of the Soci- ety, and we ask, can this population be transported to Af- rica, and there maintained? We have seen that before any ATTACHMENT TO SLAVERY. 81 impression can be made on its present amount, its increase ** rising to more than fifty-four thousand annually, must be removed. But it is surely not to be removed, merely to perish by famine in the wilderness. In the ordinary cal- culations of the expense of carrying these people to Africa, they seem to be considered only as articles of freight, which are to be delivered at Liberia, at so much per piece. Thirty dollars are usually assumed as the cost of a passage ; but let it be recollected that after they arrive, houses, imple- ments of husbandry, food and clothing for at least one year must be provided for them. It is with difficulty a new co- lony can provide for its own maintenance, and it is folly to suppose that it can also provide for an annual influx of fifty thousand emigrants, emigrants too, sunk in brutal ignorance, unaccustomed to supply their own wants, and bringing with them, nothing but the rags on their backs. Place fifty thousand such persons in the wilds of Africa, and they would be far more likely to starve before the end of a year, than they would be at that time, to furnish the necessaries of life to fifty thousand more emigrants. The colony is now poor, and has only about three thousand inhabitants, and it is admitted (See 15th Rep. p. 10,) that an addition of one thousand emigrants in any one year since its establish- ment would have been fatal to it. How many years then must elapse, before it can receive fifty-four thousand every year ; and when that period arrives, what will then be the annual increase ? Admitting the whole marine and the whole treasury of the United States to be surrendered to the Society, does any sane man believe, that Liberia can be brought to such a state of cultivation as to maintain an annual accession to her population of fifty-four thousand in less than twenty-five years ? But in the year 1860 the annual increase of slaves, instead of fifty-four thousand, will be one hundred and four thousand; and unless the So- ciety will then be able to transport more than this mighty multitude, each year, it will not even diminish the present amount of the slave population ! In supposing the slave holders ready to colonize their slaves, we have given full effect to the reiterated assertions of Colonizationists on this subject. These gentlemen are fond of representing the Southern masters as unfortunately 82 ATTACHMENT TO SLAVERY. burthened with a grievous load, which they are impatient to shake off; and from which no other human agency than the Society can possibly relieve them. Granting the pre- mises, we see what sort of relief the Society is capable of affording. We have intentionally removed one difficulty, that we might consider another. Let us now reverse the supposition, and admitting the ability of the Society, imme- diately to transport to Africa, and there maintain all the slaves in the United States, let us inquire how the consent of the masters is to be obtained. Let it be remembered, that the Society has studiously avoided every measure to obtain such consent, and boasts that it addresses arguments to no master. But if we are to believe Colonizationists, no arguments are necessary to induce the masters to liberate their slaves. Our sympathy is perpetually demanded, not for the slave, but his unfor- tunate master, who is imploring the Society to deliver him from the curse entailed upon him by his ancestors ! So far from slaveholders wishing to abolish slavery, they are endeavoring to transmit it as a precious inheritance to their latest posterity. As we have already observed, we do not solicit the reader's belief in any assertion we may make, until we have demonstrated its truth; and we assert that there is a general disposition among slaveholders, to per- petuate slavery. We know, and cheerfully acknowledge, that there are exceptions, but we believe they are exceed- ingly rare. The whole tendency of slave legislation, is to rivet the chains of its victims. Hence the cruel obstacles it raises to manumission, and the wicked efforts it makes to brutalize the human mind. But not contented with holding their own slaves with an iron grasp, they have striven, and with woful success, to extend the curse beyond their own borders. When Missouri was to be admitted into the Union, every slave representative in Congress, without one solitary exception, Colonizationist or not, voted to render it a slave State. So anxious was Virginia, to strengthen the slave interest, that rebellion and civil war were the price she was willing to pay for another mart in human flesh. Her House of Delegates, “Resolved, that the General Assembly of Virginia, will support the good people of Missouri, in their just rights, and admission into the Union, and will ATTACIIMENT TO SLAVERY. co-operate with them in RESISTING WITH MANLY FORTI- TUDE any attempt which Congress may make to impose re- straints, or restrictions on the price of their admission, not authorized by the great principles of the constitution, and in violation of their rights, liberty, and HAPPINESS !” General Charles C. Pinckney, of South-Carolina, in a public address, delivered in 1824, maintained that slavery, as it exists in that State, is " no greater or more unusual evil, than befalls the poor in general ; that its extinction would be attended with calamity to the country, and to the people connected with it, in every character, and relation; that no necessity exists for such extinction—that slavery is sanctioned by the Mosaic dispensation—that it is a fulfill- ment of the denunciation, pronounced against the second son of Noah-that it is not inconsistent with the genius and spirit of Christianity, nor considered by St. Paul as a mo- ral evil." Address before the Agricultural Society of South Carolina. Governor Miller, of South Carolina, in his message to the Legislature in 1829, remarks, “ Slavery is not a national evil; on the contrary, it is a NATIONAL BENEFIT. Slavery exists in some form every where, and it is not of much consequence in a philosophical point of view, whether it be voluntary or involuntary. In . a political point of view, involuntary slavery has the ad- vantage, since all who enjoy political liberty, are then in fact free." It gives us pleasure to state, that the African Repository, pronounces the doctrines of Messrs. Pinckney and Miller " abominable." We have explained in our introduction, the tacit compact, by which Colonizationists are never to defend slavery in the abstract, nor condemn it in particu- lars. A scrupulous observance of this compact, enabled the Repository to exclaim, with great truth, when accused of hostility to slaveholders, “Have we sought to render the owners of slaves odious, by retailing anecdotes of their cruelty ? Every honorable man will do us the justice to answer no.” Af. Rep. IV. p. 59. But the question is, not what Mr. Gurley thinks of these doctrines, but how they are regarded by slaveholders. Now there is no evidence, that General Pinckney's rank in Ca. ATTACHMENT TO SLAVERY. rolina society, was affected by his “ abominable” doctrines; on the contrary, judging from the eulogium pronounced at his decease, he was regarded as one of the most distinguish- ed and pious members of the slaveholding community. And so far were the people of Carolina from being offended, by the “ abominable" doctrines of their governor, that after his term of service expired, they elected him to the Senate of the United States. Governor Hayne, of the same State, in his message to the Legislature, (1833,) labors to prove, that slavery adds to the military strength of a nation, and concludes with de- claring that “the existence of slavery in the South, is not only to be regarded as an evil not to be deplored, but that it brings along corresponding advantages, in elevating the character, contributing to the wealth, enlarging the resources, and adding to the strength of the State in which it exists." It must be confessed, these are strange sentiments to be advanced by the chief magistrates of a people who regard slavery as a curse, and are anxious to colonize their slaves. Let us now attend to the official declarations of the pre- sent Governor of South Carolina ; and see what comment they afford on the supposed desire of the slave holders to get rid of their slaves, a supposition on which the whole theory of abolition by Colonization is founded. " It is demonstrable that cotton could not be produced by the labor of hired freemen for double the average price it has commanded for ten years past.--.It is obvious that the abolition of that kind of labor which is the basis of our wealth and prosperity, would annihilate, at a single blow, that entire branch of foreign commerce which brings the industry of the exporting States into competition with that of the manufacturing States—I am thoroughly convinced that the institution of domestic slavery, paradoxical as it may seem, is an indispensable element in an unmixed re- presentative republic. How SACRED IS OUR OBLIGATION to provide for our POSTERITY all the necessary means of defending and preserving an institution, as essential to their existence and to their liberty, as it is obnoxious to the pre- judices of those who have the greatest possible facilities for assailing it.” Inaugural Speech, Dec. 1834. ATTACHMENT TO SLAVERY. 85 In December last, a lecture on “ Domestic Slavery," was delivered before “ the Law Class of William and Mary Col. lege,” and published in the Southern Literary Messenger, for January, 1835. The following introductory passage will help to show the feeling that is cherished at the South. " This subject, (slavery,) is too interesting to be passed in silence. The time too is rife with proofs, that unless we mean tamely to surrender a most important interest, we must hold ourselves always on the alert to DEFEND it with tongue and pen.” A few years since, the State of Louisiana passed a law, prohibiting the importation of slaves from other States, but the extension of the sugar cultivation, demanding more la- bor, the law was repealed in 1833, and this State is now importing multitudes of slaves from Maryland and Virginia. Soon after the repeal of the law, 2000 were offered for sale in New Orleans, in the course of a single week! We may judge how anxious the people of Louisiana are to send their slaves to Africa, from the following notice of a late sale, in New Orleans : Willis, 18 years old, brought . . . $1400 Jack, 29 - - - - - - - - - - 1200 Adam, 20 - - - - - - - . . . 1300 Tom, 16 - - - - - - - - . - 1175 Dick, 30 · 1000 14 - - - ... - - - - - 660 Malinda, 29 . . . . . . . . . . 500 A letter from an intelligent gentleman, personally ac- quainted with the state of slavery at Natchez, says: “The prospects of the blacks in the South-west, are gloomy in the extreme. Cotton can be afforded at 6 cents per pound; last year, (1832,) it was worth from 9 to 13 cents; this year it is worth from 14 to 18 cents. Last year about 1000 negroes were sold in Natchez, and I am confident 1500 will be disposed of in that market this year. In my opinion, the slaves, if ever free, will owe their liberty to their own strength and the blessing of Heaven ; for their masters, as a Methodist minister once expressed it, think 86 ATTACHMENT TO SLAVERY. only of making more cotton, to buy more negroes, to make more cotton, to buy more negroes." So far are masters from wishing to send their negroes to Africa, that they are continually increasing their stock, and hence slaves are rising in value. A late Georgia paper an- nounces, that at a sale of 71 negroes, of all ages and kinds, the average price was 438 dollars. A convention has recently been held in Tennessee, for amending the State Constitution, and one amendment is, a prohibition to the Legislature to abolish slavery! The Augusta Chronicle, (Geo.) of Oct. 1833, says : “We firmly believe, that if the Southern States do not quickly unite and declare to the North, if the question of slavery be longer discussed in any shape, they will instantly secede from the Union ; that the question must be settled, and very soon, by the swORD, as the only possible means of self- preservation !" The Richmond Enquirer and the Washington Globe, are both mightily indignant at the proposition that Congress should abolish slavery in the District of Columbia. So far is it from being true, as stated by Colonization- ists, that the South is ready to surrender its slaves, that every day affords new proofs that the public sentiment both at the North and the South, is now more tolerant to slavery than at any other period during the last thirty years. Who believes, that even ten years ago, any Connecticut Legisla- ture would have ventured to pass the Black Act; or that Judge Daggett himself would have pronounced his porten- tous and extraordinary opinion? At what time, before the influence of the Colonization Society was felt throughout our land, did the citizens of the North merit or receive such commendations from the slave press as the following ? “Public sentiment at the North, in reference to Southern interests, was never in a sounder state than it is now. The language of the Northern press is cheering in the ex- treme,- the feeling in favor of the South, and against the abolitionists, is deep and almost universal.” Charleston Courier, 21st July, 1834. When, until late years, have the Governors of even slave States, dared to promulgate such “ abominable" doctrines, as those we have quoted ? VIRGINIA AND MARYLAND COLONIZATION. 87 Unless we greatly deceive ourselves, we have now shown that no desire exists at the South to get rid of slavery, at least to such an extent as to render Colonization in the re- motest degree instrumental in abolishing it: and it is an unquestioned fact, that in eighteen years only about 900 ma- numitted slaves have been sent to Africa. But certain laws have been recently passed by Virginia and Maryland, which are triumphantly cited by Colonizationists as proofs of the growing desire at the South to abolish slavery,--a desire which is attributed to the influence of the Society. The law of Virginia appropriates 18,000 dollars a year for five years, for the transportation of colored persons to Africa. Now it is evident that the effect of this law upon slavery in Virginia, must depend on the class of colored persons to be transported. "Will it be believed, that this law, received with such joy and triumph by Colonizationists, confines the application of its appropriation to the removal of such blacks as were free at the date of its passage. In other words, it declares to the slaveholders, “ We will not assist you in manumitting your slaves.” By a previous law, any manumitted slave, who does not leave the State in twelve months, becomes again a slave : this new law pro- vides that such a manumitted slave shall not be sent to Africa,—of course it affords no possible inducement or fa- cility whatever to manumission; and its whole operation is confined to the removal of nuisances, -and we have already seen, from the avowal of members of the Legislature, that this removal is virtually to be compulsory. The philan- thropy that rejoices in such a law, is indeed of a peculiar cast, but it is the philanthropy of “ the benevolent Coloni- zation system."* The Maryland law, of 1832, appropriates 200,000 dol- lars, to be applied through the agency of the Maryland Co- lonization Society, to the removal to Africa, of “ the people of color now free, and such as shall hereafter become so." On the 20th January, 1833, the American Colonization * A party writer, in a late number of the Richmond Enquirer, says: "An opposition man, who stated in the spring that he considered the removal of the deposites as affecting the value of his property 30 per cent., admits now, that he never saw a MORE WHOLESOME STATE OF THINGS; negro boys and men will fetch from 600 dollars to 700 dollars." Is Virgi- nia sick of this wholesome state of things ? 88 MARYLAND COLONIZATION. Society “ Resolved, that the Society view with the highest gratification, the continued efforts of the State of Maryland to accomplish her patriotic and BENEVOLENT SYSTEM in re- gard to her colored population; and that the last appropria- tion by that State of two hundred thousand dollars in aid of African Colonization, is hailed by the friends of the sys- tem as a BRIGHT EXAMPLE to other States." Let us now examine this “benevolent system,” this “ bright example,” and see how it accords with Christian love and sincerity. In forming our opinion of the true character of this scheme, it will not be improper to take into consideration the avowed motives which gave it birth. The Legislature, in their session of 1831, adopted the following resolutions : “Resolved, that the increased proportion of the free people of color, in this State, to the white population-the evils growing out of their connexion and unrestrained as- sociation with the slaves, their habits and manner of obtain- ing a subsistence, and their withdrawing A LARGE PORTION of employment from the laboring class of the white popu- lation, are subjects of momentous and grave consideration to the good people of this State. “Resolved, that, as philanthropists and lovers of freedom, we deplore the existence of slavery among us, and would use our utmost exertions to ameliorate its condition: yet we consider the unrestricted power of manumission as fraught with ultimate evils, of a more dangerous tendency than the circumstance of slavery alone; and that any act, having for its object the mitigation of these joint evils, not inconsistent with other paramount considerations, would be worthy the attention and deliberation of the representatives of a free, liberal-minded, and enlightened people.” Another resolution followed, declaring that, by the Co. lonization of free people of color in Africa, “these evils may be measurably diminished,” and a committee was ap- pointed to frame a bill upon “ the principles" of these re- solutions. · Such, then, are the principles of the Maryland benevo- lent system; and which of them is derived from the gospel of Christ? So far as the system relates to the free blacks, it proposes their removal, not out of kindness to them, but MARYLAND COLONIZATION. 89 because they are supposed to be injurious to slave proper- ty ; because their habits and manner of obtaining a sub- sistence, the necessary results of wicked laws, are vicious ; and because they enter into competition with white laborers. This last accusation against the free blacks, is a most extra- ordinary one, when made by a people, who keep in their employment more than ONE HUNDRED THOUSAND BLACK LABORERS, who toil without wages, and subsist on the scan- tiest fare ; and yet the interference of these laborers with " the laboring class of the white population," occasions no uneasiness, and leads to no plan for their removal. And what are the principles of this system with regard to slaves ? Why, that it is worse to give a slave his liberty here, than to keep him in bondage ; but at the same time, that “the utmost exertions" ought to be made to “ameliorate his con- dition." Let us now proceed to the practical application of these principles. At the next session, a report was pre- sented, in which calculations are entered into, to show that “the WHOLE of this population (of free blacks) can be re- moved in the course of one generation alone." But the Legislators are philanthropists and lovers of freedom, and deplore the existence of slavery. Let us see how the com- mittee propose to remove this deplored evil. The report says of the slaves, “ they are property, and must be so re- garded, and without their owners' consent, none of them can be touched.” Here we have a principle which secures to Maryland the blessings of slavery forever. In no country in the world, in ancient or modern times, has slavery been abolished by the unanimous consent of slaveholders. Never has it been peaceably abolished but by law. The Northern and East- ern States could abolish slavery without the consent of the owners : the Republican States of South America could do the same: the Legislature of Maryland can rule fifty thou- sand of their free colored citizens with a rod of iron, can deny them the most common and inestimable rights of hu- manity ; but it cannot rescue a human being from unmerit- ed and involuntary bondage ! Let us now turn to the famous appropriation act. By this act, masters are allowed to manumit their slaves, but then the manumitted slaves are to be transported beyond 90 MARYLAND COLONIZATION. the limits of the State ; and should a parent or a child, a husband or a wife, shudder at parting forever from a near and dear relative, the separation may be avoided by a re- nunciation in open court of the newly acquired liberty, and a public consent to continue a slave! Such is the bearing of this benevolent system on slavery. Let us now contem- plate its effects on the free black. The appropriation bill authorizes no compulsion, and imposes no penalties on a re- fusal to go to Africa. It was not expedient that this bill should contain such provisions, and therefore they were in. serted in another bill passed by the same Legislature, and within two days of the other, entitled, “ An act, relating to free negroes and slaves.” This act, like the Connecticut Black Act, is a bold and flagrant violation of the constitu- tional rights of free citizens. A citizen of New York, if his complexion be colored, may not visit a dying child or parent in Maryland, without incurring a penalty of fifty dollars for every week he remains, and if he is unable to pay the fine, why then he is to be sold by the sheriff at pub- lic sale for such time as may be necessary to cover the aforesaid penalty. But if a free negro is sold for a limited time, he is, in fact, soLD FOR LIFE. During the term for which he is sold, he is a chattel, and may be transported at the pleasure of his master; and when the expiration of his term finds him in a cotton field in Missouri, or a sugar mill in Louisiana, who is to rescue him from interminable bon- dage? Should a colored citizen of Maryland cross its boundary on business, ever so urgent to himself and family, on returning to his home, more than a month after, he also is liable to be seized and sold, unless previous to his depar- ture he had complied with certain vexatious, legal formali- ties; and which, from ignorance, he would be extremely likely to neglect, or perform imperfectly. A striking illustration of this “benevolent system” lately occurred. A free colored man, living near the line of the Dis- trict of Columbia, petitioned the Maryland House of Dele- gates for leave to bring his grandchild from the City of Wash- ington. The child had probably been left an orphan, and he naturally wished to take it into his own house. The petition was rejected !! A brisk slave trade is carried on between Maryland and the Southern States ; and it is well known, that free ne- MARYLAND COLONIZATION. 91 groes are often the victims of this trade; instances occur- ring of whole families being kidnapped. Under such cir- cumstances many would wish to have the means of pro- tecting, if necessary, the freedom of themselves and child- ren; but the new bill forbids them to keep any military weapon, without a special licence from a county court, or city corporation ; a condition amounting virtually to a total prohibition. No free negro may attend a religious meet- ing not conducted by a white person. As the law thus discourages, and in a great measure pro- hibits religious instruction, exhortation, and social prayer, among fifty thousand of the population of Maryland, no wonder it presumes every one of that fifty thousand to be a thief. Hence no person may, under the penalty of five dollars, buy of a free negro “ any bacon, pork, beef, mut- ton, corn, wheat, tobacco, rye, or oats,” unless he shall at the time exhibit a certificate from a Justice of the Peace, or three respectable persons, that he or they believe the said negro came honestly by the identical article offered for sale. Such are some of the features of this law, and they are well calculated to induce the free negroes to avail them- selves of the benevolent and munificent provision made by the other law for their transportation to Africa. The con- cluding section, however, is the most operative of the whole, and promises to afford ample employment for the two hundred thousand dollars, and to furnish Liberia with an abundant population. It is as follows: " Sect. 12. And be it enacted, that if any free negro or mulatto shall be convicted of any crime, committed after the passage of this act, which may not, under the laws of this State, be punished by hanging by the neck, such free negro or mulatto may, in the discretion of the court, be sen- tenced to the penalties and punishments now provided by law, or be banished from this state, OR BE TRANSPORTED INTO SOME FOREIGN COUNTRY. Hence, if a free negro steals a pound of tobacco, he may be shipped off to Liberia. In civilized countries, it has been the aim of the legislature, to apportion punishments to crimes, but Maryland has set "a bright example” of a simplification of the criminal code, without a parallel in the history of jurisprudence. She tells her Judges, " in the case of free black offenders, you need give yourselves no 92 MARYLAND COLONIZATION. trouble in comparing the different shades of guilt, and weighing those circumstances which aggravate or mitigate the offence. In certain cases you must hang them, in all others, without exception, you may send them to Africa." This is the “ benevolent system, the “ bright example" lauded by the American Colonization Society. This is the system which is cited as a proof, that Maryland desires to abolish slavery. A symptom of this desire occurred in the Maryland House of Delegates, in 1834. Mr. Mann moved an inquiry into the expediency of abolishing slavery, after a certain period. So great was the excitement produced by this motion, that the mover withdrew it, and the minute of the motion was expunged from the journal. The 200,000 dollars, it seems, are entrusted to the Mary- land Colonization Society ; and that Society, wishing still farther to increase its funds, has appealed to the benevo- lence of the North. The appeal is founded on two so. lemn official declarations ; first, that it aims at the extirpa. tion of slavery in Maryland, by Colonization; and second- ly, that it contemplates “founding a nation on the principle of temperance.” We have seen that a committee of the Maryland legisla. ture insisted on the possibility of the removal of the whole free black population in one generation. The Society, in their address, repeatedly declare their object to be the ex- tirpation of slavery by Colonization; and the legislature forbids, as we have also seen, manumission at home. Of course, slavery can only be extirpated by the removal, not of a select portion, but of all the slaves. In what terms ought we then to speak of the following resolution of the Maryland Society, published to conciliate the friends of temperance at the North ? " Whereas it is desired that the settlement about to be made by this Society, should, as far as practicable, become a moral and temperate community ; and as this is to be ef- fected, in a great degree, by the character of the emigrants, who leave America for a new home in Africa : and whereas, the sad experience of this country has shown the demorali- zing effects of the use of ardent spirits, Be it resolved, that no emigrant shall be permitted to go from Maryland to a settlement from this Society in Africa, who will not first bind himself, or herself, to abstain therefrom." MARYLAND COLONIZATION. 93 So the Society is to carry to Africa 100,000 slaves, and thus exterminate slavery in their State; and yet they will positively refuse to carry one of them until he has taken the temperance pledge. But what if a portion of them will not consent to take the pledge ; must slavery continue, or must means be taken to coerce their consent? None but those wilfully blind, can examine this subject without seeing, that the measures adopted by Virginia and Maryland, are mere contrivances to get rid of the free blacks; and far more disgraceful in the latter, than in the former case, because more disguised by insincere profes- sions. The New-York Journal of Commerce, a Colonization paper, had the candor in speaking on the subject, to re- - mark, “ It is true these states do not propose to resort, in the first instance, to compulsory measures ; but does any one doubt that they will resort to such measures, if the number of volunteer emigrants should not be sufficient to exhaust the appropriations made for their removal.” And a Baltimore paper, (the Chronicle,) alluding to the Mary- land acts, avows, “ The INTENTION of those laws was, and their effect must be, to EXPEL the free people of color from the state.” Yet do these cruel and perfidious measures receive the support and approbation of the Colonization Society. There is still a powerful objection to the whole Coloni. zation scheme, as a means of removing slavery, to which we have not yet adverted. No principle of political economy is more obvious than that prices depend on sup- ply and demand. If the first is diminished, while the lat- ier is increased, or even remains stationary, prices neces- sarily rise. We can all understand, that should half the sheep in the United States be suddenly destroyed, or car- ried out of the country, the value of the remaining half would instantly be enhanced. So also, we have no diffi- culty in seeing, that should the cholera sweep off from the Southern plantations, two or three hundred thousand slaves, there would be an increased activity in the man- market, and human flesh would rise many per cent. in price. Yet it seems never to occur to Colonizationists, that were it possible for them to produce any sensible diminution of the slaves by transportation, the same consequences would COLONIZATION THE ONLY MODE follow. The society propose reducing the number of la- borers, but without diminishing the demand for them. Let us suppose every free negro, safely landed at Liberia-of ' course all the laborers remaining in the cotion and sugar fields of the South, are slaves. Now the society is gradually sending away these slaves, not by freeing at once any town or county from them, but by picking them up throughout the whole slave region, as it can meet with conscientious mas- ters; taking a few in one place, and a few in another; now stripping a plantation of its slaves in Virginia, and now in Missouri. This indiscriminate mode of obtaining emigrants, necessarily and absolutely prevents the substitution of white for black labor. The plantations thus divested of labor. ers, must remain barren till new slaves are procured. But the proprietor is too conscientious to buy any, and is hence compelled to sell his estate. The purchaser imme- diately goes into the market to re-stock the farm. Others do the same, and hence arises a new demand for slaves, and of course an increase of their value. But as slaves grow more and more valuable, the disposition to make presents of them to the Colonization Society, will decline. Thus does the inevitable mercantile operation of the society, in- dependent of all moral considerations, necessarily tend to defeat its object. The idea of abolishing slavery, by in- creasing the demand for slaves, is about as wise, as would be a plan for lessening the circulation of infidel books, by raising a fund for their purchase. We have now examined the means by which the society proposes to effect the removal of slavery, and trust we have shown their utter worthlessness. Were the impractica. bility of this scheme, its only objection, the friends of hu- manity and religion would not be called on, as they now are, to meet it with unrelenting hostility—to labor without rest, and without weariness, for its entire prostration. Alas, though powerless for good, it is mighty for evil ; and its baneful influence is leading multitudes of good and well intentioned men, unconsciously to countenance doctrines and measures, necessarily tending to perpetuate slavery and all its abominations in our land. This is an assertion, that ought not rashly to be made, nor hastily believed. We ap- peal to common sense, and undisputed facts. Admitting that Colonization could, in the course of ages, OF ABOLITION. extirpate slavery, ought we, therefore, to reject every means of shortening the sufferings of the slave, by hastening his liberation? But Colonizationists, not content with insist- ing on the efficiency of their own plan, discourage and op- pose every other. Now should their plan prove delusive, after the lapse of centuries, their influence in preventing the adoption of any other, will have been fatal, as far as it may have gone, to the freedom of millions. " It (Colonization) is the ONLY possible mode of eman- cipation at once safe, and rational, that human ingenuity can devise.” Speech of Mr. Custiss. 13th Report, p. viii. “ Colonization is the ONLY expedient by which these evils can be mitigated." Speech of J. A. Dix. Af. Rep. IV. 168. " To this country it offers the ONLY possible means of gradually ridding ourselves of a mighty evil.” 1st Rep. ÎN. Y. Colonization Society. 6. The Colonizing scheme, leading as it does to volun. tary manumission, is the only one which true wisdom can dictate.” Speech of Mr. Key, Vice President. Af. Rep. IV. p. 299. "I would urge this system of Colonization upon your notice, as the only rational plan which has yet been sug- gested for relieving our Southern brethren from the curse of slavery.” Speech of Chancellor Walworth of N. Y. " The only rational and practical plan ever devised for the emancipation of the slaves of independent States." N. Y. Courier and Enquirer, 12th May, 1834. A Coloni- zation paper. “ This great end (abolition) is to be attained in no OTHER way than by a plan of extensive Colonization." Letter of R. G. Harper, V. President. 2d Rep. p. iii. “ In our opinion, the Colonization Society presents the ONLY safe and feasible plan for the liberation of our slaves from bondage." Report of Wilmington Col. Society. Af. Rep. IX. 319. We have seen the nature and extent of the moral influ- ence of this only rational plan in favor of abolition ; let us now examine that which it exerts in behalf of slavery. In the first place, we ask, what must be the natural 96 THE SOCIETY DISCLAIMS EMANCIPATION. effect on public opinion of such disclaimers as the follow- ing? 5. It is no Abolition Society : it addresses, as yet, argu- ments to no master. It denies the design of attempting emancipation partial or general.” Address of J. B. Har- rison to Lynchburgh Col. Society. Af. Rep. III. 197. . “Into their (the Society's) accounts, the subject of eman-, cipation does not enter at all.” Af. Rep. IV. p. 306. “ The friends of Colonization wish to be distinctly understood on this point. From the beginning, they have disa vowed, and they do yet disavow, that their object is the emancipation of slaves.” Speech of J. S. Green, before the New Jersey Society. “ From its origin, and throughout the whole period of its existence, it has constantly disclaimed all intention whatever of interfering in the smallest degree with the rights of property, or the object of emancipation gradual or immediate.” Speech of Mr. Clay, V. President. Af. Rep. VI. p. 13. “ Recognizing the constitutional and legitimate exist- ence of slavery, it seeks not to interfere, directly or indi- rectly, with the rights it creates.” Af. Rep. III. p. 16. “He considered himself publicly pledged, so long as he had any thing to do with the Society, to resist every at- tempt to connect it with emancipation, either in theory or practice.” Speech of Gen. Jones, a Manager of the Am. Col. Soc. 238 Jan. 1834. “ The emancipation of slaves, or the amelioration of their condition, with the moral, intellectual, and political improvement of the people of color within the United States, are objects foreign to the powers of this Society." Address of the Board of Managers to its Auxiliaries. Af. Rep. VII. p. 291. Thus we see, the friends of the Society utterly deny that emancipation, partial or general, gradual or immediate, direct or indirect, in theory or in practice, is included among its objects; and yet the Society “is the only pos- sible mode of emancipation at once safe and rational, that human ingenuity can devise !" A worthy Vice President of the Society, Mr. G. Smith, remarked : “ They who denounce us for not favoring or SLAVES ADMITTED TO BE PROPERTY. 97 promoting the emancipation of slaves, might just as well denounce the Bible or Temperance Society, because they do not step out of their respective spheres, to favor or promote the emancipation of slaves." Af. Rep. IX. p. 358. But what if a Bible or a Temperance Society should an- nounce itself to the world, as about to abolish slavery ; should declare itself to be the ONLY possible instrument by which slavery could be abolished ; and should oppose and ridicule the employment of any other instrument, and should then falsify all its professions, and exert its influ- ence to justify and perpetuate slavery ! Instead of denouncing the society for not stepping out of its sphere to favor or promote the emancipation of slaves, we denounce it for leaving that sphere, and for favoring and promoting continued slavery. The professed consti- tutional object of the society, is the colonization of free blacks and manumitted slaves. We fully admit, it has no more right to meddle with emancipation or slavery, than a Bible Society; and we condemn it, because disregarding its professed object, and in utter contempt of its own Con- stitution, it has lent itself to support and perpetuate a system of cruelty and wickedness. It is painful to make these assertions, but duty requires them, and facts justify them. We will now proceed to show, that the society, (and by the term we intend Colonizationists generally) has stepped out of its sphere to acknowledge, that man may have property in man; to justify him for holding this pro- perty; and to vilify all who would persuade him instantly to surrender it. “We hold their slaves, as we hold their other property, SACRED.” Speech of J. S. Green before N. Jersey Col. Soc. Af. Rep. I. p. 283. “ To the slave holder, they (the society) address them- selves in a tone of conciliation and sympathy. We know your RIGHTS, say they, and we RESPECT them.” Af. Rep. VII. p. 100. 66 The rights of the masters are to remain SACRED in the eyes of the society.” Address of Rockbridge Col. Soc. Af. Rep. IV. p. 274. - We decline assenting to the opinion of some aboli: tionists, that though the master's right over his living slaves 98 SLAVES ADMITTED TO BE PROPERTY. should be conceded, yet he has no claim of property in the unborn, for the reason, that there can be no property in a thing not in esse. This position is wholly untenable, under any jurisprudence." Am. Quar. Review, transferred to Af. Rep. IX. p. 35. The right of property in human flesh, cannot surely be more sacred than that in RUM; and yet it would sound strange, to hear a religious society addressing the rum- seller, in a tone of conciliation and sympathy, and assuring him that they regarded his property in rum as sacred, and respected his right to traffic in it. If it be a question, whether man can lawfully have pro- perty in man, who authorized the society to settle it? That it is a question, is evident from the following excla- mation of Lord Chancellor Brougham, in one of his speeches. “ Talk not of the property of the planter in his slaves.' I deny the right-I acknowledge not the property." And yet the right of the West Indian and the Virginia planter, rested on precisely the same basis, the sanction of human laws. Not only does the society acknowledge slaves to be property, but it excuses and justifies those who hold this property. No motive can operate so powerfully in inducing a mas- ter to liberate his slaves, as the conviction that, by retaining them, he is acting contrary to the will of his Maker, and exposing himself to his displeasure. In a manual of devotion, lately published by the excel- lent Bishop Meade of Virginia, himself a zealous Coloniza- tionist, there is a prayer to be used by the head of a family. This prayer, intended expressly for the slave region, has this affecting petition : "O heavenly Master, hear me while I lift up my heart in prayer, for those unfortunate beings who call me master. O God, make known unto me my whole duty towards them and their oppressed race, and give me courage and zeal to do it at all events. Convince me of sin, if I be wrong in retaining them another moment in bondage." It is observable, that in this prayer, the slaveholder, when in communion with his Maker, far from claiming a sacred right of property in his fellow immortals, dares not MANUMISSION DISCOURAGED. 99 make any claim to them whatever, but alludes to them as those “who call me master.” It is also obvious, that the question of immediate emancipation is pressing on his con- science, and fearful lest he is committing sin in holding slaves “another moment,” he implores the Divine guidance. He will, of course, seek for light wherever it may be found, and will naturally turn to the Colonization Society, to learn the opinion of the eminent men who belong to it, on this momentous subject. Now let us see what opiates that So- ciety administers to quiet his uneasy conscience, and to lull it in profound repose. First, he is assured, that by freeing his slaves, he would be guilty of great inhumanity towards them. “The very commencing act of freedom to the slave, is to place him in a condition still worse, if possible, both for his moral habits, his outward provision, and for the com- munity that embosoms him, than even that, deplorable as it was, from which he has been removed.” Address to Col. Soc. in N. Carolina. Af. Rep. III. p. 66. " What but sorrow can we feel at the misguided piety which has set so many of them free by death-bed devise, or sudden conviction of injustice ?" Address to Lynchburgh Col. Soc. Af. Rep. III. p. 193. . “There are in the United States 238,000 blacks deno- minated free, but whose freedom confers on them, we might say, no privilege but the privilege of being more vicious and miserable than slaves can be." Rev. Mr. Ba- con of New Haven. 7th Rep. p. 99. “ Policy, and even the voice of humanity, forbade the progress of manumission.” Af. Rep. IV. p. 268. " It would be as humane to throw them from the decks in the middle passage, as to set them free in our country." Af. Rep. IV. p. 226. Was Washington wanting in humanity, when he liberated all his slaves ; and was he surpassed in benevolence by his nephew, the President of the Society, who avowed his in- tention of never giving freedom to any of his? Was it “misguided piety” that induced Jefferson to set his free by his last will? Was it an act of perfidious cruelty in the State of Georgia to purchase the freedom of a slave, who had disclosed an intended conspiracy; thus under the pre- 100 SLAVERY EXCUSED. tence of rewarding him, perpetrating an act as inhuman as throwing a fellow being from the decks in the middle pas- sage? Is the recent act of North Carolina, in paying 1800 dollars for the freedom of a slave, who had, with singular intrepidity, preserved a public building from fire, of the same character? Much as we respect Mr. Bacon's character, we cannot but believe, that could his sincerity be tested by his being compelled to choose between being a slave in Louisiana, or a free black even in Canterbury, he would prefer the latter alternative. It is the more remarkable, that Mr. Bacon should have been led to make such.unadvised assertions, when New-Haven itself, afforded full proof of their incor- rectness. Hear the testimony of his estimable and distin- guished fellow townsman, Professor Silliman. .“ We need not look far from home to see the pleasing effects of the benevolent and disinterested exertions of an eminent friend* of the Africans, aided by others of a kin- dred spirit-it is delightful to, the benevolent mind, to see so many of our colored people living in neat and comforta- ble dwellings, furnished in decent taste, and in sufficient ful- ness; thus indicating sobriety, industry, and self-respect; to see their children in clean attire, hastening on a Sabbath morning to the Sunday school, and on other days, with cheerful and intelligent faces, seeking the common school.” Silliman's 4th of July Oration, 1832. · The slaveholder is farther instructed by the Society, that the continuance of slavery here, is at present, and under existing circumstances, unavoidable, and that he is perfect- ly excusable and innocent, in keeping his fellow men in bondage; and that all the cruel laws relative to slave- ry are right and proper. Is all this calumny? attend to the testimony. " Slavery is an evil entailed upon the present generation of slaveholders, which they must suffer, whether they will or not.” Af. Rep. V. p. 179. “The existence of slavery among us, though not at all to be objected to our Southern brethren as a fault.” Ad- ' The Rev. S. S. Jocelyn, an active and public opponent of the Coloniza- tion Society. SLAVERY EXCUSED. 101 dress of New York Colonization Society. African Rep. VII. p. 136. May we ask, how came the states of Missouri, Alabama, and Mississippi, which within thirty years were nearly in a state of nature, to be now thronged with slaves ? " It (the Society) condemns no man because he is a slave- holder." Editorial article-Af. Rep. VII. p. 200. "Acknowledging the necessity by which its (slavery) pre- sent continuance, and rigorous provisions for its mainte- nance, are justified.” Af. Rep. III. p. 16. " It is the business of the free, their safety requires it, to keep the slaves in ignorance.” Proceedings of N. Y. Col. Soc. 2d Ann. " The laws of Virginia now discourage, and very wisely, perhaps, the emancipation of slaves.” Speech' of Mr. Mercer, V. President, I. Rep. " They (the Abolitionists) confound the misfortunes of one generation with the crimes of another.” Af. Rep. VII. p. 202. "We all know from a variety of considerations, which it is unnecessary to name, and in consequence of the policy which is obliged to be pursued in the Southern States, that it is extremely difficult to free a slave; and hence the enact- ment of those laws, which a fatal necessity seems to de- mand.” Af. Rep. II. p. 12. “ I am not complaining of the owners of slaves: they cannot get rid of them." Address before Hampden Coi. Soc. Af. Rep. IV. p. 226. “ There are men in the Southern States, who long to do something effectual for the benefit of their slaves, and would gladly emancipate them, did not prudence and com- passion forbid such a measure." I. Report, p. 100. App. • Suppose the slaves of the South to have the know- ledge of freemen, they would be free, or exterminated by the whites. This renders it necessary to prevent their in- struction, and to keep them from Sunday schools, or the means of gaining knowledge.” Proceedings of N. York Col. Soc. 2d Ann. Rep. “ The treatment of the slaves is in general as good as circumstances and the cruel necessity of the case will per- mit.” Proceedings of N. York Col. Soc. 2d Ann, 102 COLONIZATION PROMOTES “We believe that there is not the slightest moral tur- pitude in holding slaves, under existing circumstances, in the south.” Af. Rep. IX. p. 4. • Thus do we find the whole system of American slavery justified on the tyrant's plea, necessity. But this is not all. The Scriptures themselves are wrested to confound those who recommend abolition. The President of the Geneva Colonization Society, S. M. Hopkins, Esq., in an address delivered 5th August, '1834, and published by request of the society, after citing various texts to prove slavery warranted by the Bible, thus goes on: “ Here are then five places in the New Testament, where the duty of servants (slaves) is expressly and formal- ly treated by way of precept, and one case of example, making six in all. In every one, the duty of obedience is insisted on, and in one or more, where the duty of masters is treated, there is not the least reference nor hint of the idea, that Christian masters should manumit their slaves ; much less that other Christians should preach manumission. But I go farther; as I understand the Epistle to Timothy, and as it is understood by such commentators as I have consulted, there is an express injunction, applicable to those times and circumstances, NOT TO PREACH MANUMISSION."* We will not trouble ourselves at present with Mr. Hop- kins's theology; but we may surely be permitted to inquire, how it comes that the Constitution forbids Colonizationists to recommend and promote abolition, but gives them full liberty to oppose it? Why is the Constitution sacred, only when it guards the interests and soothes the conscience of the slave holder; and why is it a thing of nought, when Colonizationists would empty the vials of their wrath upon the heads of those who proclaim the sinfulness of slavery, and the duty and policy of immediate emancipation.t * Mr. Hopkins professes to be opposed to Slavery, all this Scripture to the contrary notwithstanding. + It is due to candor to state, that all the principles imputed in this work to Colonizationists, are not held by them indiscriminately. A few indivi- duals have honorably and publicly disclaimed one or more of them. These disclaimers have however been made, we believe, without an exception, since the discussions excited by Abolitionists. No doubt many members would indignantly reject the doctrines on which we have commented. The pious and well-intentioned supporters of the Society, are just beginning to THE INTEREST OF SLAVEHOLDERS. 103 Let us now scrutinize a little this plea of necessity, which is urged by Colonizationists with so much confidence in behalf of slavery. Does a Christian Society, do ministers of the gospel of Christ, maintain that it is ever necessary to violate the command of Jehovah-necessary to keep millions in ignorance of the revealed will of God? Neces- sary to trample upon human rights, and to outrage the plainest principles of justice and humanity ? Do Protestants insist, that it is necessary to deny the Bible to more than one third of the inhabitants of the Southern States? What necessity required that Missouri should be a slave state? What necessity multiplied the slaves in Alabama and Mis- sissippi from three thousand to one hundred and eighty-two thousand, since the year 1800 ? What necessity prevented Kentucky from liberating her twelve thousand slaves in 1790, when New York could liberate ten thousand in one day in 1827? What necessity will render Florida and Ar- kansas slave states? Why did not necessity prevent the abolition of slavery in South America, Mexico, and the West Indies ? The Society, whose moral influence is to free us from slavery, not only quiets the conscience of the slaveholder, by showing the lawfulness of slavery, but it promises to en- hance the value of slave labor, and to divest it of a portion of that danger which usually attends it. Let us see how Colonization promotes the interests of slaveholders ; and let us attend, in the first instance, to Mr. Archer of Vir- ginia. “He was not one of those (however desirable it might be, and was in abstract speculation) who looked to the complete removal of slavery among us. If that consumma- tion were to be considered feasible at all, it was at a period too remote to warrant the expenditure of any resources of contemplation or contribution now. The progress of slavery was subjected to the action of a law of the utmost regu- larity of action. Where this progress was neither stayed nor modified by causes of collateral operation, it hastened with a frightful rapidity, disproportioned entirely to the understand its true character, and hence the numerous converts from Co- Jonization within the last twelve months. 104 COLONIZATION PROMOTES ordinary law of the advancement of population, to its catas- trophe, which was repletion. “If none were drained away, slaves became, except under peculiar circumstances of climate and production, inevitably and speedily redundant, first to the occasions of profitable employment, and as a consequence, to the facility of comfortable provision for them. No matter what the humanity of the owners, fixed restriction on their resources must transfer itself to the comfort and subsistence of the slave. At this last stage, the evil in this form had to stop. When this stage had been reached, what course or remedy remained ? Was open butchery to be resorted to, as among the Spartans with the Helots ? or general emancipation and incorporation, as in South America ? or abandonment of the country by the masters, as must come to be the case in the West Indies ? " Either of these was a deplorable catastrophe. Could all of them be avoided, and if they could, how? There was but one way, but that might be made effectual, fortunately. It was to provide and keep open a drain for the excess of increase beyond the occasions of profitable employment. This might be done effectually by extension of the plan of the society. * * * * After the present class of free blacks had been exhausted by the operation of the plan he was recommending, others would be supplied for its action, in the proportion of the excess of the colored population it would be necessary to throw off, by the process of volun- tary manumission or sale. This effect must result from the depreciating value of the slaves, ensuing their dispro- portionate multiplication. This depreciation would be re- lieved and retarded at the same time by the process. It was on grounds of interest, therefore, the most indispensa- ble PECUNIARY INTEREST, that he addressed himself to the PEOPLE AND LEGISLATURES OF THE SLAVE HOLDING STATES." 15th Report, p. 22. However we may be surprised at the indiscretion of the managers in printing and circulating this speech with their annual report, we cannot but admire its honest frankness. Here is no colonization poetry, but plain common sense prose. No pictures of the African Elysium,-no anticipa- tions of the conversion of millions and millions of Pagans, THE SAFETY OF SLAVEHOLDERS. 105 but intelligent remarks on the true means of perpetuating slavery, and keeping up the price of slaves. Knowing the utter futility of abolishing slavery by Colonization, Mr. Archer will not expend on that topic even his “ contempla- tion.” But the time will come when negroes will be so plenty, that it will be difficult to find either work or food for them; and this state of things, if not prevented, will lead to the abolition of slavery. But the society may prevent such a result by sending off the free blacks, and after they are gone, by sending off such slaves as may be manumit- ted; and by keeping open this drain, the undue multiplica- tion of slavery will be prevented, and their depreciation in the market arrested. Let us now attend to the managers themselves. In the 2d Report, p. 9, they declare that they confidently believe that the “Colonization of the free people of color, will render the slave who remains in America, more obedient, more faithful, more honest, and consequently more useful to his master.” “ By removing the most fruitful sources of discontent (free blacks) from among our slaves, we should render them more industrious and attentive to our commands." Address of Putnam (Georgia) Col. Society. " What greater pledge can we give for the moderation and safety of our measures, than our own interests as slave- holders, and the ties that bind us to the slave holding com- munity to which we belong." Speech of Mr. Key, Vice Prest. 11th Report, p. 14. " The injury they (the free blacks) do to the slavehold- ers' property, by their influence upon his servants, would, if valued, amount to more than sufficient to convey them from us." Address of Rev. J. C. Young to Col. Soc. Af. Rep. IX. 59. 5. To remove these persons from among us, will increase the usefulness, and improve the moral character of those who remain in servitude, and with whose labors the coun- try is unable to dispense." Address to a N. Carolina Col. Soc. Af. Rep. III. 67. “None are obliged to follow our example, and those who do not, will find the valuc of their negroes increased, by the departure of ours.” Kentucky Luminary. 106 EMANCIPATION CONDEMNED. “ The free negroes corrupt our slaves. From what has been adduced, the expediency of removing this NUISANCE from the community is clearly inferable, both in relation to their interests and ours; and this can only be attained by means of the Colonization Society.” Internal Improve- ments of South Carolina, by Robert Mills, p. 15. So much for the moral influence of the Society in abo- lishing slavery, by rendering it profitable. Now for its agency in rendering it safe. “ The tendency of the scheme, and one of its objects, is to SECURE slaveholders, and the whole southern country, against certain evil consequences growing out of the present threefold mixture of our population." Address of a Vir- ginia Col. Soc. Af. Rep. IV. 274.. “By removing these people, (free blacks,) we rid our.. selves of a large party who will always be ready to assist our slaves in any mischievous design they may conceive." Address to a Col. Soc. in Virginia. Af. Rep. I. 176. " Are they (the free blacks) VIPERs, sucking our blood ? We will hurL them from us." Address to Lynchburg Col. Soc. Af. Rep. III. 201. "By thus repressing the rapid increase of blacks, the white population would be enabled to reach, and soon over- top them; the consequence would be SECURITY.” Af. Rep. IV. 344. " The removal of every single free black in America, would be productive of nothing but SAFETY to the slave- holder.” Af. Rep. III. 202. “So far from having a dangerous tendency, when pro- perly considered, it will be viewed as an additional guard to our peculiar species of property.” New-Orleans Argus. “They (the objects of the American Colonization So- ciety) are in the first place to aid ourselves, by relieving us from a species of population (free blacks) pregnant with future danger.” Speech of Gen. Harper, Vice President. 7th Report, p. 7. “I am a Virginian. I dread for her the corroding evil of this numerous caste, (free blacks.) I tremble for the danger of a disaffection spreading through their seduction, among our servants." Address of I. B. Harrison. Af. Rep. III. 197. EMANCIPATION CONDEMNED. 107 Thus does the society aim at abolishing slavery, by de- claring it lawful ; increasing its profits, and lessening its dangers; and as we shall presently see, covering with oblo- quy, and denouncing as fanatics, all who dissent from its assertion, that this is “ the only possible mode” of reliev- ing the country from slavery. And why is it the only possible mode? Because the laws of most of the slave states prohibit manumission at home, and therefore no master in those states could liberate his slaves, did not the society enable him to evade the law, by sending his slaves to Africa. But who made these laws? Slaveholders. Who alone can repeal these laws? Slave- holders. Then slaveholders prevent themselves from libe- rating their slaves ; and hence it is optional with them to grant manumission or not. Of course Colonization is not the only possible mode of effecting abolition, since the slaveholders, if they pleased, might easily discover “a more excellent way." It will not probably be denied, that he who recommends a wicked act, or applauds it after it is committed, partici- pates in the guilt of it; and as by the confession of Coloni- zationists, the laws in question prevent abolition, those who advise or approve those laws, partake of the guilt of con- tinuing slavery. Let us now inquire in what relation the Colonization Society stands to these laws. In the first place, let it be recollected that several of the Legislatures by whom these laws have been enacted, or by whom they are kept in force, have decidedly approved of the Society. Now listen to the official declaration of the Board of Managers. “The Managers could with no propriety depart from their original and avowed purpose, and make emancipation their object. And they would further say, that if they were not thus restrained by the terms of their association, they would still consider any attempts to promote the in- crease of the free colored population by manumission, un- necessary, premature, and dangerous.” Memorial of the American Col. Soc. to the several State Legislatures. Af. Rep. II. 60. We find here an illustration of the remarks in our intro- duction, on the convenient restraints of the Constitution. 108 EMANCIPATION CONDEMNED. The managers are restrained from promoting emancipation by the Constitution, but they are at perfect liberty to pro- mote the permanency of slavery, by denouncing manumis- sion. And to whom is this denunciation made? To the very Legislatures who are striving to effect the same object by the laws we have mentioned. And yet Colonizationists mourn over the misfortune of the master who is prevented by law from liberating his slaves! But perhaps the lan- guage we have quoted was used inadvertently, and does not represent the sentiments of Colonizationists generally. Let us see. · " This law, (a law of Virginia, by which a manumitted negro becomes again a slave if he remains twelve months in the state,) odious and unjust as it may at first view ap- pear, and hard as it may seem to bear upon the liberated negro, was doubtless dictated by sound policy, and its re- peal would be regarded by none with more unfeigned regret than the friends of African Colonization. It has restrained many masters from giving freedom to their slaves, and has thereby contributed to check the growth of an evil already too great and formidable.” Memorial from Powhattan Col. Soc. to Virginia Legislature. .“ To set them (the slaves) loose among us, would be an evil more intolerable than slavery itself." Report of Ken- tucky Col. Soc. Af. Rep. VI. 81. “As long as our present feelings and PREJUDICES exist, the abolition of slavery cannot be accomplished without the removal of the blacks." 2d Report N. York. Soc. "If the question were submitted, whether there should be either immediate or gradual emancipation of all the slaves in the United States, without their removal, painful as it is to express the opinion, I have no doubt that it would be unwise to emancipate them.” Speech of Mr. Clay, Vice President, to Kentucky Society. Af. Rep. VI 5. Here we find a Vice President of the Parent Society advocating perpetual slavery in preference to even gradual emanciption. “ They (Colonizationists) entertain the opinion gene- rally, that if universal emancipation were practicable, nei- ther the interest of the master, the happiness of the slave, EMANCIPATION CONDEMNED. 109 nor the welfare of the colony which they have at heart, would make it desirable.” Mr. Barton's Address to a Col. Soc. in Virginia. 4f. Rep. VI. 291. • Resolved, That we superadd our decided opinion that Colonization ought to keep equal pace with manu- mission of people of color throughout the United States." Proceedings of Col. meeting at Plattsburgh, N. York, 4th July, 1833. " Any scheme of emancipation, without Colonization, they know to be productive of nothing but evil.” Speech of Mr. Kcy, a Vice President. Af. Rep. IV. 300. i “We would say, liberate them only on condition of their going to Africa or Hayti.” Af. Rep. III. 26. “I am strongly opposed to emancipation in EVERY SHAPE AND DEGREE, unless accompanied by Colonization." Letter from R. G. Harper, V. President, to Secretary of the Society, 20th August, 1817. 6. It is a well established point, that the public safety forbids either the emancipation or the general instruction of the slaves.” 7th Report, p. 94. “So long as we can hold a pen, we will employ it heart and hand, against the advocates of immediate emancipa- tion, or ANY emancipation that does not contemplate expa- triation.” N. Y. Courier and Enquirer, a Col. paper, 10th July, 1834. 6. Emancipation, with liberty to remain on this side of the Atlantic, is but an act of dreamy madness.” Speech of Mr. Custiss, 13th Report, p. 8. - What right, I demand, have the children of Africa to a homestead in the white man's country ?" Speech of Mr. Custiss, 14th Report, p. 21. It is a pity Mr. Custiss does not ask his conscience what right he has to confine a child of Africa to a homestead on his own plantation ; and why money was raised by public subscription to purchase permission for Philip Lee to leave a homestead to which he had no right? What abundant cause for gratitude to Almighty God, have the Northern States, that the Colonization scheme was not devised some forty years sooner. Had the doc- trines taught by the society been then held by our statesmen 10 THE SOCIETY PREVENTS MANUMISSION. and divines, the dark cloud of slavery would now be brood- ing over our whole land. We have seen that the whole influence of the society and of the colonizing Legislatures, is to vindicate and preserve . and enforce the laws against manumission. And now, after defending and strengthening this barrier against hu- man freedom, the society glorifies itself for its benevolence in having opened a little crevice through which, in sixteen years, a few hundred captives, out of millions, have escaped ! Had the society and its friends opposed these laws, they would long since have been swept away, and thousands and tens of thousands would have been free, who are now pin- ing in bondage. In 1782, Virginia repealed her restraining law, and in nine years, 10,000 slaves were manumitted. The slaveholders became alarmed, their vocation was in danger of becoming disreputable, and the law was re- enacted. We have all heard much of the evils resulting from the traffic in ardent spirits, and we know that multitudes are endeavoring to suppress it, by insisting that it is sinful, and that Christian duty requires its immediate abolition. Now let us suppose a society for abolishing it, to be formed on the model of the Colonization Society, and ask ourselves how it would proceed, and what would be the prospect of its success. Such a society would begin by informing the venders, that it held their property in rum SACRED, and re- spected their right to sell it,—that as yet, it addressed argu- ments to no vender to induce him to abandon the traffic. That it was, indeed, a political evil, but it was one they had unfortunately engaged in, and which the necessities of themselves and families compelled them to continue for the present, that the society condemned no man for being a rum-seller, that it had no connexion with the fanatics and incendiaries who denounced the business as sinful, and de- manded its immediate abolition. But, inasmuch as the so- ciety knew that the venders were anxious to get rid of the rum they unfortunately possessed, it had appointed agents who would gratuitously afford their aid in removing and emptying rum-casks, and it trusted the moral influence of this proffered aid would in a century or more, effect the to- tal abolition of the traffic. ANTI-ABOLITION ASSOCIATION.' 111 The absurdity of the conclusion, in the supposed case, is obvious ; and did not prejudice impair our vision, we should see an equal absurdity in the professed expectations of Colonizationists. But is our illustration a parallel case ? No: for our ideal society does not profess to regard any other evil as greater than the indefinite continuance of the traffic, while the real one boldly and unequivocally declares for perpetual slavery in preference to emancipation, either immediate or gradual, without expatriation. Now if the expatriation of the whole body of slaves be both physical- ly and morally impossible; if the slaves could not be trans- ported and maintained in Africa, were the masters willing to surrender them; and if the masters would not sur- render them, even if they could instantly be transported and maintained, then it follows irresistibly, that the moral influence of the American Colonization Society is to per- petuate slavery in the United States. We can scarcely persuade ourselves, that any honest Co- lonizationist can, in view of all the facts which have been de- veloped, seriously believe that slavery will ever be removed by colonization. Still there may be some who are indulging the hope, that this scheme is promoting emancipation. We entreat the attention of such to the proofs we will now offer, that the society is in fact AN ANTI-ABOLITION ASSOCIATION. On the 9th January, 1828, Mr. Harrison, of Virginia, in addressing the Society at its annual meeting, used the fol- lowing language : “ The Society having declared that it is in no wise allied to any Abolition Society in America or elsewhere, is ready when there is need, to PASS A CENSURE upon such Societies in America.” 11th Report, p. 14. The pledge thus given in behalf, and in the presence of the society, was published and circulated by the Board of Managers. It was a gross violation of the Constitution, and an unblushing outrage on the multiplied professions of the society, that its only object was the Colonization of free blacks. But we cannot understand the full meaning and unholy nature of this pledge, without adverting to the 112 CENSURES ABOLITION SOCIETIES. Abolition Societies to which it related. This pledge, be it remembered, had no reference to the associations now known as Anti-slavery Societies, and which are accused of a design to destroy the Union—to drench the land in human gore, and to produce by marriage an amalgamation of color. Such societies were unknown, such charges un- heard of, when this pledge was given. The Abolition So- cieties which were to be censured, were societies founded by Jay and FRANKLIN, and which advocated gradual emancipation. The first society ever formed, it is believed, for the abo- lition of slavery, was organized in the city of New York, January, 1785, under the presidency of John Jay. The principles maintained by this society, may be gathered from the preamble to its Constitution. “ The benevolent Creator and Father of all men, having given them all an equal right to life, liberty, and property, no sovereign power on earth can justly deprive them of either, but in conformity to impartial government, and laws, to which they have expressly or tacitly consented. It is our duty, therefore, as free citizens and Christians, not only to regard with compassion the injustice done to those among us, who are held as slaves, but to endeavor, by lawful means, to enable them to share equally with us in the civil and religious liberty with which an indulgent Providence has blessed these states, and to which these our brethren are by nature as much entitled as ourselves.” The next Abolition Society was that of Pennsylvania, founded in 1787, under the presidency of FRANKLIN. Slaveholders were expressly excluded. The constitution declares, that it has pleased " the Creator of the world to make of one flesh all the children of men," and that it is the especial duty of those who acknowledge the obligations of Christianity, to use such means as are in their power to extend the blessings of freedom “ to every part of our race." Abolition Societies gradually multiplied, and exercised a salutary influence in promoting emancipation at the North. But they were not confined to the North; they soon sprang up in the slave states, and scattered and feeble rays of light began to pierce the dense cloud which brooded FORMER ABOLITION SOCIETIES. 113 over the southern country Unity of action and of pur- pose, was secured by triennial conventions of delegates from the several societies. No organized opposition had ever been offered to these associations. The moral sense of the community, unperverted by Colonization, would not then have tolerated the scenes we have since witnessed. The respect in which Abolition Societies were held, is evinced by the following extract from the journals of Con- gress : “ House of Representatires, 18th Feb. 1809. " Resolved, That the Speaker be requested to acknow- ledge the receipt and acceptance of Clarkson's History of Slavery, presented by the American Convention, for pro- moting the abolition of slavery, and improving the condi- tion of the Africans, and that the said work be deposited in the library." The Speaker accordingly returned an official letter of thanks to the Convention. Only three months before, Mr. Harrison, as herald of the Colonization Society, proclaimed war against Abolition Societies, the Convention met at Baltimore, the capital of a slave state. To this Convention delegates or communica- tions were sent from the following Abolition Societies, viz..: New-York, Andover, Mass. Rhode Island, Williams College, Mass. Pennsylvania, Loudon Co., Virginia, Western Pennsylvania, N. Carolina, with 40 branches, Maryland, with 5 branches, Delaware, Tennessee, Centreville, Penn. West Tennessee, Brownsville, do. Munro Co., Ohio, This Convention, among other measures, petitioned Congress for the abolition of slavery in the District of Co- lumbia, and exhorted the friends of Abolition to use their efforts to procure “the removal of all existing legal impe- diments in the way of educating the people of color.” Such was the promising state of public feeling, at the very mo- ment when the Colonization Society announced its cru, sade against Abolition. The vigor, and constancy with which it has been carried on to the present time, are known to all who have watched its progress. The 114 CHARGES AGAINST ABOLITIONISTS. Abolition Societies, and their conventions, have withered under the “CENSURE” of their powerful enemy, and have shrunk from public notice. Within the last two years, they have been partially succeeded by more sturdy associations, named Anti-slavery Societies, which, instead of quailing beneath the frowns of their foe, have dared to grapple with him in mortal conflict, and to stake the hopes of freedom on the issue. If, in this struggle, Abolitionists have not always distinguished themselves by their courte- ous bearing, let it be recollected, that they believe the happiness of millions depends on their efforts ; and, also, that by their haughty adversary, they have been treated as wretches who deserve punishment; not as the generous and disinterested champions of the oppressed and friend- less. Let us observe the manner in which they are assailed by members of a religious society. “ It (the society) is nowise mingled or confounded with the broad sweeping views of a few fanatics in America, who would urge us on to the sudden and total abolition of slavery.” Af. Rep. III. 197. 16 Come, ye Abolitionists, away with your wild enthusi- asm, your misguided philanthropy.” Af. Rep. VII. 100. “Resolved, that we view all attempts to prejudice the public mind, or excite the popular feeling, on the subject of slavery, as unwise and injurious, and adapted to perpetu- ate the evil which it is proposed to eradicate.” Col. Meet- ing at Northampton, Mass. Af. Rep. VIII. 283. After a public discussion of the Colonization scheme in Utica, the Common Council came to the rescue of the so- ciety, by discharging resolutions against the Abolitionists. For example: 6. Whereas, certain individuals now in our city, are dis- turbing the peace of the good citizens thereof, by incul- cating sentiments which we deem demoralizing in them- selves, and little short of TREASON towards the govern- ment of our country," &c. “ Resolved, that, in the opinion of this meeting, it is the solemn duty of every patriot and philanthropist, to discountenance and OPPOSE the efforts of Anti-slavery So- cieties.” Col. Soc. of Middletown, Conn. 6th March, 1834. CHARGES AGAINST ABOLITIONISTS, 115 It would have been, of course, unconstitutional to aid these efforts; but it seems the society had full authority to oppose them. In short, with Colonization Societies, every thing is constitutional that is expedient, and nothing that is not. “ The emancipation, to which this resolution directs your attention, is not that unconstitutional and dangerous emancipation, contemplated by a few visionary enthusiasts, and a still fewer number of reckless incendiaries among us.” Speech of Chancellor Walworth, at Col. Meeting in N. York, 9th Oct. 1833. “ I avail myself of this opportunity, to enter my solemn protest against the attempts which are making by a few fanatics. Let us talk no more of nullification ; the doc- trine of immediate emancipation is a direct and palpable nullification of that Constitution which we have swORN to support.” Speech of D. B. Ogden at New-York Col. Meeting. “ We owe it to ourselves not to remain silent spectators while this WILD FIRE is running its course. We owe it to those misguided men, (the abolitionists,) to interpose and save them and their country from the fatal effects of their mad speculations.” Speech of Hon. T. Frelinghuysen, Y. President, before Am. Col. Society, 21st Jan. 1834. We are not informed which article of the constitution of the society, imposes on its members the onerous duty men- tioned by the Hon. Gentleman. The Abolitionists in New-York, gave notice of a meet- ing for forming a City Anti-slavery Society. In reference to this notice, the chairman of the Executive Committee of the New-York Colonization Society, Mr. Stone, published in his paper, 20 Oct. 1833, the following from a corres- pondent. "Is it possible, that our citizens can look quietly on, while the flames of discord are rising? while even our pulpits are sought to be used for the base PURPOSE of en- couraging scenes of bloodshed in our land. If we do, can we look our Southern brethren in the face and say, we are opposed to interfering with their rights? No, we cannot."** * This communication was accompanied by an editorial admission of the civil rights of Abolitionists. It is to be regretted, that the editor, as 116 RIGHTS OF ABOLITIONISTS INVADED. The hint thus kindly given, was readily taken, and a mob of five thousand scattered the Abolitionists. After another mob, in July, had assaulted the dwellings and temples of Abolitionists, this officer of a Christian benevolent society, thus stated the CONDITION on which Abolitionists might be permitted to enjoy the common rights of American citizens, security of person and freedom of speech, the press, and religious worship. “While then our civil authorities should receive the aid of every good citizen, in their efforts to put down the mobs now nightly engaged in deeds of violence, yet there should be a distinct understanding, that the protection of law, and the aid of the military, can only be enjoyed or expected, ON CONDITION, that the causes of these mischiefs shall be abated, and the outrages upon public feeling, from the Fo- RUM, the PULPIT, and the PRESS, shall no more be repeated by these reckless incendiaries.” Commercial Advertiser, 11th July, 1834. Another Colonization Editor* published the same day, and while the mob were committing their grossest outrages, the following article: “Now we tell them, (the Abolitionists,) that when they openly and publicly promulgate doctrines, which outrage public feeling, they have no right to demand protection of the people they insult. Ought not, we ask, our city authori- ties to make them understand this—to tell them, that they prosecute their TREASONABLE and BEASTLY plans at their own peril ?" N. Y. Courier and Enquirer, 11th July, 1834. On conditions similar to those proposed by these gentle- men, the Roman emperors were ever ready to afford pro- tection to the Christian martyrs ; nor did the Spanish Inqui- sition require more, than that none should “promulgate doctrines” it disapproved. Far be it from us to insinuate, that the conduct of these two editors was in conformity with the advice or wishes of any respectable Colonizationists; and candor requires the acknowledgment, that we have never heard it justified ; but will be seen by, the next quotation, afterwards proposed a condition on which alone, in his opinion, those rights should be protected. * Mr. James Watson Webb. INTIMIDATION INTENDED. 117 it is unfortunately true, that the insults they have poured upon Abolitionists, have been countenanced by the example of gentlemen from whom better things were expected. All this violence and obloquy are not without an object; and that object is INTIMIDATION. Utterly vain is the hope of maintaining the cause of Colonization, or of suppressing that of Abolition, by discussion. In every instance in which Colonizationists have ventured to meet their oppo- nents in public disputation, they have invariably retired with diminished strength. Hence great efforts have been made by Colonizationists, and by the advocates of slavery, to prevent the public from ever listening to the facts and argu- ments adduced by the Abolitionists. After a mob of five thousand had assembled to prevent the formation of the New York Anti-slavery Society-after the most unfounded calumnies had been spread through the community against its members, the society published an address, explaining their real sentiments and objects. One would have thought it an act of common justice, to give this address a candid perusal; but such an act would not have been expedient, and accordingly the zealous editor of the Commercial Ad- vertiser, thus endeavored to prevent it. “We are quite sure, that a discerning public will consign it to oblivion, by abstaining from a purchase of the pestilent document. Their curiosity, we hope, will not overstep their discretion, in furthering the purposes of the authors, by its dissemination. Let this flagitious address descend to the tomb of the Capulets. The address in extenso, we have not read.” The Abolitionists, on the contrary, are so far from fear. ing the effects of discussion, that they are ever anxious to promote it; and when an acrimonious Colonization pam- phlet * appeared against them, they provokingly advertised it for sale, and urged the public to read it.f In the war now waging between the Abolitionists and Colonizationists, a third party has come to the aid of the latter. Those who maintain the sinfulness of slavery, and the safety and duty of immediate emancipation, plant them- * Reese's Review. + See the New York Emancipator. 118 INFIDEL SUPPORT. selves on scriptural ground, and urge the promises, and threats, and commands of the word of God. They pro- fessedly act as Christians, and only as Christians; and it cannot be supposed that the infidel portion of the commu- nity view with indifference an opportunity of wounding Christianity through its zealous disciples. At the same time, the absence of Christian motive as a principle of the Colonization scheme, and the countenance given by that scheme to most unchristian prejudices, naturally invite an- tichristian support. Certain it is, that many infidel news- papers are zealous advocates of Colonization, and that the mobs of our cities are always ready to espouse its cause. There is no evidence, that with the exception of certain editors, the mobs which disgraced the city of New York the last summer, were instigated by members of the so- ciety; yet these mobs were its avowed champions. The first mob assembled on the 9th July, at the Chatham-street Chapel, the place in which some anti-slavery meetings had recently been held ; and breaking open the doors, took possession of the building. They then organized, and ap- pointing a chairman, passed resolutions approving of the Colonization Society; and by a formal vote, adjourned till the next meeting of the Anti-slavery Society,--a very sig- nificant hint. The following guarded notice of this trans- action, appeared the next day in one of the journals. “ From the non-assemblage of the persons who had de- signed to occupy the Chapel, it was evident that the ob- jects of the meeting had been abandoned, and the friends of Colonization thereupon entered, organized a meeting, passed resolutions in favor of their own opinions, and peaceably dispersed.” N. Y. Daily Advertiser. . . The mob did indeed adjourn as a Colonization Meeting, but they had too much business on their hands to disperse. They immediately proceeded to vindicate the honor of the American name, by mobbing the Bowery Theatre, in re- venge for some insulting expressions said to have been used by an English actor. "After finishing their work at the Bowery Theatre, the mob, (says the New-York Journal of Commerce,) in a very excited state, repaired to the residence of Lewis Tappan, INFIDEL SUPPORT. 119 (a prominent Abolitionist,) and attacked it with bricks and stones. The door, window-blinds, shutters, &c., were soon demolished, after which, the mob entered, broke up the furniture, and made a bonfire of it in the street.” Such was the commencement of four days of riot and outrage, by the admirers of “the benevolent Colonization system.” The managers of the city Colonization Society, mortified at the character and conduct of their new allies, published a card declaring that the “ tumultuous meetings" at which certain resolutions had been passed approving the objects of the New York Colonization Society, “ had been held without any previous knowledge of the Board,” and re- commending to every friend of the cause of Colonization to abstain “from all participation in proceedings subver- sive of the rights of individuals, or in violation of the public peace.” When before have the friends of a reli. gious and benevolent cause needed such a recomienda. tion ? The Journal of Commerce, a Colonization paper, ag. signs infidelity as one of the causes of the riots. co It was noticed, (it observes,) as a fact full of instruc- tion, that last Sunday night, when many of the churches and lecture rooms were closed for fear of the mob, Tam- many Hall was brilliantly lighted up for the meeting of in- fidels, who carried on their mummery without the slightest apprehension of danger. The buildings which have been attacked, are six churches, (belonging to four different de- nominations,) one school-house, occupied as a church, three houses of clergymen, a house and store, occupied by elders of churches, and a number of houses occupied by colored families. Thus, with the exception of some colored. persons, the vengeance of the mob has been exclusively directed against churches, ministers and elders. At the sacking of Mr, Tappan's house, a fellow was heard to say, that every rascal of a church member ought to be thrown off the dock, or to that effect. We think, therefore, we see inscribed on the banner of this guilty throng, ENMITY TO THE CROSS OF CHRIST." Yet this guilty throng commenced its operations with lauding the Colonization Society. In Utica, after a public discussion on Colonization, a 120 NOT A Religious 50CIETY. mob assembled and burned in effigy a clergyman who had taken part against the Society; and also a layman who had become distinguished for his zeal in the temperance cause ; and a bundle of Temperance Recorders was com- mitted to the flames. The following is from the New York Courier and En. quirer, 12th May, 1834, and is part of an article in defence of the Colonization Society, and in vituperation of the Abolitionists. " Colleges and institutions are every year founded, not for the purposes of general education, but to initiate a new race of monks and fanatics in the arts and mysteries of clerical ambition, to teach them how best to subjugate the human mind, and render female weakness subservient to well disciplined jesuitism. One half of our colleges are nothing more than seminaries for educating uncompromi. sing bigots,” &c. &c. In this very same article, we are assured that “the Colonization Society holds out the only rational and practicable mode of bringing about the eman- cipation of the blacks ;” and we are warned against the “accursed, and disorganizing, and incendiary devices," of the Abolitionists. Soon after the mobs, a poem was published, entitled, “ Fanaticism unveiled.” The author, in his advertisement, declaims against the “crusade which is now waged by a fèw wretched fanatics against the Colonization Society." Of the religious character of this poetical champion of the Society, some estimate may be made from the following lines:-- “And do not dunces spend their cash on Such things as we have brought in fashion? Fictitious tales in aid of piety, Invented for the Tract Society. Sectarian Seminaries made To teach the true fanatic trade; And schools where infancy is told, That while one world is paved with gold, Another lying somewhat lower, With children's skulls is sprinkled o’er.” The Society unquestionably comprises a vast number of as pure and devoted Christians as can be found in this or any other country; and we are fully persuaded, they verily believe, that in supporting Colonization, they are doing God service. The zealous co-operation they are now * 121 NOT À RELIGIOUS SOCIETY. receiving from persons of very opposite character from themselves, should lead them to inquire whether they may not be mistaken. It certainly does not follow, that a system must be bad, because bad men support it; but it does follow, that when mobs and infidels espouse a particular object, it is because that object is recommended to them by other than religious considerations. Yet Colonizationists are fond of represent- ing their Society as a religious institution; and the minis- ters of the Gospel are earnestly urged to preach annual sermons in its behalf. That multitudes of religious men belong to the society, is not denied, but the participation of such men in an object, does not necessarily render it a religious object: otherwise the slave trade was a Christian Commerce, be- cause John Newton was a slave trader; and Free Masonry must be a holy fraternity, since it can boast the names of more good men, than were ever enrolled in the ranks of Colonization. But in what sense can the Society be term- 'ed a religious one ? It is not professedly founded on any one principle of the Gospel of Christ. It exercises no one act of benevolence towards the free blacks in this country; and in transporting them to Africa, it is by its own confes- sion removing nuisances. It takes no measures to Christ- ianize Africa, but landing on its shores an ignorant and vicious population. It employs no missionary, it sends no Bible, and it cannot point to a single native, converted to the faith of Jesus, through its instrumentality. On the contrary, may we not, in reference to the facts disclosed in the preceding pages, affirm, without the imputation of bi- gotry or prejudice, that the general influence of the Society, is decidedly anti-christian. We have seen that it practically tends to the debasement and persecution of the free blacks; to the hardening of the consciences of the slaveholders, and to the indefinite continuance of slavery. The objects of the society, as stated in the declarations of its orators, are of such vast importance, and such godlike benevolence, that it is no wonder good men have been so dazzled by the gorgeous visions presented to their imagina- tions, as to have omitted to scrutinize the machinery by which these visions are to be realized. 11 . 122 REPUTATION OF THE SOCIETY ABROAD. No one surely needs an apology for having believed in Colonization, when WILBER FORCE could thus express himself : “ You have gladdened my heart by convincing me, that sanguine as had been my hopes of the happy effects to be produced by your institution, all my anticipations are scan. ty and cold compared with the reality." Letter to Mr. Cresson. 15th Rep. p. 15. No one surely needs to blush at acknowledging that he has been deceived in the society, since WILBERFORCE placed his name at the head of a protest against it. The following extract from this protest will show how truly the Society is now estimated by British philanthropists. “Our objections to it, are briefly these: while we be- lieve its pretexts to be delusive, we are convinced that its real effects are of the most dangerous nature. It takes its root from a cruel prejudice and alienation in the whites of America, against the colored people, slave or free. This being its source, the effects are what might be expected-- that it fosters and increases the spirit of caste, already so unhappily predominant- that it widens the breach between the two races-exposes the colored people to great practical persecution, in order to force them to emigrate; and final- jy is calculated to swallow up and divert that feeling which America, as a Christian and a free country, cannot but en- tertain, that slavery is alike incompatible with the law of God, and the well being of man, whether of the enslaver, or the enslaved. We must be understood utterly to repu- diate the principles of the American Colonization So- ciety." The opponents of slavery in England, as well as here, at first hailed the society as an auxiliary, and the anti- slavery societies there, in the warmth of their zeal, began to remit contributions to its funds: by these same people, the society is now regarded with detestation. Probably no religious periodical, possesses in an equal degree, the con- fidence of the religious community here, as the London Christian Observer. The Observer formerly commended the society. Hear the present sentiments of its late Edi. tor, the distinguished Z. Macauley, Esq., M. P. “The unchristian prejudice of color, which alone has REPUTATION OF THE SOCIETY ABROAD. 123 given birth to the Colonization Society, though varnished over with other more plausible pretences, and veiled under a profession of Christian regard, for the temporal and spi- ritual interests of the negro, which is belied by the whole course of its reasonings, and the spirit of its measures, is so detestable in itself, that I think it ought not to be tole- rated; but on the contrary, ought to be denounced and op- posed by all humane, and especially all pious persons in this country.” Letter 14th July, 1833, to Mr. Garrison. For a quarter of a century, William Allen, a London quaker, has been prominent in every good work, and his name is familiar to all acquainted with the great Catholic institutions of England. This eminent and zealous philan- thropist thus writes : “Having heard thy exposition of the origin and main object of the American Colonization Society, at the meet- ing on the 13th instant, at Exeter Hall, and having read their own printed documents, I scarcely know how ade- quately to express my surprise and indignation, that my correspondents in North America should not have informed me of the real principles of the said Society; and also, that Elliott Cresson, knowing as he must have known the abominable sentiments it has printed and published, should have condescended to become its agent." Letter 15th of 7th Month, 1833. Mr. Buxton, the successor of Mr. Wilberforce as the parliamentary leader in the cause of Abolition, thus expres- ses himself: “My views of the Colonization Society you are aware of. They do not fall far short of those expressed by my friend Mr. Cropper, when he termed its objects diabolical.'' Letter of July 12th, 1833. But is it only in Britain, that good men have found them- selves disappointed in the society ? Who compose our pre- sent Anti-slavery Societies? Pious conscientious men, who, with scarcely an exception, were formerly advocates of Colonization. A Clergyman of Massachusetts, in the following passage, expresses the sentiments of a numerous and increasing body. “I have been constrained to withdraw my confidence and co-operation from this scheme. It is a scheme in 124 CONCLUDING ADDRESS. which I was once deeply interested. I have spoken and preached, and written and taken contributions in its behalf. I did not then understand the real nature and tendency of the scheme. I meant well in espousing it, but I now see my error and my sin; and though it was a sin of igno- rance, I desire to repent of it.” Almost daily do we hear of Colonizationists awaking as from a dream, and expressing their astonishment and re- gret at the delusion into which they had fallen. To the Christian members of the society, we would now address ourselves, and ask, have we not proved enough to induce you to pause, to examine, and to pray, before you longer lend your names, and contribute your funds to the purposes of Colonization? Do no secret misgivings of con- science now trouble you; and are you perfectly sure that in supporting the society, you are influenced by the precepts of the Gospel, and not by prejudice against an unhappy portion of the human family? If on a full investigation of the subject, you discover that Colonization is not what you believed and hoped it was, remember that it is your duty to obviate, as far as possible, by a frank and open de- claration of your opinion, the evil your example has done. Be not ashamed, be not slow to follow Wilberforce in en- tering your protest against the society. If that society leads to the degradation and oppression of the poor color- ed man-if it resists every effort to free the slave-if it misleads the conscience of the slaveholder, you are bound, your God requires you to oppose it, not in secret, but be- fore the world. Soon will you stand at the judgment seat of Christ; there will you meet the free negro, the slave, and the master-take care lest they all appear as witnesses against you. PART II. AMERICAN ANTI-SLAVERY SOCIETY. PART II. AMERICAN ANTI-SLAVERY SOCIETY. CHAPTER I. Principles of the American Anti-Slavery Society. Character of American Slavery. The principles professed by the American Anti-Slavery Society, are set forth in the following articles of its Consti- tution, viz:- ARTICLE 2. The objects of this Society are the entire abolition of slavery in the United States. While it admits that each State, in which slavery exists, has, by the Consti. tution of the United States, the exclusive right to legislate in regard to its abolition in that State, it shall aim to convince all our fellow citizens by arguments addressed to their under- standings and consciences, that slave-holding is a heinous crime in the sight of God; and that the duty, safety, and best interests of all concerned, require its immediate abandon- ment, without expatriation. The Society will also endeavor in a Constitutional way to influence Congress to put an end to the domestic slave trade; and to abolish slavery in all those portions of our common country, which come under its con- trol, especially in the District of Columbia, and likewise to prevent the extension of it to any State that may hereafter be admitted to the Union. Art. 3. This Society shall aim to elevate the character and condition of the people of color, by encouraging their intellectual, moral and religious improvement, and by re- moving public prejudice; that thus they may according to their intellectual and moral worth, share an equality with the whites, of civil and religious privileges; but the Society will never in any way, countenance the oppressed in vindi- cating their rights, by resorting to physical force. ART. 4. Any person who consents to the principles of this 128 AXERICAN SLAVERY. Constitution, who contributes to the funds of this Society, and is not a slave-holder, may be a member of this Society, and shall be entitled to vote at its meetings. Here we have great moral principles frankly and unequi- vocally avowed; the objects to be pursued are distinctly stated; and none are permitted to join in the pursuit of these objects without assenting to the principles which avowedly render their attainment desirable. The whole structure of the Society, therefore, is totally different from the Coloniza- tion Society. This being founded on principle, that on expediency. This availing itself, only of certain professed motives, that inviting the co-operation of motives of all sorts, however contradictory. In order to judge of the fitness of the objects contemplated by the Society, we must first inquire into the soundness of the principles by which they are recommended. The first great principle of the Society, and indeed the one from which all the others are deduced, is the sinfulness of slavery. To determine whether slavery as it exists in the United States is sinful, we must know what it is. Where an institution is unavoidably liable to great abuses, those abuses may fairly be taken in account, in estimating its true character ; but in order to avoid all captious objections, we will now inquire, what are the lawful, or rather legal features of American slavery, and we will leave wholly out of view, all acts of oppression and cruelty not expressly sanctioned by law. The following definitions of American slavery, are, it will be perceived, from high authority : " A slave is one who is in the power of a master to whom he belongs. The master may sell him, dispose of his person, his industry, his labor; he can do nothing, possess nothing, nor acquire any thing but which must belong to his master." Louisiana Code, Art. 3. " Slaves shall be deemed, taken, reputed and adjudged to be chattels personal in the hands of their masters and possessors, to all intents and purposes whatsoever.” Laws of South Carolina-Brevard's Digest, 229. It will be observed that these definitions apply to slaves without distinction of sex or age. But not only are those now in servitude, but their children after them, the subjects of these definitions. AMERICAN SLAVERY. 129 The law of South Carolina says of slaves, “ all their issue and offspring born or to be born, shall be, and they are here. by declared to be and remain FOREVER HEREAFTER ab- solute slaves, and shall follow the condition of the mother." Slavery is not confined to color. Mr. Paxton, a Virginia writer, declares that, “the best blood in Virginia, flaws in the veins of the slaves.” In the description lately given of a fugitive slave, in the public papers, it was stated, “ He has sometimes been mistaken for a white man." The following from a Missouri paper, proves that a white man, may, without a mistake be adjudged a slave. "A case of a slave suing for his freedom, was tried a few days since in Lincoln county, of which the following is a brief statement of the particulars. A youth of about ten years of age sued for his freedom on the ground that he was a free white person. The court granted his petition to sue as a pauper upon inspection of his person. Upon his trial before the jury he was examined by the jury and by two learned physicians, all of whom concurred in the opinion that very little if any trace of negro blood could be discovered by any of the external appearances. All the physiological marks of distinctions which characterize the African descent had disap- peared. "His skin was fair, his hair soft, straight, fine and white, his eyes blue, but rather disposed to the hazle-nut color; nose prominent, the lips small and completely covering the teeth, his head round and well formed, forehead high and prominent, the ears large, the tibia of the leg straight, the feet hollow. Notwithstanding these evidences of his claims, he was proven to be a descendant of a mulatto woman, and that his progeni- tors on his mother's side had been and still were slaves ; con- sequently he was found to be a slave." The laws of South Carolina and Virginia expressly recog. nize Indian slaves. Not only do the laws acknowledge and protect existing slavery, but they provide for reducing free persons to here- ditary bondage. In South Carolina, fines are imposed on free negroes for certain offences, and in default of payment, they are made slaves. If a colored citizen of any other state enters Geor- gia, he is fined, and if he cannot raise the money, he is sen- tenced to perpetual slavery, and his children after him. In 130 AMERICAN SLAVERY. Maryland, if a free negro marries a white, the negro becomes a slave. In almost every slave state, if a free negro cannot prove that he is free, he is by law sold at public auction as a slave for life. This is both law and practice in the district of Columbia, and with the sanction of the Congress of the Uni. ted States. In no civilized country but the slave states, are children punished for the crimes of their parents; but in these, the children of free blacks, to the latest posterity are condem. ned to servitude for the trivial offences, and often for the most innocent acts of their ancestors. It necessarily follows from the legal definitions we have given of a slave, that he is subjected to an absolute and irre. sponsible despotism. The master has in point of fact the same power over his slave that he has over his horse. Some few laws there may be, forbidding the master to treat his slave with cruelty, and so the common law every where forbids cruelty to beasts ; but it is far easier to enforce the latter than the former. Any spectator of cruelty to a beast, may ordinarily be a witness against the offender ; but a slave may be mutilated or mur. dered with impunity in the presence of hundreds, provided their complexions are colored; and even should the crime be proved by competent testimony, the master is to be tried by a court and jury who are all interested in maintaining the su- preme authority of slave-holders. But although no laws can in fact restrain the power of the master, yet laws to a certain degree, indicate what kind of treatment is tolerated by public opinion. Thus when we find the laws of South Carolina li- miting the time which slaves may be compelled to labor, to fif- teen hours a day, we may form some opinion of the amount of toil which southern masters think it right to inflict upon the slaves ; and when we recollect, that the laws of Maryland, Virginia and Georgia, forbid that the criminals in their peni. tentiaries shall be made to labor more than ten hours a day; we discover the relative place which white felons, and unoffending slaves, occupy in the sympathies of slave- holders. The slave is, at all times, liable to be punished at the plea- sure of his master ; and although the law does not warrant him in murdering the slave, it expressly justifies him in kill- ing him, if he dares to resist. That is, if the slave does not AMERICAN SLAVERY. 131 submit to any chastisement, which a brutal master may of his sovereign pleasure choose to inflict, he may legally be shot through the head. • In South Carolina, if a slave be killed “ on a sudden heat or passion, or by undue correction," the murderer is to } pay a fine and be imprisoned six months. What would be thought of such a punishment for the murder of a white ap- prentice ? In Missouri, a master is by law expressly authorized to im- prison his slave during pleasure, and thus may a human being be legally incarcerated for life without trial, or even the allega- Lion of a crime. The despotism of the slave-holder, be it remembered, is a negotiable despotism ; it is daily and hourly bought and sold, and may at any moment be delegated to the most brutal of the species. The slave, being himself property, can own no property. He may labor fifteen hours a day, but he acquires nothing by his labor. In South Carolina, a slave is not permitted to keep a boat, or to raise and breed for his own benefit, any horses, cattle, sheep, or hogs, under pain of forfeiture, and any person may take such articles from him. In Georgia, the master is fined thirty dollars for suffering his slave to hire himself to another for his own benefit. In Maryland the master forfeits thirteen dollars for each month that his slave is permitted to receive wages on his own account. In Virginia, every master is finable who permits a slave to work for himself at wages. In North Carolina, “all horses, cattle, hogs, or sheep, that shall belong to any slave, or be of any slave's mark in this state, shall be seized and sold by the County Wardens." In Mississippi, the master is forbidden, under the penalty of fifty dollars, to let a slave raise cotton for himself, “ or to keep stock of any description." Such is the anxiety of the slave laws to repress every bene- volent desire of the master to promote in the slightest degree the independence of the slave. Slaves, being property, are like cattle liable to be leased and mortgaged by their owners, or sold on execution for deht. 132 AMERICAN SLAVERY. A slave having no rights, cannot appear in a court of justice to ask for redress of injuries. So far as he is the subject of injury, the law regards him only as a brute, and redress can only be demanded and received by the owner. The slave may be beaten, (robbed he cannot be,) his wife and children may be insulted and abused in his presence, and he can ne more insti- tute an action for damages, than his master's horse. But cannot he be protected by his master's right of action ? No: The master must prove special injury to his property, to reco- ver damages. Any man may with perfect impunity, whip another's slave, unless he so injure him as to occasion “a loss of service, or at least a diminution of the faculty of the slave for bodily labor.” Such is the decision of the Supreme Court of Maryland. In Louisiana, if a third person maim a slave, so that he is “forever rendered unable to work,” the offender pays to the owner the value of the slave, and is also to be at the expense of his maintenance; but the unfortunate slave mutilated or crippled for life, receives not the slightest com- pensation. The master's right of action is a protection to his property, not to the comfort or security of the slave; indeed it tends to degrade the latter to the level of the other live stock on his master's farm. A necessary consequence of slavery, is the absence of the marriage relation. No slave can commit bigamy, because the law knows no more of the marriage of slaves, than it does of the marriage of brutes. A slave may, indeed, be formally married, but so far as legal rights and obligations are concern- ed, it is an idle ceremony. His wife may, at any moment, be legally taken from him, and sold in the market. The slave laws utterly nullify the injunction of the Supreme Lawgiver—“ What God hath joined, let not man put asun- der." Of course, these laws do not recognize the parental relation as belonging to slaves. A slave has no more legal authority over his child, than a cow over her calf. The Legislatures of the slave States, when legislating respecting slaves, seem regardless alike of the claims and the affections of our common nature. No right is more sacred, or more universally admitted, than that of self-preservation ; but the wretched slave, whether male or female, is denied the right of self-defence against the brutality of any person, AMERICAN SLAVERY. 133 whomsoever having a white skin. Thus the law of Georgia declares, “if any slave shall presume to strike any white per- son, upon trial or conviction before the Justice or Justices, according to the directions of this act, shall, for the first offence, suffer such punishment as the said Justice or Justices shall in their discretion think fit, not extending to life or limb; and for the second offence, suffer DEATH." The same law prevails in South Carolina, except that death is the penalty for the third offence. In Maryland, the Justice may order the offender's ears to be cropped. In Kentucky, “any negro, mulatto, or Indian, bond or free," who "shall at any time lift his hand in oppo- sition to any white person, shall receive thirty lashes on his or her bare back, well laid on, by order of the Justice.” In South Carolina, “if any slave, who shall be out of the house or plantation where such slaves shall live, or shall be usually employed, or without some white person in company with such slaves, shall refuse to submit to undergo the examination of any white person, it shall be lawful for any white person to pursue, apprehend, and moderately correct such slave; and if such slave shall assault and strike such white person, such slave may be LAWFULLY KILLED.” · We have seen that the slave laws regard the slave, so far as human rights and enjoyments, and social relations are con- cerned, as a mere brute ; we are now to see, that so far as he can be made to suffer for his acts, he is regarded as an intel- ligent and responsible being. Divine equity has established the rule, that the servant which knew not his master's will, and did commit things worthy of stripes, shall be beaten with few stripes. If there was ever a case to which this rule was applicable, it is to the unlettered, ignorant, brutalized slave, intentionally deprived of the ability to read the laws of God or man. A code of laws prepared for the government of such beings, one would sappose would be distinguished for its lenity; and in the mildness of its penalties, would form a striking contrast to a code for the government of the enlightened and instructed part of the community, whose offences would, of course, be aggravated by the opportunities they had enjoyed of learning their duty. Alas, the slave code punishes acts not mala in se with a rigor which public opinion would not tolerate for 12 134 AMERICAN SLAVERY. a moment, if exercised towards white felons, and it visits crimes with penalties far heavier, when committed by the poor ignorant slave, than it does when they are perpetrated by the enlightened citizen. Thus in Georgia, any person may inflict twenty lashes on the bare back of a slave found without license off the plantation, or without the limits of the town to which he belongs. So also in Mississippi, Virginia, and Kentucky, at the discretion of a Justice. In South Carolina and Georgia, any person finding more than seven slaves together in the highway without a white person, may give each one twenty lashes. In Kentucky, Virginia, and Missouri, a slave for keeping a gun, powder, shot, a club, or other weapon whatsoever, offen- sive or defensive, may be whipped thirty-nine lashes by order of a Justice. In North Carolina and Tennessee, a slave travelling without a pass, or being found in another person's negro quarters, or kitchen, may be whipped forty lashes, and every slave, in whose company the visitor is found, twenty lashes. In Louisiana, a slave for being on horseback, without the written permission of his master, incurs twenty-five lashes; for keeping a dog, the like punishment. By the law of Maryland, for "rambling, riding, or going abroad in the night, or riding horses in the daytime, without leave," a slave may be whipt, cropt, or branded on the cheek with the letter R, or otherwise punished, not extending to life, or “ so as to render him unfit for labor." Such are a few specimens only of the punishments inflicted on slaves, for acts not criminal, and which it is utterly im- possible they should generally know, are forbidden by law. Let us now view the laws of the slave states in relation to crimes, and we shall find that their severity towards blacks and whites, is in inverse ratio to the moral guilt of the offend- ers. In Virginia, the laws have recently been revised, and by the revised code, there are seventy-one offences for which the pe- nalty is DEATH, when committed by slaves, and imprisonment when by whites.* * An enumeration of these offences, together with references to the sta- AMERICAN SLAVERY. 135 In Mississippi, the number of these offences are thirty- eight, or rather many of them are not punishable at all, when committed by whites : as, for instance, attempting to burn out-buildings, to commit forgery, to steal a horse, &c., &c. Imprisonment of a slave as a punishment for crime, except in Louisiana, is utterly unknown in the slave states. To shut him up in prison, would be depriving his master of his labor, and burthening the public with his maintenance ; it is, therefore, more economical to flog him for trifles, and to hang him for serious offences.* Where human life is held so cheap, and human suffering so little regarded; it is not to be expected that the dispensers of slave justice will submit to be troubled with all those forms and ceremonies which the common law has devised for the pro- tection of innocence. We have seen that, in many instances, any white person may instanter discharge the functions of judge, jury, and executioner. In innumerable instances, all these functions are united in å single justice of the peace; and in South Carolina, Virginia, and Louisiana, LIFE may be taken, according to law, without intervention of grand or pe- tit jurors. In other states, a trial by jury is granted in capital cases; but in no one staté, it is believed, is it thought worth while to trouble a grand jury with presenting a slave. In most of the slave states, the ordinary tribunal for the trial of slaves charged with offences not capital, is composed of justices and freeholders, or of justices only. A white man cannot be convicted of misdemeanor, except by the unanimous verdict of twelve of his peers. In Louisiana, if the court is equally divided as to the guilt of a slave, judgment is rendered against him. In 1832, thirty-five slaves were executed at Charleston, in pursuance of the sentence of a court, consisting of two justices and five freeholders, on a charge of intended insurrection. No indictments, no summoning of jurors, no challenges for cause or favor, no seclusion of the triers from intercourse with those who might bias their judgment, preceded this unparalleled legal de- struction of human life. However much we may pride ourselves, as a nation on the general diffusion of the blessings of education, it ought to tutes alluded to in this work, may be found in "Štroud's sketch of the slave laws." 136 AMERICAN SLAVERY. be recollected, that these blessings are forcibly withheld from two millions of our inhabitants; or that one-sixth of our whole population is doomed by law to the grossest igno- rance. A law of South Carolina passed in 1800, authorizes the in- fliction of twenty lashes on every slave found in an assembly convened for the purpose of “mental instruction,” held in a confined or secret place, although in the presence of a white. Another law imposes a fine of £100 on any person who may teach a slave to write. An act of Virginia, of 1829, declares every meeting of slaves at any school by day or night, for instruction in reading or writing, an unlawful assembly, and any justice may inflict twenty lashes on each slave found in such school. In North Carolina, to teach a slave to read or write; or to sell or give him any book (Bible not excepted) or pamphlet, is punished with thirty-nine lashes, or imprisonment, if the of fender be a free negro, but if a white, then with a fine of $200. The reason for this law, assigned in its preamble is, that “teaching slaves to read and write, tends to excite dissa- tisfaction in their minds, and to produce insurrection and re- bellion.” In Georgia, if a white teach a free negro or slave to read or write, he is fined $500, and imprisoned at the discretion of the court; if the offender be a colored man, bond or free, he is to be fined or whipped at the discretion of the court. Of course a father may be flogged for teaching his own child. This barbarous law was enacted in 1829. In Louisiana, the penalty for teaching slaves to read or write, is one year's imprisonment. These are specimens of the efforts made by slave legis- latures, to enslave the minds of their victims; and we have surely no reason to hope that their souls are regarded with more compassion. In vain has the Redeemer of the world given the command to preach the gospel to every creature; his professed disciples in the slave States have issued a counter order; and as we have already seen, have by their laws, incapacitated 2,000,000 of their fellow-men from complying with the injunction, “search the Scriptures." Not only are the slaves debarred from read- AMERICAN SLAVERY. 137 ing the wonderful things of God-they are practically prevent- cd with a few exceptions from even hearing of them. In Georgia, any justice of the peace may, at his discretion, break up any religious assembly of slaves, and may order each slave present to be "corrected without trial, by receiving on the bare back, twenty-five stripes with a whip, switch or COW-skin." In South Carolina, slaves may not meet together for the pur- pose of “religious worship" before sunrise or after sunset, unless the majority of the meeting be composed of white per- sons, under the penalty of twenty lashes well laid on.” As it will be rather difficult for the slave to divine before he goes to the meeting, how many blacks, and how many whites will be present, and of course which color will have the “majority," a due regard for his back, will keep him from the meeting. In Virginia, all evening meetings of slaves at any meeting- house, are unequivocally forbidden. In Mississippi, the law permits the master to suffer his slave to attend the preaching of a white minister. It is very evident that when public opinion tolerates such laws, it will not tolerate the general religious instruction of the slaves. True it is, a master may carry or send his slaves to the parish church, and true it is that some do attend, and re- ceive benefit from their attendance. On this, as well as on every other subject relating to slavery, we would rather fall short of, than exceed the truth. We will not assert there are no Christians among the slaves, for we trust there are some. When, however, we recollect, that they are denied the Scriptures, and all the usual advantages of the Sunday School, and are forbidden to unite among themselves in acts of social worship and instruction, and that almost all the sermons they hear, are such as are addressed to educated whites, and of course above their own comprehension, we may form some idea of the obstacles opposed to their spiritual im- provement. Let it be also recollected, that every master pos- sesses the tremendous power of keeping his slaves in utter ignorance of their Maker's will, and of their own immortal des- tinies. And now with all these facts, and their consequences and tendencies in remembrance, we ask, if we do not make a most abundant and charitable allowance when we suppose that 245,000 slaves possess a saving knowledge of the religion of 12* 138 AMERICAN SLAVERY. Christ? And yet after this admission, one which probably no candid person will think too limited, there will remain in the bosom of our country TWO MILLIONS of human beings, who, in consequence of our laws, are in a state of heathenism! But probably many will refuse their assent to this conclusion with- out further and more satisfactory evidence of its correctness. To such persons we submit the following testimony, furnished by slave holders themselves. In 1831, the Rev. Charles C. Jones preached a sermon before two associations of planters in Georgia, one of Liberty County, and the other of McIntosh County. This sermon is before us, and we quote from it. "Generally speaking they (the slaves) appear to us to be without God and without hope in the world, a NATION OF HEA- THEN in our very midst.We cannot cry out against the Papists for withholding the Scriptures from the common people, and keeping them in ignorance of the way of life; for we withhold the Bible from our servants, and keep them in ignorance of it, while we will not use the means to have it read and explained to them. The cry of our perishing servants comes up to us from the sultry plains as they bend at their toil—it comes up to us from their humble cottages when they return at evening to rest their weary limbs-it comes up to us from the midst of their ignorance and superstition, and adultery and lewdness. We have manifested no emotions of horror at abandoning the souls of our servants to the adversary, the roaring lion that walketh about seeking whom he may devour." On the 5th December, 1833, a committee of the Synod of South Carolina and Georgia, to whom was referred the subject of the religious instruction of the colored population, made a report which has been published, and in which this language is used. “Who would credit it, that in these years of revival and bene- volent effort, in this Christian republic, there are over two MILLIONS of human beings in the condition of HEATHEN, and in some respects in a worse condition. From long continued and close observation, we believe that their moral and religious condition is such that they may justly be considered the HEA- THEN of this Christian country, and will bear comparison with heathen in any country in the world. The negroes are desti- tute of the Gospel, and ever will be under the present state of things. In the vast field extending from an entire State beyond AMERICAN SLAVERY. 139 the Potomac, to the Sabine river, and from the Atlantic to the Ohio, there are to the best of our knowledge not twelve men exclusively devoted to the religious instruction of the negroes. In the present state of feeling in the South, a ministry of their own color could neither be obtained NOR TOLERATED. . But do not the negroes have access to the Gospel through the stated ministry of the whites? We answer NO; the negroes have no regular and efficient ministry; as a matter of course, no churches; neither is there sufficient room in white churches for their accommodation. We know of but five churches in the slave holding States built expressly for their use; these are all in the State of Georgia. We may now inquire if they enjoy the privileges of the Gospel in their own houses, and on our plantations ? Again we return a negative answer. They have no Bibles to read by their own firesides—they have no family altars; and when in affliction, sickness, or death, they have no minister to address to them the consolations of the Gospel, nor to bury them with solemn and appropriate services." In a late number of the Charleston (S. C.) Observer, a cor- respondent remarked : “Let us establish missionaries among our own negroes, who, in view of religious knowledge, are as debasingly ignorant as any one on the coast of Africa; for I hazard the assertion, that throughout the bounds of our synod, there are at least one hundred thousand slaves, speaking the same language as ourselves, who never heard of the plan of salvation by a Redeemer.” The editor, instead of contradicting this broad assertion, adds : “ We fully concur with what our correspondent has said respect- ing the benighted heathen among ourselves.” Such is American slavery—a system which classes with the beasts of the field, over whom dominion has been given to man an intelligent and accountable being, the instant his Creator has breathed into his nostrils the breath of life. Over this infant heir of immortality, no mother has a right to watch-no father may guide his feeble steps, check his wayward appetites and train him for future usefulness, happiness and glory. Torn from his parents, and sold in the market, he soon finds himself labor. ing among strangers under the whip of a driver, and his task augmenting with his ripening strength. Day after day and year after year, is he driven to the cotton or sugar-field, as the ox to the furrow. No hope of reward lightens his toil—the subject 140 AMERICAN SLAVERY. of insult, the victim of brutality, the laws of his country afford him no redress_his wife, such only in name, may at any moment be dragged from his side his children, heirs only of his misery and degradation, are but articles of merchandise his mind, stupified by his oppressors, is wrapped in darkness his soul, no man careth for it-his body, worn with stripes and toil, is at length committed to the earth, like the brute that perisheth. This is the system which the American Anti-slavery Society declares to be sinful, and ought therefore to be immediately abolished; and this is the system which the American Coloni- zation Society excuses, and which, it contends, ought to be per- petual, rather than its victims should enjoy their rights in “ the white man's land." To one whose moral sense has not been perverted, it would seem a temerity bordering on blasphemy, to contend that such a system can be approved by a just and holy God, or sanc- tioned by the precepts of his blessed Gospel, Slavery, we are told, is not forbidden in the Bible ; but who will dare to say that cruelty and injustice, and compulsory heathenism are not ? We are often reminded, that St. Paul exhorts slaves to be obedient to their masters; but so he does subjects to their ru- lers. If, in the one instance, he justified slavery, so did he despot- ism in the other. The founder of Christianity and his apostles, interfered not with political institutions, but laid down rules for the conduct of individuals; and St. Paul in requiring masters to give their servants that which is just and equal, virtually condemned the whole system of slavery, since he who receives what is just and equal cannot be a slave. If it was right in the time of St. Paul to hold white men as slaves, would it be wrong to do so now? If slavery is lawful nou, it must have been lawful in its commencement, since perseverance in wrong, can never constitute right. Let it be explained how free men with their posterity, to the latest generation, can now be lawfully re- duced to slavery, and forever kept in ignorance of the duties and consolations of Christianity, and we will unite with those who justify American slavery. AMERICAN SLAVERY. 141 CHAPTER II. PROPOSED OBJECTS AND MEASURES OF THE AMERICAN ANTI-SLAVERY SOCIETY-CENSURE OF ABOLITIONISTS. The next great principle maintained by the Society is, that slavery being sinful, it ought immediately to cease. Admitting the premises, the conclusion seems irresistible. Sin is opposi- tion to the will of our Creator and Supreme Lawgiver. His wisdom and goodness are alike infinite, and if slavery be incon- sistent with his will, it must necessarily be inconsistent with the welfare of his creatures. Reason and revelation, moreover, assure us that God will punish sin; and therefore to contend that it is necessary or expedient to continue in sin, is to im- peach every attribute of the Deity, and to brave the vengeance of omnipotence. These principles lead the Society to aim at effecting the fol- lowing objects, viz: 1st. The immediate abolition of slavery throughout the Uni. ted States. 2d. As a necessary consequence, the suppression of the American slave trade. 3d. The ultimate elevation of the black population to an equality with the white, in civil and religious privileges. But principles may be sound and objects may be good, and yet the measures adopted to enforce those principles, and to attain those objects, may be unlawful. Let us then inquire what are the measures contemplated by the Society. Slavery exists under the authority of the State Legisla- tures, in the several states; and under the authority of Con- gress in the District of Columbia, and in the United States' ter- ritories. The members of the Society are all represented in Congress, and the Constitution guaranties to them the right of petition. They will therefore petition Congress to exercise the power it possesses, to abolish slavery in the District of Columbia, and the Territories. But the Society is not represented in the State Legislatures, and therefore petitions to them might be deemed officious, and would not probably lead to and advatageous re- 142 ANERICAN SLAVERY. sult. The Society will therefore use the right possessed by every member of the community, the right of speech and of the press. They will address arguments to the understandings and the consciences of their fellow citizens, and endeavor to convince them of the duty and policy of immediate emancipa- tion. Legislatures are with us, but the mere creatures of the people, and when the people of the slave States demand the abo- lition of slavery, their Legislatures will give effect to their will, by passing the necessary laws. The means by which the Society will endeavor to secure to the blacks an equality of civil and religious privileges, are frankly avowed to be the encouragement of their intellectual, moral, and religious improvement, and the removal of existing prejudices against them. To prevent any misapprehensions of the real design of the Society, The Constitution expressly declares that the Society will never “ in any way countenance the oppressed in vindicating their rights, by resorting to phy- sical force." Such are the principles and designs of those who are now designated as Abolitionists, and never since the settlement of the country, has any body of citizens been subjected in an equal degree, to unmerited, and unmeasured reproach. We have seen with what kind of temper Colonizationists speak of free negroes, and we may well question, when we call to mind the obloquy they have heaped upon A bolitionists, whether the latter are not in their opinion the greater nuisances. Much as the free negroes have suffered from the charges of the Society, still there have been limits to the invectives hurled against them. No chancellor has adjudged them to be “reck- less incendiaries."'* No counsellor, learned in the law, has charged them with being guilty of “a palpable nullifica- tion of that Constitution which they had sworn to support.”+ No honorable Senator has denounced them as “ fanatics, in- creasing injury and sealing oppression."| The chairman of the Executive Committee of the New York Colonization Soci- ety never asserted that their DESIGN was “beyond a doubt to foment a servile war in the South."$ Nor did even the New- * Speech of Chancellor Walworth of New-York. + Speech of D. B. Ogden, Esq. of New-York #Hon. Mr. Frelinghuysen, of the Senate of the United States. Commercial Advertiser, 9th June, 1834. AMERICAN SLAVERY. 143 York Courier and Enquirer ever propose, that the city authori- ties should inform them, that they must prosecute “their trea- sonable and BEASTLY plans at their own peril;" in other words, that they should not be protected from mobs. * Nor, finally, has any city corporation accused them of holding sentiments, “demoralizing in themselves, and little short of treason towards the government of our country." + But Abolitionists are neither astonished nor dismayed at the torrent of insult and calumny that has been poured upon them, as though some strange thing had happened unto them. They remember that Wilberforce and his companions experienced si- milar treatment, while laboring for the abolition of the slave trade; and they remember also the glorious triumphs they achieved, and the full though tardy justice that has been done to their motives. A few brief reminiscences may be both in. teresting and useful. In 1776, the British House of Commons rejected a resolu- tion, that the slave trade " was contrary to the laws of God and the rights of man." Yet that trade is now piracy by act of Parliament. In 1788, on a bill being introduced into the House of Lords, to mitigate the horrors of the trade, Lord Chancellor Thurlow ridiculed “the sudden fit of philanthropy that had given it birth,” and Lord Chandos predicted “the insurrection of the slaves, and the massacre of their masters, from the agitation of the subject." In 1789, on a motion of Mr. Wilberforce, that the house would take the trade into consideration, a member pronounced the attempt to abolish it" hypocritical, fanatic, and methodisti- cal," and contended that Abolition must lead to “insurrections, massacre and ruin." In 1791, Col. Tarleton, in the House of Commons, speaking *Courier and Enquirer, 11th July, 1834. The same paper of the 27th Dee. 1834, contains the following.--" We do say, and say in all the earnest- ness of conviction, that no meeting of Abolitionists should ever be suffered to go on with its proceedings in the United States. Whenever these wretched disturbers of the public peace, and plotters of MURDER, RAPINE, AND A DISSO- LUTION OF THE UNION, have the impudence to hold a meeting, it is the duty zens-always a vast majority in every place to go to that meeting, and there, by exercising the right of every American citizen, make the expression of their disapprobation and disgust, loud enough, and empha- tic e it impossible for treason to go on with its machina. tions. Let sedition be driven from its den, as often as its minions congre- Resolutions of the Corporation of the City of Utica. gate.” 144 AMERICAN SLAVERY. of the proposed abolition of the slave trade, declared that " the measure was fit only for the bigotry and superstition of the twelfth century." Lord John Russell asserted that Abolition was" visionary and delusive, a feeble attempt without the power to serve the cause of humanity.” Lord Sheffield could “trace in the arguments for Aboli- tion nothing like reason, but on the contrary, downright phrensy." In 1792, the Abolitionists were denounced in Parliament, as “a junto of sectaries, sophists, enthusiasts, and fanatics.” In 1793, the Duke of Clarence, now William the IV., in his place in the House of Lords, declared the Abolitionists to be " fanatics, and hypocrites," and so far violated parliamentary decorum, as to apply these epithets to Mr. Wilberforce by name. Yet has he lived to crown the labors and fulfil the hopes of Wilberforce, by giving his assent to the bill abolishing slavery throughout the British dominions. In 1804, Lord Temple declared in Parliament, that to abolish the slave trade, would be “the death-warrant of every white inhabitant in the islands.” Ten times did Mr. Wilberforce bring the subject of the abolition of the traffick before Parliament, and ten times was he doomed to witness the failure of his efforts; nor was this detestable commerce suppressed, till thirty years after the first motion against it had been made in the House of Commons. Now, it is prohibited by the whole Christian world. When the Abolitionists of the present day, think of these facts, and recollect the reproaches heaped on Wilberforce and his colleagues, by a Chancellor and dignified Senators, well may they thank God and take courage. And who are these men, we would ask, whom colonizationists are honoring with epi- thets similar to those which the advocates of the slave trade so liberally applied to the philanthropists who opposed it? We will suffer an authority justly respected by the religious com- munity to answer the question. Abbott's Religious Magazine, in an article on the mobs against the New York Abolitionists, says, " The men against whom their fury was directed, were in general ministers of the Gospel, and other distinguished mem- bers of Christian churches. The more prominent ones, were the very persons who have been most honored in times past, AMERICAN SLAVERY. · 145 on account of their personal exertions and pecuniary contribu- tions for every benevolent purpose. Let the whole land be searched, and we believe that no men will be found to have done so much for the promotion of temperance, purity, and every benevolent and religious object.” CHAPTER III. FANATICISM OF ABOLITIONISTS. · One of the most usual terms by which Abolitionists are de- signated by their opponents is, “the fanatics.” It seerns they are fanatics, because they believe slavery to be sinful. The grounds for this belief, have been already stated. But is the sinfulness of slavery a new doctrine; or has it been held only by weak and misguided men ? Is Wilberforce to be denounced as a "wretched fanatic," because he declared, “slavery is the full measure of pure unsophisticated wickedness, and scorning all competition or comparison, it stands alone without a rival, in the secure, undisputed possession of its detestable pre-emi- nence." Was Jonathan Edwards a poor "misguided” man, for thus addressing slaveholders. “While you hold your negroes in slavery, you do wrong, exceedingly wrong—you do not, as you would men should do to you; you commit sin in the sight of God; you daily violate the plain rights of mankind, and that in a higher degree than if you committed theft or robbery.” Were Porteus, Horseley, Fox, Johnson, Burke, Jefferson, and Bolivar, “miserable enthusiasts ?!' Yet hear their testimonies. . “ The Christian religion is opposed to slavery, in its spirit and in its principles; it classes men-stealers among murderers of fathers and of mothers, and the most profane criminals upon earth.”—Porteus. “Slavery is injustice, which no consideration of policy can extenuate." —Horseley. "Personal freedom is the right of every human being. It is a right of which he who deprives a fellow creature, was absolutely criminal in so depriving him; and which he who withheld, was no less criminal in withholding."-Fox. 146 AMERICAN SLAVERY. “No man is by nature the property of another. The rights of nature must be some way forfeited, before they can be justly taken away."-Johnson. “ Slavery is a state so improper, so degrading, and so ruinous to the feelings and capacities of human nature, that it ought not to be suffered to exist."-Burke. “The Almighty has no attribute which can take sides with us, in such a contest." (A contest with insurgent slaves.) Jefferson. “Slavery is the infringement of all laws-a law having a tendency to preşerve slavery, would be the grossest sacrilege." - Bolivar. We would take the liberty of recommending to the con- sideration of certain Methodist Colonizationists, the following language of John Wesley. "Men-buyers, are exactly on a level with men-stealers. In- deed, you say, I pay honestly for my goods, and am not con- cerned to know how they are come by. Nay, but you are- you are deeply concerned to know that they are honestly come .by. Otherwise, you are a partaker with a thief, and are not a jot honester than him. But you know they are not honestly come by; you know they are procured by means nothing so innocent as picking of pockets, or robbery on the highway. Perhaps you will say, I do not buy my negroes, I only use those left me by my father. So far is well, but is it enough to satisfy your conscience? Had your father, have you, has any man living a right to use another as a slave? It cannot be, even setting Revelation aside.” But Abolitionists are fanatics, not merely because they be- lieve slavery sinful, but also because they contend it ought imme- diately to be abolished. In their fanaticism on this point, as well es on the other, they are kept in countenance by a host of divines and statesmen, and by the unanimous opinion of thousands, and tens of thousands of Christians. Men of all ranks and charac- ters, from John Wesley to Daniel O'Connel, have exhibited this fanaticism-it has been borne by the republicans of France, the Catholics of South America, the people of England, Scot- land and Ireland. So long ago as 1774, John Wesley declared : “ It cannot be that either war or contract can give any man such a property in another, as he has in his sheep and oxen. Much less is it AMERICAN SLAVERY. 147 possible that any child of man should ever be born a slave. If, therefore, you have any regard to justice, (to say nothing of mercy, nor the revealed will of God) render unto all their due. Give liberty to whom liberty is due, that is, to ëvery child of man, to every partaker of human nature." Jonathan Edwards was fanatic enough to assert :-"Every man, who cannot show that his negro hath, by his voluntary conduct, forfeited his liberty, is obligated immediately to manu- mit him.” · One million five hundred thousand persons petitioned the Bri- tish Parliament for the total and immediate abolition of slavery. Indeed, Mr. O'Connel expressed the nearly unanimous sentiment of the whole nation, when he exclaimed: "I am for speedy, immediate abolition. I care not what creed or color slavery may assume, I am for its total, its instant abolition.” We have not yet exhausted the proofs of the alleged fanati- cism of Abolitionists. It seems they are fanatics, for wishing to elevate the blacks to a civil and religious equality with the whites. Certain Colonization editors deny to Abolitionists, as we have seen, the constitutional right of freedom of speech, the press, and pulpit, and even of peaceably assembling together; and multitudes seem to think, that they have forfeited the pro- tection of the ninth commandment. Men of all ranks have united in charging upon them designs which they indignantly disclaim, and in support of which, not a particle of evidence has been, or can be adduced. One of the designs falsely imputed to them, is that of bringing about an amalgamation of colors by intermarriages. : In vain have they again and again denied any such design; in vain have their writings been searched for any recommendation of such amalgamation. No Abo- litionist is known to have married a negro, or to have given his child to a negro; yet has the charge of amalgamation been repeated, and repeated, till many have, no doubt, honestly be- lieved it. · During the very height of the New-York riots, and as if to excite the mob to still greater atrocities, the editor of the Com- mercial Advertiser asserted, that the Abolitionists had “sought to degrade" the identity of their fellow citizens, as a “nation of white men, by reducing it to the condition of MONGRELS."-Com. Adv. 11th July, 1834. . 148 RIGHTS OF PEOPLE OF COLOR. No one, in the possession of his reasoning faculties, can be- lieve it to be the duty of white men to select black wives; and Abolitionists have given every proof the nature of the case will admit, that they countenance no such absurdity. But most true it is, that the Anti-Slavery Society avows its intention to labor for the civil and religious equality of the blacks. It has been found expedient to accuse it of aiming also at their social equality. He must be deeply imbued with fanaticism, or rather with insanity, who contends, that because a man has a dark skin, he is, therefore, entitled to a reception in our fami- lies, and a place at our tables. We all know white men whose characters and habits render them repulsive to us, and whom no consideration would induce us to admit into our social circles; and can it be believed, that Abolitionists are willing to extend to negroes, merely on account of their color, courtesies and indulgences, which, in innumera- ble instances, they withhold, and properly withhold, from their white fellow citizens. But who pretends that, because a man is so disagreeable in his manners and person that we refuse to associate with him, that therefore he ought to be denied the right of suffrage, the privilege of choosing his trade and pro- fession, the opportunities of acquiring knowledge, and the liberty of pursuing his own happiness? Yet such is our conduct to- wards the free blacks, and it is this conduct which the Society aims at reforming. The Society does contend, that no man ought to be punished for the complexion God has given him. And are not black men punished for the color of their skin ? Read the laws of the slave States relative to free negroes; alas ! read the laws of Ohio, and Connecticut; read the decision of Judge Daggett; behold them deprived of the means of educa- tion, and excluded from almost every trade and profession ; see them compelled to wander in poverty and in ignorance. Now, all this, Abolitionists contend is wrong, and their opposition to this system of persecution and oppression is fanaticism! Be it so, but it is only modern fanaticism, and it was not so regarded when in 1785, JOHN Jay declared : “I wish to see all unjust and unnecessa- ry discriminations every where abolished, and that the time may soon come, when all our inhabitants, of every COLOR and de- nomination, shall be free and EQUAL PARTAKERS OF OUR POLI- TICAL LIBERTY. CHARGES AGAINST ABOLITIONISTS. 149 It requires no great exercise of candor, to admit, that the prejudices existing against the blacks are sinful, whenever they lead us to treat those unhappy people with injustice and inhu- manity. They have their rights as well as ourselves. They have no right to associate with us against our will, but they have a right to acquire property by lawful industry; they have a right to participate in the blessings of education and political liberty. When, therefore, our prejudices lead us to keep the blacks in poverty, by restricting their industry,* to keep them in ignorance, by excluding them from our seminaries, and pre- venting them from having seminaries of their own; to keep them in a state of vassalage by denying them any choice in their rulers; our prejudices are so far sinful, and so far only does the Anti-Slavery Society aim at removing them. CHAPTER IV. INCENDIARISM AND TREASON OF ABOLITIONISTS. It is not enough that Abolitionists should be represented as fanatics; it has been deemed expedient, to hold them up to the community as incendiaries and traitors. The chairman of the Executive Committee of the New-York Colonization Society, thus speaks of the Anti-slavery Society, in his paper of the 9th. June, 1834. “ The design of this Society is, beyond a doubt, to foment. a servile war in the South—they have been heard to say, blood must be shed, and the sooner the better-this Society owes its existence not to the love of liberty, or any par- ticular affection for the slaves, but to cruel and bitter hatred, and malignity.” In an earlier paper, he inserted an article accusing Abolitionists of seeking to use the pulpits, “ for the base purpose of encouraging scenes of bloodshed.” Here we find the most atrocious designs, imputed to men well known in the community for active benevolence and pri- vate worth; and yet not a scintilla of evidence is offered in sup- port of the extraordinary fact, that such men should harbor * As one instance among the innumerable restrictions on the industry of these peuple, we may mention, that no free black, howe and intel. ligent, can obtain a license in the city of New York to drive a cart ! 130 150 CHARGES AGAINST ABOLITIONISTS. such designs. In this case the accused can of course offer only negative proof of their innocence. That proof is to be found first in their individual characters. Secondly, in the fact that many of the Abolitionists are emphatically peace men, that is, they hold the quacker doctrine of the unlawfulness of war, and maintain that it would be sinful in the slaves to attempt effecting their freedom by force of arms.* Thirdly, in the fundamental principle of the Society that they will “never in any way countenance the oppressed in vindicating their rights by resort. ing to physical force;" and, fourthly, in the fact that Abolition- ists as such, have in no instance recommended, or committed an act of unlawful violence. . But by declaiming against slavery, Abolitionists are exciting odium against slave holders. If he who labors to render any particular sin, and those who are guilty of it odious, is of course a “reckless incendiary, few are more justly and honorably en- titled to this epithet, than the excellent Chancellor of New- York. Few have shown more intrepidity in denouncing the venders of ardent spirits than this gentleman; and Abolitionists in their warfare against slavery, may well take a lesson from the example he has set them of an honest and fearless discharge of duty. Had the President of the New York Temperance Society and his associates exercised the same tenderness and gentleness towards drunkards and venders, that he now shows towards slave holders, 'Temperance Societies would have check- ed the progress of drunkenness, as little as Colonization promises to do that of slavery. THOMAS JEFFERSON was not denounced as a reckless in- cendiary, when in the midst of a slave population, he declared that the Almighty had no attribute that could take side with the masters in a contest with their slaves; nor did JOHN JAY forfeit the confidence of his countrymen, when during the revolution- ary war, he asserted" till America comes into this measure, (abolition of slavery) her prayers to heaven for liberty will be IMPIOUS;" nor when addressing the Legislature of New York, then a slave State, he told them that persons “ free by the laws of God, are held in slavery by the laws of man." Nor were FRANKLIN and his associates regarded as incen- diaries for uniting in 1787, “to extend the blessings of freedom * This sentiment is held and avowed by the much calumniated Mr. Garrison. CHARGES AGAINST ABOLITIONISTS. 151 to every part of our race;" or for refusing to permit slave- holders to participate with them in this glorious effort. It was not sufficient to ridicule Abolitionists as fanatics, or to stigmatize them as incendiaries; they must be branded as trai- tors and nullifiers. On the 9th October, 1833, a few days after a mob had assembled to deprive American citizens of one of their dearest constitutional rights, that of peaceably expressing their opinions, a numerous Colonization meeting was convened in New-York for the purpose of taking advantage of the recent excitement, to raise the sum of $20,000. Gentlemen of high rank and influence addressed the meeting. Not a word of disapprobation of the late outrage escaped them; on the con- trary, the violence offered to the Abolitionists seemed to be extenuated if not justified, by the grievous charges now brought against them. The Hon. Mr. Frelinghuysen, of New-Jersey, justly distin- guished for his piety, his talents, and his station as a Senator of the United States, addressed the meeting. “In the course of his address," says the N. Y. Commercial Advertiser, 10th October, "he dwelt with emphasis and just discrimination upon the proceedings of both cis and trans-Atlantic Abolitionists, who are seeking to destroy our happy Union.” Chancellor Walworth, one of the most estimable citizens, and the highest judicial officer of the State of New York, allu- ding to the emancipation to be effected by Colonization, remark- ed," the emancipation, however, to which this resolution directs your attention, is not that unconstitutional and dangerous emancipation contemplated by a few visionary enthusiasts, and a still fewer reckless incendiaries among us, which cannot be effected without violating the rights of property secured by that constitution which we have sworn to support—that emancipa- tion which would arm one part of the Union against another, and light up the flame of civil war in this now happy land." N. Y. Journal of Commerce. David B. Ogden, Esq., a gentleman whose legal eminence, and whose purity of character jastly give to his opinions pe- culiar weight, used the following language: “I avail myself of this opportunity, to enter my solemn protest against the attempts which are making by a few FANATICS, who, without looking to the fearful consequences involved in such an issue, are advocating the immediate emancipation of slaves, in the Southern District. As citizens of the United States, we have 162 CHARGES AGAINST ABOLITIONISTS. no right to interfere with the claims of our Southern brethren to the property of their slaves. The Constitution of the United States recognizes their right to it, and they have not only a sure and undeniable right to that property, but they are entitled to the full protection of the constituted authorities, in enforcing the enjoyment of it. Let us not talk any more of nullification; the doctrine of immediate emancipation is a direct and pal- pable nullification of that constitution we have sworn to sup- port." New-York Journal of Commerce. We might have selected many similar charges from other sources, but we have taken these on account of the high cha- racter of the accusers, and because the authors are all of the legal profession, and of course, aware of the importance of precision in all charges of a criminal nature. Not one of these gentlemen sitting as a criminal judge, would permit the merest vagabond to be put on his defence on a vague charge of stealing, but would quash any indictment, that did not specify the time and place of the offence, and the property alleged to be stolen ; yet they did not scruple to hold up their fellow citizens and fellow Christians to the indignation of the public, on charges destitute of all specification, and unsupported by a particle of testimony. Abolitionists are here accused of seeking to destroy our happy Union; of contemplating a violation of property, secured by the Constitution they had sworn to support; of pursuing measures which would lead to a civil war; and of being guilty of direct and palpable nullification. When—where how-were these crimes attempted ? What proof is offered ? Nothing, absolutely nothing, is offered but naked assertion. Is this equitable? Is it doing to others as these gentlemen would wish others to do to them? But it is not enough that Abolitionists should be denounced at home; they must also be defamed abroad. Mr. Gurley, secretary of the American Colonization Society, writes a letter (1833) to Henry Ibbotson, Esq., England ; and, to give it greater weight, dates it, “ Office of the Colonization Society, Washington.” In this letter, he undertakes to enlighten his foreign correspondent on some of the “ fundamental errors" of the Xbolitionists, and ranks among them the opinion, “ that, in present circumstances, slavery ought to be abolished, by means not acting solely through, but, in a great degree against, and in defiance of the will of the South.” Not a tittle of evidence CHARGES AGAINST ABOLITIONISTS. 153 is given, that such an opinion is held by a single individual in the United States. Mr. Jeremiah Hubbard, clerk of the Yearly Meeting of Friends ! in North-Carolina, in a letter to a friend in England, (Af. Rep. X. p. 37) declares that “the primary object of the Abolitionists “appears to be, that of producing such a revolution in public sentiment as to cause the national legislation to bear directly upon the slave-holders, and to compel them to emanci- pate their slaves.” Now, to all these charges, and to each and every one of them, the members of the Anti-Slavery Society plead NOT GUILTY, and desire to be tried by God and their country. But, alas, no trial is vouchsafed to them: judgment has already been given, and execution awarded against them, without trial, and without evidence, solely on the finding of a voluntary and irresponsible inquest. All they can now do, is to ask for a reversal of the judgment as false and illegal, cruel and op- pressive. It is, of course, difficult to disprove charges, where the counts of the indictment are utterly void of certainty, and where, from the nature of the case, none but negative testimony can be offered by the accused. We have a right to presume, that the treason and nullification charged on Abolitionists, have refer- ence to their efforts to procure the abolition of slavery in the United States. Now slavery exists under the authority of Congress, and also under the authority of State Legislatures. We will proceed in the first place to exhibit some facts relative to slavery in the former instance, and inquire how far the conduct of Abolitionists in respect to it, is treasonable and un- constitutional; and we will then make the same inquiry as to their conduct in regard to slavery in the several States. 154 SLAVERY BY AUTHORITY OF CONGRESS. CHAPTER V. · SLAVERY UNDER THE AUTHORITY OF CONGRESS. At the last census, there were in the territories of Arkansas, Florida, and the District of Columbia, twenty-six thousand one · hundred and thirty-eight slaves. We will confine our remarks at present to slavery as it is exhibited at the seat of the federal government, and in a portion of territory, over which the Constitution of the United States has given to Congress " exclusive jurisdiction.” In this District of ten miles square, there are six thousand slaves; and the laws under which they are held in bondage, are among the most cruel and wicked of all the slave laws in the United States. This District, more- over, placed as it is under the immediate and absolute control of the national government, is the great slave mart of the North American continent. In 1829, Mr. Miner, a member of the House of Representa- tives, from Pennsylvania, introduced a resolution for the gradual abolition of slavery in the District. In his speech in support of this resolution, many appalling facts were disclosed. It -appeared, that in the last five years, seven hundred and forty- two colored persons had been committed to the public prison of the city of Washington. And were these persons accused or convicted of crime? NOT ONE. Four hundred and fifty- two were lodged in the UNITED STATES PRISON by slave traders, for safe keeping prior to exportation. The residue were imprisoned on suspicion, real or affected, of being fugitive slaves ; and if not claimed as such, were by authority of Con- gress, to be soLD AS SLAVES FOR LIFE, to raise money to pay their JAIL FEES !!! Such are the facts in regard to the prison in the Capital of our confederate Republic ; and let it be recollected, that there are other prisons besides this in the District of Columbia. Of the practical operation of a system sanctioned by the laws of Congress, take the following sample: “Visiting the prison,” says Mr. Miner, "and passing through the avenues that lead to the cells, I was struck with the appear- ance of a woman, having three or four children with her-one at the breast. She presented such an aspect of wo, that I 166 AMERICAN SLAVE TRADE. “January Term, 1802. - “We the grand jury, for the body of the county of Alex- andria, in the District of Columbia, present as a grievance the practice of persons coming from distant parts of the United States into this District, for the purpose of purchasing slaves, where they exhibit, to our view a scene of wretchedness and human degradation, disgraceful to our characters as citizens of a free government. True it is that these dealers, in the persons of our fellow men, collect within this District from various parts, numbers of those victims of slavery, and lodge them in some place of confinement until they have completed their numbers. They are then turned out in our streets and exposed to view, loaded with chains as though they had committed some heinous offence against our laws. We consider it a grievance that citi- zens from distant parts of the United States should be permitted to come within this District, and pursue a traffic fraught with so much misery, to a class of beings entitled to our protection by the laws of justice and humanity; and that the interposition of civil authority cannot be had to prevent parents being wrest- ed from their offspring, and children from their parents, with- out respect to the ties of nature. We consider these griev- ances demanding legislative redress"—that is, redress by Con. gress. As illustrative of the horrors and iniquities of the traffic, Mr. Miner informed the House of an incident that had occurred during the previous Session of Congress. A free colored man had maried a slave-with the avails of his industry, he had, in the course of some years, purchased the freedom of his wife and children. He left home on business, and on his return found his house tenantless. His wife and children were missing. It was soon ascertained that they had been kidnapped by slave dealers, and confined in a private slave prison, in Alexandria; from whence they had afterwards been sent to a distant market and were forever lost to the husband and the father. "There is a man now in this District,” continued Mr. Miner, "who was in the hands of the slave dealers, about to be sent off to the South, when he laid his hand on a block, and with an axe severed it from his arm. Can the slave trade, on the coast of Africa, be more horrible, more dreaded, or more prolific of scenes of misery? To me all this is dreadful, and I think it should not be tolerated here." 158 AMERICAN SLAVE TRADE. "CASH FOR FOUR HUNDRED NEGROES. Including both sexes, from twelve to twenty-five years of · age. Persons having likely servants to dispose of, will find it to their interest to give us a call, as we will give higher prices · in cash than any other purchaser, who is now or may hereaf- ter come into this MARKET. Franklin, Armfield & Co. Alexandria, September 1st, 1834." *Cash FOR ONE HUNDRED NEGROES, Including both sexes, from twelve to twenty-five years of age. Persons having likely servanıs to dispose of, will find it to their interest to give us a call, as we will give higher prices in cash than any other purchaser who is now in this city. We can at all times be found at Isaac Beer's tavern, a few doors below Lloyd's tavern, opposite Centre Market, Wash- ington city. All communications promptly attended to. September 1st, 1834. Birch & Jones." Thus we find cash offered for seven hundred slaves at one time, in the District of Columbia. Does any one inquire how these slaves are to be disposed of? We call his attention to the following advertisement in the same paper. ALEXANDRIA AND NEW ORLEANS PACKETS. Brig TRIBUNE, Captain Smith, and Brig Uncas, Captain Boush, will resume their regular trips on the 20th of October: one of which will leave this port every thirty days throughout the shipping season. They are vessels of the first class, com- manded by experienced officers, and will at all times go up the Mississippi by steam, and every exertion used to promote the interests of shippers and comfort of passengers. Apply to the Captains on board, or to Franklin & Armfield.” Alexandria, September 1st. Most grievously disappointed and astonished would any northern gentleman be, who had taken passage in one of these Alexandria and New-Orleans packets, on finding himself on board a SLAVER. From a letter of the 23d of January, 1834, by the Rev. Mr. Leavitt, and published in New York, it appears, that he visited the Slave-Factory of Franklin & Armfield at Alexandria, and was " informed by one of the Principals, that the number AMERICAN SLAVE TRADE. 159 of slaves carried from the District last year, was about one thousand, but it would be much greater this year. He expect- ed their house alone would ship at least eleven or twelve hundred. They have two vessels of their own, constantly employed in carrying slaves to New-Orleans." One of the vessels being in port, Mr. Leavitt went on board of her. “Her name is the TRIBUNE. The Captain very obligingly took us to all parts of the vessel. The hold is appropriated to the slaves, and is divided into two apartments. The after hold will carry about eighty women, and the other about one hundred men. On either side were two platforms running the whole length; one raised a few inches, and the other half way up to the deck. They were about five or six feet deep. On these the slaves lie, as close as they can stow away." In 1831, the Brig Comet, a slaver, belonging to this very house, and which had sailed from Alexandria with a cargo of one hundred and sixty slaves, was wrecked on Abaco, one of the Bahamas. But this vile commerce is carried on by land, as well as by water. Slave-coffles are formed at the prisons in the District, and thence set off on their dreary journey into the interior, literally in chains. A gentleman thus describes a coffle he met on the road in Kentucky. " I discovered about forty black men all chained together in the following manner :-each of them was hand-cuffed, and they were arranged in rank and file. A chain, perhaps forty feet long, was stretched between the two ranks, to which short chains were joined, which con- nected with the hand-cuffs. Behind them were, I suppose, thirty women in double rank; the couples tied hand to hand." These coffles pass the very capitol in which are assembled the Legislators by whom they are authorized, and over whose heads is floating the broad banner of the Republic, too justly, alas! in such instances, described by an English satirist as "The fustian flag that proudly waves, In splendid mockery o'er a land of slaves." But the tale of iniquity and infamy is not yet ended. In the ; capital of our confederated Republic, and with the sanction of the Congress of the United States of America, MEN ARE LI- CENSED FOR FOUR HUNDRED DOLLARS TO DEAL IN HUMAN PLESH !! 160 CONSTITUTIONAL POWER OF CONGRESS. · And now we ask, ought these things so to be? If not who can remedy them? There is no power on earth but Congress. No State Legislature can interfere with the District of Colum- bia, or suppress the accursed traffic of which it is the seat. But who shall rouse Congress to action? Do we wait for the in- terposition of slave holders? It is they who foster and encour- age the trade. Do we appeal to the benevolence of the Colo- nization Society? Alas, all their sympathy is expended on the victims of the African commerce; their Constitution authorizes no interference with the American traffic. We have seen how far their first President himself, embarked in this trade. No less than four Vice Presidents of the Society are at this mo- ment, February 1835, members of Congress, and three of them Senators ; but not a. word has fallen from their lips, relative to slavery, or the slave trade in the District of Columbia. We are wrong-one of them has spoken. MR. CHARLES FENTON Mercer, one of the most devoted officers of the Society, during the present session of Congress voted to lay on the table, a petition presented to the House of Representatives for the abolition of slavery in the District, thus endeavoring to stifle all inquiry into those outrages upon human rights, and human happiness, which are perpetrated under the authority of the national Legislature. Yet this very gentleman has distinguished himself, by his zeal against the African slave trade. The American Anti-Slavery Society avows its intention to endeavor to influence Congress to refuse any longer to author- ize these abominations. And is it for this avowal, that its members are branded as traitors and nullifiers? If so, then they appeal for their justification, to the Constitution of the United States. By the 8th Section of the 1st Article of that instrument Con- gress is authorized to " exercise exclusive legislation in all cases whatsoever," over the District of Columbia ; and by the first article of the amendments, Congress is restrained from making any law " abridging the freedom of speech or the press, or the right of the people peaceably to assemble, and to petition the government for a redress of grievances.” Hence Abolitionists have believed, that Congress possess the right to abolish slavery in the District of Columbia, and that they them- selves are authorized to petition that it may be abolished. Such CONSTITUTIONAL POWER OF CONGRESS. 161 a belief may, perhaps indicate a "wild fanaticism ;' it seenış, however, to be a fanaticism shared by the Legislatures of Pennsylvania and New-York, and even by the House of Re- presentatives. In 1828, the Pennsylvania Legislature, by an almost unani- mous vote, “RESOLVED, that the Senators of this State, in the Senate of the United States, are hereby requested to procure if practicable, the passage of a law to abolish slavery in the Dis- trict of Columbia, in such a manner as they may consider con- sistent with the rights of individuals, and the Constitution of the United States." On the 9th January, 1829, the House of Representatives " RESOLVED, that the Committee of the District of Columbia be instructed to inquire into the expediency, (not the right) of providing by law for the gradual abolition of slavery in the District, in such manner that no individual shall be injured thereby." On the 28th January, 1829, a Committee of the New-York Assembly reported to the House : “ Your Committee cannot but view with astonishment that in the Capital of this free and enlightened country, laws should exist, by which the free cITIZENS of a State are liable, without trial, and even without the inputation of a crime, to be seized while prosecuting their lawful business, immured in prison, and though free, unless claimed as a slave, to be sold as such for the payment of JAIL FEES.” The Committee recommended the following resolution, which was adopted by the Assembly : « RESOLVED, (if the Senate concur herein) that the Senators of this State, in the Congress of the United States, be and are hereby instructed, and the Representatives of this State are requested to make every possible exertion, to effect the passage of a law for the abolition of slavery in the District of Colum- bia.” . And now again do we ask, are Abolitionists fanatics and in- cendiaries, and nullifiers, and traitors, and all that is foolish, and all that is wicked, because they wish Congress to suppress slavery, and the slave trade, in the District of Columbia? It cannot be, that Messrs. Frelinghuysen, Walworth, Ogden, and other upright and intelligent Colonizationists have founded their grievous charges against Abolitionists on this ground. Let us then see how far Abolitionists have merited these char- 14* 162 VINDICATION OF ABOLITIONISTS, ges, for their endeavors to abolish slavery existing under the authority of the several States. CHAPTER V I. SLAVERY UNDER STATE AUTHORITY. We have seen, that the charges against the Abolitionists are vague, and without specifications. Friend Hubbard and Mr. Gurley, however, give their accusations something of a tangible shape. The one asserts, that Abolitionists are labor- ing to abolish slavery, by causing the national legislation to bear directly on the slave holders, and compel them to emanci- pate their slaves : the other insists that it is one of their funda- mental principles, that slavery is to be abolished in a great degree against and in defiance of the will of the South. The obvious and only meaning of these assertions is, that it is the wish and object of the Abolitionists to induce Congress to abolish slavery in the States. One would think that this charge, if true, might be easily proved : some petition, some recommendation might be quoted; but so far from having ever seen any proof of this charge, we have never seen even an at- tempt to prove it. Perhaps the testimony on this point of a Vice-President of the American Colonization Society, and one who is equally distinguished by his moral worth, and his zeal in the cause of Colonization, will be listened to with respect by many of his brethren. Gerrit Smith, Esq., of New-York, in a speech at the Anniversary Meeting of the Society, 20th January, 1834, speaking of the Anti-Slavery Society, remarked : “I believe that Society to be as honest as our own-as benevolent and patriotic as our own. Its members love their fellow men, and love their country, and love the union of the States, as sincere- ly and as strongly as we do ; and much as is said to the con- trary on this point, I have never seen a particle of evidence, that the Anti-Slavery Society meditates any interference with the provisions of the laws of the slave States on the subject of slavery. It alleges, and I have no doubt sincerely, that it is by moral influence alone, and mainly by the changes wrought 104 VINDICATION OF ABOLITIONISTS. the will of the South-nothing of those who the North-Carolina quaker tells us, are for bringing the “ National Legislation" to bear upon emancipation. And has DANIEL WEBSTER, a sworn sentinel on the ramparts of the Constitution, been sleeping at his post ; and is it to more faithful and more intelligent watchmen, that we owe the discovery of the meditated treason ? Mr. Webster's letter contains, as far as it goes, THE POLITI- CAL CREED OF THE ABOLITIONISTS, and we may challenge the whole Colonization Society to name a single Abolitionist, who does not most heartily assent to its doctrines. The New-York Emancipator transferred the letter to its columns, remarking " Mr. Webster's opinion on the subject of slavery in the Statės of this Union; so far as expressed, is just the same as has been more than once avowed in every Anti-slavery paper in the country that it is a subject within the exclusive control of the States themselves.”—Emancipator, 6th July, 1833. . Not only has Mr. Garrison declared his readiness to sign his name to every sentiment expressed in Mr. Webster's let- ter, but he has used in the Liberator, the following language, “ Abolitionists as clearly understand, and as sacredly regard the constitutional powers of Congress, as do their traducers; and they know and have again and again asserted, that Con- gress has no more rightful authority to sit in judgment upon Southern slavery, than it has to legislate for the Abolition of slavery in the French colonies.” We will now select a few from the many official declarations of Abolitionists on this subject. “ The national compact was so framed as to guaranty the Jegal possession of slaves; and physical interference would be a violation of Christian principles." I. Rep. of New-England Anti-Slavery Society-p. 21. "We do not aim at any interference with the constitutional rights of the slave-holding States; for Congress, as is well understood, has no power to abolish slavery in the several States." —Address of the New-York city Anti-Slavery Society p. 5. * We freely and unanimously recognize the sovereignty of each State to legislate exclusively on the subject of slavery, which is tolerated within its limits; we consider that Congress has no right to interfere with any of the slave States in relation VINDICATION OF ABOLITIONISTS. 165 to this subject."-Declaration of Anti-Slavery Convention at Philadelphia, 4th December, 1833. * While it admits that each State in which slavery exists, has by the Constitution of the United States exclusive right to legislate in regard to its Abolition, it shall aim to convince all our fellow citizens by arguments addressed to their understand- ings and consciences, that slave-holding is a henious sin in the sight of God.”—Constitution of American Anti-Slavery Society. In December 1833, the managers of the New-York city Anti-Slavery Society printed and circulated a petition to Con- gress, for the Abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia. It commenced as follows: TO THE HON., THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES. “ Your petitioners, inhabitants of the city of New-York, beg leave to represent to your Honorable body, that whatever views they may entertain of the evils of slavery as it exists in certain States of the Federal Union, they are fully aware that these evils are beyond the Constitutional control of the federal government, and so far from soliciting your interposition for their removal, they would deprecate the interference of Con- gress on this subject, as a violation of the national compact.” The petition then proceeds to assert the Constitutional power of Congress to abolish slavery in the district, and asks for its exercise. And now we ask, is there any thing in the extracts we have given, to justify, excuse, or palliate the heavy accusations made against Abolitionists ? Surely it must now be conceded that however unconstitutional may be the emancipation contempla- ted by Abolitionists, it is not to be effected by Congress. We lament that Chancellor Walworth did not condescend to ex- plain how and why it was unconstitutional. He is accustomed to assign reasons for his decisions, and it may fairly be doubted whether, in withholding the reasons for the judgment he has pronounced against Abolitionists, he has administered equity. He has adjudged that the emancipation contemplated by Abo- litionists would“ violate the rights of property,” but in what way does not appear. As physical force is disclaimed, and congressional interference deprecated, the alleged violation of property must arise from the appeals made to the holders to 166 VINDICATION OF ABOLITIONISTS. surrender it. But surely the President of the New York Temperance Society does not regard property in human flesh and blood so much more sacred than property in rum, that while he is laboring to induce the owners of the latter, through- out the United States, to part with their property, he looks upon every man who tells his fellow-citizens that it is their duty to manumit their slaves, as violating the rights of proper- ty! The venders of ardent spirits in New-Orleans and else- where, have as valid and constitutional a title to their liquors as they have to their slaves. Now hear what Mr. Freling- huysen says of a traffic expressly sanctioned by the laws of every State in the Union. “It is mere tampering with temptation to come short of positive, decided, and uncomprom- ising opposition. We must not only resist, we must drive it. To stand on the defensive merely, is to aid in its triumph." 7th Rep. Am. Temp. Soc. p. 51. Yet they who by arguments, are resisting, or driving the traffic in the souls and bodies of men, are accused of " seeking to destroy our happy union !" The State Legislatures have as much right to authorize lot. teries, as they have to authorize slavery, yet the Pennsylvania Society for abolishing lotteries, is established for the avowed pur- pose of abolishing by moral influence, lotteries in other states, for there are none in its own. No objection is made to the consti. tutionality of that Society, yet epithets secm to be wanting to express the abhorrence felt for those who are aiming by the same means to rescue millions from a bondage destructive to their happiness in this world, and in that which is to come! In the remarks we have made on the language used by Chancellor Walworth and his two associates, no unkind feelings have mingled. Not a suspicion of the goodness of their mo- tives has crossed our mind; we admire them for their talents, and esteem them for their virtues; and sincerely do we regret, that men who possess the power of doing so much good, should ever, through want of information, so grievously misapply it. And now it may be asked, if Abolitionists intend to use only moral means, what good can they effect by using those means at the North, where slavery does not exist ? But although slavery does not exist at the North, it is excused and justified at the North; and Southern Christians are countenanced in keeping their fellow men in bondage and in ignorance, by their Northern brethren. We have already seen the baneful influ- 168 EMANCIPATION DEFINED. CHAPTER VII. SAFETY OF IMMEDIATE EMANCIPATION. ALTHOUGH we may have succeeded in proving that the eman- cipation contemplated by A bolitionists, is not "unconstitution- al," yet many may conscientiously doubt whether it would be safe and wise. A few years only have elapsed, since the use of ardent spi- rits was universally countenanced by all classes of the com- munity; and when the few who contended that their use was sinful, and ought to be immediately abandoned, were deemed no less visionary and fanatical than those are now who hold the same doctrine in regard to slavery. The whole Colonization Society, with scarcely a solitary exception, * denounce immediate emancipation as dangerous, or rather as utterly ruinous, to the whites. Their objections were thus briefly summed up by the Rev. Dr. Hawkes, in his speech at a Colonization meeting in New-York: “But 'if the plan of Colonization be abandoned, what re- mains ? Are the slaves fitted for freedom? No—and if they are let loose at once, they must of necessity, to procure a liv- ing, either beg or steal, or destroy and displace the whites.”— New-York Com. Adv. 10th Oct. 1833. Here we have broad unqualified assertions, without a particle of proof. We find it taken for granted, that if the slaves are at once restored to liberty, they must, from necessity, beg or steal, or destroy and displace the whites. What causes will produce this necessity, we are uninformed; why it will be im- possible for liberated slaves to work for wages, is unexplained. Slavery is property in human beings. Immediate emancipation is therefore nothing more than the immediate cessation of this property. But how does this cessation of property imply that those who were the subjects of it must be " let loose ?" Will they not, like other persons, be subject to the control of law, and responsible for their conduct? If incapable of providing for themselves, may they not like children, apprentices and * The only exception known to the writer, is G. Smith, Esq. 170 INSTANCES OF EMANCIPATION. and cipher ? Must he be taught accounts, before he can re- ceive wages ? Should he understand law, before he enjoys its protection ? Must he be instructed in morals, before he reads his Bible? If all these are pre-requisites for freedom, how and when are they to be acquired in slavery? If one century of bondage has not produced this fitness, how many will ? Are our slaves more fit now, than they were ten, twenty, fifty years ago? Let the history of slave legislation answer the inquiry. When the British government insisted that female slaves should no longer be flogged naked in the colonies, the Jamaica legislature replied, that it would be impossible to lay aside the practice “ UNTIL the negro women have acquired more of the sense of shame, which distinguishes European fe- males." Slaves, while such, will become fit for freedom as soon but not sooner, than negro women will become modest in con- sequence of the West-Indian mode of correction. No postpone- ment of emancipation, will increase the fitness of slaves for freedom, and to wait for this fitness, resembles the conduct of the simpleton who loitered by the brook, expecting to pass dry shod, after the water had run off. The conclusion to which religion and common sense would lead us on this subject, is most abundantly confirmed by experi- ence. Passing by the emancipation of the Serfs of Europe, let us advert to various instances of the sudden abolition of negro slavery, and let us see how far the theory we are considering is supported by facts. On the 10th October, 1811, the Congress of Chili, decreed that every child born after that day, should be free. On the 9th April, 1812, the government of Buenos Ayres, ordered that every child born after 1st January, 1813, should be free. On the 19th July, 1821, the Congress of Colombia passed an Act, emancipating all slaves, who had borne arms in favor of the Republic, and providing for the emancipation in eighteen years, of the whole slave population of 280,000. On the 15th September, 1821, the government of Mexico granted instantaneous and unconditional emancipation to every slave. On the 4th July, 1827, ten thousand slaves were emancipa- ted in the State of New York by act of the legislature. In all these various instances, not one case of insurrection EMANCIPATION IN ST, DOMINGO. 171 or of bloodshed is known to have resulted from emancipation. But St. Domingo-ah, what recollections are awakened by that name! With that name are associated the most irrefragable proofs of the safety and wisdom of immediate emancipation and of the ability of the African race, to value, defend and enjoy the blessings of freedom. The apologists of slavery, are con- stantly reminding Abolitionists of the "SCENES IN ST. DOMINGO.” Were the public familiar with the origin and history of those scenes, none but Abolitionists would dare to refer to them. We will endeavor in the next chapter to dispel the ignorance, which so extensively prevails relative to the "scenes in St. Do- mingo," and we trust our efforts will furnish new confirmation of the great truth, that the path of duty is the path of safety. CHAPTER VIII. EMANCIPATION IN ST. DOMINGO AND GUADALOUPE, AND PRESENT STATE OF ST. DOMINGO. IN 1790, the population of the French part of St. Domingo was estimated at 686,000. Of this nurnber, 42,000 were white, 44,000 free people of color, and 600,000 slaves. At the com- mencement of the French revolution the free colored people petitioned the National Assembly, to be admitted to political rights, and sent a deputation to Paris to attend to their interests. On the 8th March, 1790, a law was passed, granting to the colonies the right of holding representative assemblies, and of exercising to a certain extent, legislative authority. On the 28th of the same month, another law was passed, declaring that “all free persons in the colonies, who were proprietors, and residents of two years standing, and who contribute to the exi- gencies of the Statė, shall exercise the right of voting." . The planters insisted that this law did not apply to free color- ed persons. They proceeded to elect a general assembly, and in this election the free blacks were, with but few exceptions, prevented from voting. The newly elected assembly issued a manifesto, declaring they would rather die, than divide their political rights with "a bastard and degenerated race.” A por- tion of the free colored people resolved to maintain the rights 172 EMANCIPATION IN ST. DOMINGO. given them by the mother country, and assembled in arms under one of their own number named Oge. A letter addressed by this chief to the St. Domingo assembly, is fortunately extant, and explains the true origin of those awful calamities, which it is found expedient to ascribe to the Abolition of slavery. " SIRS, “A prejudice for a long time upheld, is at last about to fall. Charged with a commission honorable to myself, I call upon you to proclaim throughout the colony the decree of the Na- tional Assembly of the 28th March, which gives, without distinc- tion, to every free citizen the right of being admitted to all du- ties and functions whatever. My pretensions are just, and I do hope you will regard them. I shall not have recourse to any raising of the slave gangs. It is unnecessary and would be unworthy of me. I wish you to appreciate duly, the purity of my intentions. When I solicited of the National Assembly* the decree I obtained in favor of our American Colonists, known under the hitherto injurious distinction of the mixed race, I never comprehended in my claims the negroes in a state of slavery. You and our adversaries have mixed this with my proceedings to destroy my estimation in the minds of all well disposed people: but I have demanded only concessions for a class of free men, who have endured the yoke of your oppression for two centu- ries. We have no wish but for the execution of the decree of the 28th March. We insist on its promulgation; and we cease not to repeat to our friends, that our adversaries are not merely unjust to us, but to themselves, for they do not seem to know that their interests are one with ours. Before employing the means at my command, I will see what good temper will do; but if contrary to my object, you refuse what is asked, I will not answer for those disorders which may arise from merited revenge.” The shout of battle was the only answer returned to this let- ter. The free blacks were defeated, and their brave leader being taken prisoner, was, with a barbarity equalled only by its folly, broken alive on the wheel. A ferocious struggle now commenced between the two parties, and Oge's death was aw- fully avenged. On the 15th May, 1791, the French Conven- tion issued a decree declaring explicitly, that "free colored per- Oge had been one of the deputies who were sent to Paris. EMANCIPATION IN ST. DOMINGO. 173 sons were entitled to all the rights of citizenship.” The plan- ters however, refused to submit till after 2,000 whites and 10,000 blacks had perished. The free blacks had armed their own slaves; and many of the slaves belonging to the whites taking advantage of the disturbed state of the island revolted. The general assembly at length became alarmed, and on the 20th September, 1791, issued a proclamation announcing their acqui- escence in the decree of the 15th May, admitting the free blacks to political equality with the whites. This proclamation imme- diately restored peace, and the free blacks even assisted the planters in reducing to obedience their revolted slaves. The peace, however, was of short duration. Intelligence was soon received that the French Convention had yielded to the clamors of the planters, and on the 24th September, only four days after the Assembly's proclamation, had repealed the decree giving political rights to the free blacks. The irritation caused by this measure may easily be imagined, and the feelings of the free blacks were exasperated by an act of folly and presumption on the part of the Colonial Assembly. This body passed an order for disarming the whole free colored population. That popula- tion, however, instead of surrendering their arms, .challenged their proud oppressors to take them, and immediately rencwed the war. On the 4th April, 1792, the vacillating policy of the French government led it once more to pass a decree, investing the free negroes in the Colonies with political rights; and three Com- missioners, with 6,000 troops, were sent to St. Domingo to en- force the decree. The Commissioners arrived on the 13th September, and assumed the government of the island. In June, 1793, they quarrelled with the governor, and each party took arms. The Commissioners called to their aid 3,000 revolted slaves, promising pardon for the past, and freedom for the fu- ture. About this time it was estimated that no less than 10,000 of the white inhabitants had fled from the island, in con- sequence of its disturbed state, and this, be it remembered, before a single slave had been emancipated. The Commission- ers were successful in their contest with the governor, and re- tained the suprenie power in their own hands. But a new dan- ger threatened them. The planters were dissatisfied with the political rights conferred on the blacks, and were in many in- stances, hostile to the Republic which had been reared on the 15* 174 EMANCIPATION IN ST. DOMINGO. ruins of the French Monarchy. They therefore, entered into intrigues with the British Government, inviting it to take pos- session of the island, hoping that thus the old order of things would be restored. The Commissioners became acquainted with the intentions of the British to invade the island. Their only defensive force consisted of the 6,000 French troops and about 15,000 militia. On the latter they were sensible but little reliance could be placed. Under these circumstances, they determined to emancipate the slaves, in order that the whole colored population might thus be induced to array itself under the Republican standard. Bryant Edwards, a well known English writer, and a most devoted apologist for slavery in his history of this affair, after stating as a fact within his own knowledge, the overtures made by the St. Domingo planters to Great Britain, and that the Commissioners could not muster more than 22,000 effective men, adds, " These being necessari. ly dispersed in detachments throughout the different provinces, became on that accouut, little formidable to an invading army. Aware of this circumstance, the Commissioners, on the first intimation of an attack from the English, resorted to the despe- rate expedient of proclaiming all manner of slavery abolished.” The proclamation was made in September, 1793, and on the 19th of the same month, the British armament, under Colonel White, arrived at Jeremie, and took possession of the town, and afterwards entered Port au Prince. Thus we find, that the abolition of slavery in St. Domingo was not, as is generally supposed, the result of an insurrection by the slaves, but an act of political expediency. Let us now see what were the conse- quences of this act. The whole colored population remained loyal to the Republican cause. The British were masters only of the soil covered by their troops, and at length wearied out by the inveterate opposition they experienced, they abandoned all hopes of conquest, and in 1798 evacuated the island. In the mean time, the intercourse between the colony and the mother country became more and more interrupted. The seas were scoured by British cruisers, and the colonists were left by France to govern themselves. The whole colo- nial administration had been entirely subverted, the Commission- ers had returned to France, and it became necessary to adopt some political system. Under these circumstances, Toussaint, a black, who had acquired power and influence, submitted, in EMANCIPATION IN ST. DOMINGO. 175 1801, to a general assembly, a republican constitution, which was adopted, and the island was declared to be an independent State, on the 1st July, 1801. But during all this time, what was the conduct of the emancipated slaves ? Before we an- swer this question, let us remind the reader that the emancipa- tion was not only immediate but unpremeditated. No measures had been taken to fit about 600,000 slaves for freedom, but suddenly, unexpectedly, almost in the twinkling of an eye, they ceased to be property, and were invested with the rights of hu- man nature. ` And was the theory of the Rev. Dr. Hawkes verified in St. Domingo ? Did the manumitted slaves maintain themselves by begging and stealing, or did they destroy and displace the whites ? Let an eye-witness answer the inquiry. Colonel Malefant, then a resident on the island, says in his “Me- moire historique et politique des colonies et particulierement de celle de St. Domingue." p. 58. "After this public act of emancipation, the negroes remained quiet both in the south and in the west, and they continued to work upon all the plantations. There were estates indeed, which had neither owners nor managers resident upon them, for some of them had been put in prison by Montburn, and others fearing the same fate had fled to the quarter which had just been given up to the English. Yet upon these estates, though abandoned, the negroes continued their labors, where there were any, even inferior agents to guide them; and on those estates where no white men were left to direct them, they betook themselves to planting of provisions : but upon all the plantations where the whites resided, the blacks continued to labor quietly as before.” In another place, (p. 125,) he says: “ How did I succeed in the plain of the Cul de Sac, and on the plantation Gouraud, more than eight months after liberty had been granted to the blacks ? Let those who knew me at that time, and even the blacks themselves, be asked. They will reply that not a single negro upon that plantation, consist- ing of four hundred and fifty laborers, refused to work, and yet this plantation was thought to be under the worst discipline, and the slaves the most idle of any in the plain. I myself inspired the same activity into three other plantations of which I had the management.” He goes on to assert that “the colony was flourishing under Toussaint-the whites lived happily, and in 176 EMANCIPATION IN ST. DOMINGO. peace upon their estates, and the negroes continued to work for them.” Toussaint came into power under the French au- thority, 1796, and remained in power till 1802, or the com- mencement of the war with France. Thus it appears that the manumitted slaves continued quietly at work, from their eman- cipation in 1793, till 1802, a period of about eight years. This was not, let it be remembered, a season of peace. During most of the time a fierce war was waged against the English invaders. In this war a portion of the planters took part with the enemy, and experienced at the hands of the blacks, those cruelties which so often distinguish a civil war. But on a careful and scrupulous examination of the history of this pe- riod, we cannot find, that from the date of the emancipation in 1793, to the French invasion in 1802, a single white man was injured by the liberated slaves, unless he had previously placed himself in the attitude of a political enemy by siding with the British. Immediately on the evacuation of the island by the British, profound tranquillity prevailed, and the planters who re- mained, and the emigrants who returned, enjoyed their estates without molestation. Malefant is not the only witness we can cite to these facts. General Lacroix, who published his “ Memoirs for a history of St. Domingo," at Paris, in 1819, speaking of the colony in 1797, says, “It marched as by enchantment towards its ancient splendor : cultivation prospered; every day produced perceptible proofs of its progress. The city of the Cape, and the plantations of the North, rose up again visibly to the eye." p. 311. The author of "the History of St. Domingo," printed in Lon- don, 1818, speaking of Toussaint, says: " When he restored many of the planters to their estates, there was no restoration of their former property in human beings. No human being was to be bought or sold. Severe tasks, flagellations, and scanty food, were no longer to be en- dured. The planters were obliged to employ their laborers on the footing of hired servants; and the negroes were required to labor for their own livelihood. The amount of remuneration was not left to individual generosity or private agreement, but it was fixed by law, that the cultivators should have for their wages a third part of the crops. While this ample en- couragement was afforded for the excitement of industry, pe- EMANCIPATION IN ST. DOMINGO. 177 nalties were at the same time denounced for the punishment of idleness. “ The effects of these regulations were visible throughout the country. Obliged to work, but in a moderate manner, and for handsome wages, and at liberty for the most part to choose their own masters, the plantation negroes were in general contented, healthy and happy.” And now let Abolitionists be reminded of the “scenes in St. Domingo;" yes, let those scenes be constantly kept before the public as an awful and affecting memento of the justice due to the free blacks, and as a glorious demonstration of the perfect safety of immediate and unconditional emancipa- tion. Yet men who believe it safe to do immediate justice, and who find from history that God never permits a nation to suffer for obeying his commands, are held up to the derision and detestation of the community as fanatics and incendiaries. Let us see what new proofs of their fanaticism are afforded by the history of the abolition of slavery in Guadaloupe. On the 20th April, 1794, a British armament, under Sir Charles Grey, took the French island of Guadaloupe, many of the planters, as in St. Domingo, being royalists and favoring the cause of the invaders. On the 5th June following, a French force, under Victor Hugo, arrived to dispute the possession of the island. The Republican general immediately proclaimed the freedom of the slaves, in pursuance of a decree of the National Assembly of the preceding February ; and arming the negroes, led them against the enemy. The English were soon confined within narrow quarters, and by the 10th December, were compelled to evacuate the island. From this time, Guadaloupe remained a dependance of France till 1810, when it was retaken by the English. On the abolition of slavery, la police rurale, was substituted for it. The slaves were converted into free laborers, and were entitled to their food, and one fourth of the produce of their labor. They were 85,000 in number, and the whites only * These representations are confirmed by the fact, that the exports from St. Domingo in 1801, seven years after emancipation, were of sugar, 18,635, 132 lbs.; coffee, 43,420,270 lbs.; cotton, 2,480,340 lbs. McCulloch's Dict. of Commerce, p. 926. 178 EMANCIPATION IN GUADALOUPE. 13,000. So far was the cultivation of the island from being suspended by emancipation, that in 1801, an official report stated the plantations as follows, viz. : of sugar, 390 ; of coffee, 1355 ; of cotton, 328; and 25 grass farms. The peace of Amiens unhappily afforded Bonaparte an opportunity to re- establish slavery in Guadaloupe. In the summer of 1802, Richepanse landed on the island at the head of a powerful French force, and in a short time by the indiscriminate mas- sacre of all who opposed his purpose, fulfilled the object of his mission at the sacrifice, it is said, of nearly 20,000 negro lives. Immediately preceding this atrocious act, all was peace and prosperity; and so late as February, 1802, the supreme council of Guadaloupe, in an official document, alluding to the tran- quillity which reigned throughout the island, observed : “ We shall have the satisfaction of having given an example, which will prove that all classes of people may live in perfect harmony with each other, under an administration which secures JUS- TICE TO ALL CLASSES." In Guadaloupe, we see an instance of a great preponderating slave population suddenly emancipated, and yet peaceably pur- suing their labors for seven years, and living in harmony with the white proprietors. If we are to believe Colonizationists, the negro character is to be exhibited in all its perfection in Liberia ; but in America, the black man can never rise from his present degradation. Do we inquire the reason, we are promptly told, that no equal. ity can subsist between the white and black races, and that the latter to be great and happy must live alone. Strange it is, that instead of referring to St. Domingo as an apt illustration of their theory, they are fond of citing the present state of that island as a warning against Abolition—as a proof that free negroes are too indolent to work, too deficient in enterprise, to attain national prosperity. If such be the fact, how faithless must be their predictions of the future glory of Liberia. Let us now attend to the gloomy and disheartening account, which the chairman of the executive committee of the New- York Colonization Society gives us of St. Domingo; an account which, if true, ought to induce the Society to abandon their enterprise. “ More than thirty years have elapsed since slavery was PRESENT STATE OF ST. DOMINGO, 179 abolished in St. Domingo. Through scenes of unparalleled devastation and blood, the blacks expelled their white masters, and have ever since lived under a government of their own. But from the day of their emancipation to the present, the pop- ulation for the most part, have been idle and worthless. " St. Domingo was the garden of the new world—the richest of the Indies. But its villas have gone to ruin, and its fields run to waste. Thorns and briars have choked their gardens, and the plantations have been barren from idleness. The government has ever been despotic, and of necessity; and AT LAST its power has been called forth for the regulation of labor -the labor of freemen, to prevent the island from going en- tirely to ruin. The following extract from a late Haytien enactment is in point, and will serve as a practical commentary upon the mad schemes of our well meaning but deluded philan- thropists. We have extracted the following articles, which render the condition of the free blacks very little different from, if not actually worse than the condition of the slaves in any part of the United States."* Com. Advertiser, 24th September, 1834. Then follow extracts from the rural code of Hayti, from which it appears, that all persons without land or occupation are compelled to labor, and are liable to imprison- ment for idleness. It is remarkable that the philanthropists, on whose mad schemes this code is supposed to be a commentary, are ad- mitted on the 24th September, to be “well meaning," whereas, on the 9th June preceding, we were assured by this same * This last assertion is so very extraordinary, that we are constrained to believe Mr. Stone has never read the "enactment" from w The present rural code of Hayti was adopted in 1826. It is a document fill- ing about fifteen folio pages, and displays a strong desire to secure justice to the laborers. By this code, all “who shall not be able to show that they possess the means of subsistence, shall be bound to cultivate the earth." Such persons are required to hire themselves as farm laborers, but they are at perfect liberty to select their employer. The parties enter into written contracts for not less than three, nor more than nine years. The compen- sation to the laborers on a farm, varies according to the terms of the contract, from one-fourth to one-half of the whole produce of the farm. All disputes between the employer and his people are settled by a justice of the peace. The employer can no more flog or otherwise punish his "cultivators,” than an American farmer can his hired laborers. Not even for crimes is corporal punishment allowed in Hayti. The cultivator has by law, the whole of Saturday and Sunday to himself, and on other days he cannot be required to work after sunset. There is nothing to prevent him from ac property by industry and economy, buying a farm and hiring laborers in his turn. 180 PRESENT STATE OF ST. DOMINGO. gentleman, that the “ design" of these philanthropists was “to foment a servile war in the South.” To convince us how unfit negroes are for freedom, we are here informed that thirty years after slavery was abolished in St. Domingo, the govern- ment has at last exerted its power for the regulation of labor, to prevent the island from going entirely to ruin. It so hap- pens, that the regulation of labor, instead of being an expedient resolved to at last to save the island from ruin, was coeval with the Act of emancipation. On the 28th February, 1794, Etienne Polverel, “civil commissary of the Republic, delega- ted to the French Leeward islands in America, for the purpose of re-establishing the public order and tranquillity,” published in the name of the French people a rural code for the govern- ment of the liberated slaves in St. Domingo. It is long, and descends to minute particulars—a brief extract will show that it regulated labor. “The ordinary day's labor is limited to about nine hours, viz : from sunrise to half-past eight-from half-past nine to twelve-and from two to sunset, and in crop time it shall be extended to eight o'clock in the evening—The laborers shall be bound to obey the overseers, and the overseers to obey each other according to their rank; but their authority shall be confined to the cultivation and good order of the plantation. Those laborers, who in these points shall refuse to obey the order of the overseers, shall be subject to a month's imprison- ment, with labor during the day on public works, &c., &c. This code continued in force till August, 1798, when it was somewhat modified by Toussaint, and we have already seen on the authority of the history of St. Domingo, that “the planters were obliged to employ their laborers on the footing of hired servants, and the negroes were required to labor for their livelihood.” Hence it appears that the regulation of labor in St. Domingo, is not as Mr. Stone seems to suppose, a recent exertion of power on the part of the government. But what shall we say of the ruined villas, the barren plan- tations, the gardens choked with thorns ? Admitting Mr. Stone's melancholy picture to be correct, cannot we explain it, on other principles than such as would be fatal to the free- dom and happiness of millions? The zealous editor, seems wholly to have forgotten the terrible war which the Haytiens were compelled to wage in defence of their liberty. In 1802, PRESENT STATE OF ST. DOMINGO. 181 a French army landed in St. Domingo, for the purpose of'. again reducing its inhabitants to slavery, and a war ensued, which, for its desolating fury, is probably without a parallel. An historian of this war, thus concludes his account of it: “At length, in the month of December, 1803, the island was finally abandoned, a mere handful of the French troops escaping the destruction which had already overtaken 60,000 of their fellows! Thus for nearly two years, with a very brief inter- val, had a war raged in St. Domingo, singularly ferocious and vindictive in its character, and directed latterly more to extermination than to conquest, sparing neither sex nor age, and sweeping away from the whole face of the plains of that beautiful island every trace of cultivation. So complete was the extinction of all sugar culture in particular, that for a time not an ounce of that article was procurable. The very roots and fruits on which subsistence depended, were cultivated only in mornes. Desolation, therefore, could hardly be con- ceived more complete, than prevailed in 1804 and 1805 over all those parts of the colony, which had formerly been covered with plantations; and it is well known how soon the rank vegetation of a tropical climate converts the neglected planta- tion into jungle.” And is it a proof that slaves ought never to be emancipated, that St. Domingo has not in thirty years, after such wide spread desolation, become again in the hands of men recently deliver, ed from bondage, and for the most part, poor and ignorant, "the garden of the new world ?" And was, indeed, that an “idle and worthless” population which successfully resisted the arms of England and of France, and achieved their freedom by an heroic sacrifice of their lives and property-a sacrifice, which had their complexion been white, would have been celebrated by poets and orators in every portion of the civilized world? Let us now inquire, whether the present state of the island is in truth such as is alleged. The Rev. Simon Clough, D. D., L. L. D., has lately pub- lished a pamphlet, (“ Appeal to the Citizens of the United States”) in which he undertakes to justify slavery from the Scrip- tures, and to prove that all clergymen who advocate immediate abolition, are“ false teachers, and ought to be dismissed by their congregations. Now this most veracious teacher, speak- 16 182 PRESENT STATE OF ST. DOMINGO, ing of St. Domingo, assures us, (p. 16 :) At the present time, * there is not ONE sugar, coffee, or cotton plantation on the island. There is now exported about five million pounds of inferior cof- fee, which grows wild, and is picked up by the inhabitants of the ground, where it falls after it becomes ripe." Strange it is, that this island, if in the state described by Messrs. Stone and Clough, should support a population of 935,000.t Still more strange is it, that when the whole export of coffee is only about five million pounds, it should appear from the report of the Secretary of the Treasury, that the coffee exported in 1833, from Hayti to the United States alone, amount- ed to eleven million, seven hundred eighty-four thousand, eight hundred and thirty-five pounds. Most passing strange is it, that the imports into this country, in the same year, from an island in which there is not ONE sugar, coffee, or cotton plan. tation ; with an idle and worthless population; with its fields run to waste, and its plantations barren from idleness, should nevertheless exceed in value our imports in the same period, from either Prussia-Sweden and Norway-Denmark, and the Danish West-Indies-- Ireland and Scotland-Holland- Belgium-Dutch East-Indies—British West-Indies_Spain- Portugal-all Italy—Turkey and the Levant-or any one re- public in South America ! | Neither Mr. Stone nor Dr. Clough, profess to speak from personal observation. Let us then listen to an eye-witness. In 1831, was published in a London periodical, the journal of a traveller in Hayti. The following are extracts : “ Port au Prince, Island of Hayti, June 25, 1830. “Being aware that this city had very recently suffered greatly by fire, I expected to see an unsightly waste of ruin and decay but the lots are rebuilt, and many a splendid and substantial edifice surpassing those to be seen in the city of Kingston in Jamaica, has arisen as the first fruits of the security which property enjoys, by the recognized independence of Hayti. . “I have made an excursion or two, just out of the town, to the little cottage settlements, on the side of the mountain above • * The pamphlet was published in New-York, 1334. + Census of 1824. * See documents accompanying Letter from Secretary of the Treasury to the Speaker of the House of Representatives, 21st April, 1834. PRESENT STATE OF ST. DOMINGO. 183 the city. I am told, that in the ancient Regime-that is the phrase here for the old state of things, the plains were a source of so abundant a return for the industry of the proprietor, that the mountains in this neighborhood were comparatively neg. lected, so that the Camp des Fourmis,' the range of hills so called, extending from Point Lamentine to the Cul de Sac, were heretofore never cultivated as they are now. At present they are covered with a thousand small settlements appropriated to coffee, and provisions, and fruits, and vegetables, in which the advantages of irrigation, presented by the frequent springs, bursting from the mountain ravines, have been diligently at- tended to, in the agricultural economy. The water is trench- ed over the sunny surface of each projecting irregularity of the ridge ; and height above height, the cottage of the humble cultivator is seen; or the substantial country-seat of the Hay- tien merchant, with its baths, bowers, and terraced gardens have been erected. .“ Port au Prince, though by no means a handsome town, is at this day, in style, and one may say splendor, far superior to what it was in the colonial period of its history. “The frequent calamities to which it has been subjected from fire, and the immense and valuable property lost by earthquakes in the years 1820 and 1822, have led the Haytiens to attempt providing against the two-fold liability, as they expressed it of being bouleverse et incendie. They have commenced re-erect- ing some of the houses destroyed by these conflagrations, with stone or brick, cased over wooden frames, at once to sustain the shock of the earthquake, and to repel the action of the fire. They cover the roofs with tiles, or slates rather than shingles; and erect their stores for merchandise with fire-proof terraces, and wrought iron doors and windows.. These buildings have galleries and arched colonnades, with heavy cornices and bal- ustrades screening the roof; and floors of variegated marble, and tiles in the upper as well as lower stories. If continu- ed generally, they will render this city not only one of the most elegant in the West-Indies, but one in which the houses will exhibit an interior economy, the very best adapted to the necessities of the climate. The decorations are appropriate. The rich, varied mahogany of the country is manufactured into elegant furniture by the artizans here; and the French taste of gilded mirrors, or Molu clocks, and porcelain vases, PRESENT STATE OF ST. DOMINGO. 185 expelled, there was absolutely no sugar work—there was no mill—there was nothing of that kind which could be put in use : it was destroyed; and since that period, various plantations have grown up in Hayti. Men have gone to the expense of thirty and forty thousand dollars, to build up those sugar works; and it stands to reason, that unless these men were repaid for their capital, they would not continue that sort of work. And there is another thing to be observed—that sugar is not the staple com- modity of Hayti; they only make sufficient for their own con- sumption. Coffee is the staple commodity of the island. “If a man can show, that he has the means of subsist- ence of his own, is he compelled to labor under the code rurale? “Decidedly not. “Do you believe that corporal punishment is inflicted upon any of the laborers in Hayti? “I believe it is impossible. I have seen the peasantry in the Highlands of Scotland where I was brought up, and I declare that the negroes in St. Domingo are comparatively as much superior to them in comfort, as it is possible for one man to be over another." Evidence of Vice Admiral, the Hon. Charles Fleming, member of Parliament. “Was told that vagrants and deserters worked by compul- .sion, but he did not see any himself. Had never heard of any working under the lash. The lash was prohibited by law. The Haytiens appeared to him the happiest, best fed, and most comfortable negroes he had ever seen; better off even than in the Caraccas : infinitely better than in Jamaica ; there was no comparison between them. He could not speak positively of the increase of the Haytien population since 1804, but believed it had trebled since that time. They now feed themselves, and they export provisions, which neither the French nor the Span- iards had ever done before. "He saw a sugar estate near Cape Haytien, General Bou. lon's, extremely well cultivated, and in beautiful order. It was wrought by blacks, all free. A new plantation was forming on the opposite side of the road. Their victuals were very su- perior to those in Jamaica, consisting chiefly of meat; cattle being very cheap. The highest contract beef in Hayti, was 2d. in Jamaica it was 12d. He saw no marks of destitution 16* 186 - PRESENT STATE OF ST. DOMINGO. , any where. The country seemed improving, and trade increas- ing. The estate he visited near the Cape was large; it was calculated to make 300 hogsheads of sugar. It was beautifully laid out, and as well managed as any estate he had seen in the West Indies. His official correspondence as Admiral with the Haytien government, made him attribute much efficiency to it, and it bore strong marks of civilization. There was a better po- lice in Hayti, than in the new South American States; the com- munication was more rapid; the roads much better. One had been cut from Port au Prince to Cape Haytien, that would do honor to any country. A regular post was established. The government is one quite worthy of a civilized people. The negroes of Hayti, are certainly richer, and happier, and in a better con- dition than he had ever seen elsewhere. They were all work- ing in the fields when he was there. He rode about very much. He did not think any acts of oppression were practised on the people of Hayti by the government.” Mr. Jeremie, late first president of the royal court of St. Lucia, informs us that in St. Domingo, “is found a happy, flour- ishing, and contented peasantry, engaged in the cultivation of their own small freeholds; and as these persons acquire capital, they form larger establishments, and are gradually rising. This proves, that the general wants of the community are sup- plied, and, if well governed, that community must soon acquire strength, and rise to importance." Essays on Colonial slave- ry, 1832, p. 63. The following facts, collected from the new and valuable “Dictionary of Commerce and Commercial Navigation," by J. R. McCulloch, London edition, 1834, abundantly confirm the foregoing testimonies. In 1736, the exportation of coffee was about 35,000 tons. In consequence of the subsequent devastation of the island, the ex- portation for some years almost totally ceased; but it has now risen to about 20,000 tons ! p. 309. The amount of the following articles, exported in 1832, was estimated as follows, viz: Coffee, . . . . 50,000,000 lbs. Cotton, . . . . . . 1,500,000 lbs. Tobacco, . . . . . 500,000 lbs. Cocoa, 500,000 lbs. Dye wood, . . . 5,000,000 lbs. ! EMANCIPATION IN THE BRITISH WEST INDIES. 187 Tortoise shell . . . 12,000 lbs. Mahogany, . . . i 6,000,000 feet Hides, . . . . . 80,000-p.927. The quantity of sugar exported in 1832, is not stated; but in 1826, it amounted to 32,864 lbs.; and it should be recol- ·lected, that about twenty years before, not an ounce of that article was manufactured on the island, p. 926. The imports into France, in 1831, from Hayti, exceeded in value the imports from Sweden-Denmark, the Hanseatic Towns-Holland Portugal - Austria--the French East In- dies—or China, p. 637. In the same year, the importation of French wines into Hayti amounted to 108,495 gallons, p. 1250.* Cotton manufactures, to the amount of 6,828,576 yards, were exported from Great Britain to Hayti in 1831, being about one-tenth the number of yards exported the same year to the United States, p. 446. Our readers are now competent to judge for themselves how far the assertions of Mr. Stone and the Rev. Dr. Clough, are consistent with truth; and also, what is “the practical com- mentary” offered by the history and present state of St. Do- mingo, on "the mad schemes of our well meaning but de- luded philanthropists." CHAPTER IX. EMANCIPATION IN THE BRITISH WEST INDIES. The British Government, in part to conciliate the West India proprietors, and in part through apprehension of the danger of immediate emancipation, determined to abolish şlavery in such a manner as to fit the slave for freedom. In- stead of breaking his yoke, it was to be reduced in weight; and six years were to be occupied in filing off his manacles. On the first of last August, the slave was told and believed, that slavery was abolished; but on the morrow, he was sum- *The quantity of French wine imported the same year into Great Britain for home consumption, was 254,366 gallons. p. 1265. 188 EMANCIPATION IN THE BRITISH WEST INDIES. moned to his usual task, and required to work as before, with- out reward. Astonished and disappointed, he doubted the le- gality of the mandate, and hesitated to obey it. He was then informed, that, although no longer a slave, he was never- theless an apprentice, and must toil on for six years longer, be- fore he could enjoy the fruit of his labor. Had emancipation been nominally, as well as really, prospective, the slave would have regarded it as a boon; but he did not readily comprehend the distinction between slavery and apprenticeship. There was, however, a very important distinction, which he soon discovered, and which did not promote his acquiescence in protracted wrong. The lash was, by act of Parliament, wrested from the master's hand; and while he was authorized to command his apprentices to labor, he was forbidden to pu- nish them for idleness or insubordination. On this subject a Ja- maica paper remarks: “It is clear, and there is no use in disguis- ing the fact, that the apprentices can no longer be coerced in the way they formerly were ; for in the first place, no magistrate can legally inflict more than twenty-nine stripes, and, in the next, it is not possible to furnish magistrates enough for the purpose. The hope, therefore, of coercing, is absurd, and must be abandoned.” The conduct of the West India negroes, under these cir- cumstances, proves how utterly groundless are the apprehen- sions entertained of emancipation. Disappointed and irritated, and at the same time almost wholly released from the control of their masters, they have exhibited a meekness, patience, and forbearance, utterly without a parallel. The great mass of the apprentices continue to labor, but some have either refused to work, or accomplish less than their appointed tasks. None of the insurrections, murders and conflagrations, which were so confidently predicted by the enemies of abolition, have occurred. Not one life has yet been taken, not one dwell- ing fired,* throughout the British West Indies, by the eman.' cipated slaves. This forbearance is the more remarkable, when we consider the numerical superiority of the negroes, in the West Indies, and particularly in Jamaica, where there are 331,000 slaves, and only 37,000 whites. Two sheds, called trash houses, were lately burned in Jamaica, pro- bably, but not certainly, by an apprentice. EMANCIPATION IN THE BRITISH WEST INDIES. 189 Whatever may be the result of the apprenticeship experi- ment, Abolitionists are not responsible for it. It was adopted contrary to their advice, and is in consistent with the doctrines they profess. The emancipation which they believe to be most consonant with the will of God, most conducive to the safety and happiness of the whites; is immediate and uncon- ditional. They rejoice that their doctrines are at this moment subjected to a severe and practical test, and they await the issue with unshaken confidence. The Legislatures of Bermuda and Antigua, have adopted the very course which the American Anti-Slavery Society recommends to the slave States. With the permission of the British government, these Legislatures dispensed with the ap- prenticeship altogether, and on the first of last August, granted immediate and unqualified emancipation. That we may judge of the fanaticism, the madness, the wreckless incendiarism of these Legislatures we must take into consideration the number of slaves they “ let loose upon the community," and their rela- tive proportion to the white population. In Bermuda there are 5,500 whites, 4,650 slaves, and 500 free blacks. In Antigua, 2,000 whites, 30,000 slaves, and 4,500 free blacks.* The Bermuda Gazette, of the 4th August, thus speaks of the great change effected on the 1st : . "The day was as remarkable for quietude, exemption from labor, and solemnity, as that which marks the Sabbath in a Christian land. The only bustle perceptible, was in prepara- tion for attending public worship, which his Excellency, the Governor, most wisely ordered to be performed : thereby dedi- cating it wholly to God, the willer and doer of this great work. The churches and other places of public worship on the island, were crowded to excess, every possible accommodation being afforded to the colored people. From every quarter we hear of their orderly, nay more, exemplary behavior. Four days of universal freedom have now passed, and four days of more perfect regularity and quiet have these famed peaceful islands never witnessed.” Such was the immediate result of turning loose 4,000 slaves. Let us now attend to the subsequent testimony. The Hon. American Almanac.. EMANCIPATION IN ANTIGUA. 191 We quote from the same paper of the 21st August : “The third week of freedom will close with this day, and again we are bound to express our gratitude and praise to the Divine goodness, for the perfect peace and tranquillity, which the island enjoys. Not the least symptom of insubordination has manifested itself any where; and the daily accounts from all quarters testify to the excellent disposition and conduct of the new freemen. In a letter from Antigua, dated 30th August, and published in a Norfolk paper, we find the following: “The operations of commerce have experienced no inter- ruption ; public confidence remains unshaken. · Two sugar plantations have recently leased for as much as they were worth with the negroes included, prior to emancipation.” While the Jamaica papers are filled with complaints of the conduct of the apprentices, and predictions of the ruin of the island, one of them (10th September) says : “In Antigua, all appears to be peaceable and quiet. Its rulers evinced more wis- dom, and proved themselves to be better tacticians, than those of any other colonies, Bermuda excepted. In getting rid of the apprenticeship they got rid of the source, and only source of heart-burning between them and their laborers; and we main- tain, as a free colony, will soon experience advantages not to be enjoyed by others, so long at least as the humbug continues." About eight months have now elapsed since the thirty thou- sand slaves of Antigua were suddenly “let loose," and, as yet, we have not heard of a single outrage committed by them. It had been customary in this island, as an additional security against insurrection, to proclaim martial law at the Christmas holy-days, during which times the slaves had peculiar oppor- tunities for forming conspiracies. The great act of justice ac- complished on the first of August, relieved the planters of all apprehension of insurrection; and not only was the usual proclamation withheld at the last Christmas, but the militia was exempted from duty. In a late speech, by the Speaker of the Antigua House of Assembly, he adverted to the “universal tranquillity" that prevailed, and to the “respectful demeanor of the lower classes ;” and declared, that “the agricultural and commercial prosperity of the colony was absolutely on the ADVANCE.” 192 GRADUAL EMANCIPATION. CHAPTER X. GRADUAL AND IMMEDIATE EMANCIPATION. If we have been successful in our endeavors to prove, that the removal of slavery by colonization is both morally and physically impossible, then it necessarily follows, that the slaves must be emancipated here, or that slavery must be indefinitely continued. Should the former alternative be adopted, the important question occurs : ought the emancipation to be gradual or immediate? If this question is to be determined with reference to moral obligation, it is certainly difficult for those who regard slavery as sinful to justify its continuance even for a limited time. If, however, the question is to be decided on the ground of mere political expediency, there are many and powerful objections to gradual emancipation; and what may at first view appear paradoxical, the strength of these objections is proportioned to the number of slaves to be emancipated. In New-York, slavery was for the most part gradually abo.. lished ; that is, the children, born after a certain day, became free, as they respectively reached the age of twenty-eight years; and when the whole number of slaves were reduced to ten thousand, they were liberated in a single day. In New- York, the white population so greatly exceeded the black, that no jealousy was entertained of the free negroes, and no incon- venience experienced in uniting free and slave labor. But in those States, in which nearly all the laborers are slaves, where every free black is regarded as a nuisance and an incendiary, and where the planter would, on no consideration, permit him to labor in company with his slaves, much difficulty would necessarily attend a gradual relinquishment of slave labor. Suppose, in South Carolina for instance, ten thousand slaves should be annually manumitted by law. This would certainly be gradual emancipation, as it would require about forty years to free the whole number. Now, what would become of these ten thousand yearly discharged from the plantations ? Would their late masters be willing to hire them, and turn them back into their cotton fields ? The supposition is extravagant. GRADUAL EMANCIPATION. 193 The planter would dread their influence on his remaining slaves, and these would certainly, and with great reason, be dissatisfied at seeing their late companions working for wages, while they themselves were denied any compensation for their toil. But if the ten thousand liberated slaves were not employed, how could they obtain a livelihood, and how could the planters sup. ply their place on the plantations ? The idea, that by gradual emancipation, the slaves will become fit for freedom, is visiona- ry in the extreme. How is it possible that the liberation of a portion of the slaves, can qualify those who remain in chains, to become useful citizens ? The house of bondage is not the school in which men are to be trained for liberty. As then gradual emancipation, however desirable, if no other can be obtained, is so full of difficulty, and, in the opinion of slave holders, so dangerous that they have almost universally passed laws to prevent it, the only alternative is immediate emancipation or continued slavery. It seems scarcely possible, that any conscientious man, after considering the results of immediate emancipation in St. Do- mingo, and Guadaloupe, in New-York, in Mexico, in South America, and in the West Indies, should join in the popular clamor against it, as necessarily leading to massacre and ra- pine. No reason can be assigned, why the whites would not possess the same physical power to prevent or suppress outrage after, as before emancipation; but abundant reason may be given, why the blacks, when restored to their rights, and enjoy- ing the protection and privileges of civil society, should be less disposed to destroy their benefactors and deliverers, than they are when smarting under cruelty and injustice, to destroy those whom they regard as their tyrants and op- pressors. Who, with the knowledge, that no white man has ever been murdered in consequence of immediate emancipation, dares to declare in the presence of his Maker, that self-preservation for- bids the abolition of slavery ? But we are met with the inquiry, how are the owners to be compensated for the loss of their property? This same objec- tion was made to the suppression of the African slave trade. British merchants had invested large capitals in the traffic, and it was contended, that to prohibit the trade, was to violate the rights of property. All governments possess the right COMPENSATION. 196 So far as the whole amount of wealth in the community is concerned, it would be enhanced, not diminished by eman- cipation. This may seem a strange assertion to follow the estimate we have just made of the market value of the slave population. But what is the price paid for a slave? Nothing more than the amount of his wages for life, paid in advance, paid it is true to another, but still paid as an equivalent for la. bor to be performed, and to be refunded with interest out of that labor. Now it is obvious that it is the product of this labor, which can alone add any thing to the aggregate wealth ; and that no diminution of that wealth can be caused, by paying for the labor as it is performed, monthly, or yearly, instead of pay- ing for the whole of it in advance. This argument, it may be said, applies only to the purchase and sale of slaves; but that where a planter is already in pos- session of them, he would certainly lose a part of his profits, by being compelled to pay him wages, and this loss would be so much deducted by emancipation from the general stock. The fallacy of this opinion may be perceived by recollecting that it can in no degree affect the national wealth, whether the horse with which a farmer tills his corn-field, was reared by himself, or purchased from his neighbor. It is the corn pro- duced, and not the money paid for the animal by one man and received by another, that augments the riches of the country. If the slaves are worth a thousand millions of dollars, it is evidence that their labor must be worth much more; because, to their price is to be added the cost of their maintenance, and the whole is to be reimbursed with profit out of their labor. Now Colonization, would utterly annihilate all this labor; it calls upon the South to surrender a commodity worth more than a thousand millions; and upon this surrender, which would convert the whole slave region into a wilderness, it rests all its hopes of the ultimate abolition of slavery !! Emancipation on the contrary, instead of removing millions of laborers, would stimulate their industry, improve their mo- rals, quicken their intelligence, and convert a dangerous, idle, and vicious population into wholesome citizens. Were all the slaves in South Carolina emancipated to-morrow, every branch of industry would derive new energy, and every species of property, an increased value from the additional security MODES OF EMANCIPATION. 197 youth, and in old age; the expense also of the idle and worth- less, is as great as that of the good. Their cost as free laborers would be but little more than at present, while their characters would be improved, and the employer could select such laborers as his occasions required. The laborers, finding their wages, and of course their comforts depending on their good con- duct, would be prompted to industry and sobriety; and having nothing to gain by insurrection, and feeling no injuries to avenge, all malignant designs against their employers would be laid aside, and they would soon make such advances in intelligence and morality, as would contribute no less to the good order and peace of society, than to their own hap- piness. Abolitionists are constantly called on for a plan of emanci- pation. They have little encouragement to respond to the call. If they propose the simple plan of proclaiming by act of the State Legislatures, the immediate and unqualified abolition of slavery, they are denounced as reckless incendiaries. "If they intimate, that abolition does not necessarily inhibit all compulso- ry labor, and point to the rural code of St. Domingo and the apprentice system of the West Indies, they are reproached with wishing to substitute one kind of slavery for another, But, in truth, they are under no obligation of duty or policy to propose any specific plan. No Temperance Society has felt itself bound because it pronounced the traffic in ardent spirits to be sinful, to furnish venders with plans for employing their capi- tals in other occupations. The details of emancipation, and the various legal provisions proper to render it safe and convenient, are not prescribed by the great principles of justice and religion, but by considera- tions of local policy. It is not probable, that if all the Southern Legislatures were sincerely anxious to abolish slavery, any two of them would do it in precisely the same manner, and under the same regulations. We have seen one plan pursued in St. Domingo, another in Bermuda and Antigua, a third in the other British West-Indies, and still different plans in South America. Of all these plans, that adopted in Mexico, Bermuda and Antigua, of immediate, total and unqualified emancipation, will, there is reason to believe, be found in all cases the most safe and expedient. 17* 198 MODES OF EMANCIPATION. This plan removes from the slave all cause for discontent. He is free, and his own master, and he can ask for no more. Yet he is, in fact, for a time, absolutely dependent on his late owner. He can look to no other person for food to eat, clothes to put on, or house to shelter him. His first wish therefore is, to remain where he is, and he receives as a favor, permission to labor in the service of him whom the day before he regard- ed as his oppressor. But labor is no longer the badge of his servitude, and the consummation of his misery: it is the evi- dence of his liberty, for it is voluntary. For the first time in his life, he is a party to a contract. He negotiates with his late master, and returns to the scene of his former toil, and the scene of his stripes and his tears, with a joyful heart, to labor for HiMSELF. The wages he has agreed to accept, will, in fact, be little more than the value of his maintenance; for it is not to be expected, that in a treaty with his employer, his diplomacy will gain for him any signal advantages; but still there will be a charm in the very name of wages which will make the pittance he receives, appear a treasure in his eyes. Thus will the transition from slave to free labor be effected instan- taneously, and with scarcely any perceptible interruption of the ordinary pursuits of life. In the course of time, the value of negro labor, like all other vendible commodities, will be regulated by the supply and demand : and justice be done both to the planter and his laborers. The very consciousness, more- over, that justice is done to both parties, will remove their mutual suspicions and animosities, and substitute in their place feelings of kindness and confidence. No white man in Anti- gua, surrounded as he is by blacks, now dreams of insurrec- tion, or fears the midnight assassin. Can as much be said of our Southern planters ? In concluding this chapter, we beg leave to address the fol- | lowing questions to the reader, and we beseech him seriously to inquire, what duties are prompted by the answers which his conscience and understanding may compel him to return. Do you believe it to be agreeable to the will of God, and the welfare of our country, that slavery should be perpetual ? Is it either possible or probable, that slavery can or will be removed by colonization ? DANGER OF SLAVERY. 199 If slavery be not abolished by law, is it not probable, that it will, in time, be terminated by violence ? Do the precepts of christianity, and the lessons of history, recommend gradual in preference to immediate emancipation? CHAPTER XI. DANGER OF CONTINUED SLAVERY. WHILE slave holders and Colonizationists delight to expatiate on the danger of immediate emancipation, and to represent its advocates as reckless incendiaries, ready to deluge the country in blood, they seem scarcely conscious that any danger is to be apprehended from slavery itself. Yet the whole history of slavery is a history of the struggles of the oppressed to recover their liberty. The Romans had their servile wars, in one of which forty thousand slaves were embodied in arms—Italy ra- vaged, and Rome herself menanced. A European writer remarks: “ The formidable rebellion of the Jamaica slaves, in 1762, is well known; and in almost every island in the Archipelago, have repeated insurrections broken out; sometimes the result of plans laid with the utmost secrecy, and very widely extended, always accompanied by the horrors of African warfare." The destruction of property in Jamaica, in the insurrection of 1832, was estimated by the Legislature at £1,154,583. Any commotion of the emancipated slaves, that should cost the island one-hundredth part of this sum, would be hailed both there and here, as demonstrative of the folly and hazard of emancipation. And have we not in our own country, had melancholy, heart- rending proofs of the danger of slavery ? In 1712, and 1741, negro insurrections occurred in New- York, and we may judge of the alarm they excited, by the shocking means used to prevent their recurrence. Of the lead- ers of the last insurrection, thirteen were burned alive, eighteen hung, and eighty transported. In the single State of South- Carolina, there have been no less than seven insurrections designed or executed. In 1711, the House of Assembly com- plained of certain fugitive slaves, who "keep out armed, and 200 DANGER OF SLAVERY. robbing and plundering houses and plantations, and putting the inhabitants of this province in great fear and terror." In 1730, an open rebellion occurred, in which the negroes were actually armed and embodied. In 1739, there were no less than three - rebellions, as appears from a petition from the Council and As- sembly to the king, in which they complain of an “insurrection of our slaves, in which many of the inhabitants were murder- ed in a barbarous and cruel manner; and that was no sooner quelled, than another projected in Charleston, and a third lately in the very heart of the settlements, but happily discovered time enough to be prevented.” In 1816, there was a conspiracy of the slaves in Camden and its vicinity, “ the professed design of which was to murder all the whites and free themselves.” The conspiracy in Charleston in 1822, and the sacrifice of human life to which it led, are well known. But in no instance, has the danger of slavery been so vividly illustrated, as in the tra- gedy of Southampton. A fanatic slave conceived, from some supposed signs in the heavens, or peculiarity in the weather, that he was called by God to destroy the whites. He communicated his commission to five other slaves, who engaged to aid him in executing it. The conspirators agreed to meet at a certain place, on the night of the 21st August, 1831. They assembled at the ap- pointed hour, and the leader, Nat Turner, beheld with surprise a sixth man, who had not been invited by him to join the enter- prise, but who had learned from another source, the cause of the meeting; and on inquiring for what purpose he had come, receiy- ed the remarkable answer : “My life is worth no more than that of others, and my liberty as dear to me.” With these six associ- ates, Turner commenced the work of destruction. By sunrise, the number of murderers was swelled to fourteen, and by ten o'clock the same morning, to forty! From the testimony given on the trial of Turner, and which has been published, it appears, that there was no previous con- cert, except between Turner and his six original associates, and that no white or free colored man was privy to their design. The dates we have given of the various insurrections, prove conclusively, that they were in no degree connected with dis- cussions respecting Abolition ; and at the time of the Southamp- ton massacre, there was no Anti-Slavery Society in the United States advocating immediate emancipation. DANGER OF SLAVERY. 201 Abolitionists have been often charged with a desire to foment insurrections ; but the charge is wholly gratuitous, and no proof whatever of such sublimated wickedness has ever been addu- ced against them. On the contrary, their characters, profes- sions and conduct repel the calumny. The whole history of Abolition shows, that its only tendency is to insure peace and safety. We have brought facts to establish the danger of slavery; let us now attend to the confessions of slave holders to the same point. A South Carolina writer, while urging the necessity of a stricter police over the slaves, thus describes them: "Let it never be forgotten, that our negroes are truly the Jacobins of the country; that they are the anarchists, and the domestic enemy; THE COMMON ENEMY OF CIVILIZED SOCIETY, AND THE BARBARIANS WHO WOULD IF THEY COULD, BECOME THE DESTROYERS OF OUR RACE."* The Southern Religious Telegraph says: “Hatred to the whites, with the exception in some cases of attachment to the person and family of the master, is nearly universal among the black population. We have then a Foe cherished in our very bosoms-a foe WILLING TO DRAW OUR LIFE-BLOOD, whenever the opportunity is offered, and, in the mean time, intent on doing us all the mischief in his power.”. Now, be it recollected, that these “ destroyers of our race," these foes, willing “ to draw the life-blood” of the whites, are rapidly advancing to an immense numerical majority. And on what grounds do the whites rest their hope of security from these Jacobins, and anarchists-on equal laws, the diſfu- sion of education, and the influence of religion? Let Governor Haynes of South Carolina, answer the question. “A STATE OF MILITARY PREPARATION, must always be with us a state of perfect domestic security. A profound peace, and consequent apathy, may expose us to the danger of domestic insurrection.” — Message to the Legislature, 1833. Thus, profound peace, which is a blessing to all other people, will be a curse to the slave holders, and they are to hold all that is dear to them by the tenure of military preparation ! Is it, we ask, possible, for any nation to have a worse popu- lation than that described in the preceding extracts, or to be * A refutation of the calumnies inculcated against the Southern and Western States.-Charleston, 1822. 202 DANGER OF SLAVERY. doomed to a more deplorable fate, than that of perpetual mili- tary preparation ? We have now seen, what are the religious and political prin: ciples, and what are the historical facts which lead the Ameri- can Anti-Slavery Society to recommend immediate emancipa- tion to their Southern brethren. But it is demanded, with an air of supercilious triumph, what have Northern men to do with slavery, and what right have they to interfere with the domestic institutions of the South ? And is this question addressed to the followers of HIM who commanded his disciples to “go into all the world, and to preach the Gospel to every creature ?" As well might it be asked of the Christians of America, what they have to do with the religion of Brahma, --what right they have to interfere to rescue the widow from the burning pile, or the devotee from the wheels of Juggernaut ? Christians are no less bound by the injunction to “ do good unto all men,' to endeavor, by lawful means, to break the ſetters of the slave, than to deliver the vic- tim of Pagan superstition. The obligation is imperative, and they who duly respect its authority, will not be deterred by vio- lence or denunciation from obeying its monitions. The same moral sense which has led Abolitionists to oppose slavery, will, we trust, forever lead them to repudiate in their practice tho detestable doctrine, that the end sanctifies the means. The means they employ, except in relation to slavery under the au- thority of Congress, are wholly confined to arguments address- ed to the conscience and understanding; and intended only to excite the voluntary action of the masters. With them, and with them alone, rests the power of deciding on the course they will pursue. But let them ponder well the consequences to themselves and their posterity, of their momentous decision. By rejecting Abolition, they reject all the rich and varied blessings in morals, in security, in political power and wealth, which it offers to their acceptance. And what do they retain —the licentiousness, cruelty, and injustice; the depression of enterprise, the wasting of strength, the fearful forebodings, the hourly jeopardy, the frowns of public opinion, and the re- proaches of conscience, which are and must be the inseparable attendants on slavery. Before they refuse to retreat from the volcano on which they are standing, let them look into the ter- ritic crater which yawns beneath them. PUBLIC OPINION. 205 Jaws will be passed, and treaties made, for excluding the pro- ducts of slave labor from Europe. So long ago as 1806, Mr. Windham, in the House of Com- mons, “ did not hesitate to say, that when the proper time arri- ved, and the consent of other powers could be obtained for its abolition, slavery ought not to be suffered to exist among the institutions of any civilized State.” The emperor of Austria has issued a decree, declaring- “Every man, by the right of nature, sanctioned by reason, must be considered a free person. Every slave becomes free from the moment he touches the Austrian soil, or an Austrian ship.” The Edinburgh Review insists, that “the existence of slavery in America, is an atrocious crime, with which no means can be kept.” Mr. Buckingham, member of Parliament, lately asserted at a public meeting : " The greater proportion of the people of England, demand not merely emancipation, but the immediate emancipation of the slaves, in whatever quarter of the world they may be found.” Daniel O'Connell, shortly before the abolition of slavery in the British dominions, declared in public : “ The West-Indies will be obliged to grant emancipation, and then we will turn to America, and to every part of Europe, and require emancipation.” A Society has just been formed in England, entitled, “the British and Foreign Society for the universal abolition of negro slavery and the slave trade.” Our pride may revolt at the idea of foreign interference, but it will be the interference not of force, but of public opinion, against which our fleets and armies will be of no avail." We cannot compel other countries to buy our cotton and sugar; or to admit our citizens from the South, when they visit Europe, to the usual courtesies of social intercourse. " When an American comes into society,” said Daniel O'Con- nell, in a numerous assembly, “he will be asked, 'Are you one of the thieves, or are you an honest man? If you are an honest man, then you have given liberty to your slaves; if you are among the thieves, the sooner you take the outside of the house the better.'” 206 CONCLUSION. The very coarseness of this invective in the mouth of the great Agitator, indicates the temper of the British population on this subject; a temper which, fostered as it is by the progress of liberal principles, will, in time, become the temper of all Europe ; and, indeed, of all the world. While the slave holders are suffering, without sympathy and without redress, from the harassing influence of this temper, their slaves will be multi- plying with a fearful rapidity, and becoming each day more conscious of their own strength; and unless their fetters are loosened, they will inevitably be BURST. Our Southern brethren are the masters of their own destiny : may a gracious God lead them to know the things which belong o their peace, before they be forever hidden from their eyes. TAB END. WIDENER LIBRARY Harvard College, Cambridge, MA 02138: (617) 495-2413 If the item is recalled, the borrower will be notified of the need for an earlier return. (Non-receipt of overdue notices does not exempt the borrower from overdue fines.) WIDENER MOENEN2006 DEC 11 2006 Thank you for ur collection!