[illustration: cover art] [frontispiece: samba and the crocodile] samba a story of the rubber slaves of the congo by herbert strang _author of "one of clive's heroes," "kobo," "brown of moukden," "tom burnaby," etc., etc_ illustrated by william rainey, r.i. "botofé bo le iwa!--rubber is death!"--_congo proverb_. _second edition_ london henry frowde ------ hodder & stoughton oxford university press ------ warwick square, e.c. copyright, , by the bobbs-merrill company, in the united states of america. _butler and tanner, the selwood printing works, frome, and london_ preface nearly a generation has passed since king leopold was entrusted by the great powers with the sovereignty of the congo free state. the conscience of christendom had been shocked by the stories, brought back by stanley and other travellers, of arab slave raids on the upper congo; king leopold, coming forward with the strongest assurances of philanthropic motive, was welcomed as the champion of the negro, who should bring peace and the highest blessings of civilization to the vast territory thus placed under his sway. for many succeeding years it was supposed that this work of deliverance, of regeneration, was being prosecuted with all diligence; the power of the slave traders was broken, towns were built, roads made, railways opened--none of the outward signs of material progress were wanting. but of late the civilized world has been horrified to find that this imposing structure has been cemented with the life blood of the congo races; that the material improvements to which the administrators of congoland can point, have been purchased by an appalling amount of suffering inflicted upon the hapless negroes. the collection of rubber, on which the whole fabric of congo finance rests, involves a disregard of liberty, an indifference to suffering, a destruction of human life, almost inconceivable. those who best know the country estimate that the population is annually reduced, under king leopold's rule, by at least a hundred thousand. no great war, no famine, no pestilence in the world's history has been so merciless a scourge as civilization in congoland. yet owing to mutual jealousies, the powers are slow to take action, and while they hesitate to intervene, the population of this great region, nearly as large as europe, is fast disappearing. it has been my aim in this book to show, within necessary limitations, what the effect of the white man's rule has been. if any reader should be tempted to imagine that the picture here drawn is overcoloured, i would commend him to the publications issued by mr. e. d. morel and his co-workers of the congo reform association, with every confidence that the cause of the congo native will thereby gain a new adherent. i must express my very great thanks to the rev. j. h. harris and mrs. harris, who have spent several years on the upper congo, for their kindness in reading the manuscript and revising the proofs of this book, and for many most helpful suggestions and criticisms. herbert strang. contents chapter i the coming of the white man chapter ii "rubber is death" chapter iii monsieur elbel chapter iv night alarms chapter v the order of merit chapter vi samba is missing chapter vii blood brothers chapter viii jack in command chapter ix samba meets the little men chapter x a trip with a crocodile chapter xi bula matadi comes to ilola chapter xii samba comes back chapter xiii "honour thy father and thy mother" chapter xiv lokolobolo's first fight chapter xv a revolt at ilola chapter xvi the house by the water chapter xvii a buffalo hunt chapter xviii elbel's barrels chapter xix breaking the blockade chapter xx david and goliath chapter xxi a dash and all together chapter xxii a message and a meeting chapter xxiii elbel squares accounts chapter xxiv a solemn charge chapter xxv a break for liberty chapter xxvi turning the tables chapter xxvii the return of lokolobolo chapter xxviii the chicotte chapter xxix reaping the whirlwind chapter xxx sinews of war chapter xxxi summons and surrender chapter xxxii the dawn of freedom chapter xxxiii conclusion illustrations plate i samba and the crocodile . . . . . . _frontispiece_ ii the finding of samba iii a midnight encounter iv jack turns the tables v jack rushes elbel's camp vi samba rescued from the burning hut ilombekabasi and surrounding country, showing elbel's first camp in foreground ilombekabasi and surrounding country, showing the diverted stream and elbel's third camp "every boy and youth is, in his mind and sentiments, a knight, and essentially a son of chivalry. nature is fine in him.... as long as there have been, or shall be, young men to grow up to maturity; and until all youthful life shall be dead, and its source withered for ever; so long must there have been, and must there continue to be, the spirit of noble chivalry. to understand therefore this first and, as it were, natural chivalry, we have only to observe the features of the youthful age, of which examples surround us." edward fitzgerald. chapter i the coming of the white man samba lay face downwards upon the yellow sand, amid which his body shone in the sunlight like polished ebony. behind, the rising bank was thick with trees and shrubs ablaze with colour, overspread with the delicate tracery of lianas and, creeping plants. here was a spot of red, there a dash of orange; at intervals the pale yellow flowers of climbing gourds and the mauve blossoms of convolvuli peeped from the wall of vivid green. tiny rills made music as they trickled through the foliage; and near at hand was a path trodden by herds of antelopes as they came to drink. before, rolled the brown waters of a broad river, rippling over whitened rocks in the bed, or over the gnarled limbs of fallen trees. here, on a sandy islet, flashed the scarlet and blue of little kingfishers, contrasting with the sober grey of the bittern, or the black and white of the vulture. a giant heron perched on a low overhanging branch, gazing solemnly at the ibis standing solitary by a distant bush. on a smooth spot at samba's right sported innumerable butterflies, blue and green and crimson, amid bees and dragon-flies lazily basking in the heat. samba had but to stretch out his hand to make prisoners of what he chose. but samba's attention was already occupied. looking over the brink into the placid water, his eye was caught by a small round soft object lying motionless on the surface. a tiny crocodile, only a few inches long, darted from beneath the leaf of a water-lily, in pursuit of a tinier fish. the round object suddenly contracted: there was a ripple on the water, and the baby crocodile found itself in the grasp of a droll little proboscis that shot out, gripped its hapless prey, and drew it beneath the surface. samba smiled: he knew that just below lay a trionyx, the owner of that little nostrilled proboscis; he wasted no sympathy on the baby crocodile, which would never grow big to snap up little negro boys at the waterside. all around was silence, save for the hum of insects and the gentle lapping of the water on the sand. then a slight sound caught samba's ear, and turning, he saw a handsome young lizard, pied with yellow and greenish black, flashing along in chase of a fat frog which it had marked for its own. a swish of its flexible tail, a snap of its savage teeth, and ranunculus disappeared--a choice morsel for breakfast. such scenes as these gave samba constant entertainment. he would often wander alone from his village, as he had done to-day, carrying his little broad-bladed dagger in case a snake should cross his path, and spend hours in the forest or by the river bank, listening to the chatter of the monkeys and the screams of the parrots, watching the little stingless bees at their work, mocking the hollow note of the drumbird or the wild pigeon's doleful call, studying the busy doings of the multitudinous ants. there was not a bird or beast or insect within range of his village with whose ways samba was not familiar. the trionyx steered himself down stream; the lizard, swishing his pliant tail, went off in search of other prey; and samba's bright eyes followed the mazy movements of the myriad flies sporting on the surface of the sunlit water, and the shining fish darting this way and that in the clear depths. suddenly a scream of the fishing eagle caused him to glance up. then a shout made him spring to his feet and look wonderingly in the direction of the sound. he knew no fear. his lithe dusky body, bare save for a scrap of cloth about his loins and a string of cowries round his neck, stood erect and alert; his keen intelligent eyes expressed nothing but surprise and curiosity. again came the hail. "w'onkoe!"[ ] "em'one!"[ ] called samba in reply. a boat was being slowly paddled up the stream. ten stalwart baenga stood at the paddles, bending forward as they made their strokes. two other negroes squatted in the forepart of the boat. amidships sat another figure, the sight of which gave samba a delightful thrill of expectation. it was a white man, with fair hair and beard, clad all in white. could this be bula matadi, samba wondered, the white man whom his grandfather, the chief mirambo, had seen long ago at wanganga? he waited, standing still as a rock. the boat drew nearer, a few more strokes of the paddle and it came under the bank. the white man leapt ashore, followed by the two men who had been seated. they were big fierce-looking fellows. each carried a long strangely-shaped stick with a hollow tube; about his waist dangled a bag of skin. the white man stepped up to samba, smiled upon him, patted his woolly head. then one of the negroes began to question him. where was his village? what was it called? who was its chief? how many huts did it contain? was there much forest about it? to these questions samba replied frankly; surely it was a great honour to his grandfather that the white man should take such interest in him! then came a question that somewhat amused him. did the forest contain _botofé_?[ ] he smiled. of course it did. were not the drumsticks in his village made of _botofé_? what a strange question to ask of a forest boy! the white man smiled in return, and said something in a strange tongue to the negro who had spoken. "take us to your village," said the man; and, nothing loth, samba set off like a young deer, the three men following him. samba was eleven years old. his home was the village of banonga, a street of bamboo huts thatched with palm leaves and shadowed by the broad foliage of bananas and plantains and tall forest trees. his grandfather mirambo was the village chief, a tall, strong, wise old man, a great fighter in his day, his body scarred with wounds, his memory stored with the things he had seen and done. samba's father, mboyo (or isekasamba, "father of samba," as he was called after his boy was born), was the old chief's favourite son, a daring hunter, a skilful fisher, and the most silent man of his tribe. he had several wives, but samba's mother was the best loved of them all, and wore about her ankles the brass rings that betokened her supreme place in her husband's affections. grandfather, father, mother, all doted on samba, and for eleven years he had lived a happy merry life, the pet of the village. nothing had troubled the peace of the little community. banonga was a secluded village, on the outskirts of a dense forest, not far from one of the innumerable tributaries of the great river congo. life passed easily and pleasantly for these children of nature. in the morning, ere the sun was up, the men would spring from their simple bamboo beds, fling their hunting-nets or fishing-baskets on their shoulders, hang about their necks the charms that would preserve them from accident and ensure success in the work of the day, and repair to the old chief, who, sitting on his forked chair in the middle of the street, gave them the _bokaku_--the blessing without which they never left the village. "may you be preserved from accident," he would say; "from wild beasts, from snags in the path and snakes in the grass, and return with great plenty." then they would shout their farewells, and hasten with light-hearted laughter into the forest or down to the river. meanwhile the women had been long astir. some, babe on one arm, calabash in the other, went singing to a forest stream, to bathe their children and fill their vessels with water for the day's cooking. others, with baskets slung upon their backs and rude implements upon their shoulders, sped to the gardens and cultivated fields, to perform their simple operations of husbandry, and to return by and by with manioc, plantains, ground-nuts, which they would prepare against their husbands' return. the morning's work done, they would dress their hair, carefully, even fastidiously; kindle the fires of three converging logs, and set upon them well-heaped pots of manioc, covered with leaves of plantain or nongoti to prevent the escape of steam. some would prattle or sing lullabies to their babes, others form little knots and gossip, laughing and jesting without a thought of care. all day the village was cheered by the merry antics and joyous shouts of the children at play. like children all over the world, the boys and girls of the congo delight in mimicking their elders. the boys made little hunting-nets and ran hither and thither in mock chase, or spread their fishing-nets in the stream and gleefully boasted of their tiny catches. the girls wove little baskets and played with beads and shells. one and all, the children of banonga were deft with their fingers, and none so deft as samba. he was always busy, shaping now a mortar for his mother, now a chair for his grandfather, now a wicker basket so close in texture that he could bring in it water from the stream without spilling a drop. most of all samba loved to squat by his grandfather's chair in the late afternoon, when the old chief sat alone, chin on hand, waiting for the return of the men. then, and on dark nights, mirambo would recite, in his deep musical voice, interminable stories and legends, of the spirits that haunted the woods, of the animals he had hunted and slain, of narrow escapes from the greedy jaws of crocodiles, of fierce fights with cannibals, of adventurous journeys by field and flood. samba never tired of one story: how, years before, mirambo had made a long journey to wanganga, far, very far away, and had there seen a white man, who wore cloth all over his body, and had come up the river on a wonderful smoke-boat, driven by a fiery snorting devil that devoured insatiably great logs of wood. bula matadi, "breaker of rocks," this wonderful white man was called; but mirambo had heard that in his own country he was called tanalay.[ ] samba would listen with all his ears to his grandfather's long narratives, inwardly resolving that he too, when he became a man, would take long journeys and see marvellous things--white men, and smoke-boats, and all. then, as the sun draws towards its setting, out of the forest there come faint strains of song. mirambo's monotone ceases: he sits erect, expectant; the women run out of the huts above which the wreathing smoke proclaims preparations for the evening meal; the children gather in a laughing chattering flock at the end of the street. the sound of singing draws nearer: at length it stops abruptly, but instantly is followed by a loud prolonged shout; only lianza's brazen throat can utter that sonorous cry:-- "i-yo-li-o! i-yo-li-o-o!" and the long-drawn hail of lianza is broken in upon by the roar of his companions. "yo!" shout eighty men as one. and out of the forest spring the dusky band, laden with their spoils, which with an exultant shout they set down before the chief, amid cries and hand-clapping and slapping of the thighs by the women and children welcoming their return. the flesh is cut up, the fish divided: the women return to their huts to cook the supper; the children cling about their fathers' legs and recount the little adventures of the day. the meal is eaten: the whole population form a wide circle in the street, and, squatting on their hams, give themselves up to the joy of watching the gyrations of the dancing women, who, in their aprons of long grass, decorated with tinkling bells, whirl around to the barbaric music of drums and castanets, as the day darkens and the moon throws her silvery beams upon the scene. such were the daily scenes amid which samba passed his happy boyhood, in the village of banonga, whither he was now leading the white stranger. the village came in sight, nestling in a glade. the laughing children ceased their play, and stood finger in mouth shyly contemplating the new comers. the women, busily grinding manioc with pestle and mortar in the open, looked up with startled glance and fled into their huts, where they stood peeping from behind the posts of palm. mirambo, the chief, rose from his seat and awaited with dignity the approach of the white man. ceremonious greetings were exchanged. then ensued a long conversation, the white man speaking, his negroes translating to the chief. he listened intently, and replied in brief phrases, most often contenting himself with exclamations of assent--"inde!" "ng'oko!" or of dissent--"lako!" "o nye!" _botofé_! yes, he knew where _botofé_ could be found. and the white man, the son of heaven, wanted _botofé_; it had some value for him? well, he should have it. who so hospitable as the men of banonga? they were not as the men of kinshassa, who met the white man with cries of anger, and spears, and knives. had not he, mirambo, seen bula matadi, the friend of the black man? "when my sons return from their hunting," said mirambo, "they shall provide the stranger with all that he needs. they shall give him plantains, and fowls, and cakes of _kwanga_;[ ] they shall make ready a hut for him; and _botofé_--yes, if he needs _botofé_, my young men shall go into the forest and fill their baskets with _botofé_ for him. no one shall say but that the white man is welcome in banonga." [ ] are you there? [ ] i am here. [ ] rubber. [ ] h. m. stanley. [ ] a preparation of manioc. chapter ii "rubber is death" "whew! this is a warm country, jack. there'll soon be nothing left of us." "there's plenty at present, uncle," replied jack challoner with a smile. "barney can spare less, after all." "sure an' that's the truth's truth, sorr. 'twas the sorrow uv me mother's heart that i ran to length instid uv breadth. whin i was a bhoy she had to buy breeches always a size too long for me, and me bones grew so fast they almost made holes in me skin--they did." "confound it, man, that's where you score. the mosquitoes leave you alone: can't find enough juice in you to make it worth their while to worry you. whereas they suck at me till i'm all ulcers. hi! nando, when shall we get to this banonga we've heard so much about?" "berrah soon, sah. paddle small small, sah, den banonga." mr. martindale mopped his brow and drew his white umbrella closer down upon his head. he was lying under a grass shelter amidships a dug-out, with his nephew jack at his side and his man barney o'dowd at his feet. the clumsy native craft rocked to and fro under the paddles of twelve stalwart baenga, who stood, their bodies bent slightly forward, singing in time with their strokes. they were paddling against the current of a stream that forced its brown waters into one of the tributaries of the congo. it was a broiling day. a rainstorm in the night had cleared the sky of the haze that commonly covered it, and the sun beat down out of a dome of fleckless blue, irradiating the crimsons and purples, the golds and whites, of the rich vegetation on the banks. "i tell you, jack," continued mr. martindale, "i shall grumble if this talk of banonga turns out to be wind. i don't see what the congo state has to gain by exterminating the natives; and we know what liars these blacks can be." "suppose the talk of gold turns out to be wind, uncle?" "eh? what's that? wind! rubbish! the difference is that we hear of banonga from the blacks; but 'twas barnard told me of the gold, and barnard hasn't got enough imagination to say more than he knows. no, the gold is there safe enough; and i tell you i shall be glad when we get through this banonga and can proceed to business." john martindale was a florid well-preserved man of fifty-five years. born in new york, he had early gone west, rapidly made his pile in california, and retired from the direction of his mines. but meeting one day in san francisco an old friend of his, a queer stick of a fellow named barnard, who spent his life in roaming over the world and making discoveries that laid the foundation of other men's fortunes, not his own, he learnt from him that clear signs of gold had been observed in the maranga district on the upper congo. mr. martindale was very rich; but, like many another man, he found after his retirement that time hung somewhat heavy on his hands. he was still full of energy, and barnard's story of gold in a new country stirred the imagination of the old miner. he decided to take a trip to africa and test his friend's information. as a matter of course he invited barnard to accompany him. "no, no, john," replied his friend. "i scratched the soil; i know gold is there; i've no further interest in the stuff. i'm off to the philippines next week. go and dig, old fellow, and take plenty of quinine with you." it happened that mr. martindale's only nephew, jack challoner, a lad of seventeen, was just home from school. he was an orphan. his mother, mr. martindale's sister, had married an english barrister of great ability, who had already made a name at the parliamentary bar. but he died when his boy was only six years old; two years later his wife followed him to the grave, and the guardianship of jack fell to his uncle, who, being a bachelor without other ties, readily assumed the charge. he surprised his friends by the course he took with the boy. instead of bringing him to america, he entered him at bilton and afterwards at rugby, declaring that as the boy was english it was only fair he should receive an english education. "i read _tom brown_ years ago," he would say, "and if they turn 'em out now as they did then--well, we can't do better this side of the herring pond." jack spent his holidays either in america, or in travelling about europe with his uncle, and the two became great chums. but when jack reached his seventeenth birthday mr. martindale again surprised his friends. "send him to oxford?" he said. "not much! he has had nearly four years at rugby, he's in the fifth form, and i guess he's enough book learning to serve his turn. he's tip-top at sports: he's a notion of holding his own and helping lame dogs; and i don't want his nose to turn up, as i believe noses have a trick of doing at oxford. no: the boy'll come home. i don't know what he's to be; but i'll soon find out what he's fit for, and then he'll have to work at it. the least i could do for his father's sake was to give him an english education; he'll come back to america for a smartening up." it was not long after jack's return that mr. martindale met his friend barnard. since barnard would not be his companion, jack should. "it will do you no harm to see a little travel off the beaten track," he said, "and i'm not going to work the gold myself: my mining days are done. you may tumble to it; in that case you'll stay in africa and take care not to waste my capital. you may not: that'll be one thing settled, anyway." accordingly, when mr. martindale sailed for europe he took jack with him. with characteristic energy he very quickly settled the preliminaries. he obtained for a comparatively small sum from a belgian trading company, the holders of a large concession on the upper congo, the mining rights in the maranga district, on condition of the company receiving a percentage of the profits. the first practical step having been taken, mr. martindale's interest in his project became keen. he had never travelled out of america or europe; there was a certain glamour about an adventure in the heart of africa; and he was rich enough to indulge his humour, even if the results of barnard's discovery should prove disappointing. uncle and nephew sailed for africa, spent a few days at boma, travelled over the cataract railway from matadi to leopoldville, and thence went in a steamer for nearly three weeks up the congo. then, leaving the main river, they embarked on a smaller steamer, plying on a tributary stream. in about a week they arrived at a "head post," whence they continued their journey, up a tributary of a tributary, by canoe. this last stream was quite a considerable river as the term would be understood in europe, though neither so broad nor so deep as the one they had just left. but this again was insignificant by comparison with the mighty congo itself, fed by a thousand tributaries in its course of fifteen hundred miles from the heart of africa to the sea. mr. martindale became more and more impressed as the journey lengthened, and at last burst out: "well, now, this licks even the mississippi!" but not the shannon! barney o'dowd was a true irishman. mr. martindale had engaged him in london as handy-man to the expedition. he had been in the army; he had been a gentleman's servant, wardroom attendant at a hospital, drill-sergeant at a boys' school, 'bus conductor, cabman, and chauffeur; but in none of these numerous vocations, he said with a sigh, had he ever grown fat. he was long, lean, strong as a horse; with honest merry blue eyes, and curly lips that seemed made for smiling. he drove the travellers in a hansom during the week they stayed in london, and looked so sorrowful when mr. martindale announced his departure that the american, on the spur of the moment, with bluff impulsiveness, invited him to join the expedition. "sure an' 'tis me last chance, sorr," cried barney, cheerfully consenting. "a sea voyage does wonders for some. there was terence o'bally, now, as thin as a lath in the ould counthry; he went to australia, and by the powers! when he came back to say 'god bless you' to his ould mother, she did not know him at all at all, he was so full in the flesh, sorr. sure an' i'll come wid ye wid the greatest pleasure in the world, and plase the pigs i'll fatten like terence. only wan thing, sorr; ye would not have any inshuperable objection to pat, sorr?" "who on earth's pat?" "just a dog, sorr; a little darlint uv a terrier no fatter than me, sorr; as kind an' gentle as wan uv the blessed angels. he has as poor appetite, sorr, an' sleeps on my coat, so he will not cost ye much for board and lodging. and i would thank ye kindly, sorr, if i might but go home to 'm an' say, 'pat, me darlint, times is changed. we are in luck, pat. there's a nice, kind, fat, jolly american gentleman that takes very kindly to dogs an' irishmen, an'----'" "there then, that'll do," said mr. martindale, laughing. "bring pat, if you like. but he'll have to go if he proves a nuisance." and so pat became a member of the party. and he lay curled up now in the bottom of the canoe, and cocked an eye as barney declared with emphasis that the congo was a "mighty foine river, sure an' 'tis only fair to say so; but by all the holy powers 'tis not to be compared wid the shannon, blessed be its name!" it was pat that sprang first ashore when the paddlers with a resounding "yo!" drove the canoe alongside a turfy platform by the bank, worn level by the treading of innumerable feet. the dog uttered one sharp bark, faced round to the river, and stood with ears pricked and stumpy tail wagging, to watch his master step to land. "now, nando," said mr. martindale, when all were ashore, "lead the way. not too fast: and not too near skeeters or jiggers." "berrah well, sah; me go fust; frighten skeeters all away." leaving ten of the crew in the canoe, the rest of the party set off under nando's guidance. he led them through the mass of tall grass that lined the river bank, across a swampy stretch of heath, where a narrow path wound in and out among trees large and small, beset by dense undergrowth and climbing plants. insects innumerable flitted and buzzed around the travellers, provoking lively exclamations from mr. martindale and jack, and many a vicious snap from the terrier, but leaving barney almost untouched. once a wild pig dashed across the path and plunged into the thicket, with pat barking frantically at its heels. here and there mr. martindale caught sight of red-legged partridge and quail, and sighed for his rifle. parrots squawked overhead; once, from the far distance, muffled by the foliage, came the trumpet of an elephant; but signs of humanity there were none, save the meandering track. at length, however, they came to a clear open space amid the trees, where, on a low hill, stood a crude open hut, consisting of upright supports surmounted by a roof of bamboos and leaves, and partly walled by cloth. "berrah nice place, sah," said nando cheerfully. "chief him missis buried dah." the travellers approached with curiosity. inside the shed they saw a small image, roughly carved in semblance of a human figure, set upright in the ground. at one side lay two or three wicker baskets, at the other a bottle; in front a big iron spoon stuck out of the soil, and all around were strewed hundreds of small beads. nando explained that these had been the property of the deceased lady. "and is she buried under them?" asked mr. martindale, stepping back a pace. "bit of her, sah." "what do you mean--a bit of her?" "all dey find, sah. bula matadi come, make big bobbery; bang! chief him missis lib for[ ] dead, sah. bad man cut up, put in pot, only little bit left, sah." mr. martindale shivered, then waxed indignant. "i don't believe it," he declared stoutly. "such things aren't done in these days. there are no cannibals in these days--eh, jack?" "i hope not, uncle. but are we near banonga, nando?" "small small, sah, den banonga." "lead on, then," cried mr. martindale; "i want to see with my own eyes whether those fellows were telling the truth." some distance down the river, just after camping for the night, mr. martindale's rest had been disturbed by a loud and excited conversation between his own party and a group of newcomers who had halted to exchange greetings. inquiring the cause of the commotion, he learnt that the men had brought news of a terrible massacre that had taken place at banonga, a village in the forest many miles up stream. the villagers had been remiss in their collection of rubber; the agents of bula matadi (which, originally the native name for sir h. m. stanley, had become the name for the congo free state) had appeared at the village with a force of native soldiers, and, according to the informant, who had received the news from an up-country man, the whole population had been annihilated. mr. martindale had heard, in america and england as well as in africa, strange stories of the administration of the congo state; but, like many others, he had been inclined to pooh-pooh the rumours of cruelty and atrocity as the vapourings of sentimentalists. but the stories imperfectly interpreted by nando on that pleasant evening by the river made a new impression on him. he was a hard-headed man of business, as little inclined to sentimentality as any man could be; he hated any appeal to the emotions, and unasked gave large subscriptions to hospitals and philanthropic societies so as to avoid the harrowing of his feelings by collectors and other importunate folk; but beneath his rough husk lay a very warm heart, as none knew better than his nephew jack; and the stories of cruelty told by the lips of these natives made him feel very uncomfortable. at a distance he could shut his eyes to things--open his purse to deserving objects and believe that his duty was done; but here, on the spot, this easy course was not possible. he did not like discomfort, bodily or mental; it annoyed him when any external cause ruffled the serenity of his life; and he made up his mind to pay a visit to banonga on his way up the river, test the negroes' story, and prove to his own satisfaction, as he believed he would do, that it was exaggerated if not untrue. that done, he would dismiss the matter from his thoughts, and proceed to the proper business of his journey without anything to disturb his peace of mind. the party left the grave on the hill and followed the same path through another stretch of forest until they came, almost unawares, upon a large clearing. "banonga, massa," said nando, stretching out his hand, and looking into mr. martindale's eyes with a glance as of some frightened animal. "banonga! but where are the huts?" said mr. martindale. no one answered him. the party of five stood at the edge of the clearing, looking straight before them. pat the terrier trotted around, wagging his stump, and blinking up into their faces as if to ask a question. what did they see? a long broad track, leading between palms and plantains away into the impenetrable forest. these leafy walls were vivid green, but the road itself was black. a smell of charred wood and burnt vegetation filled the air. there was not a complete hut to be seen. the space once thronged with a joyous chattering crowd was now empty, save for ashes, half-burnt logs, shattered utensils. here and there a bird hopped and pecked, flying up into the trees with shrill scream as pat sprang barking towards it. but for these sounds, the silence was as of death. "come," said mr. martindale, stepping forward. it was he who led the way now as the party left the ring of forest and walked into the clearing. barney, coming behind with nando, groaned aloud. "stop that noise!" cried mr. martindale, swinging round irritably. "what's the matter with you, man?" "sorrow a bit the matter wid me, sorr; but it just brought into me mimory a sight i saw in the ould counthry whin i was a bhoy; sure there was nothing to see there either, and that's the pity uv it." mr. martindale walked on without speaking, poking with his stick into the black dust of the road. nando went to his side, and pointed out such traces of former habitations as remained: here a cooking pot, there a half-consumed wicker basket, a broken knife, a blackened bead-necklace. and among the other scattered evidences of rapine there were the remains of human beings--skeletons, separate bones. "whoever did this did it thoroughly," remarked mr. martindale with darkening brow. "but who did it? i won't believe it was europeans till 'tis proved. there are cannibals here; nando said so: a cannibal tribe may have raided the place. eh? but where are the people?" in the thick undergrowth, beyond the desolated village, crouched a negro boy. his cheeks were sunken, his eyes unnaturally bright. his left arm hung limp and nerveless; in his right hand he clutched a broad-pointed dagger. he had been lying in a stupor until roused by a sharp sound, the cry of some animal strange to him. then he raised himself slowly and with difficulty to his knees, and peered cautiously, apprehensively, through the foliage amid which he was ensconced. he glared and shrank back when he saw that among the strangers moving about were two white men. but what was this animal they had brought with them? he wondered. goats he knew, and pigs, and the wild animals of the forest; he knew the native dog, with its foxy head, smooth yellowish coat, and bushy tail; but this creature was new to him. true, it was like a dog, though its brown coat was rough and its tail stumpy; but he had never seen the dogs of his village trot round their masters as this was doing, never heard them speaking, as it seemed, to the men with this quick sharp cry. the dogs he had known never barked; their only utterance was a long howl, when they were hungry or in pain. he hated white men, but loved animals; and, weak as he was, he raised himself once more, and bent forward, to look at this active dog-like creature that came and went in apparent joyousness. a bird flew down from a tree, and alighted hardily within a couple of yards of the terrier. this was too much for pat. he darted at the audacious bird, pursued it into the thicket, then came to a sudden surprised stop when he descried a black form among the leaves. he stood contemplating the boy with his honest brown eyes, and his tail was very active. then with one short bark he trotted back to his master, and looked up at him as if to say: "i have made a discovery; come and see." but man's intelligence is very limited. barney did not understand. "and did the cratur' give ye the slip, then?" he said, patting the dog's head. "that's not the point," said pat's barks; "i want you to come and see what i have found," and he ran off again towards the thicket, turning once or twice to see if his master was following. but barney paid little attention to him, and pat, giving him up as hopeless, went on alone to scrape acquaintance. he stood before the boy at a distance of a yard, blinking at him between the tendrils of a creeper. then he advanced slowly, wagging his stump, poked his nose through the leaves, and after a moment's sniffing deliberation put out his tongue and licked the black knee he found there. the boy made with his closed lips the humming sound with which the negro of the congo expresses pleasure, and next moment the dog's paws were in his hands, and the two, dog and boy, were friends. but whoever was a friend of pat's must also be a friend of barney o'dowd. it was not long before pat awoke to a sense of his duty. he tried with the negro the plan that had just failed with his master. he retreated a little way, cocked his head round and barked, and waited for the boy to follow. the latter understood at once; but he shook his head, and said, "o nye! o nye!" under his breath, and lay still. pat began to see that there was something keeping the white man and the black boy apart. it was very foolish, he thought; they were both such good fellows: it was quite clear that they ought to be friends; but what was a dog to do? he trotted slowly back to barney, and began to speak to him seriously, with a bark of very different intonation from that he had previously employed. "well, and what is it wid ye thin?" said barney. "he has caught the bird, i expect," said jack, amused at the dog's manner, "and wants you to go and see it." "sure thin i will," said barney, "and mutton being scarce, we will have a new kind uv irish stew, pat me bhoy. but why did ye not bring it, me darlint?" he made to follow the dog, whose tail was now beating the air with frantic delight. but he had no sooner reached the edge of the plantation than there was a rustle among the leaves: the boy was leaving his hiding-place and trying to crawl away into the forest. "begorra!" quoth barney, "'tis a living cratur', and a bhoy, black as the peat on me father's bog, and not knowing a word uv irish, to be sure." pat was rubbing his nose on the boy's flank, wondering why he had taken to going on all fours. but the negro did not crawl far. faint with weakness, moaning with pain, he sank to the ground. pat gave one bark of sympathy and stood watching him. meanwhile jack had come up. "a boy, did you say, barney? what is he doing here?" "sure i would like to know that same, sorr, but niver a word uv his spache did i learn. perhaps he has niver seen a white man, not to say an irishman, before, and thinks 'tis a ghost." "nando, come here!" called jack. the paddler hurried up, followed quickly by mr. martindale. "what's this? what's this? a boy! they're not all killed then." "i think he's hurt, uncle, and scared. he tried to crawl away from us, but seemed too weak." "well, lift him up, barney; we'll see." barney approached, but the instant he stretched forth his hands the boy uttered a piercing shriek, and made to thrust at him with his dagger. "come, this will never do," said mr. martindale. "speak to him, nando; tell him we are friends, and will do him no harm." nando went up to the boy, and pat stood by, wagging his tail and looking inquiringly from one to the other as the negro talked in his rapid staccato. a few minutes passed; then nando turned round and with a beaming smile said: "he understan' all same now, sah. i say massa inglesa ginleman, blood brudder tanalay, oh yes. he know 'bout tanalay: he no 'fraid dis time; he come along along. he samba, sah." [ ] i.e. _live for_, an expression commonly used in all kinds of circumstances by the natives, practically an intensive for various forms of the verb _to be_. chapter iii monsieur elbel samba made no resistance when nando lifted him and carried him to the centre of the clearing. he moaned once or twice as the baenga pressed his wounded arm, and almost fainted when he was laid on the ground before mr. martindale. but a sip from the traveller's flask revived him, and he smiled. "that's better," said mr. martindale. "poor boy! he looks half starved. have you any food about you, nando?" "no, sah: get some one time."[ ] he went off into the thicket, and soon returned with a couple of scorched bananas. these samba devoured ravenously. "now i wonder if he could tell us all about it?" said mr. martindale. "ask him, nando." samba told his story. his dialect was different from nando's, but there is a freemasonry of speech among the tribes of the congo, and nando understood. it was not so easy for the others to get at the meaning of nando's strange jargon as he interpreted, but they listened patiently, and missed little of the narrative. mr. martindale sat on an upturned pot, jack and barney on charred logs. nando squatted beside samba on the ground, and pat thrust his muzzle contentedly between the boy's knees and seemed to sleep. [illustration: the finding of samba] one night, when the moon was at the full, a messenger had come into banonga village. the time was at hand when the agent of bula matadi would attend to collect the tax--the weight of rubber exacted by the congo state from every able-bodied man. the messenger reminded the chief that banonga had several times been in default. only a few men had hitherto been punished, only a few women carried away as hostages for the diligence of their husbands. but the patience of bula matadi was exhausted. if on this occasion the due measure of rubber was not forthcoming, the anger of bula matadi would blaze, the soldiers would come, and the men of banonga would have cause to rue their idleness. the chief listened in silence. he was old; his body was bowed, his spirit broken. life in banonga was no longer the same since the white man came. all the joy of life was gone; the people spent their days in unremitting toil, endeavouring to satisfy the cry of their rulers for rubber, always rubber, more rubber. when the messenger arrived the men were away hunting for rubber, but mirambo knew that, were they doubled in number, they could not gather the quantity required. the vines in their district were exhausted; the men had not been taught how to tap them; they destroyed as they went, and now the whole district around banonga would not yield half of what was demanded of them. the poor old chief trembled when he thought of the woe that was coming to banonga, for he now knew from the fate of other villages on the river what the messenger of bula matadi foreshadowed. unless his men could achieve the impossible, find rubber where there was none, the blow would fall. and when it fell banonga would be no more. the village a little while ago so happy and prosperous would be destroyed, its people killed or scattered. so it had happened to other villages: how could he hope that banonga would be spared? the messenger indeed had spoken of the leniency of bula matadi, but the chief might have reminded him of the outrages the people had suffered; of the rapacity, the ruthless brutalities, of the forest guards. but he said no word of provocation; only, when the man had gone, samba heard him mutter the terrible sentence now too often on his lips: "botofé bo le iwa: rubber is death!" the day came: the agent of bula matadi appeared, with an armed escort. the men of banonga had not returned. they came dropping in by ones and twos and threes, worn out with their long quest. the rubber was weighed: in many cases it was short; excuses were rejected, entreaties scoffed at. the hapless victims suffered taunts, abuse, the terrible whip. one, less enduring than the rest, resisted. this was the signal. a dozen rifles were raised--a dozen shots rang out, strong forms lay writhing in the agony of death. a brief, sharp struggle; another fusillade; and the terrified survivors, men, women and children, fled helter-skelter to the forest, pursued by the shots of the soldiery, ruthless of age or sex. a raid was made upon their deserted huts: everything that had value for the native levies was seized; then the match was applied, and soon what had once been a prosperous happy village was a heap of smouldering ruins. samba saw it all. he remained dauntless by his grandfather's side until a bullet put an end to the old chief's life; then he too fled into the forest, to find his father and mother, his brothers and sisters. but he had delayed too long; one of the sentinels fired at him as he ran: his left arm was struck. he struggled on, but his friends were now out of reach: he could not find them. for several days he wandered about, supporting his life on roots and herbs in the vain search for his people. then, growing hourly weaker, he crept back to his village, hoping that by and by the survivors would return to their desolated homes, to rebuild their huts, and sow new crops. but none came. he was alone! and he had lain down among the trees--as he thought, to die. "poor little fellow!" said mr. martindale. "how old is he, nando?" "he say ten three years, sah," replied nando after consulting the boy. "thirteen. he looks older. this is a pretty kettle of fish. what can we do with him?" "we must take him with us, uncle!" said jack. "take him with us, indeed! what can we do with him? we can't hunt for his father and mother: he'd be of no use to us in our job. he wants doctoring: he might die on our hands." "i learnt a little doctoring in the hospital, sorr," said barney. "sure i think i could mend his arm." "well, well, nando and the other man had better bring him along to the canoe--gently, you know. don't make him squeal." the two negroes lifted the boy, and the party set off to return to the river. "a fine responsibility you have let me in for, jack," said mr. martindale as they went along. "i've no notion of a crusoe and friday relationship." "why not say don quixote and sancho panza, uncle?" "a man of my girth!" said mr. martindale, chuckling. "but joking apart, jack, this is a serious business. what am i to do with the boy, supposing he gets better? i am not a philanthropist; i can't start a boys' home; and the little chap will be of no use to us in our proper work. for the life of me i don't see daylight through this." "we may find him useful in other ways, uncle. besides, we may come across his people." "and we may not--we may not, jack. still, have your way; only remember he's your protégé; i wash my hands of him. and mind you, i'm not going to start a crusade. there's been terrible work in this village: no mistake about it; but i'm not convinced it's the doing of white men: in fact, i refuse to believe it." "but they're responsible. they shouldn't employ natives who are so blackguardly." "that's where it is, you see. you britishers employed red indians in our war of independence, didn't you?" "yes, and lord chatham thundered against it, and it was put a stop to." "they taught you history at rugby, did they? glad to hear it. well, i dare say leopold will put a stop to it if representations are made to him. it's none of my business, but i'll mention the matter when i get back to boma. now, sambo----" "samba, uncle." "bo or ba, it's all the same. you'll have to be a good boy, samba. but what's the good of talking! he can't understand what i say. doesn't know good from bad, i warrant. well, well!" they reached the canoe and laid samba gently down upon rugs. the rude craft was soon under way. for a time samba lay asleep, with his arm about pat's neck; but by and by, when the paddlers paused in the song with which they accompanied their strokes, the boy awoke, and began to sing himself, in a low musical voice that struck pleasantly upon the ear after the rougher tones of the men. "bauro lofundo! (he sang); bauro lofundo! bompasu la liwanga bao lindela ud' okunda ilaka nkos'i koka." this he repeated again and again until he was tired and slept once more. "very pretty," said mr. martindale. "the boy'd make a fortune in new york, jack. but what does it all mean, anyway?" "berrah nice song, sah," said nando. "me tell all 'bout it. people of bauro, sah, plenty bad lot. bompasu and liwanga been and gone after 'long 'long into de forest, not come back till parrots one two free twenty all dah." "well, i can't make much of that. doesn't seem to have any more sense than the songs that our gals sing at home." but further inquiry brought out the story. it appeared that a rubber collector, not satisfied with exacting from the people of bauro the usual quantity of rubber, had required them to furnish him by a certain day with twenty young parrots which he wished to take with him to europe. being unable to obtain so large a number by the given date, the people were declared to be surpassingly obstinate and wicked, and the sentries bompasu and liwanga were let loose upon them until the twenty parrots were delivered. "humph!" grunted mr. martindale. "say, wasn't it macaulay who said he'd write a nation's history from its ballads? rubber and parrots; what next, i wonder? these congo people have original ideas in taxation." "begorra, sorr," said barney, "and don't i wish the taxes in the ould counthry were uv the same kind. sure and ivery man in the counthry would be glad to supply the collectors wid scores uv sparrows or peewits or any other fowl, and murphies and blackthorns--ivery mortal thing but money, sorr." in the course of a few hours the stream they had hitherto been navigating ran into a larger tributary of the congo some hundred and fifty miles above the point where it joined the main river. the canoe had scarcely entered the broader river when the crew suddenly stopped paddling, and nando, turning round with some excitement, said-- "smoke-boat, sah." "what?" "smoke-boat nebber dis way before, sah." "a steamer, eh?" "a launch flying the congo state flag, uncle--blue with a golden star," said jack, standing up in the canoe and taking a long look ahead. nando explained that the rapids, a day's paddling down stream, had prevented the state officers hitherto from bringing steam launches into this part of the river. evidently the vessel now approaching must have been carried, as a whole or in sections, overland past these rapids--a work of great difficulty and labour, for the rapids were at least three miles in length, and the shores were at some parts rocky, at others covered with dense scrub. almost before nando had finished his explanation the canoe had been put about, and the men began to paddle hard up stream towards the mouth of the little river, into which the launch could not follow them. "hi, now, nando, what are you about?" cried mr. martindale. nando replied that it was always best to avoid the state officials. he would lie in a creek until the launch was past. "i don't see why we should run away," said mr. martindale. "however, after what we've just seen, i've no wish to meet them. i might say something that would lead to a row with the company." he lit a cigar and lay back in the canoe. jack turned flat on his face and watched the launch. it was soon clear that nando's plan was impossible. the launch was a swift one: it came on with increased speed, and when within hailing distance a voice in french called peremptorily upon the canoe to stop. "nando, stop paddling," said mr. martindale, leisurely turning round on his seat. "answer their hail, jack." "who are you?" shouted jack in english. the foreigner in the bow of the launch was somewhat taken aback. he had thought to do the questioning, not to be questioned. but he replied stiffly-- "i am monsieur elbel, of de société cosmopolite du commerce du congo." the launch was now within a few yards of the canoe. monsieur elbel was a short thick-set man with reddish hair, and a thick red moustache that stuck out rigidly a couple of inches on each side of his nose. he wore a white topee and white trousers, but his coat was blue, with brass buttons, and gold lace at the shoulders. all but himself on deck were negroes. mr. martindale ordered the paddlers to bring the canoe round, so that he might face the belgian. then, still seated, he blew out a cloud of smoke and said-- "well, i don't know you, mr. elbel, and if the work in banonga yonder is due to you i don't wish to. paddle ahead, nando." the crew looked somewhat awestruck, but obediently dropped their paddles into the stream. monsieur elbel's cheeks had turned a fiery red several shades deeper than his hair, and the veins upon his forehead swelled. the canoe sped past him while he was still endeavouring to collect himself. suddenly a tall negro at his side threw out his hand, exclaiming: "ok'ok'ok'oka!"[ ] the belgian looked in the direction pointed out, and the negro followed up his exclamation with a rapid excited sentence. monsieur elbel at once sent the launch in pursuit of the canoe, ran her alongside, and cried: "halt! i bid you halt. you are rude. i vill run you down if you have not care. dat boy i see in your canoe i know him; he belong to my société: i demand him to be given up." "not so fast, mr. elbel. i treat men as they treat me. you have no right to stop me. i am an american, a citizen of the united states, travelling in the free state, which i believe, is open to all the world. besides, i have a patent from your company. i propose to continue my journey." "but--but--i tell you, dat boy is not american: he is subject of congo state, in concession of my société; still vunce, i demand him." "sorry i can't oblige you. the boy is in my service: he has been wounded--perhaps you know how; nothing but an order from the free state courts will compel me to give him up. and even then i won't, knowing what i know. that's flat, mr. elbel. you stop me at your risk. go ahead, nando." the negroes dug their paddles into the water, and the canoe darted past the side of the launch. monsieur elbel bit his moustache and savagely tugged its ends; then, completely losing control of his temper, he shouted-- "you hear; i varn you. you act illegal; you come to seek for gold; dat is your business: it is not your business to meddle yourself viz de natif. i report you!" the launch snorted away up stream, the canoe continued its journey at a moderate pace, and each was soon out of sight of the other. for some minutes mr. martindale seemed preoccupied. "what is it, uncle?" asked jack after a time. "i was thinking over what that fellow elbel said. he knows more about our business here than i quite like. of course they all know we're after minerals, but barnard's find is not the dead secret he thought it was. or say, jack, d'you think we are being watched?" "perhaps he was fishing?" "i don't think so, for he didn't wait for an answer. however, we needn't meet our difficulties half-way. anyhow, 'twill do mr. elbel no harm to know that we don't care a red cent for him or any other congo man. i suppose he's in charge of this section. but what on earth did the fellow want with the boy?" nando, without ceasing to ply his paddle, turned his head and spoke over his shoulder to samba, now wide awake. "samba say him uncle dah, sah: uncle boloko, plenty bad man." "a wicked uncle, eh?" "he berrah angry, sah, 'cos samba him fader hab got plenty more wives, sah; must be chief some day. boloko he want to be chief: berrah well: banonga men all say 'lako! lako!'[ ] plenty loud. boloko berrah much angry: go to white men: tell berrah bad fings 'bout banonga men. samba say banonga men lib for cut off boloko his head if catch him." "wigs on the green, jack. then i guess this boloko fellow wanted to get in first. well, it doesn't raise my opinion of mr. elbel; you know a man by the company he keeps, eh?" "and the company by him, uncle." [ ] immediately. [ ] exclamation of surprise. [ ] exclamation of refusal. chapter iv night alarms in the course of an hour or two mr. martindale's canoe reached the camp, on a piece of rising ground immediately above the river. here he found the rest of his party--some fifty strong west african natives--the three canoes in which they had come up stream lying nose to stern along the low bank, only the first being moored, the others roped to it. the party had reached the spot three days before, and were resting after the fatigues of their journey. these had been by no means slight, for the men had had to haul the canoes through the rapids, and sometimes to make portages for a considerable distance. fortunately the canoes were not heavily laden. they contained merely a good stock of food, and a few simple mining tools. this was only a prospecting trip, as mr. martindale was careful to explain before leaving boma. his friend barnard's instructions had been clear enough. the discovery had been accidental. coming one day, in the course of his wanderings, to the village of ilola, he happened to learn that the chief's son was down with fever. the villagers had been somewhat unfriendly, and barnard was not loth to purchase their goodwill by doing what he could for the boy. he cured the fever. the chief, like most of the negroes of central africa, had strong family affections, and was eager to give some practical token of his gratitude for his son's recovery. when taking the boy's pulse, barnard had timed the beats by means of his gold repeater. the chief looked on in wonderment, believing that the mysterious sounds he heard from the watch were part of the stranger's magic. when the cure was complete, he asked barnard to present him with the magic box; but the american made him understand by signs that he could not give it away; besides, it was useful only to the white man. whereupon the chief had a happy thought. if the yellow metal was valuable, his friend and benefactor would like to obtain more of it. there was plenty to be found within a short distance of the village. the chief would tell him where it was, but him alone, conditionally. he must promise that if he came for it, or sent any one for it, the people of ilola should not be injured; for every month brought news from afar of the terrible things that were done by the white men in their hunt for rubber. perhaps the same might happen if white men came to look for gold. barnard gave the chief the desired assurance, undertaking that no harm should come to him or his people if he showed where the gold was to be found. the american was then led across a vast stretch of swampy ground to a rugged hill some three or four miles from ilola. through a deep fissure in the hillside brawled a rapid stream, and in its sandy bed the traveller discerned clear traces of the precious metal. barnard explained to mr. martindale that ilola was several days' journey above the rapids on the lemba, a sub-tributary of the congo, and provided him with a rough map on which he had traced the course of the streams he would have to navigate to reach it. but even without the map it might be found without much difficulty: its name was well known among the natives along the upper reaches of the river, the chief being lord of several villages. so far mr. martindale's journey had been without a hitch, and he was now within three or four days of his destination. it was the custom of the party to stay at night in or near a native village. there a hut could usually be got for the white men, and barnard had told them that a hut was for many reasons preferable to a tent. sudden storms were not infrequent in these latitudes, especially at night--a tent might be blown or washed away almost without warning, while a well-built native hut would stand fast. moreover, a tent is at the best uncomfortably hot and close; a hut is more roomy, and the chinks in the matting of which its sides commonly consist allow a freer passage of air. the floor too is dry and hard, often raised above the ground outside; and the roof, made of bamboo and thatched with palm leaves and coarse grasses, is rain-tight. up to the present mr. martindale had met with nothing but friendliness from the natives, and a hut had always been at his disposal. but he had now reached a part of the river where the people knew white men only by hearsay, and could not distinguish between inoffensive travellers and the grasping agents whose cruelty rumour was spreading through the land. the people of the village where he wished to put up for this night were surly and suspicious, and he decided for once to sleep in his tent on the river bank instead of in a hut. the party had barely finished their evening meal when the sun sank, and in a few minutes all was dark. samba had been handed over to barney, whose hospital experience enabled him to tend the boy's wound with no little dexterity, and the boy went happily to sleep in barney's tent, his arm round pat's neck. jack shared his uncle's tent. he had been somewhat excited by the scenes and events of the day, and did not fall asleep the moment he lay down, as he usually did. the tent was very warm and stuffy; the mosquitoes found weak spots in his curtains and sought diligently for unexplored regions of his skin, until he found the conditions intolerable. he got up, envying his uncle, who was sound asleep, his snores vying with the distant roars of hippopotami in the river. taking care not to disturb him, jack stepped out of the hut, and understood at once why the air was so oppressive. a storm was brewing. everything was still, as if weighed down by some monstrous incubus. ever and anon the indigo sky was cut across by steel-blue flashes of forked lightning, and thunder rumbled far away. jack sauntered on, past barney's tent, towards the river bank, listening to noises rarely heard by day--the grunt of hippopotami, the constant rasping croak of frogs, the lesser noises of birds and insects among the reeds. the boatmen and other natives of the party were a hundred yards away, beyond the tents he had just left. sometimes they would chatter till the small hours, but to-night they were silent, sleeping heavily after their toil. he came to a little eminence, from which he could look down towards the stream. everything was black and indistinguishable. but suddenly, as a jagged flash of lightning momentarily lit the scene, he fancied he caught a glimpse of a figure moving below, about the spot where the nearest of the canoes was moored. was it a wild beast, he wondered, prowling for food? or perhaps his eyes had deceived him? he moved a little forward; carefully, for the blackness of night seemed deeper than ever. another flash! he had not been mistaken; it was a figure, moving on one of the canoes--a human form, a man, stooping, with a knife in his hand! what was he doing? once more for an instant the lightning lit up the river, and as by a flash jack guessed the man's purpose: he was about to cut the mooring rope! jack's first impulse was to shout; but in a moment he saw that a sudden alarm might cause the natives of his party to stampede. the intruder was alone, and a negro; why not try to capture him? jack was ready with his hands: his muscles were in good order; he could wrestle and box, and, as became a boy of tom brown's school, fight. true, the man had a knife; but with the advantage of surprise on his side jack felt that the odds were fairly equal. he stole down the slope to the waterside, hoping that the darkness would remain unbroken until he had stalked his man. a solitary bush at the very brink gave him cover; standing behind it, almost touching the sleeping sentry who should have been guarding the canoes, jack could just see the dark form moving from the first canoe to the second. he waited until the man bent over to cut the connecting rope; then with three long silent leaps he gained the side of the foremost canoe, which was almost resting on the bank in just sufficient water to float her. the man had already made two or three slashes at the rope when he heard jack's splash in the shallow water. with a dexterous twist of his body he eluded jack's clutch, and swinging round aimed with his knife a savage blow at his assailant. jack felt a stinging pain in the fleshy part of the thigh, and, hot with rage, turned to grapple with the negro. his fingers touched a greasy skin; the man drew back, wriggled round, and prepared to leap overboard. at the moment when he made his spring jack flung out his hands to catch him. he was just an instant too late; the negro had splashed into the shallow water on the far side of the canoe, and disappeared into the inky blackness beyond, leaving in jack's hands a broken string, with a small round object dangling from the end. at the same moment there was a heavy thwack against the side of the canoe; and jack, mindful of crocodiles, bolted up the bank. he turned after a few yards, shuddering to think that the man had perhaps escaped him only to fall a victim to this most dreaded scourge of african rivers. but if he was indeed in the jaws of a crocodile he was beyond human help. he listened for a time, but could detect no sound betraying the man's presence. pursuit, he knew, was useless. except when the lightning flashed he could scarcely see a yard beyond him. [illustration: a midnight encounter] jack did not care to disturb his uncle. he went round the camp, found nando with some difficulty in the darkness, and ordered him to send ten of the crew to occupy the canoes for the rest of the night. then he went back to his tent, bound up his wound, and stretched himself on his mattress. he lay awake for a time, wondering what motive the intruder could have for damaging the expedition. at last, from sheer weariness, he dropped off into a troubled sleep in which he was conscious of a deluge of rain that descended upon the camp. the morning however broke clear. jack told his uncle what had occurred. "humph!" grunted mr. martindale. "what's the meaning of it, i wonder?" "do you think it was a move of that belgian fellow, uncle?" "mr. elbel? no, i don't. he has no reason for interfering with us. i've bought the rights from his company, and as they'll get royalties on all the gold i find, he's not such a fool as to hinder us." "but samba, uncle?" "bah! he was egged on to demand the boy by that villainous-looking nigger, and his dignity being a trifle upset, he thought he'd try it on with us. no, i don't think he was at the bottom of it. i've always heard that these niggers are arrant thieves; the villagers were unfriendly, you remember, and most likely 'twas one of them who took a fancy to our canoes. glad you frightened him off, anyway. what about your wound?" "it's nothing to speak of--a slight flesh wound. i washed it with alum solution, and don't think it will give me any bother." "lucky it's no worse. we'll set a careful watch every night after this. and take my advice: if you can't sleep, don't go prowling about; it isn't safe in these parts. try my dodge; shut your eyes and imagine you see forty thousand sheep jumping a patent boundary fence in single file; or if that don't work, say to yourself: 'how much wood would a woodchuck chuck if a woodchuck would chuck wood?'--and keep on saying it. i've never known it fail." "perhaps it's a good job i didn't know it last night," replied jack, laughing. "we should have been minus four canoes." "and all our stores. but don't do it again, there's a good fellow. i've paid double passage, and i don't want to go home alone." the camp was by this time astir. the natives, chattering like monkeys, were busily preparing their breakfast. barney was engaged in a like service for the white men, and samba proved himself to be an adept at cleaning the fish which some of the men had caught in the early morning. "sure an' he'll be a treasure, sorr," said barney, as he handed mr. martindale his cup of tea and plate of broiled fish. "is the boy getting better?" "as fast as he can, sorr. 'twas want uv food more than wounds that was wrong wid him. all he really needs is a dish uv good honest murphies twice a day, and sorry i am they do not grow in this haythen counthry." it was one of barney's crosses that the only potatoes obtainable _en route_ were the sweet variety. mr. martindale rather liked them--a weakness which barney regarded with sorrow as an injustice to ireland. breakfast finished, the canoes were manned and the expedition resumed its journey. samba kept the negroes amused with his songs and chatter and clever imitations of the cries of birds and beasts. his restless eyes seemed to miss nothing of the scenes along the river. he would point to what appeared to be a log cast up on the sand and exclaim "nkoli!" and utter shrill screams: and the log would perhaps disappear, leaving no trace, or move and open a sleepy eye, and barney ejaculate, "a crocodile, by all the holy powers!" once he drew jack's attention to a greenish lizard, some eight inches long, creeping down an ant-hill towards a tiny shrew mouse. spying the enemy, the little creature darted down the slope, and took a header into the water; but the lizard came close upon its heels, sprang after it, and dragged it down into the deep. "and what do you make of this?" said jack suddenly, showing samba the amulet he had torn from the neck of the midnight marauder. the boy started, stared at the piece of bone, looked up in jack's face and exclaimed-- "bokun'oka fafa!"[ ] "him say belong him uncle," nando interpreted. samba spoke rapidly to nando. "him say belong berrah bad uncle on smoke-boat, sah. him say how massa get him?" jack related the incident of the night, nando translating to the boy, who listened gravely, but smiled at the end. "why does he smile?" asked jack. "he say him uncle no lib for good any more: lost medicine ring; he no fit for do bad fings any more: get cotched ebery time." "begorra, sorr, 'tis like me very own uncle tim, who niver had a day's luck after he lost the lucky sixpence given to 'm by a ginerous kind gentleman for holding a horse in sackville street whin he was a bhoy. he had always been unlucky before that, sorr, and sure the lucky sixpence would have made a rich man uv him in time; but he lost it the very same day, sorr, and had no luck at all at all." "well," said mr. martindale, laughing, "if the loss of this amulet means that the owner will never succeed in any tricks against us, i congratulate you, jack. will you wear it yourself?" "no, uncle; i'll give it to samba." but samba, when the charm was given to him, looked at it seriously for a moment, then his face broke into a beaming smile as he slipped the string about pat's neck. "mbua end' ólótsi!"[ ] he cried, clapping his hands. pat barked with pleasure and licked the boy's face. "they're great chums already," remarked mr. martindale pleasantly, as he bit the end off a cigar. that evening, when the time for camping came, there was no village in sight from the river, and nando reported that the nearest lay too far from the stream to suit his employer. the banks were thickly wooded, and it appeared as if there would be some difficulty in finding a space sufficiently clear for a camp. but at last the travellers came to a spot where a stretch of level grassland ran wedge-like into the vegetation. at one end the ground rose gradually until it formed a bluff overhanging the river at a considerable height. this seemed as favourable a place as was likely to be discovered, and here the camp was pitched, the evening meal was eaten, and the travellers sought repose. the night was very dark, and deep silence brooded over the encampment--such silence as the dweller in towns can never know. not even the shriek of a nocturnal monkey or the splash of a fish pursued by a crocodile broke the stillness. every member of the party was asleep. but all at once, samba, lying just within the flap-door of barney o'dowd's tent, one arm pillowing his head, the other clasping the terrier, was disturbed by a low whine. he was awake in an instant. he had never heard pat whine; the dog barked at everything; why had he changed his manner of speech? samba got up: pat had left him and stood in the entrance to the tent; the whine had become a growl. the boy followed him, stooped and felt in the dark for his head, then lifted him in his arms and went out, laying a hand on the dog's muzzle to silence him. like other terriers, pat objected to be carried. the whine had wakened barney also; pat and he had passed many a night together. he heard the slight sound made by samba's departure, and rising, went out in his stockings to follow him. he walked a few yards in the direction he supposed samba to have taken; but it was too dark to see him, and neither boy nor dog made any further sound. barney retraced his steps, and, wandering a little from the way he had come, stumbled over the sleeping body of one of the men placed as sentinels. he gave him a kick. "get up, you varmint!" he cried. "is that the fashion uv keeping gyard?" but as soon as he had passed on the man rolled over, gave a grunt, and was fast asleep again. meanwhile samba had walked on towards the river bank, stopping at intervals to listen. he heard nothing; not even the usual nightly sounds came to him; the surrounding forest seemed asleep. but suddenly, pat became restless and uttered a rumbling growl. samba held him close and whispered to him, and the dog apparently understood, for the growl ceased. then samba caught the faint sound of paddles up-stream--a sound so familiar to him that he could not be mistaken. he crept cautiously along, up the gradual ascent, until he came near the summit of the overhanging cliff. moving stealthily to the edge he peered over; but in the blackness he could see nothing. the sound had ceased. feeling his way carefully with his bare feet, samba slowly made his way down the grassy cliff until he came near the water's edge, then crept along the bank up stream. again pat uttered his low growl, but was instantly silent in response to the boy's whispered warning. samba seemed to find his way by instinct over the uneven ground. now and again he heard a beast scurry away at his approach and rustle through the bushes or plunge into the river; but he was not afraid: there was little risk of encountering a dangerous animal, and he was too far above the sandy level to stumble upon a crocodile lying in wait. he went on steadily. it was not a native custom to move about in the dark hours, and, remembering what had happened the night before, he was intent upon discovering the business of the mysterious paddlers. after pat's last smothered growl he proceeded more cautiously than ever. at last the sound of low voices ahead made him halt. whispering again to pat, who licked his hand as if to reassure him, he set the dog down and crept forward again, bending low, and taking care, dark as it was, to avail himself of every bush for cover. to judge by the voices, a large number of men must have gathered at some point not far ahead. he drew still nearer. all at once he halted again, and laid a hand on pat's neck. among the voices he had distinguished one that he knew only too well: it was that of his uncle boloko. he stood rooted to the spot with dismay. a few minutes later his quick ears caught the sound of men moving off at right angles to the river in a direction that would enable them to skirt the cliff and come upon the sleeping camp through the forest in its rear. in a flash he saw through their scheme. bidding pat in a whisper to follow him, he turned and hurried back, climbing the face of the cliffs with a panther's surefootedness, and racing along at his top speed as soon as he came to the downward slope. with pat at his heels he dashed into barney's tent. "etumba! etumba!"[ ] he exclaimed breathlessly. "ba-lofúndú bao ya!"[ ] and pat chimed in with three rapid barks. [ ] my father's younger brother. [ ] good dog! [ ] fight! (the natives' alarm signal). [ ] the villains are upon us! chapter v the order of merit "bad cess to you, you young varmint!" exclaimed barney, waking with a start. "what do you say at all?" "ba-lofúndú bao ya! boloko!" "be jabers if i know what you'd be meaning. off! run! nando! and it's pitch dark it is." the boy scampered, pat still at his heels. the dog had evidently been impressed by samba's warnings, for he ran silently, without growl or bark. they came to the spot where nando lay, beneath a spreading acacia. samba shook him without ceremony. "ba-lofúndú bao ya!" he cried. "betsua! betsua!"[ ] nando growled and bade him be off; but when the boy poured his story with eager excitement into the big negro's sleepy ears, nando at last bestirred himself, and hurried to mr. martindale's tent, bidding samba remain at hand. "samba him uncle, berrah bad man, come to fight," said nando breathlessly when jack came to the door of the tent. "bad man go round round, hide in trees, come like leopard. massa gone 'sleep: massa him men all lib for big sleep; boloko shoot; one, two, massa dead all same." "what, what!" said mr. martindale, flinging off his rug. "another alarm, eh?" he pressed the button of an electric torch and threw a bright light on the scene. "an attack in force this time, uncle," said jack. "some black fellows are coming to surprise us in the rear." "how many are the villains?" said mr. martindale, pulling on his trousers. "two, free, hundred, fousand." "a dozen all told, i suppose! well, we'll fight 'em." "rather risky that, uncle," said jack. "there may be more than a dozen, after all, and our men are not armed: we two couldn't do much against a hundred, say." "true. why was i such a fool? that britisher at matadi said i'd better arm my men, and i wish i'd taken his tip. we're in a tight corner, jack, if the nigger is correct. here, nando, are you sure of this?" "sartin sure, sah. me see fousand fifty black men creep, creep 'long ribber, sah: big lot guns, 'bini guns, massa, go crack, crack. come all round, sah; run like antelope: no time for massa run away." nando's face expressed mortal terror; there was no doubt he believed in the reality of the danger. "how did they come?" asked mr. martindale. "in boat, sah." "where are they?" "small small up ribber, sah." "and i suppose you've alarmed the camp?" "no, sah, no. me no tell one boy at all." "well, it looks as if we're going to be wiped out, jack. we can't fight a hundred armed men. if our fellows were armed, we might lay a trap for 'em; but we aren't strong enough for that. but perhaps if we show we're ready for 'em, and they're not going to surprise us, they may sheer off." "then why not take the offensive, uncle?" "what d'you mean?" "attack the canoes while the most of them are marching round. they'd hear our shots and bolt back, as sure as a gun." "that's slim. we'll try it. go and wake barney, jack." barney, however, was already on his way to the tent, jack explained the situation to him. "here's a revolver, barney," said mr. martindale, as the irishman came up. "you must do the best you can if there's a rush. jack and i are going right away to the river: you're in charge." barney handled the revolver gingerly. "sure i'd feel more at home wid me shillelagh!" he muttered as he went away. mr. martindale turned to the negro. "now you, nando, lead the way." the man's eyes opened wide with fear. "me plenty sick in eyes, sah," he stammered. "me only see small small. boy samba him eyes berrah fine and good, see plenty quick, massa; he show way." "i don't care who shows the way," said mr. martindale, too much preoccupied with his hunting rifle and ammunition to notice the inconsistency between nando's statement and the story he had already told. nando called to samba and told him what was required, and the party set off, the boy going ahead with pat, mr. martindale and jack following with their rifles, and nando in great trepidation bringing up the rear. mr. martindale puffed and panted as he scaled the bluff, and breathed very hard as he followed samba down the rough descent to the brink of the river. when they came to comparatively level ground they halted. "how far now?" asked mr. martindale, in a whisper. "small small, massa," replied nando. "well, jack, when we come near these precious canoes we'll fire both barrels one slick after the other, then reload." "and go at them with a rush, uncle?" "rush! how can i rush? i'm pretty well blown already. but i could fetch wind enough to shout. we'll shout, jack. nando, you'll bawl your loudest, and the boy too. if i know these niggers they'll bolt. and look here, jack, fire in the air: we don't want to hit 'em. if they stand their ground and resist, we can fire in good earnest; but they won't." they took a few cautious steps forward, then samba ran back, clutched nando by the arm and whispered-- "boat dah, sah," said the negro, under his breath. "oh! me feel plenty sick inside!" "hush! howl, then, when we fire. now, jack, ready? i'll let off my two barrels first." next moment there was a flash and a crack, followed immediately by a second. nando and samba had begun to yell at the top of their voices. mr. martindale bellowed in one continuous roll, and pat added to the din by a furious barking. the noise, even to those who made it, was sufficiently startling in the deep silence of the night. jack fired his two shots, but before his uncle had reloaded there was a yell from the direction of the canoes, then the sound of men leaping on shore and crashing through the bushes. immediately afterwards faint shouts came from the forest at the rear of the bluff. "we've done the trick," said mr. martindale with a chuckle. "now we'll get back. they've had a scare. let's hope we shall have no more trouble to-night." he flashed his electric torch on the river bank below, and revealed five large canoes drawn up side by side. "there must be more than a hundred of them," he added. "each of those canoes can carry thirty men." on the way back to the camp, they heard renewed shouts as the men who had marched into the forest broke out again in a wild dash for the threatened canoes. the camp was in commotion. barney was volubly adjuring the startled natives to be aisy; but they were yelling, running this way and that, tumbling over one another in the darkness. the sight of mr. martindale's round red face behind his electric torch reassured them; and when nando, who had now quite recovered his spirits, told them that he, with the white men's assistance, had put to flight twenty thousand bad men and boloko, they laughed and slapped their thighs, and settled down in groups to discuss the event and make much of nando during the rest of the night. there was no more sleep for any of the party except samba. he, satisfied that his new friends were safe, curled himself up on his mat with the inseparable terrier, and slept until the dawn. but mr. martindale sat smoking in his tent, discussing the events of the night with his nephew. "i don't like it, jack. we're on top this time, thanks to a little bluff. but there must have been a large number of them to judge by the canoes and the yells; and but for that fellow nando we might easily have been wiped out. and from what nando says they are those villainous forest guards of the concession. what's the meaning of it? it may be that the concession have repented of their bargain and want to keep me out, or perhaps elbel is terrified lest i shall expose him when i get back to boma. either way, it seems as if we're going to have a bad time of it." "i don't think it can be elbel's doing, uncle. it's such a risky game to play, your expedition being authorized by his own people." "i don't imagine elbel is such a fool as to attack us officially. he can always disavow the actions of those natives. at any rate, i shall make a point of getting rifles for the men as soon as i can." "they can't use them." "of course they can't; but you'll have to turn yourself into a musketry instructor. meanwhile i must give that fellow nando some sort of reward. it will encourage him and the others too." when daylight broke mr. martindale went down to the river while barney was preparing breakfast. there was no trace of the enemy. presumably they had set their canoes afloat and drifted down stream in the darkness. they had no doubt reckoned on surprising the camp, and their calculations had been upset by the certainty of meeting with resistance, the fact that the travellers were poorly armed being forgotten in the panic bred of the sudden uproar in the night. after breakfast mr. martindale had the men paraded in a semicircle around the tent, and, sitting on a stool in front of it, with jack on one side and barney on the other, he called nando forward. "we are very much pleased with your watchfulness, nando." the negro grinned, and with a ludicrous air of importance translated the sentence to his comrades. "it is due to you that we were not surprised in the dark: you did very well, and set an excellent example to the men." "me plenty clebber, sah, oh yes!" "i shall take care in future to have our camp more closely guarded, and punish any carelessness. but now, to show how pleased i am with you, i am going to give you a little present." nando's mouth spread from ear to ear. he translated the announcement to the negroes, looking round upon them with an expression of triumphant satisfaction that tickled jack's sense of humour. barney had shut one eye; his lips were twitching. "but before i do that," went on mr. martindale, "i want you to tell us how you came to discover the enemy in the darkness." nando for a moment looked a little nonplussed, scratching his head and shifting from foot to foot. then inspiration seized him; he elaborately cleared his throat, snapped his fingers, crossed his arms on his brawny chest, and began-- "me no get sleep, me get up and go round about, fink see if massa's fings all right. me stop, go sick inside; one, two eyes like twinkle twinkle look down out of tree." he waved his arm towards the acacia under which he had been sleeping. "me fink dis plenty bad; what for man lib for hide in tree and look at nando? me no 'fraid, no, no; me walk all same, like me no see nuffin. yah! me see all same, wait long time, man no fit for see nando. bimeby man come down like snake, creep, creep, 'long, 'long; me go too, what for? 'cos man plenty bad man, him go 'bini gun, him go into wood. what for? muss see; s'pose he go fetch bad man and shoot massa? he no come dis way 'less he lib for do bad fings. him got 'bini gun, me got spear; no good! me no 'fraid. plenty debbils in forest! me no 'fraid. massa say nando look after fings; all same: nando look after, no 'fraid, 'bini gun, debbils and all. what for? massa him nando him fader and mudder. s'pose bad men shoot; s'pose debbil come; all same: muss do what massa say, look after fings, look after massa. me no 'fraid!" again nando paused and scratched his head, looking troubled. then his face cleared; he took a deep breath and continued-- "me go 'long 'long after bad man. he come to place no trees, grass all same: one, two, twenty, fousand bad men dah. bad man say 'kwa te! kwa te!'[ ] dey talk, oh yes! whish! whish! same as trees when wind make talk. me get behind tree; me hab got two, four, twenty ears. me listen! dey say come, creep, creep, bring 'bini gun; white man all 'sleep; black man come, no nise, shoot: oh my gracious! white man all lib for dead! me no 'fraid!" "who was the chief of these bad men?" interrupted mr. martindale. "boloko, sah!--samba him uncle." "but how could you tell that in the dark?" "dey hab got light: one, two, twenty tiny small fire on stick." "torches, he means, i suppose," said mr. martindale. "how did you find your way back in the dark?" "yah! me know all 'bout dat. me lib long time in forest, oh yes! me fight little tiny men; dey plenty small, plenty good fighter all same; shoot one, two, free arrow; one, two, free fings gone dead. me fight dem; so me find way like leopard." "well, you're a clever fellow, and you did very well. here is a present for you." he took from his pocket a huge bone-handled penknife, and displayed its various parts one by one: four blades, a corkscrew, a file, a hook, and an awl. nando's eyes opened wide with delight; he chuckled gloatingly as one after another these treasures came to view. mr. martindale was shutting them up before handing over the knife when barney stepped quietly forward, touched his cap and said-- "if you plase, sorr, before you part wid this handsome presentation, will i have yer leave to ax mr. nando wan question?" "why, you can if you like," said mr. martindale in surprise. "thank you, your honour. now mr. nando, would you plase tell us if you ate a big supper uv maniac last night?" "manioc, barney," corrected jack with a smile. "sure that's what i said, sorr! would you plase tell his honour, mr. nando?" the man looked in amazement from one to another. he seemed to suspect a pitfall, but was puzzled to make out the bearing of the question. "sure i speak plain. did ye, or did ye not, eat a big supper uv anything at all last night?" "me eat plenty little manioc," said nando, thinking he was expected to defend himself against a charge of gluttony. "me no pig like common black man." "and you did not get a pain?"--here barney helped out his meaning with pantomime--"nor dream all that terrible wild stuff you have just been telling us?" "me no can dream!" cried nando, indignantly. "me say true fings all same." "sure, thin, if your supper didn't give ye the nightmare, mine did. begorra! 'twas a mighty terrible dream i dreamt, indeed, mr. nando. i dreamt you was snoring like a pig--like a common black pig, to be sure; and there came a little spalpeen uv a black bhoy, a common black bhoy, and shook ye by the shoulder, and called 'baa! baa! bloko!' and some more i disremimber now; and thin----" nando, who had been looking more and more uneasy, here interrupted, hurriedly addressing mr. martindale-- "me plenty sick inside, sah," he said, pressing his hands to the pit of his stomach. "me eat plenty too much manioc all same." crestfallen and abashed the big fellow slunk away, jack roaring with laughter, mr. martindale looking on in speechless amazement. "begorra, sorr," said barney, "'tis a born liar he is. he was fast in the arms uv murphies, or maniac, speaking by the card, till the bhoy samba woke him up. 'twas samba, sorr, that spied the enemy, and 'twas me little darlint uv a dog that gave the first alarm. give a dog his due, sorr, and if you plase, give samba the knife." mr. martindale first looked annoyed, then broke into hearty laughter. he called for samba, who came up smiling, with pat at his heels. "where's that villain nando?" cried mr. martindale. "he shall come and interpret." in response to a summons nando came from behind the crowd of natives. he had recovered his composure, and translated with glib and smiling unconcern the story which samba told. only when mr. martindale handed samba the knife did the negro look sorry. "me no lib for eat too big lot manioc nudder time," he said glumly, as he went away. [ ] wake up! [ ] hush! chapter vi samba is missing nando was like a child in his humours. his broad face could not long be overclouded. when the party once more embarked he performed his work as chief paddler with his usual cheerfulness. all that day the river washed the edge of a continuous forest tract--a spur, as jack understood from nando's not too lucid explanations, of the vast upper congo forest that stretched for many hundreds of miles across the heart of africa. jack gazed with great curiosity, merged sometimes in a sense of awe and mystery, at the dark impenetrable woodland. it was only a year or two since he had read stanley's account of his wonderful march through the forest, and his vivid recollection was quickened and intensified by the sight of the actual scene. "and are there pigmies in that forest--little men, you know?" he asked nando. "sartin sure, sah. me fight fousand hundred little tiny men: me no 'fraid. dey shoot plenty good, sah: one arrow shoot two free birds. dey hab berrah fine eye, sah; see what big man no can see. massa see dem some day: make massa laugh plenty much." here and there, in places where the river widened out, the travellers came upon herds of hippopotami disporting themselves in the shallows. their presence was often indicated first by strange squeals and grunts: then a huge head would be seen on the surface of the water as the beast heard the regular splash of the paddles and was provoked to investigate its cause; his jaws would open, disclosing a vast pink chasm; and having completed his long yawn, and satisfied himself that the strangers intended no harm, he would plunge his head again beneath the water, or turn clumsily to wallow in uncouth gambols with his mates. the negroes always plied their paddles more rapidly at such spots. nando told stories of hippopotami which had upset canoes out of sheer mischief, and of others which, pricked and teased by native spears, had lain in wait among the rushes and wrecked the craft of fishers returning to their homes at dusk. "me no 'fraid of little man," said nando; "me plenty much 'fraid of hippo." now and again a crocodile, disturbed in his slumbers by the splashing of the paddles or the songs of the men, would dart out of a creek and set off in furious chase; but finding the canoe a tougher morsel than he expected, would sink after a disappointed sniffing and disappear. occasionally mr. martindale or jack would take a shot at the reptiles, but they were so numerous that by and by the travellers desisted from their "potting," mr. martindale regarding it as a waste of good ammunition. the natives whom they saw at riverside villages were now sometimes suspicious, and disinclined to have any communication with the strangers. returning from interviews with them, nando reported that they had heard of the massacre at banonga, and though he assured them that his employer was no friend of the tyrants, he failed to convince them: he was a white man; that was enough. it was with some difficulty, and only after the exercise of much tact, patience, and good humour on nando's part, that he managed to secure enough food to supply the needs of the men. two days passed amid similar scenes. the journey never became monotonous, for in that wonderful land there is always something fresh to claim the traveller's attention. jack began to give samba lessons in english, and found him an apt enough pupil, though, in practising his newly-acquired words afterwards, the boy, to jack's amusement, adopted a pronounced irish accent from barney. on the morning of the third day, when the camp became active, barney was somewhat surprised to find that samba and pat did not join him as usual at breakfast. boy and dog had gone to sleep together in his tent, and he had not seen or heard their departure. breakfast was cleared away, everything was packed up in readiness for starting, and yet the missing members of the party had not appeared. both were very popular; samba's unfailing cheerfulness had made him a general favourite, and pat's sagacity, his keen sporting instincts, and the vigour of his barking when hippopotami or crocodiles came too near the canoe, won for him a good deal of admiration from the natives. "what! samba gone!" exclaimed mr. martindale, when barney told him of the disappearance. "have you called him?" "sure me throat is sore wid it, sorr," said barney, "and me lips are cracked wid whistling for pat, bad cess to 'm." "the dog has gone too, eh? i reckon samba's a thief like the rest of 'em." "begging yer pardon, sorr, it takes two to make a thief, one to steal, the other to be stolen. pat would never agree to be stolen, sorr; besides, he would never be such an ungrateful spalpeen uv a dog, not to speak uv the bad taste of it, as to desert his ould master for a nigger bhoy." "well, what's become of them, then? nando, where's samba?" "me no can tell, sah. me fink crocodile eat him, sah. little tiny black boy go walk all alone alone night time. yah! crocodile come 'long, fink black boy make plenty good chop. soosh! little black boy in ribber, crocodile eat him all up, sah. what for black boy go walk alone? one time all right, nando eat manioc[ ]; nudder time all wrong, crocodile eat samba." nando shook his head sententiously; samba's exploit on the night of the alarm was evidently still rankling. "that's not it at all," said barney. "pat would niver permit any crocodile, wid all his blarney, to eat him; and if a crocodile ate samba, sure pat would have been the first to come and tell us." "no, it's your irish that has frightened the boy," said jack gravely. "i've been trying to teach him a few words of english; but i've noticed once or twice, after i've done with him, that he pronounces the words as if he'd learnt them in ireland. no decent black boy could stand that, you know, barney." "faith, 'tis irishmen that speak the best english," returned barney; "did i not hear them wid me very own ears in the house uv parlimint?" "well, jack, we must go on," said mr. martindale. "i was afraid the boy would be a botheration." "he has done us a good turn, uncle. couldn't we wait an hour or two and see if he appears?" "it's not business, jack." "my dear uncle, it's no use your posing as a hard-hearted man of business. you know you're quite fond of the boy." "eh! well, i own he's a likely little fellow, and i sort of felt he's a part of the concern; in short, jack, we'll put in an hour or two and give him a chance." an hour passed, and pat made his appearance. he trotted soberly into the camp, not frisking or barking joyously as was his wont. "arrah thin, ye spalpeen, where's samba?" cried barney as the dog came to him. pat hung his head, and put his tail between his legs and whined. "go and fetch him, then," cried barney. the terrier looked at his master, turned as if to do his bidding, then moved slowly round and whined again. "sure 'tis not devoured by a crocodile he is, or pat would be in a terrible rage. the bhoy has deserted, sorr, and pat's heart is after being broken." "well, we'll wait a little longer, barney," said mr. martindale; "he may turn up yet." the day wore itself out, and samba had not returned. mr. martindale and jack spent part of the time in shooting, adding a goodly number of wild ducks, a river hog and an antelope to the larder. part of the time they watched the men fishing, or rather harpooning, for they caught the fish by dexterous casts of their light spears. towards evening mr. martindale became seriously anxious, and a little testy. "i'm afraid a crocodile has made a meal of him, after all," he said. "i don't reckon he'd any reason for leaving us; he got good victuals." "and a good knife, uncle. perhaps he has gone to find his father." "no, i don't bank on that. too far for a young boy to go alone, through the forest, too, on foot. anyway, he's an ungrateful young wretch to go without saying a word; i've always heard these blacks don't measure up to white people in their feelings." mr. martindale delayed his departure until the middle of the next day in the hope that samba would return. then, however, he declared he could wait no longer, and the party set off. late in the afternoon of the next day they came to a spot where a gap occurred in the thick vegetation that lined the bank. here, said nando, they must land. ilola, the principal village of the chief to whom they were bound, stood a short distance from the river, and the way to it lay through the clear space between two forest belts. a quarter of an hour's walking brought them to the village, a cluster of tent-shaped grass huts almost hidden in the bush. the settlement was surrounded by a stockade, and the plantations of banana, maize, and ground-nuts showed signs of careful cultivation. nando went alone to interview the chief, bearing a present of cloth and a small copper token which mr. martindale had received from his friend barnard. the chief would recognize it as the replica of one given to him. nando returned in an hour's time, troubled in countenance. imbono the chief, he said, had refused to meet the white man, or to have any dealings with him. he well remembered the white man who had cured his son and given him the token two years before; had they not become blood brothers! but since then many things had happened. dark stories had reached his ears of the terrible consequences that followed the coming of the white man. one of his young men--his name was faraji--who had joined a party of traders carrying copper down the congo, had just come back with dreadful tales of what he himself had seen. when imbono was a boy his people had lived in terror of the white-robed men from the east.[ ] there had been a great white-robed chief named tippu tib, who sent his fighting men far and wide to collect ivory and slaves. these men knew no pity; they carried destruction wherever they went, tearing children from parents, husbands from wives, chaining them together, beating them with cruel whips, strewing the land with the corpses of slaves exhausted by long marching or slain because they were ill or weak. but terrible as were the warriors of tippu tib, surely the servants of the great white chief[ ] were more terrible still; for it often happened that the slave hunters, having come once, came not again; like a fierce tempest they passed; but as, when a storm has devastated a forest, new trees grow and flourish in the room of the old, so when a village had been robbed of its youth, their places were in course of time filled by other boys and girls. and even when the slave hunters came some villagers would escape, and hide in dens or among the forest trees until the danger had passed. but the servants of the great white chief were like a blight settling for ever on the land. they came, and stayed; none could escape them, none were spared, young or old. imbono feared the white man; he prayed him to go in peace; the men of ilola were peaceable, and sought not to make enemies, but they had bows and arrows, and long shields, and heavy-shafted spears, and if need be they would defend themselves against the stranger. "i guess this is kind of awkward," said mr. martindale when nando had finished his report. "you can't trade with a man who won't see you. did you explain that we don't belong to the great white chief, nando?" "me say all dat, sah; chief shake him head." "i suppose you told him our men are not armed?" "no, sah; me forgot dat, dat am de troof." "well, go back; tell the chief that i'm a friend and want to see him. say that i'll come into the village alone, or with mr. jack, and we'll leave our guns behind us. tell him the white man he saw two years ago said he was a very fine fellow, and i'll trust myself unarmed among his people, bows and arrows and spears and all." nando went away, and after another hour returned and said that imbono, after much persuasion, had agreed to receive the white man because he was a friend of his blood brother. leaving their rifles and revolvers in barney's charge, mr. martindale and jack accompanied nando to the village. the single entrance to the stockade was guarded by a throng of tall warriors with curiously painted skins, and armed with the weapons nando had described, carrying in addition knives with long leaf-shaped blades. "they ain't the daisiest of beauties," said mr. martindale as he passed them. "ugly fellows in a scrimmage," said jack. they went on, past the first huts, stared at by knots of the villagers, until they came to the chief's dwelling in the centre of the settlement. imbono was a tall, well set up, handsome negro, standing half a head taller than the men about him. he received the strangers with grave courtesy, offered them a cup of palm wine, and motioned them to two low carved stools, seating himself on a third. through nando mr. martindale explained his business, dwelling on the friendly relations which had existed between the chief and the white man, and assuring him of his peaceable intentions and of his absolute independence of the servants of the great white chief. imbono listened in silence, and made a long reply, repeating what he had already said through nando. suddenly he turned to the young man at his side, whom he called faraji, and bade him tell the white man what he had seen. "ongoko! ongoko!"[ ] exclaimed the other men. faraji stepped forward and told his story, with a volubility that outran nando's powers as an interpreter, and at the same time with a seriousness that impressed his hearers. "i come from mpatu," he said. "it is not my village: my village is ilola. i passed through mpatu on my way home. it is no longer a village. why? the servants of the great white chief had come up the river. they told the people that the lords of the world, the sons of heaven, had given all the land to the great white chief. mpatu belonged no more to the chief lualu: it belonged to the great white chief. but the great white chief was a good chief; he would be a father to his people. would he take their huts, their gardens, their fowls, their children? no, he was a good chief. everything that was theirs should be left to them; and the great white chief would keep peace in the land, and men should live together as brothers. only one thing the great white chief required of them. in the forest grew a vine that yielded a milky sap. this stuff when hardened with acid from another plant would be of use to the great white chief, and he wished them to collect it for him, and bring to his servants every fourteenth day so many baskets full. every man of mpatu must bring his share. and they said too that the great white chief was just: for all this rubber they collected he would pay, in brass rods, or cloth, or salt; and seeing the great white chief was so kind and good, only a bad man would fail in the task set him, and such bad men must be punished. and two servants of the great white chief would be left in mpatu to instruct the people as to the furnishing of the rubber; and these kind teachers the men of mpatu would surely provide with food and shelter. "the men of mpatu laughed at first. well they knew the vine! was there not enough of it and to spare in the forest? how easily they could collect what was demanded! how soon would they become rich! and they set the women and children to weave new baskets for the rubber, and made ready new and well-built huts for the men who were to teach them their duty to the great white chief. "but as time went on, woe came to mpatu. the two servants of the great white chief were bad men, selfish, cruel. they stalked about the village, treating the people as their slaves; they seized the plumpest fowls and the choicest fruits; if any man resisted, they whipped him with a long whip of hippopotamus hide. "but the servants of the great white chief demanded still more. it was not only rubber the men of mpatu were bade to bring them, but so many goats, so many fowls, so many fish and cassava and bananas. how could they do it? the rubber vines near by were soon exhausted. every week the men must go farther into the forest. they had not enough time now to hunt and fish for their own families. how supply the strangers too? "grief came to mpatu! for long days there was no man in the village save the chief lualu and the forest guards. the women cowered and crouched in their huts. no longer did they take pride in tidy homes and well-tended hair; no longer sing merrily at the stream, or croon lullabies to their babes; all joy was gone from them. "some of the men fled, and with their wives and children lived in the forest, eating roots and leaves. but even flight was vain, for the forest guards tracked them, hunted them down. some they killed as soon as they found them; others they flogged, chained by the neck, and hauled to prison. there they are given heavy tasks, carrying logs and firewood, clearing the bush, cutting up rubber; and there is a guard over them with a whip which at a single blow can cut a strip from the body. many have died; they are glad to die. "and now mpatu is a waste. one day the rubber was again short; the soldiers came--they burned the huts; they killed men, women, and children; yea, among the soldiers were man-eaters, and many of mpatu's children were devoured. only a few escaped--they wander in the forest, who knows where? i tell what i have seen and heard." when faraji had finished his story, there was silence for a time. the chief seemed disposed to let the facts sink into the minds of the white men, and mr. martindale was at a loss for words. faraji's story, so significantly similar to what he had himself discovered at banonga, had deeply impressed him. were these atrocities going on throughout the congo free state? were they indeed a part of the system of government? it seemed only too probable--the rubber tax was indeed a tax of blood. and what could he say to convince imbono that he was no friend of the white men who authorized or permitted such things? how could the negro distinguish? "'pon my soul," said the american in an aside to jack, "i am ashamed of the colour of my skin." then the chief began to speak. "the white man understands why i will have nothing to do with him--why i will not allow my people to trade with him. it may be true that you, o white man, are not as these others; you may be a friend to the black man, and believe that the black man can feel pain and grief; but did not the servants of the great white chief say that they were friends of the black man? did they not say the great white chief loved us and wished to do us good? we have seen the love of the great white chief; it is the love of the crocodile for the antelope: we would have none of it. therefore i say, o white man, though i bear you no ill-will, you must go." courteously as the chief spoke, there was no mistaking his firmness. "we must go and take stock of this," said mr. martindale. "it licks me at present, jack, and that's a hard thing for an american to say. come right away." they took ceremonious leave of the chief, and were escorted to their camp at the edge of the stream. "what's to be done, my boy?" said mr. martindale. "we can't find the gold without the chief's help, unless we go prospecting at large: we might do that for months without success, and make imbono an open enemy into the bargain. we can't fight him, and i don't want to fight him. after what we've seen and heard i won't be responsible for shedding blood; seems to me the white man has done enough of that already on the congo. this is a facer, jack." "never say die, uncle. it's getting late: i vote we sleep on it. we may see a way out of the difficulty in the morning." [ ] the native word for any food or meal. [ ] arab slave raiders. [ ] leopold ii, sovereign of the congo free state and king of the belgians. [ ] yes, do so. chapter vii blood brothers but in the morning the situation appeared only more grave. provisions were threatening to run short. hitherto there had been no difficulty in procuring food from the natives met _en route_, and mr. martindale's party had carried with them only a few days' provisions, and the "extras" necessary for the white men's comfort. but now they were come to a less populous part of the country: imbono's villages were the only settlements for many miles around; and unless imbono relaxed the rigour of his boycott mr. martindale's party would soon be in want. mr. martindale was talking over matters with jack when, from the slight eminence on which the camp was pitched, they saw a canoe, manned by six paddlers, pass up stream. jack took a look at the craft through his field glass. "it's imbono, uncle," he said; "i wonder what he is up to." he followed the progress of the canoe for some distance through the glass; then, looking ahead, his eye was caught by a herd of eight or nine hippopotami disporting themselves on a reedy flat by the river bank. "what do you say, uncle? shall we go and get some hippo meat? it will relieve the drain on our stores, and nando told me the men are rather fond of it." "we'll go right away, jack. we must keep the larder full at any rate. i suppose we shall have to stalk the beasts." "i don't think so, uncle. those we saw as we came up seemed pretty bold; they've such tough hides that they've no reason to be much afraid of the native weapons." "well, we'll paddle up to them and see how we get on." a canoe was launched, and mr. martindale set off with jack, barney, and the terrier, nando and six of the men paddling. by the time they arrived opposite the feeding ground several hippos had come out from the reeds for a bath in the shallows of the river, only their heads and backs showing above the water. the rest had moved off into the thicker reeds and were hidden from sight. "one will be enough for the present," said mr. martindale. "our fellows are great gluttons, but there's enough meat in one of those beasts to last even them a couple of days; and we don't want it to go high!" "let us both aim at the nearest," suggested jack. "fire together, uncle: bet you i bag him." "i guess i won't take you, and betting's a fool's trick anyway. we'll aim at the nearest, as you say; are you ready?" two shots rang out as one. but apparently there had been a difference of opinion as to which of the animals was the nearest. one of them disappeared; another, with a wild roar of pain and rage, plunged into the reeds; the rest sank below the surface. nando, knowing the ways of hippopotami, began to paddle with frantic vigour, and set the canoe going at a rapid pace down stream, much to the indignation of pat, who stood with his forefeet on the side of the canoe, barking fiercely. half a minute later a head appeared above the surface some fifty yards behind; then another and another: but the beasts seemed to have recovered from the alarm, for after a long cow-like stare at the receding canoe, they turned and swam ashore, to rejoin their companions in the reeds. "easy all!" said mr. martindale. "we'll give 'em a quarter of an hour to settle down, then we'll go back. what about your bet, eh, jack?" "it's your hippo, uncle, no doubt of that," said jack with a rueful smile. "an awful fluke, though; you didn't hit once to my twice coming up stream." "a fluke, was it? i kind o' notice that when you young fellows make a good shot or pull off a good stroke at billiards or anything else, it's real good play; whereas an old boy like me can only do anything decent by a fluke." "well, you've lost him, anyway. the hippo hasn't come up." "too cocksure, my boy; he's only just below the surface." the beast mortally wounded by mr. martindale's rifle was lying in shallow water. pat could no longer restrain himself. he leapt overboard and swam towards the hippo, barking with excitement, and becoming frantic when he found that it was just out of his reach. in his eagerness to attack the animal he even made an attempt to dive, so comical that all on board the canoe were convulsed with laughter. being paddled to the spot, mr. martindale found that the beast was quite dead. "now what are we to do with him?" said mr. martindale. "shall we go back and send a party to cut him up?" "no, no, sah," said nando instantly. "tie rope; pull, pull; hippo he come 'long all behind." "tow him, eh? very well. i allow that'll save time." a rope was fastened firmly about the beast's neck and jaws; the other end was fixed to the canoe; and the men began to paddle down stream, towing the hippo. the tendency of the animal being to sink, the canoe seemed to jack to be dangerously low in the water at the stern. but they had only a part of the usual complement of men on board, and the paddlers were among the most skilful on the congo. they had gone but a few strokes when jack, glancing back, caught sight of imbono's canoe returning. like mr. martindale's it was keeping fairly close to the bank. all at once a great shout of alarm broke from the chief's paddlers; their easy swing was quickened to desperate exertion, and they pulled out violently towards the middle of the stream. "by jove! uncle, a hippo's after them," cried jack. just astern of the chief's canoe, between it and the shore, a huge hippopotamus, with jaws distended, showing his gleaming tusks, was swimming along in pursuit. for a little he gained, and jack's pulse beat more quickly with excitement as he saw that the enraged beast was not more than half a dozen yards from the canoe. but the gap widened as soon as the six strong paddlers had settled down to their quickened stroke. imbono, sitting in the stern, had caught sight of the white men as his canoe cut for a few moments across the current, and with the natural vanity of the negro he began to show off. at a word from him one of the crew dropped his paddle, and, catching up a spear, hurled it at the pursuing hippo. there was a hoarse bellow from the animal, and a wild cheer from the men; the shaft of the spear was seen standing almost perpendicularly above the hippo's shoulder. with fierce exertion the beast increased his pace, and the gap momentarily diminished; but the negro resumed his paddle, and again the canoe drew away. as the canoe came almost level with the towed hippo at a considerable distance towards mid-stream, imbono ordered the same manoeuvre to be repeated. but fortune doubly befriended the pursuing animal. just as the negro was poising his spear, a submerged tree stopped the canoe with a sudden jerk; the man lost his balance and fell overboard; half of the crew followed him into the water, the rest tumbled over one another into the bottom of the canoe. imbono had been thrown backward as the vessel struck the snag. he had barely time to rise and plunge into the water when there was a hideous crackling sound; the stern of the canoe was caught between the hippo's gaping jaws and crunched to splinters. the consequences of the chief's temerity would have been amusing but for his manifest danger. the negroes were swimming in all directions, keeping as much as possible under water to escape the eyes of the hippo; but imbono, an older man than the rest, was not so expert a swimmer, and jack saw with concern that the hippo, leaving the sinking canoe, was making straight for the chief. a hippopotamus may be distanced by a canoe, but not by a man swimming. imbono did not look behind, but seemed to know instinctively that death was within a few yards of him, and he struck out more and more desperately for the bank. at the moment when the canoe struck the snag, jack had seized his rifle; but after the catastrophe, canoe, hippo, and swimming natives were so intermingled that he could not venture a shot at the beast without the risk of hitting a man. the hippo's huge body provided a target sufficiently broad, indeed; but jack knew that to strike it anywhere save at a vital spot would merely add to the beast's rage and make it doubly formidable to the men in the water. when he saw the plight of the chief, however, the great head now only a couple of yards behind him, the jaws already opening, disclosing the vast red chasm flanked by gleaming tusks and molars--when jack saw imbono thus in the very article of peril, he could no longer hesitate. the canoe was already at rest. bidding nando keep it steady, jack raised his rifle to his shoulder and took careful aim. the chief was gasping for breath after a vain attempt to dodge the beast by diving; the horrid jaws were just about to snap, when a shot rang out. a squealing grunt came from the closing gullet; the uncouth actions of the beast ceased; and he began to sink slowly and silently beneath the surface. "a !" ejaculated mr. martindale. "that makes up for your miss, jack." "oka mö!"[ ] shouted the negroes. imbono's men had gained the bank, but the chief himself, overcome more by his fright than his exertions, seemed unable to swim any farther. "quick, haul him in, jack," said mr. martindale. "there may be a crocodile after him next!" a few strokes of the paddles brought the canoe within reach of the chief. laughing heartily--the negro's laugh is always very near the surface--nando and a comrade hoisted imbono into the canoe. "me tell imbono he oughter die of shame," said nando gravely. "what on earth for?" asked mr. martindale. "what for, sah! has he not made big puddle in massa's canoe? he plenty much wet, sah." "well, he couldn't help that. tell him we're glad he came off so well. you need not say anything about the puddle." but nando had his own views as to the proper thing to do. as he spoke the chief glanced at the pool of water that had flowed from his body, and replied in a tone that was clearly apologetic. "he say he die with shame him so wet, sah," said nando. "him no do it no more. say he praise de young inglesa for shooting de hippo; say he gib massa de hippo and manioc and bananas and anyfing whatever dat massa like. say he want massa and young massa to be blood brudder. me say berrah good; tell him oughter had sense before." "that's all right. we'll accept supplies with pleasure, and pay for them. the hippo is mr. jack's already, of course. as for becoming his blood brothers, i don't just know right off what that means; but if it'll please him, and doesn't mean any nastiness, we'll think it over." the canoe, towing mr. martindale's hippo, was rapidly paddled down stream to the encampment, the second beast being left to drift slowly down the river until, in the course of some hours, it should finally rise to the surface. on landing the chief renewed his protestations of gratitude, then went off to the village, to polish himself up, said nando, and replace his ruined headdress, a curious structure of cloth and feathers stuck on to the chignon into which his hair was gathered. mr. martindale sent back another canoe to find and tow down the dead hippo. when it was hauled up on the low sandy bank, jack and his uncle went down to examine it. "you said i missed, uncle," cried jack. "what do you make of this?" he pointed to a furrow ploughed across the full breadth of the beast's forehead. "nothing but a bullet did that, i know. my shot must have hit him, but didn't enter the skull. i suppose he hid in the reeds, and vented his fury on the chief. he happened to have a harder skull than your hippo, uncle; you see it was a fluke after all." mr. martindale slowly cut and lighted a cigar. not until he had watched a big cloud of smoke float across the river did he speak. then he said quietly-- "just so!" somehow jack felt that he had not the better of the argument. before the sun went down, a group of men came from ilola staggering under loads of grain and fruit, a quantity large enough to supply the camp for several days. that night the men had a royal feast, consuming so many hippo steaks that barney professed himself indignant. "bedad! 'tis greedy scoundhrels they are," he said, "wheniver me mother gave us bhoys a stew--and 'twas not often, ye may be sure, meat being the price it was--'twas wan tiny morsel uv mutton, and a powerful lot uv murphies: she said too much meat would spoil our complexion and ruin our tempers. and begorra! isn't it meself that proves it!" mr. martindale laughed at barney's logic. "i'm not afraid of the niggers' complexions or their tempers," he said; "i only hope they won't keep up that hullabaloo all night and spoil our sleep." the men were indeed very uproarious, and remained around their fires for the greater part of the night, recounting for the hundredth time the exciting events of the day, and composing on the spot songs in praise of the young white man whose fire-stick had slain the terror of the river. one of these songs seemed especially to strike their fancy, and it remained a favourite for many days:-- happy imbono! oh! oh! imbono! who saved imbono? the good stranger! the young stranger! the brave stranger! good jacko! young jacko! brave jacko! he came to ilola! happy ilola! lucky ilola! he saved imbono from five hippos, from ten hippos! lucky imbono! happy imbono! oh! oh! imbono! next morning, as soon as it was light, imbono came to pay a visit of ceremony. he had got himself up most elaborately for the occasion. a strip of yellow cotton was wound about his waist. his arms were covered with polished brass rings, and copper rings weighing at least ten pounds each encircled his wrists and ankles. a new headdress decked his hair; and he must have kept his barber busy half the night in arranging his top-knot and painting his face with red camwood and white clay. pat by no means approved of the change, and barked at him furiously. "whisht, ye spalpeen!" said barney, calling off the excited dog. "sure 'tis only his sunday clothes!" surrounded by a group of his young men, who were again loaded with offerings of food, the chief began a long speech, which was by no means abridged in nando's translation. he related the incident of the previous day, omitting none of the most insignificant details, accounting, as it appeared, for every tooth in the jaws of the huge animal from which he had been saved. he went on to say that in gratitude to the white man he had changed his mind. no longer would he withhold food; his young men even now had their hands full of the best products of ilola. no longer would he refuse his friendship; he would even show the white man the place where the yellow metal was to be found--on one condition, that the white man would become his blood brother. imbono and the white men would then be friends for ever. "well, i'll be very glad to be friends with the chief," said mr. martindale, "and i'm right down obliged to him for agreeing to show me the location of the gold. and what's this blood brother business anyway? i don't size up to that without knowing something about it, you bet." "me tell all 'bout it, sah. imbono hab got knife; he come scratch, scratch massa his arm; den blood come, just little tiny drop, oh yes! den imbono he lick massa him blood. massa he hab got knife too: he scratch imbono him arm all same, lick imbono him blood. me fink massa not like black man him blood--not berrah berrah much. den massa gib imbono little tiny present--knife, like knife samba stole from nando; imbono gib massa fowl, or brass ring, or anyfing massa like. den massa and imbono dey be blood brudder, be friends for eber and eber amen." "well, i guess the blood business sounds rather disgusting. what do you think, jack?" jack made a grimace. "couldn't we leave all the licking to him, uncle?" here nando broke in. "me fink massa not like black blood. all same, i show de way. massa hold imbono him arm tight, berrah tight, pretend to lick, get little drop of blood on hand; dat nuff; imbono pleased." "if he's satisfied with that i'm willing, so fire away." the chief beamed when he learnt that the white man had given his consent. the ceremony was quickly performed. then imbono handed them each a copper ring, and received in return a pinch of salt from mr. martindale and a lucifer match from jack, nando assuring them that no more acceptable presents could have been thought of. imbono recited a sort of chant, which was explained to mean that he, his sons, his friends, the men of ilola, from that time forth and for evermore would be the true friends of the white men; everything he had was theirs. with a suitable reply from mr. martindale and jack the ceremony ended. jack noticed when the chief had gone that nando's face wore a somewhat woebegone look. "what's the matter, nando?" he asked. "nando berrah sick, sah. imbono hab got present, massa hab got present, little massa hab got present all same; nando hab got no present, no nuffin. dat make nando sick. samba hab got nando him knife: what for nando no hab nuffin at all?" "seems to me he wants a commission on the transaction," said mr. martindale with a smile. "give him something, jack; he's not a bad sort." "i've got a lucky sixpence, uncle; he can string that round his neck. here you are, nando." the negro took the coin with delight. "bolotsi o!" he exclaimed. "nando no sick no more. him plenty comfy inside. all jolly nice now sah: oh yes!" [ ] bully for you! chapter viii jack in command "we've come out of that better than i expected," said mr. martindale, when the chief had gone. "i only hope our new brother won't carry his affection too far. if he keeps piling in food in this way, our fellows will wax fat and kick." "you'll have to give him a hint, uncle. proverbs are mostly old-fashioned rubbish, but there's one that would suit him: 'enough is as good as a feast.'" "which no nigger would believe. now i wonder when he will take us to find this ore. the sooner the better, although i calculate he doesn't know the value of time." imbono returned in the course of the afternoon, and said that he would be ready to conduct the white men to the gold region next day. but he stipulated that only his new brothers should accompany him. to this condition no one objected but nando, who appeared to regard it as a personal slight. "berrah well, berrah well," he said, his tone suggesting that he washed his hands of the business. "nando no go, massa no can say nuffin to imbono. berrah well; all same." immediately after breakfast next morning the two set off in imbono's company, jack carried a prospector's pan for washing the soil, mr. martindale having declared that he didn't expect to find nuggets lying around. they also carried enough food for the day. imbono struck off due west from the village; then, when well out of sight, he made a detour, and passing through a couple of miles of dense forest, entered a broken hilly country, which to mr. martindale's experienced eye showed many traces of volcanic disturbance. at last, forcing their way through a belt of tangled copse, with many scratches from prickly sprays, they came upon a deep gully, at the bottom of which ran a stream of brownish water, now some twenty feet in breadth. that it was much broader at certain seasons was shown by the wide edging of sand and pebbles at each side. the chief came to a halt at the edge of the gully, and pointing up and down the stream, said something in his own language. mr. martindale nodded his head, but said to jack-- "i suppose he means we're right there. why on earth could not he let nando come and do the translating?" "show him your watch, uncle!" at the sight of the watch imbono nodded his head rapidly and ejaculated what was clearly an affirmative. then he led the way down the rocky side of the gully, the others scrambling after him. on reaching the sandy strand mr. martindale bent down and eagerly examined it. taking some of the sand and pebbles in his hand, he stuck a magnifying glass in his eye and picked them over carefully. "looks promising, jack," he said, with the enthusiasm of an old miner. "there are little granules of quartz mixed up with the sand, and a particle or two of iron. but that don't prove there's gold. we'll just try a little experiment." he emptied a few handfuls of the soil into the pan, filled this with water from the stream, and moved the pan to and fro so as to give the water a concentric motion, jack and the chief watching him with equal interest. every now and then mr. martindale would cant off a little of the water, which carried off some of the lighter sand with it. "what you may call a process of elimination or reduction," he said. "_reductio ad absurdum_, uncle?" "i hope not. guess you're smartening up, jack." "call it survival of the fittest, then." "of the thickest, i'd say. this washing carries off the useless light sand, and leaves the heavy stuff behind, and it's in that we'll find gold if at all." after nearly half an hour's patient manipulation of the pan, there was left in the bottom a blackish powder and some coarse grains of quartz, with just enough water to cover them. "look at that, my boy," said mr. martindale. "first time you've seen anything of that sort, i guess." "but where's the gold, uncle?" "that's what remains to be seen--perhaps. keep your eye on that groove as i tilt the pan round. the black stuff is iron-stone; you needn't trouble about that. see if it leaves anything else." he gently tilted the pan so that the water slowly flowed round the groove, carrying with it the quartz grains and the powder. jack watched narrowly. after the contents of the pan had made the circuit two or three times he suddenly exclaimed-- "there's a sort of glitter left behind the powder, uncle." "i reckon that's enough," said mr. martindale, setting down the pan. "we've hit it, jack." jack could not refrain from giving a cheer. the chief, who had but half approved the proceedings at the beginning, caught the infection of the lad's enthusiasm, and snapped his fingers and slapped his thighs vigorously. "we'll have another look higher up," said mr. martindale. "one swallow don't make a summer--another piece of what you call antiquated rubbish, jack. there's gold here, that's certain; but i don't know whether it's rich enough to be worth working." they walked for half a mile up the stream, and mr. martindale went through the same process with the soil there. he was again rewarded. this time, however, the trace of gold was more distinct. "jack, my boy," he said, "there's a small fortune in the bed of the stream alone. but i'm not satisfied yet. it's up to us now to discover the mother lode. to judge by the size of the stream it can't be far off. the botheration is we can't talk to the chief, and i say it's most unbrotherly to refuse us the advantage of an interpreter." "well, we've plenty of time, uncle. i vote we have our lunch and then go on again." they sat down on boulders at the edge of the river and ate the manioc cakes and bananas with which barney had provided them. imbono seemed pleased when he was invited to share their lunch. going into the forest, he returned with a large leaf which he shaped like a cup, and in this he brought water from the stream for the white men. after lunch they followed up the stream. at intervals mr. martindale stopped to test the gravel, and found always some trace of gold, now slight, now plentiful. some three miles up they came to a confluence. the stream was joined by a smaller swifter one, which evidently took its rise in the steep hilly country now becoming visible through the trees. "we'll try this, jack." "why?" "because the bed's more gravelly than the other. i guess the big stream comes out of the forest somewhere; the other will suit our book best." they found their progress becoming more and more difficult. the ground was more rocky, the sides of the gully were steeper, and the edging of dry gravel diminished until by and by it disappeared altogether, and the prospectors had to take off their boots and socks and wade. there were trees and bushes here and there on the sides and at the top of the gully, but the vegetation became more and more scanty as they ascended. presently the sound of falling water struck upon their ears, and a sudden turn of the stream brought them into full view of a cataract. at this point the gully had widened out, and the water fell over a broad smooth ledge of rock, dashing on the stones after a descent of some fifty or sixty feet. "that's fine!" exclaimed jack, halting to watch the cascade sparkling in the sunlight, and the brownish white foam eddying at the foot. "grand!" assented mr. martindale. "there's enough water power there to save many a thousand dollars' worth of machinery." "i was thinking of the scenery, not machinery, uncle," said jack, with a laugh. "scenery! why, i've got a lot finer waterfall than that on my dining-room wall. it isn't niagara one way or t'other, but it'll do a lot of mill grinding all the same. now, jack, you're younger than i am. i want to see what there is by those rocks ten feet away from the bottom of the fall. strip, my boy; a bath will do you a power of good, a hot day like this; and there are no crocodiles here to make you feel jumpy." jack stripped and was soon waist deep in the water. reaching the spot his uncle had indicated, he stooped, and found that he could just touch the bottom without immersing himself. the water was too frothy for the bottom to be seen; he groped along it with his hands, bringing up every now and then a small fragment of quartz or a handful of gravel, which mr. martindale, after inspecting it from a distance, told him to throw in again. at last, when he was getting somewhat tired of this apparently useless performance, he brought up a handful of stones, not to as eyes differing from what he had seen for the past half hour. he spread them out for his uncle, now only two or three yards away, to examine. "i guess you can put on your clothes now," said mr. martindale. "why, hang it, man! you've thrown it away!" jack had pitched the stones back into the water. "i thought you'd done, uncle," he said. "so i have, and you're done too--done brown. d'you know you've thrown away a nugget worth i don't know how many dollars?" "you didn't tell me what you were after," said jack, somewhat nettled. "i couldn't be expected to know you were hunting for nuggets." "no, you couldn't be expected: and that's just exactly what i brought you over to america for. when you've had the kind of smartening up i mean you to have, you won't talk about what's expected or not expected; you'll just figure it out that there's some reason in everything, and you'll use your own share of reason accordingly." "all right, uncle," replied jack good-humouredly. "i might have put two and two together, perhaps. at school, you see, they liked us to do as we were told without arguing. 'theirs not to reason why'--you know. shall i fish for that nugget?" "not worth while. a few dollars more or less are neither here nor there. i know what i want to know, and now i think we'd better be getting. put your clothes on. our brother imbono has several times anxiously pointed to the sun. he evidently isn't comfortable at the idea of being benighted in these regions." screwing some of the sifted gravel into a bag of leaves, mr. martindale signed to the chief that he was ready to return. they reached the camp just as the sun was setting. in honour of the recent discovery, mr. martindale invited the chief to supper, and gave him a regale which astonished him. to see the white man bring peaches out of a closed pot made imbono open his eyes; but the sensation of the evening was furnished by a bottle of soda water. when the stopper was loosed and the liquid spurted over, the chief shrank back in amazement, uttering a startled cry. nando, not skilled in european politeness, guffawed uproariously. "him say debbil water, sah. yah! yah!" nothing would induce imbono to drink the stuff. but he took kindly to tea, and being prevailed on to try a pinch of snuff, he laughed heartily when the paroxysm of sneezing was over, and asked for more. "him say like laugh-cry dust plenty much," said nando. when the chief had eaten his fill, mr. martindale, with considerable diplomacy, explained that the discovery of gold was of little use to him unless he could take men to the spot, and desired the withdrawal of the prohibition. nando took a long time to convey this to imbono, and jack suspected that he was making somewhat lavish promises in the nature of _quid pro quo_. imbono at length agreed to the white man's request, provided none of the workers he wished to take with him were servants of the great white chief. he consented also to lead him back to the cataract next day, so that he might complete his search for the gold-bearing rocks. on this second journey mr. martindale and jack were accompanied by two of their negroes with picks. on arriving at the spot the men were set to break away portions of the rocky wall on the left of the cataract. "you see, jack," said mr. martindale, "the fact that we found gold in the stream shows that it is still being washed down by the water; otherwise it would have been swept away or buried long ago. the rock must be of a soft kind that offers comparatively little resistance to the water, and i'm rather inclined to think that not so very many years ago the cataract was a good deal farther forward than it is now. well, the gold-bearing stratum must run right through the cataract, horizontally i suspect. it may not be a broad one, but it will probably extend some distance on each side of the fall, and a few hours' work ought to prove it." as the rock fell away under the negroes' picks, mr. martindale and jack carefully washed samples of it. in less than an hour the glittering trail shone out clear in the wake of the granules of rock as they slid round the groove. "so much for the first part of our job," said mr. martindale, with a quiet sigh of satisfaction. "the next thing is to see if the gold extends above the cataract." under imbono's guidance the party made their way by a detour to the river banks above the falls. after a search of some hours mr. martindale declared himself satisfied that the lode was confined to the rocks over which the water poured. "we can't do much more for the present," he said. "the next thing is to get machinery for working the ore. we'll have to go back to boma. we can probably get simple materials for working the alluvial deposits there, but the machinery for crushing the ore must be got from europe, and that'll take time. we'll pack up and start to-morrow." but after breakfast next morning, when mr. martindale had lighted his morning cigar, he startled jack by saying suddenly-- "say, jack, how would you like to be left here with barney and some of the men while i go back to boma?" "what a jolly lark!" said jack, flushing with pleasure. "humph! that's a fool's speech, or a schoolboy's, which often comes to the same thing. i'm not thinking of larks, or gulls, or geese, but of serious business." "sorry, uncle. that's only my way of saying i should like it immensely." "i've been turning it over in the night. i want to make a man of you, jack; i want to see if there's any grit in you. there ought to be, if you're your mother's boy. anyway this will give you a chance. things are this way. we've struck a fortune here. well, i'm an old miner, and i don't allow anybody to jump my claim. i don't reckon any one is likely to jump it; still, you never know. that fellow elbel, now; he's an official of the belgian company, and he knows what i'm here for. he might take it into his head to steal a march on me, and though i've got the mining monopoly for all this district, you bet that won't be much of a protection of my claim all these miles from civilization. so it's advisable to have a man on the spot, and it's either you or me. you don't know anything about mining machinery, so i guess it's no good sending you to boma. consequently, you must stay here." "i'm jolly glad of the chance, uncle. i'll look after your claim." "spoiling for a fight, eh? but we mustn't have any fighting. mind you, all this is only speculation--foresight, prudence, call it what you like. i don't calculate on any one trying to do me out of my rights. and if any one tries to jump my claim, it won't do for you to make a fool of yourself by trying to oppose 'em by force. all you can do is to sit tight and keep an eye on things till i get back. i don't know i'm doing right to leave you: you're the only nephew i've got, and you can't raise nephews as you raise pumpkins. but i thought it all out while you were snoring, and i've made up my mind to give it a trial. patience and tact, that's what you want. you've got 'em, or you haven't. if you have, i reckon it's all right: if you haven't----" "your cigar has gone out, dear old man," said jack, laying his hand on his uncle's. "so it has. i'll try another. well, that's settled, eh? i'll be as quick as i can, jack: no doubt i'll find a launch when i reach the congo, or even before if elbel's boss at makua likes to make himself pleasant. but i've no doubt elbel has coloured up our little meeting in his report to headquarters. anyhow, i should be right back in two or three months--not so very long after all. i'll forward some rifles and ammunition from the first station where i can get 'em: the sale of arms is prohibited in this state, of course; but that isn't the only law, by all accounts, that's a dead letter here, and i don't doubt a little palm-oil will help me to fix up all i want. you'll have to teach the men how to use 'em, and remember, they're only for self-defence in the last extremity. see?" "i'll be careful, uncle. it's lucky we've a friend in imbono. i think we'll get along first-rate. nando can do the interpreting till i learn something of the language." "jingo! i'd forgotten nando. that's a poser, jack. i shall want him to pilot me down to boma. i can't get along without an interpreter. that's a nailer on our little scheme, my boy; for of course you can't stay here without some one to pass your orders to the men." jack looked very crestfallen. the prospect of being left in charge was very delightful to him, and he had already been resolving to show himself worthy of his uncle's trust. the thing he had regretted most in leaving rugby was that he would never be in the sixth and a "power." he did not shrink from responsibility; and it was hard to have his hopes of an independent command dashed at the moment of opportunity. suddenly an idea occurred to him. "are you sure none of the other men know enough english to serve my turn?" he said. "nando said not a man jack of 'em knows it but himself. i'll call him up and ask him again." nando came up all smiles in answer to the call. "you told me that none of the men speak english but yourself," said mr. martindale; "is that true?" "too plenty much true, sah. me speak troof all same, sah." "that's unfortunate. we're going back to boma. i wanted to leave mr. jack here, but i can't do that unless he has some one to do the talking for him. go and get the things packed up, nando." the negro departed with alacrity. but not five minutes later he returned, accompanied by a negro a little shorter than himself, but otherwise showing a strong resemblance. both were grinning broadly. "my brudder, sah," said nando, patting the younger man on the shoulder. "he berrah fine chap. him lepoko. speak inglesa; berrah clebber. nando go with big massa, lepoko stay with little massa; oh yes! all too fine and jolly." "lepoko speaks english, does he?" said mr. martindale. "then you're a liar, nando!" "no, sah, me no tell lies, not at all. lepoko no speak inglesa all de time, sah. what for two speak inglesa one time? too much nise, massa no can hear what nando say. nando go, all same; massa muss hab some one can talk. berrah well; den lepoko hab go; can talk all right. he show massa what can do." "one, two, free, forty, hundred fousand," began lepoko glibly. "ten little nigger boys. what de good of anyfink? way down de swannee ribber----" "that'll do, that'll do!" cried mr. martindale, laughing. "you've got your interpreter, jack. nando, get ready to start. bring nine men with you, the rest will stay with mr. jack. the fellow was hankering after the flesh-pots of boma, i suppose," he added, when nando had gone, "and that accounts for his sudden discovery of his brother's eloquence--too jealous of his own importance to give it away before. now there's barney, jack. i don't know how he'll take being left here." barney took it very well. when mr. martindale mentioned that he would be absent for at least two months, he remarked-- "bedad, sorr, i'll be getting fat at last. imbono sent another heap of maniac this morning, and seeing that i'll have nothing whativer to do for two months, sure i'll be a different man entirely by the time you come back." an hour later the shore was crowded with natives come to bid the white man farewell. imbono was there with all the men of his village. at his final interview with mr. martindale he had promised to watch carefully over the welfare of his young blood brother; he would supply him and his men with food, and defend him from wild beasts and aggressive black men, and his villagers should at once set about building new huts for the party. "remember, jack, patience--and tact. god bless you, my boy." "good-bye, uncle. hope you'll have a pleasant journey. and on the way down keep an eye lifting for samba." then the ten natives struck the water with their paddles, the canoe glided down the stream, and as it disappeared round a bend of the river jack heard the men's voices uplifted in a new song composed for the occasion. "what are they singing, lepoko?" he asked of his new interpreter. "me tell massa. "down brown ribber, broad brown ribber, white man go in canoe. good-bye, ilola, good-bye, imbono, good-bye, jacko, brave jacko, young jacko. he save imbono, lucky imbono; down brown ribber white man go." chapter ix samba meets the little men samba had cheerfully accompanied mr. martindale's expedition, in the confidence that one of its principal objects, if not indeed its main one, was the discovery of his parents. nando had told him, on the ruins of banonga, that the white man would help him in his search, and the white man had treated him so kindly that he believed what nando said. but as the days passed and the canoes went farther and farther up stream, miles away from banonga, the boy began to be uneasy. more than once he reminded nando of his promise, only to be put off with excuses: the white man was a very big chief, and such a trifling matter as the whereabouts of a black boy's father and mother could not be expected to engage him until his own business was completed. samba became more and more restless. he wished he could open the matter himself to the white men; but the few words of english he had picked up from jack and barney were as useless to him as any schoolboy's french. jack often wondered why there was so wistful a look upon the boy's face as he followed him about, much as pat followed samba. he spoke to nando about it, but nando only laughed. samba began to distrust nando. what if the man's assurances were false, and there had never been any intention of seeking his father? the white men had been kind to him; they gave him good food; he was pleased with the knife presented to him as a reward for his watchfulness; but all these were small things beside the fact that his parents were lost to him. had the white men no fathers? he wondered. at length he came to a great resolution. if they would not help him, he must help himself. he would slip away one night and set off in search. he well knew that in cutting himself adrift from the expedition many days' journey from his old home he was exchanging ease and plenty for certain hardship and many dangers known and unknown. the forest in the neighbourhood of banonga was as a playground to him; but he could not know what awaited him in a country so remote as this. he had never been more than half a day's journey from home, but he had heard of unfriendly tribes who might kill him, or at best keep him enslaved. and the white men of bula matadi--did not they sometimes seize black boys, and make them soldiers or serfs? yet all these perils must be faced: samba loved his parents, and in his case love cast out fear. one morning, very early, when every one in the camp was occupied with the first duties of the day, samba stole away. his own treasured knife was slung by a cord about his neck; he carried on his hip, negro-fashion, a discarded biscuit tin which he had filled with food saved from his meals of the previous day; and mr. martindale's knife dangled from his waist cord. it was easy to slip away unseen; the camp was surrounded by trees, and within a minute he was out of sight. he guessed that an hour or two would pass before his absence was discovered, and then pursuit would be vain. but he had not gone far when he heard a joyous bark behind him, and pat came bounding along, leaping up at him, looking up in his face, as if to say: "you are going a-hunting: i will come too, and we will enjoy ourselves." samba stopped, and knelt down and put his arms about the dog's neck. should he take him? the temptation was great: pat and he were staunch friends; they understood each other, and the dog would be excellent company in the forest. but samba reflected. pat did not belong to him, and he had never stolen anything in his life. the dog's master had been good to him: it would be unkind to rob him. and pat was a fighter: he was as brave as samba himself, but a great deal more noisy and much less discreet. samba knew the ways of the forest; it was wise to avoid the dangerous beasts, to match their stealth with stealth; pat would attack them, and certainly come off worst. no, pat must go back. so samba patted him, rubbed his head on the dog's rough coat, let pat lick his face, and talked to him seriously. then he got up and pointed towards the camp and clapped his hands, and when pat showed a disposition still to follow him, he waved his arms and spoke to him again. pat understood; he halted and watched the boy till he disappeared among the trees; then, giving one low whine, he trotted back with his tail sorrowfully lowered. samba went on. he had come to the river, but he meant to avoid it now. the river wound this way and that: the journey overland would be shorter. he might be sought for along the bank; but in the forest wilds he would at least be safe from pursuit, whatever other dangers he might encounter. at intervals along the bank, too, lay many villages: and samba was less afraid of beasts than of men. so, choosing by the instinct which every forest man seems to possess a direction that would lead towards his distant village, he went on with lithe and springy gait, humming an old song his grandfather mirambo had taught him. his path at first led through a grassy country, with trees and bush in plenty, yet not so thick but that the sunlight came freely through the foliage, making many shining circles on the ground. but after about two hours the forest thickened; the sunlit spaces became fewer, the undergrowth more and more tangled. at midday he sat down by the edge of a trickling stream to eat his dinner of manioc, then set off again. the forest was now denser than anything to which he had been accustomed near banonga, and he went more warily, his eyes keen to mark the tracks of animals, his ears alive to catch every sound. he noticed here the scratches of a leopard on a tree trunk, there the trampled undergrowth where an elephant had passed; but he saw no living creature save a few snakes and lizards, and once a hare that scurried across his path as he approached. he knew that in the forest it is night that brings danger. the forest became ever thicker, and as evening drew on it grew dark and chill. the ground was soft with layers of rotted foliage, the air heavy with the musty smell of vegetation in decay. samba's teeth chattered with the cold, and he could not help longing for barney's cosy hut and the warm companionship of the terrier. it was time to sleep. could he venture to build a fire? the smoke might attract men, but he had seen no signs of human habitation. it would at any rate repel insects and beasts. yes--he would build a fire. first he sought for a tree with a broad overhanging branch on which he could perch himself for the night. then he made a wide circuit to assure himself that there were no enemies near at hand. in the course of his round he came to a narrow clearing where an outcrop of rock had prevented vegetation, and on the edges of this he found sufficient dry brushwood to make his fire. collecting an armful, he carried it unerringly to his chosen tree, heaped it below the hospitable branch, and with his knife whittled a hard dry stick to a sharp point. he selected then a square lump of wood, cut a little hollow in it, and, holding his pointed stick upright in the hollow, whirled it about rapidly between his hands until first smoke then a spark appeared. having kindled his fire he banked it down with damp moss he found hard by, so as to prevent it from blazing too high and endangering his tree or attracting attention. then he climbed up into the branch; there he would be safest from prowling beasts. the acrid smoke rose from the fire beneath and enveloped him, but it gave him no discomfort, rather a feeling of "homeness" and well-being; such had been the accompaniment of sleep all his life long in his father's hut at banonga. curled up on that low bough he slept through the long hours--a dreamless sleep, undisturbed by the bark of hyenas, the squeal of monkeys, or the wail of tiger-cats. when he awoke he was stiff and cold. it was still dark, but even at midday the sun can but feebly light the thickest parts of the congo forest. the fire had gone out; but samba did not venture to leave his perch until the glimmer of dawn, pale though it was, gave him light enough to see by. he was ravenously hungry, and did not spare the food left in his tin; many a time he had found food in the forest near his home, and now that he felt well and strong, no fear of starvation troubled him. having finished his simple breakfast, he slung the empty can over his hip and set off on his journey. for two days he tramped on and on, plucking here the red berries of the phrynia, there the long crimson fruit of the amoma, with mushrooms in plenty. nothing untoward had happened. in this part of the forest beasts appeared to be few. now and again he heard the rapping noise made by the soko, the gibber of monkeys, the squawk of parrots: once he stood behind a broad trunk and watched breathlessly as a tiger-cat stalked a heedless rabbit; each night he lighted his fire and found a serviceable branch on which to rest. but on the third day he was less happy. the farther he walked, the denser became the forest, the more difficult his path. edible berries were rarer; fewer trees had fungi growing about their roots; he had to content himself with forest beans in their brown tough rind. when the evening was drawing on he could find no dry fuel for a fire, and now, instead of seeking a branch for a sleeping place, he looked for a hollow tree which would give him some shelter from the cold damp air of night. having found his tree he gathered a handful of moss, set fire to it from his stick and block, which he had carefully preserved, and threw the smouldering heap into the hollow to smoke out noxious insects, or a snake, if perchance one had made his home there. the fourth day was a repetition of the third, with more discomforts. sometimes the tangled vines and creepers were so thick that he had to go round about to find a path. the vegetation provided still less food, only a few jack fruit and the wild fruit of the motanga rewarding his search. he was so hungry at midday that he was reduced to collecting slugs from the trees, a fare he would fain have avoided. fearless as he was, he was beginning to be anxious; for to make a certain course in this dense forest was well-nigh impossible. at dusk, when again he sought a hollow tree and dropped a heap of smouldering herbage into the hole, he started back with a low cry, for he heard an ominous hiss in the depths, and was only just in time to avoid a python which had been roused from sleep by the burning mass. in a twinkling the huge coils spread themselves like a released watch-spring beyond the mouth of the hole and along the lowermost branch of the tree. with all his forest lore, samba was surprised to find that a python could move so quickly. the instant he heard the angry hiss he crouched low against the trunk, thankful that the reptile had chosen a branch on the other side. armed only with a knife, he knew himself no match for a twenty-foot python; had he not seen a young hippopotamus strangled by a python no larger than this? like brer rabbit, samba lay low and said nothing: until the python, swinging itself on to the branch of an adjacent tree a few feet away, disappeared in the foliage. then, allowing time for the reptile to settle elsewhere, samba sought safer quarters. the python's house was comfortable, even commodious; but samba would scarcely have slept as soundly as he was wont in uncertainty whether the disturbed owner might not after all return home. he felt very cramped and miserable when he rose next day to resume his journey. this morning he had to start without breakfast, for neither fruits nor berries were to be had: a search among fallen trees failed even to discover ants of which to make a scanty meal. constant walking and privation were telling on his frame; his eyes were less bright, his step was less elastic. but there was a great heart within him; he plodded on; he had set out to find his father and mother; he would not turn back. the dangers ahead could be no worse than those he had already met, and no experienced general of army could have known better than samba that to retreat is often more perilous than to advance. in the afternoon, when, having found a few berries, he had eaten the only meal of the day and was about to seek, earlier than usual, his quarters for the night, he heard, from a short distance to the left of his track, a great noise of growling and snarling. the sounds were not like those of any animals he knew. with cautious steps he made his way through the matted undergrowth towards the noise. almost unawares he came upon an extraordinary sight. in the centre of an open space, scarcely twenty feet across, a small man, lighter in hue than the majority of congolese natives, was struggling to free himself from the grip of a serval which had buried its claws deep in his body and thigh. two other small men, less even than samba in height, were leaping and yelling around their comrade, apparently instructing him how to act, though neither made use of the light spears they carried to attack the furious beast. the serval, its greenish eyes brilliant with rage, was an unusually powerful specimen of its kind, resembling indeed a leopard rather than a tiger-cat. it was bent, as it seemed, upon working its way upward to the man's throat, and its reddish spotted coat was so like his skin in hue that, as they writhed and twisted this way and that, an onlooker might well have hesitated to launch a spear at the beast for fear of hitting the man. one of the little man's hands had a grip of the serval's throat; but he was not strong enough to strangle it, and the lightning quickness of the animal's movements prevented him from gripping it with the other hand. even a sturdily-built european might well have failed to gain the mastery in a fight with such a foe, and the little man had neither the strength nor the staying power to hold out much longer. yet his companions continued to yell and dance round, keeping well out of reach of the terrible claws; while blood was streaming from a dozen deep gashes in the little man's body. samba stood but a few moments gazing at the scene. the instinct of the born hunter was awake in him, and that higher instinct which moves a man to help his kind. clutching his broad knife he bounded into the open, reached the fainting man in two leaps, and plunged the blade deep into the creature's side behind the shoulder. with a convulsive wriggle the serval made a last attempt to bury its fangs in its victim's neck. then its muscles suddenly relaxed, and it fell dead to the ground. samba's intervention had come too late. the man had been so terribly mauled that his life was ebbing fast. his comrades looked at him and began to make strange little moaning cries; then they laid him on a bed of leaves and turned their attention to samba. he knew that he was in the presence of bambute, the dreaded pigmies of the forest. never before had he seen them; but he had heard of them as fearless hunters and daring fighters, who moved about from place to place in the forest, and levied toll upon the plantations of larger men. the two little men came to him and patted his arms and jabbered together; but he understood nothing of what they said. by signs he explained to them that he was hungry. then, leaving their wounded comrade to his fate, they took samba by the hands and led him rapidly into the forest, following a path which could scarcely have been detected by any except themselves. in some twenty minutes they arrived at a clearing where stood a group of two score small huts, like beehives, no more than four feet high, with an opening eighteen inches square, just large enough to allow a pigmy to creep through. pigmies, men and women, were squatting around--ugly little people, but well-made and muscular, with leaves and grass aprons for all clothing, and devoid of such ornaments as an ordinary negro loves. they sprang up as samba approached between his guides, and a great babel of question and answer arose, like the chattering of monkeys. the story was told; none showed any concern for the man left to die; the bambute acknowledge no ties, and seem to have little family affection. a plentiful dinner of antelope flesh and bananas was soon placed before samba, and it was clear that the pigmies were ready to make much of the stranger who had so boldly attacked the serval. one of them knew a little of a congolese dialect, and he succeeded in making samba understand that the chief was pleased with him, and wished to adopt him as his son. samba shook his head and smiled: his own parents were alive, he said; he wished for no others. this made the chief angry. the chiefs of some of the big men had often adopted pigmy boys and made slaves of them; it was now his turn. the whole community scowled and snarled so fiercely that samba thought the safest course was to feign acquiescence for the moment, and seize the first opportunity afterwards of slipping away. but nearly three weeks passed before a chance presented itself. the pigmies kept him with them, never letting him go out of their sight. they fed him well--almost too well, expecting his powers of consumption to be equal to their own. never before had he seen such extraordinary eaters. one little man would squat before a stalk bearing fifty or sixty bananas, and eat them all. true, he lay moaning and groaning all night, but next morning would be quite ready to gorge an equal meal. since they did not cultivate the ground themselves, samba wondered where they obtained their plentiful supply of bananas and manioc. he learnt by and by that they appropriated what they pleased from the plantations of a neighbouring tribe of big men, who had too great a respect for the pigmies' poisoned arrows and spears to protest. samba hoped that he might one day escape to this tribe, but a shifting of the village rendered this impossible, though it afforded the boy the opportunity for which he had so long been waiting. on the night when the pigmy tribe settled down in its new home, four days' journey from the old, samba took advantage of the fatigue of his captors to steal away. he had chosen the darkest hour before the dawn, and knowing that he would very soon be missed and followed up, he struck off through the forest as rapidly as he could. with plentiful food he had recovered his old strength and vigour, and he strode along fleetly, finding his way chiefly by the nature of the ground beneath his feet; for there was no true path, and the forest was almost completely dark, even when dawn had broken elsewhere. as the morning drew on the leafy arcades became faintly illuminated, and he could then see sufficiently well to choose the easiest way through the obstacles that beset his course. despite all his exertions his progress was very slow. well he knew that, expert though he was in forest travel, he could not move through these tangled mazes with anything like the speed of the active little men who by this time were almost certainly on his track. at the best he could hardly have got more than two miles' start. as he threaded his way through the brushwood, hacking with his knife at obstructive creepers, and receiving many a scratch from briar and thorn, he tried to think of some way of throwing the pursuers off the scent; but every yard of progress demanded so much exertion that he was unequal to the effort of devising any likely ruse. suddenly coming upon a shallow stream about two yards wide that ran across his line of march, he saw in a flash a chance of covering his trail. he stepped into the stream, pausing for a moment to drink, then waded a few paces against the current, narrowly scanning the bordering trees. they showed a close network of interlacing branches, one tree encroaching on another. choosing a bough overhanging the brook, just above his head, samba drew himself up into the tree, taking care that no spots of water were left on the branch to betray him. then, clambering nimbly like a monkey from bough to bough, he made a path for himself through the trees at an angle half-way between the directions of the stream and of his march through the forest. he hoped that, losing his track in the stream, the bambute would jump to the conclusion that he was making his way up or down its bed, and would continue their chase accordingly. among the trees his progress was even slower than on the ground. every now and again he had to return on his tracks, encountering a branch that, serviceable as it might look, proved either too high or too low, or not strong enough to bear his weight. and he was making more noise than he liked. there was not only the rustle and creak of parting leaves and bending twigs, and the crack of small branches that snapped under his hand; but his intrusion scared the natural denizens of the forest, and they clattered away with loud cries of alarm--grey parrots in hundreds, green pigeons, occasionally a hawk or the great blue plantain-eater. the screeches of the birds smothered, indeed, any sound that he himself might make; but such long-continued evidence of disturbance might awaken the suspicion of the little men and guide them to his whereabouts. by and by he came to a gap in the forest. the clear sunlight was welcome as a guide to his course; but he saw that to follow the direction which he believed would bring him towards banonga he must now leave the trees. he stopped for a few minutes to recover breath, and to consider what he had best do. as he lay stretched along a bough, his eye travelled back over the path he had come. the vagaries of lightning that had struck down two forest giants in close proximity disclosed to his view a stretch of some twenty yards of the stream which he had just crossed on his primeval suspension bridge. what caused him to start and draw himself together, shrinking behind a leafy screen thick enough to hide him even from the practised eyes of the little forest men? there, in the bed of the stream, glancing this way and that, at the water, the banks, the trees on every side, were a file of bambute, carrying their little bows and arrows and their short light spears. they moved swiftly, silently, some bending towards the ground, others peering to right and left with a keenness that nothing could escape. samba's heart thumped against his ribs as he watched them. he counted them as they passed one after another across the gap; they numbered twenty, and he was not sure that he had seen the first. the last disappeared. samba waited. had his ruse succeeded? there was absolute silence; he heard neither footstep nor voice. but the little men must soon find out their mistake. they would then cast back to the point where they had lost the scent. could they pick it up again--trace him to the tree and follow him up? he could not tell. they must have been close upon him when he climbed into the tree; evidently he had left the path only in the nick of time. this much he had gained. but he dared not wait longer; there was no safety for him while they were so near; he must on. chapter x a trip with a crocodile samba looked warily round, then began to descend from his perch in the tree, moving as slowly and with as many pauses as a timid bather stepping into the water. once more he was on the ground. pausing only to throw a rapid glance on all sides, he struck off in a direction at right angles to the course of the stream, and resumed his laborious march through the forest maze. hour after hour he pushed on without meeting a living creature. but he had heard too much of the cunning and determination of the congo dwarfs to delude himself with the idea that he had finally shaken them off. tired as he was, sweating in the moist oppressive heat, he dared not rest, even to eat in comfort the food he had brought in his tin. he nibbled morsels as he went, hoping that by good speed during the whole day he might get far enough from the pigmies to make his ultimate escape secure. towards evening he heard in front of him the long monotonous rustle of a stream foaming over a rocky bed. he was careful in approaching it: to meet a crocodile ambushed near the bank would be as dangerous as to meet a man. pushing his way cautiously through the shrubs, he came to the edge of a broad river, flowing in swift eddies from white rapids above. it seemed to samba that this must be a tributary of the lemba, the river on whose bank he had left the white men, and to which, lower down, he must ultimately make his way. pursuit by the white men might now be safely disregarded; samba thought he could hardly do better than keep to the stream, taking his chance of meeting negroes at isolated villages on the banks. these, if he met them, would at any rate be easier to elude than the bambute. but the sun was going down, the air becoming chill. he must find a shelter for the night and pursue his riverside journey next day. a little search revealed, on a bluff above the river, a boulder having a deep cavity on one side. here samba sat down to eat the little food left in his tin; then he curled himself up for the night. nothing disturbed his sleep. in the morning he felt more than usually hungry. his tin was empty; he did not care to leave the river and go hunting in the forest, perhaps vainly, for berries or roots. a little way down stream he noticed a spot where the dark surface of the water was scarcely disturbed by a ripple; was that a deep pool, he wondered, where fish might be? he went down to the edge and, leaning flat upon a rock peeped over. yes; in the depths he caught the scaly gleam of darting fish. springing up, he went to a swampy patch hard by and cut a long, straight, stiff reed. then he took the hard stick with which he made fire, and, sharpening the point until it pricked like a needle, he fitted the wood to the reed so as to make a spear. with this in his hand he once more leant over the pool. he lay still for a few moments, intently watching; then, with a movement of extraordinary swiftness, he plunged his spear into the depths, and brought it out with a silvery trout impaled. the fish had stopped to nibble at a root in the bank. when samba had thus caught three he was satisfied. he did not pause to cook the fish. he split them open, dexterously boned and cleaned them, and ate them raw. he had scarcely finished his breakfast when he saw, hurtling down the rapids above him, a huge forest tree--a mass of green, for most of its branches in full leaf were still upon it. clearly it had not long lost its grip of earth. it came swirling towards samba, every now and then stopping as its submerged part was caught by some rock, only to be whirled round and driven past the obstacle by the weight of water behind. it made a zigzag course through the rapids, and then floated peacefully down the still reach of water beneath. as he watched the tree sailing gently towards him, samba had an idea. why not use it as a raft to carry him on his way? it was strong enough to bear his weight; he could hide in the foliage with at least as good a chance of escaping observation as if he were moving along the banks. by the time he had grasped the notion the tree was past him. he sprang up, raced along until he was level with it, then took a neat header into the water. a minute's rapid swimming brought him to the end of the trunk, which, he saw, had been snapped clean off and was not encumbered by the roots. he clambered up, and the trunk was so long that his trifling weight scarcely depressed its end. smiling with pleasure, he crawled along it until he was in the centre of the leafy screen. this, however, now that he was there, did not seem so dense as when he had viewed it from the bank; he was not concealed so well as he had hoped. every now and again, too, his novel raft gave an ominous lurch and roll, suggesting that the portion above water might at any moment change places with that below. if that happened, samba wondered, would he be able to disengage himself from the tangle of branches and swim clear? but these momentary fears were banished by the novelty and excitement of his position. how delightful it was, after his toilsome and fatiguing journey through the forest, to float down the river without effort of his own in a leafy arbour that defended him from the fierce rays of the sun! and his voyage had the pleasures of variety. sometimes the foliaged top went first; then, when the branches swept the bottom of the stream in shallow reaches, the trunk swung round and went broadside to the current. sometimes the branches stuck fast, the current carried the trunk round in a circle, and when an eddy set it again in motion, the trunk end became the bow of this uneasy ship. bump! that was some rock or sandbank; the tree shook, and samba was nearly toppled from his perch. nk'oketo![ ] it was all right; the friendly water had washed the tree clear, and samba was off again, his black eyes gleaming with fun as he peered between the branches. it was early in the afternoon, and very hot even for those latitudes. everything seemed asleep. no breeze ruffled the leaves in the trees along the banks. the air quivered. samba was dozing, lulled by the gentle motion of the tree, whose progress had not for some time been checked. all at once there was a shock. samba instinctively clutched a branch as he felt himself jerked from his seat. his lumbering vessel was twirling round; and looking through the leaves, he saw that it was caught by the head on a sandbank in midstream. but next moment he felt a shiver run down his spine, and an eery creeping about the roots of his hair. below him, not four feet away, a gigantic crocodile was staring at him with his cunning baleful eyes. the swish of the projecting branches upon the sandbank had aroused the reptile from his siesta on this vantage ground, whence, at the lazy opening of an eye, he could survey a long stretch of the river. and he had awoke to see a plump and tempting black boy at the inconsiderable altitude of four feet above his snout. those who have seen the crocodile only in his hours of ease, lazily sunning himself on a river bank, or floating with scarcely more than his eyes and forehead visible on the surface of the stream, may have come to the comfortable conclusion that he is a slow-moving and lethargic beast. but see him rushing at the bank to seize in his terrible jaws the unwary antelope or zebra that has come to drink, or to sweep it into the river with a single blow of his mighty tail. watch him when, roused from his doze on a sandbank, by the sting of a rifle bullet on his armour, he vanishes with lightning rapidity beneath the water. at one moment to all seeming as lifeless as a log, the next he is a raging monster, ready to tear and rend any hapless creature which his inertness has beguiled. of the two, samba and the crocodile, it was the saurian that first recovered his wits. his instinct when disturbed at close quarters is to rush forthwith upon his enemy or victim. thus did the crocodile now. considering that he is a beast not built for jumping, the leap he attempted, with a spasmodic wriggle of his formidable tail, was quite a creditable feat. with his teeth he grazed the lower part of the branch on which samba sat; and the boy, gazing down into the beast's eyes, shuddered and shrank away. fortunate it was for him that his legs had not been dangling. nothing could then have saved him. the reptile, slipping back after its failure, maintained its hold on the lower branches with its forefeet. before it could make a second attempt, samba had swung himself into the branch above. the tree toppled slightly, and for one moment of terror samba feared he would be thrown into the very jaws of the monster. but the sandbank held the tree firmly, and that peril was past. with thick foliage between it and the boy, the crocodile saw no chance of securing its victim from its present position. but it was determined not to be balked, and, cunning beast! could afford to wait. it seemed to know that the boy was only safe so long as he clung to his perch. on the sandbank, or in the water, his end would alike be speedy. so the reptile slid off the bank into the water, and swam to the trunk end of the tree, which had been swung round by the current and was now pointing down stream. if it could not leap, it could crawl, and up the trunk the approach to its prey was easy. samba's eyes were now wide with fright, as he saw the beast's intention. up a tree on the river bank he could have laughed any crocodile to scorn; but this sandbank in midstream was ground peculiarly the creature's own, even though the prey was on a branch ten feet above it. with its experience of sandbanks the crocodile knew there was no permanency in this arrangement. the attempts of the huge reptile to gain a footing on the trunk had a result which caused samba mingled hope and fear. the tree floated clear of the bank, and the voyage began again. but how different were the circumstances! in the stern, no longer a cheerful smiling boy, carelessly watching the slow banks glide by, but a boy whose hands and feet gripped his perch with anxious tenacity, and whose scared eyes were quick to mark every movement of the unwelcome, the abhorred, passenger amidships. with many a splash of its tail, and many a grunt of impatient fury, the monster at last made good its footing on the broad trunk, which under its weight was for more than a quarter of its length invisible beneath the surface of the water. for some minutes it lay still, staring at samba with unwinking eyes, displaying all its teeth as if to grin sardonically at its victim. samba regretted for the moment that he had not swarmed down from his perch and attacked the crocodile with his knife while he was still struggling to mount the trunk. but then he reflected that he had after all done wisely, for the reptile would have slid back into the water, and before samba could gain his retreat, he might have been swept off by one swish of the terrible tail. samba, as he had shown more than once, and notably in the recent incident of the serval, had no lack of courage; but he had never before been at such close quarters with a crocodile, the most terrible of all the natural enemies of man in the regions of the congo. and as he sat and watched the glassy stare of the hideous reptile now wriggling inch by inch towards him, he felt a strange helplessness, a kind of fascination that seemed to chill and paralyse his power of movement as of thought. he had retreated as far as he dared. his weight had caused some of the slenderer and more elastic branches to bend towards the water; he had even imagined that, as he tested them, the pressure threatened to make the tree revolve. what his fate would be if the whirling of the trunk on its axis brought him into the river he well knew. the crocodile would slip as nimbly as an eel after him; and, entangled in the foliage, which to his armoured enemy would offer no obstacle, he would fall an easy prey. the crocodile wriggled on, till it came to the place where the first branch forked from the trunk. scarcely more than its own length now separated it from samba. apparently it had come as near as it cared to venture; not being a climber, the feat of crawling up the tapering branch on which samba was perched was not one to its taste. it lay still, with jaws agape, its eyes half-closed in a kind of wicked leer. samba tried to look away from the hideous beast, but in vain; he found his gaze drawn back uncontrollably. he felt even more subject to the fascination now that the crocodile's movements had ceased. the conviction was growing upon him that sooner or later he would slide down the branch and fall dreamily into the open jaws. he was fast becoming hypnotized. but he was roused from this dangerous trancelike state by a sudden roll of the tree. perched high as he was, the motion caused him to swing through an arc of several yards and brought him perilously near the water. the danger quickened his faculties: he clung on with a tighter grip, bethinking himself to look whether his fishing spear, which he had stuck into the bark, was still safe. he was relieved to find that it was undisturbed. the tree righted itself, and a gleam of hope lightened samba's mind when he saw that the crocodile was in the water. though, stretched on the trunk, the beast had felt the roll less than samba above, it had a less tenacious grip and less ability to adapt itself; and first the tail, then the rest of its body had slid off. it was violently struggling to regain its position, its jaw resting on the trunk, its forepaws furiously beating the water. the memory of the reptile's former difficulties in mounting inspired samba with an idea, which, impelled equally by terror and hate, he was prompt to act upon. the tree was still rocking slightly before regaining its steadiness, and the crocodile, despite its efforts, was unable to gain a firm grip on the moving trunk. all its attention was engaged upon the accomplishment of its immediate purpose: it would lose the dainty morsel if it did not once more mount the tree. samba was quick to seize the critical moment. spear in hand he crept downwards along the branch on which he had been perched, careful that his movements should not divert the crocodile's attention. reaching the junction of the branch with the parent stem, only five or six feet from the reptile, he let himself down noiselessly into the river on the far side of the tree, and swam for a second or two until he came opposite the crocodile. during these few seconds he had been hidden from the creature's view by the mass of the trunk, which rose out of the water to some height above his head. the crocodile had now managed to get its forepaws on the tree, and in struggling to hoist itself its snout was raised almost upright, exposing the soft underside, the sole part in which it is vulnerable to anything except a very heavy bullet. samba caught sight of the tip of the snout above the tree; here was the opportunity he had hoped for in making this hazardous experiment. taking with his left hand a firm grip of a wart on the trunk, he raised himself in the water, and with the right hand drove his spear twice into the monster's throat. the crocodile made no sound; a lash of the powerful tail drove up a wave that caused the tree to rock violently: then the huge body slipped backwards into the water. the moment he had driven his spear home samba let go his hold on the tree, and trod water until the current brought the foliage to him. then he drew himself nimbly up into the branch he had formerly occupied. he was breathless, and scarcely yet recovered from his scare; but there was no sign of the crocodile, and knowing that the reptile when mortally wounded sinks into deep water, he felt that his enemy had gone for ever. he heaved a deep sigh of relief, but chancing to look back, he noticed with a start of renewed dread that the water in the wake of the tree was faintly tinged with red. was it possible that the crocodile, though wounded, was still following? he felt a shiver thrill through him, and, bending down from his perch, kept his eyes fixed in a stare on that ominous sanguine thread. the minutes passed. still the water showed that faint persistent tidge. samba was becoming more and more nervous. like the reptile's eyes but a little while ago, that line of red held his gaze in a strange fascination. he was still watching it when the tree suddenly gave a violent lurch, and turned half over. samba, whose hold had relaxed in his nervousness, was flung off the branch into a clump of bushes at the side of the river, which here began to race rapidly through a deep gorge. scratched and dazed by the fall he picked himself up slowly. he rubbed his eyes. what was this? he was in the midst of a group of pigmies, who were pointing excitedly, uttering their strange coughing cry, to the branches of the tree. in its lurch it had been turned almost completely round, so that the foliage formerly beneath the water was now uppermost. and there, firmly wedged in a fork of two boughs, lay the lifeless body of the crocodile. the bambute jabbered to samba, stroked his arms, patted his back, examined the spear which, though it was broken in his fall, he had not let go. from the bank they had witnessed the boy's bold fight, and they had followed the course of the floating tree until it ran ashore on a jutting bed of rock. samba made signs that he wished to pursue his journey on foot; but the bambute shook their heads and grunted and carried him away with them. once more he was a prisoner. [ ] nothing wrong! chapter xi bula matadi comes to ilola "well, barney," said jack, when mr. martindale's canoe had disappeared, "i don't know how a first mate would feel if he lost his captain in mid-ocean, but i should fancy he'd feel pretty much as i do now." "and what sort of feeling is now consuming ye, sorr?" "mixed, barney, very mixed! i like the idea of being left in charge, trusted, you know; there's something jolly pleasant about that. but that's the point, you see; i am left in charge." "sure i see your maning widout your telling me, sorr. 'tis just the very same feeling i used to have whin a bhoy, and me mither put the baby in me arms and tould me to sit wid her on the doorstep. 'twas a sweet pretty colleen, an' i thought a powerful deal uv having such a heap uv loveliness in me arms; but thin, just as you say, sorr, she was in me arms, an' they being thin an' she being fat--begorra! i was soon mighty tired uv it, an' i wished she was ugly so that i might hate her widout sin." "i hope i shan't feel quite so bad as that, barney," said jack with a laugh. "but i own i'm a little anxious with so many people in my charge." "and not wan uv them to be trusted, saving pat and meself." "and this mining claim of my uncle's to keep an eye on and defend without using force." "and wild beasts prowling around----" "and that villainous uncle of samba's somewhere in the neighbourhood, i suppose, waiting a chance to molest us." "and bedad! if he does, he'll find an irishman, an englishman, and a terrier, irish by breed and irish by nature, and them three are a match for any fifty blokos, widout a doubt." "you're an optimist, barney. but you're right. it's silly to meet troubles half-way. we had better set about doing something. i used to think our house-master kept our noses rather too close to the grindstone, but i begin to see he was right when he said work was the best cure for the dumps." "and for what the advertisements call a tindency to corpilence. but what will you be after doing at all, sorr?" "well, don't you think that, now our numbers are reduced, it would be as well to move our camp nearer to imbono's village? we shall be here for a couple of months or so, and if boloko is still on our tracks we should be less open to surprise near ilola. besides, it will give the men something to do. they'd better build grass huts for the whole party, and i don't see why we shouldn't try our hands at architectural improvements." "indeed, 'tis a good notion, sorr. but are ye sure imbono would be willing to have us for close neighbours?" "we can try. he's my blood brother, you know. and i dare say we can put him up to a thing or two." the chief made no objection to the suggested change of site; indeed, he offered the assistance of his men in the construction of the new huts. this, however, jack declined in the politest terms, thinking it better to provide plenty of work for his own men until he had had time to take his bearings. the new huts were built within a short distance of ilola, near a stream. they were the ordinary grass huts of the natives, but jack, seeing a number of wooden slabs taken from the bottoms of old canoes, had purchased them from imbono, and when shaped a little they made a very fair substitute for flooring boards. the new settlement was surrounded with a stockade in the native manner, space enough being left within to accommodate mr. martindale and his party when they should return. this work occupied a fortnight. everything had gone smoothly, save for trifling squabbles among the natives. these jack managed to settle with little difficulty, in great part through the excellent qualities of lepoko, who turned out to be a much better man all round than his brother nando. when the new village was completed, jack set the men to make indian clubs from the trees near at hand, and spent part of the cool hours in instructing his followers in their use. they took readily to the new pastime, and very quickly became proficient in executing a great variety of intricate figures. jack was elated at the success of his experiment: it not only provided an admirable drill for the men, but accustomed them to take commands from him and thus consolidated his authority. imbono's men caught the infection: indian clubs were soon the order of the day in ilola; and it gave jack and barney no little amusement to see men, women, and children at all times of the day whirling clubs around their heads. imbono saw that his men's performances were greatly lacking in rhythm and grace, and he begged his blood brother (whom he had named lokolobolo, "strong leg") to allow some of his men to join in the daily practising. jack was nothing loth; the more influence he could obtain in this way the better his chances of success in the task his uncle had set him. he was casting about for some new employment to occupy and interest his men, when a couple of canoes came up the river bearing a letter from mr. martindale, and a small consignment of mauser rifles and ammunition. the letter was dated from baraka. dear jack,-- i've got here safely, no interference, no upsets. i've managed to get hold of some rifles--i won't tell you how--and send them to you in charge of some canoe "boys." hope they'll reach you safely. i've paid the boys well, and promised them as much more if they return and meet me with an acknowledgment from you. i'm off to boma; will write you again from there if i can find a means of sending the letter. let me know by the bearer how you are getting on. on the way down i made more particular inquiries than were possible in coming up as to the methods of the congo government. at stanleyville i met a frenchman who told me a good deal, and here got rather chummy with an english missionary on his way home to tell the british public some of the effects of king leopold's rule. one need only look at the man to see that he is the right sort, with the stuff in him for martyrdom if the call came. the things he told me made my skin creep. leopold seems to be doing his best to depopulate the country. he'll soon make vanderbilt sing small as a multi-millionaire; but when his pile's made this state of his will be a wilderness. i find that the natives are required to bring in four kilos of rubber every fortnight. they're supposed to be paid for it, and they do get brass rods or something of the sort; but the pay works out at the rate of three cents a pound--when rubber to my knowledge fetches about eighty cents a pound in the european market! i hear of cases where they don't even get that; a spoonful of salt is supposed to be sufficient. if the rubber don't measure up to the standard, the least punishment the poor wretches get is twenty-five lashes with a whip of hippo hide--the _chicotte_, an outrageous thing that would cut through a pine log. but they don't stop at twenty-five; a hundred ain't uncommon; no wonder some of the poor creatures peg out after it. but that's not the worst. these precious "forest guards," as they call them, seem to be little less than fiends. i saw with my own eyes, at one of the villages on the way down, a basket filled with hands, cut from the people these savages have killed for not bringing in enough rubber. the frenchman told me they have to produce these hands before the commissary to prove they haven't wasted their cartridges. according to state law they oughtn't to be armed with rifles, but they've got a belgian thing called the albini, and that's how they use it. i wouldn't believe that this hand-chopping was done with the knowledge of the officials, though even then it don't relieve them of responsibility; but i heard of a state officer at one of the outposts who actually paid in brass rods for the hands brought him. law doesn't count here, and justice is only a name. what do you think of this? a belgian official quartered himself with twenty native soldiers on a small village, and because they couldn't fix up at once the food required for the visitors, he carried the chief and some of his men to his camp up river, and kept 'em there tied up for a month till a fine of , brass rods had been paid--ruination for such a small place. the missionary told me that "fights" are constantly taking place, and "fight" simply means massacre. districts that once held a thousand people are now reduced to a hundred; what natives are not killed get so worn out and dispirited that they are bowled over by sleeping sickness. if this sort of thing goes on much longer, the whole population will be wiped out. you'll be surprised to get such a long letter; but fact is, i can't think of anything else just now. it makes me fairly sick to think that america had a hand in putting this huge territory under the control of a man whose philanthropic high-falutin comes to this. the whole system is organized murder and pillage under the form of law, and for this king leopold, who pockets a thumping profit, is responsible before god and man. now i've told you this you'll know how to deal with that fellow elbel if he tries any tricks. but remember, no fighting except in self-defence. patience, my boy--_toujours la patience_, as the frenchman said to me when i was boiling with rage and wanted to go right away and speak my mind to the governor. your affectionate uncle, john martindale. p.s.--i saw and heard nothing of samba. there was plenty of food for thought here, especially when jack learnt from the head paddler who had brought the letter that the officials of the trust in which ilola was situated were coming up the river to establish new dépôts for the rubber. he wrote a brief account of what he had been doing, and despatched it by the same men. then, to be prepared for eventualities, he picked out the most intelligent of his followers and began to teach them the use of the rifle. only a few of them showed any promise as marksmen. but jack was very patient with them; and having a good stock of ammunition and the promise of more, he did not spare practice, and in a short time had about fifteen fairly trustworthy shots. one man, named makoko, took to the rifle from the first and ran jack close as a marksman. jack was very proud of his pupil. he himself had been the crack shot of his school company; and though there was all the difference in the world between shooting at the butts from a position of rest and shooting at alligators or hippos from a canoe, he had tested his marksmanship with success as he came up the congo. now that some of his men had rifles it occurred to jack to teach them what he remembered of his company drill. it was a welcome change after their long practice with the indian clubs, and they entered into it with the pleasure and zest of children. lepoko was gratified with the rank of sergeant, and makoko made corporal in recognition of his diligence and skill in musketry. when the company was formed barney reminded jack that he had been a corporal in the irish fusiliers. "and sure i'd be in the army now, sorr, only they didn't invent the irish guards till i was a time-expired man. but having been a corporal, it's meself that is cut out to be your liftinant here, sorr. we've got pat for the pet uv the reg'mint," he added, "and the only thing that's wanting is the uniform." "well, barney, perhaps for the sake of uniformity we'd better strip and take to the loincloth." "ah! you must always be having your bit uv fun, sorr. we'd be far too conspicuous, for my skin at any rate would turn red wid modesty, and the generals say that red coats make the best targets for the inemy." the drilling of jack's company was followed with great interest and admiration by imbono and his men. they never failed to attend the daily parade, and soon desired to join it. jack delighted the chief by putting the villagers through the same exercises as his own men, excepting, of course, the musketry practice, for which they had no rifles. before long jack found himself captain of a company a hundred and fifty strong, all but his fifteen riflemen being spearmen. nearly two months had now passed. jack had not heard again from his uncle, whose return he daily expected. he was anxious to see him again, for lately news had been brought in by excited natives that the servants of the great white chief were drawing nearer, their progress being attended by wanton cruelties which boded ill for the men of ilola. so distressed was imbono at the tales he heard from these messengers that he thought of dismantling his village and migrating into the depths of the forest. there for a time he and his people might hide from the destroyer. but to a people accustomed to the open the prospect of making a new home in the forest was gloomy indeed. most of them would probably die of disease before they became acclimatised, and there was great risk of starving while clearings were being made and brought under cultivation. imbono resolved to wait a little longer, hoping that bula matadi might turn back, sated with the spoils from lower reaches of the lemba. one day, the visitors so long expected and so little desired arrived at the village. jack's settlement being on the further side of ilola from the river, he did not know of their approach until informed of it by a messenger from imbono. thirty forest guards of the great white chief had come, and with them twenty nondescripts, hangers-on of the licensed pillagers. their leader was not a white man, as imbono had expected, but a black man like themselves. this surprised jack. it was of rather ill omen that the first representatives of king leopold in imbono's village should be negroes free from white men's control. but the strangers reported that a white man--his name, they said, was elobela--was coming up the river behind them. meanwhile they, in his name, called upon the chief to supply rubber. imbono desired that his brother lokolobolo would come into the village and give him advice. "faith, i'd do nothing of the sort, sorr," said barney. "what would ye have any truck wid elbel's scoundhrels for?" "but it would be a poor return for imbono's kindness to refuse. i shall certainly go; the question is, shall i go armed?" "the blessed angels help ye if ye don't, sorr. take your revolver; i'll come wid ye, and so will pat; 'tis right to make a good show for the honour of the reg'mint." accordingly captain, lieutenant, and regimental pet, with lepoko as interpreter, left the stockaded camp and crossed to ilola. they found the thirty forest guards already swaggering about the village as if it belonged to them. they were big muscular ngombe, armed with rifle, cutlass, and whip. their leader was engaged in conversation with the chief. no sooner did pat perceive him than he darted forward with a growl, and coming to the negro, began to bark furiously at his heels. the man turned round quickly and aimed a blow with his whip at the dog, which made pat bark and jump more vigorously than ever. at the same moment the man caught sight of jack, and his face expressed surprise, guilt, and bravado in turn. "begorra!" said barney under his breath, "'tis bloko himself!" the chief's countenance cleared; he was unmistakably pleased at jack's ready response to his request. then he anxiously asked what he should do. "i don't think you can do anything but obey," replied jack. "undoubtedly the great white chief is lord of the land. by the laws he has made you are bound to supply these people with rubber. it is your tax. if you resist it will mean ruin to yourself and your villages. how is the rubber to be paid for?" "in brass rods." "well, let your men do their best. we will see if you get your due pay. my uncle will soon be back; he is a determined man, and if you are not properly treated he will take care that somebody hears of it." boloko scowled, then laughed, when lepoko translated this answer to the chief. he swaggered away to his men, and the whole crowd were soon laughing heartily, every now and then making derisive gestures at the white men. with some difficulty barney had got hold of pat, whose barking had subsided into a rumbling growl. but for his restraining hand barney knew well that the dog would have thrown prudence to the winds and set upon the strange negroes. from that day imbono's villagers began the collection of rubber. boloko and his men seized as many huts as they required, and demanded regular and copious supplies of food for themselves and their hangers-on. before twenty-four hours had passed boloko, with half a dozen of his guards, strolled over to jack's village, and looked in at the gateway of the stockade. jack had already decided to adopt military precautions. two of his best men were doing sentry-go at the gate. when boloko saw them and their rifles he thought better of entering as he had purposed. he stood for some time taking stock of the tidy compound and the neat new huts around, and discussing with his men this unexpected discovery. then with a malignant scowl he returned to ilola. for some days jack saw no more of boloko. he remained within his own stockade, thinking it would do the chief no good if he too openly showed friendship. every day he put the men through their usual drill, never giving the least sign that he was aware of being closely observed by the forest guards. the drilling of imbono's men had ceased; the adult villagers were now engaged in the collection of rubber. from what jack heard from his men, it soon became clear to him that boloko was anxious to pick a quarrel with the chief. his motive, jack guessed, was partly to show his authority, partly to flaunt his contempt of the friendship between imbono and the white men. his design was to some extent kept in check by the knowledge that jack had fifteen men well armed and trained, and the presence of the two white men, inglesa too--he had a wholesome respect for the inglesa--was in itself a considerable deterrent. but he began to find fault with the quality of the rubber brought in; declared that the villagers kept the best fish for themselves and gave him the worst; complained that his men were made ill by rotten manioc. imbono took care that the details of these grievances were carried to jack, who, however, held aloof, still feeling that interference on his part would do no good, while it would certainly aggravate the situation. when the congo free state entrusted the collection of its revenue to such subordinates as boloko, commanding ruthless savages like the forest guards, there was nothing to be done. one evening, after sunset, lepoko came into jack's hut to say that the chief desired to see him. jack hurried out, and found imbono in company with one of his villagers. he invited them into his hut, lighted a candle, and setting food and palm wine before them, inquired the object of their visit. "look, my brother!" said the chief, pointing to his companion. the man turned, and showed three terrible gashes in his back. he lifted his right foot and removed a bandage; jack saw that two of the toes were missing. "you see, brother!" said imbono. "ifumi was eating caterpillars in his hut. the guard bomolo saw him and came to him and said, 'your rubber is short. you eat caterpillars instead of collecting rubber.' ifumi said: 'no, my rubber is not short. there is my basket; you see it is full.' but bomolo cut three gashes in his back, and struck off two of his toes with his knife." "that is the truth, ifumi?" asked jack. "it is true," replied the man. "you did not provoke bomolo?" "no, i said to him only what the chief has told." "you did right to come, imbono," said jack quietly. "go back now: you had better not be seen here. i will send you a message in the morning." the two men thanked him and went away, ifumi limping as he walked, supported by the chief's arm. jack called barney and told him what had happened. "it makes my blood boil, barney. i hoped it would not come to this. poor wretches--to be at the mercy of such savages! i can't stand by and see such things done. i'm sure my uncle would not wish me to. yet what can i do? we could fight boloko and his men, and beat them i hope; but goodness knows what that would lead to. whatever little right they have to maim these poor people, we have none whatever to interfere, and we should have the regular forces of the state down on us for treason or rebellion or what not. but something must be done. i wish my uncle were here!" "well, sorr, i'm ready for anything. the quickest and easiest way would be to fight, for wid all this drill wan uv our men is worth two uv those blagyards." "no, my uncle said we were to fight only in self-defence. i can't go against that. couldn't we persuade boloko to keep his men in order--bribe him, perhaps?" "i'd sooner try to persuade the divil, sorr." "well, i shall try it. i'll invite him to a palaver. we'll give him a feast--open our last bottle of soda water; a good dinner improves a man's temper sometimes, you know, barney." "true, sorr; but it sometimes makes a man very impident. will i send lepoko over wid the invitation the morn's morn, sorr?" "yes, directly after breakfast. say that i shall be pleased if boloko will come to see me in my camp. he may bring his rifle and half a dozen of his men." chapter xii samba comes back as jack had expected, boloko was flattered by the invitation, with its implied recognition of his importance. there is nothing a negro likes better than an opportunity for talk, and boloko declared himself quite ready to meet the inglesa. but he would not venture into the camp; the meeting must take place outside. the objection, considering the thinly-veiled hostility of the two parties, was not unreasonable. jack gave up the idea of a banquet, and, about eight o'clock in the morning, went with barney and lepoko to the site of his original camp, where he found boloko and half a dozen of his men already assembled. it is of the essence of a palaver to be deliberate, not to say long-winded, and jack followed the advice of lepoko in passing many compliments and talking about a great variety of matters before he came to the point. then, however, he made the point perfectly clear. he spoke of what he had learnt of the forest guards' behaviour in the village, and of bomolo's outrage in particular. "you must know," he concluded, "that it is against the law of the land to injure or assault the people. your duty is to see that they do not destroy the vines by improper cutting, and that they go regularly into the forest. you have no right to ill-use them." "the white man speaks very wisely; he knows much more than boloko. boloko knows nothing of law or right; he does what is the custom." "but you know, my friend, it is a wrong custom." "it may be as the white man says, but the inglesa is not my master. my master is elobela. let the inglesa complain to elobela. as for right, what right has the inglesa to interfere? he is a stranger; he is not a servant of the great white chief." "i am indeed a stranger; i am not a servant of the great white chief. but the great spirit who made the world and all men bids me speak if i see wrong done." boloko broke out in insolent laughter, and said something to his men which lepoko refused to translate. "him say berrah nasty fing 'bout massa; me no can tell massa." jack saw that it was time to bring the interview to a close. there was no coping with insolence. "very well," he said sternly. "it will be my duty to report at boma what i have seen and heard in the village. and more, boloko; i shall lay a complaint against you for attempting to cut loose our canoes, and for conducting an attack by night upon our camp." boloko looked startled and began to bluster when this was translated to him. but it was evident that this manner was assumed as a cloak to a real uneasiness. the moment lepoko had concluded, jack walked away from the meeting, and as he returned to his own quarters he heard the guards discussing in excited and vehement tones what he had said. for all his bluster, boloko had been impressed. for a few days jack heard of no overt acts of violence. imbono's gratitude for the intervention was almost overwhelming. he heaped praise and compliments upon his brother lokolobolo, and, not content with words, made him a valuable present. half a dozen of his men staggered to jack's hut one night under the weight of a huge tusk of ivory, which imbono had kept since the time when elephant-hunting was a profitable occupation. two days after the palaver a canoe arrived with another dozen mauser rifles and ammunition from mr. martindale. the head paddler was cautious enough to send one of his men in advance to the camp to announce his arrival, and jack managed to get the rifles brought secretly within his stockade under cover of night. it was just as well, he thought, to keep boloko in ignorance of this new acquisition of strength. the man reported that he had been despatched from irebo by an inglesa who had entrusted him with a bonkanda[ ] for the young inglesa. jack opened the note eagerly. this time it was very short:-- dear jack,-- all going well. have been delayed by little investigating trips i have made in the concessions of the abir trust and the domaine de la couronne. atrocities even worse than i thought. hope all well with you. patience--and tact. j.m. p.s.--i am sending a dozen rifles and some ammunition; can't get any more. the paddler said that he had had great difficulty in eluding the white men and their agents. only a few days before, he and his companions had almost run into a white man who was coming up the river in a smoke-boat, establishing new outposts for the collection of rubber. no doubt an outpost would be established at ilola; for imbono was the chief of several villages and had many young men. this news gave jack no little uneasiness. instinctively he felt that the difficulties arising from boloko's presence would be increased by the arrival of his belgian superior. for after what he had learnt from his uncle he could not doubt that the tyranny of the forest guards was practised at least with the connivance, if not by the actual authority, of the officials. as a precaution he took care to have men constantly on the look-out at the river bank for the approach of strange boats, and when one day elbel's launch was sighted, he withdrew all his men within the stockade and posted double sentries. he felt pretty sure that the white man in command was monsieur elbel, the man with whom mr. martindale had already had a brush; and of elbel he had a profound mistrust, formed at first sight and accentuated by all that he had subsequently heard. boloko and his satellites went in a crowd to the bank of the river to greet the new arrivals. from behind his stockade jack watched them through his field-glass as they landed from the launch and set off for the village. the white man was certainly elbel. he was accompanied by a number of forest guards armed like boloko's, and by a crowd of hangers-on--negroes of many varieties. on the way up to the village boloko walked by elbel's side, talking very earnestly, and jack saw the belgian throw a keen and inquisitive glance in the direction of his camp. not an hour afterwards elbel left the village and walked over to jack's settlement, which the natives had named ilombikambua, "house of the dog," in reference to pat the terrier. jack had given orders that the white man was to be admitted if he came, but no black man in his company. the belgian had come alone, and looked a little surprised when the sentries at the gate received him with a correct military salute. jack rose from his stool in front of his hut and doffed his hat courteously. outwardly he was calm enough; but he felt by no means easy in mind, realizing that his responsibility was far from being the "jolly lark" he had light-heartedly called it when mr. martindale announced his intention of leaving him in charge. "good morning, sir," said the belgian in his foreign accent. "good morning. i think i have the pleasure of addressing monsieur elbel?" "dat is my name. i do not know your name." "john challoner." "yes, i believe i see you before in a canoe." "when i was coming up the river with my uncle." "who is now returned to boma. yes, i heard of dat. mr. martindale--i zink dat is de name--have found de gold he sought?" "i am not at liberty to discuss mr. martindale's business." "exactly. i see. ve must not be indiscreet, hein? now as for your mr. martindale, i am not pleased, i say at vunce. i am not pleased viz mr. martindale. he refuse to give me up de black boy dat vas in your canoe. dat vas against de law: it is not permitted in de congo state for de natives to leave deir village." "but if the village no longer exists, mr. elbel?" the belgian shrugged. "dat make no difference! but i have more to say. i have learn dat your men have rifles; i see dem myself; dey even hold deir rifles at de salute, dey have military training, hein? now it is not permitted to have rifles in de congo state: dey are vat you call contraband. i muss ask you to be so kind and give de rifles to me." "i am afraid i can't oblige you, mr. elbel. the rifles belong to my uncle." "dat make no difference! i find de rifles here: i muss ask you in de name of de free state to give dem up." "i don't know that you have any right to speak in the name of the congo state. i believe, sir, you are an official of the société cosmopolite du commerce du congo--a private trust. i can't recognize your authority, mr. elbel." "but it is de law." "if you talk of law! ... are your practices legal, mr. elbel? is it legal to shoot and maim the natives as you have been doing for a hundred miles and more along the river? is it legal to incite a night attack on peaceable travellers?" (here elbel could not suppress a start, and looked far from comfortable.) "but whether i am acting legally or not, i cannot recognize your authority. if you want the rifles, i must ask you to wait until mr. martindale's return and demand them from him. until then they are in my charge, and i cannot give them up." jack thought afterwards that he might have spoken a little less bluntly; but he wished to put an end to a disagreeable interview. his firmness made the belgian angry. "ver' vell, ver' vell!" he said, flushing with annoyance. "you vill suffer for dis. you not recognize my right: vell, capitaine van vorst, an officer of de state, comes up de river; he have right; and i say, mr. chon shalloner, you shall be arrest and made to pay heavy amende--if not put in prison." jack's bow was a courteous intimation that the interview was ended. but the belgian caught the flicker of a smile on his face, and flung away in a rage which he made no attempt to disguise. jack's sentries, who again brought their rifles to the salute, shrank back before elbel's scowl as he passed out of the gate. jack was not ill-pleased with the result of the interview. you have always scored a point when the enemy loses his temper. apparently elbel did not intend to take strong measures himself. he knew the weakness of his position. the situation would be changed if a state officer was indeed on his way up the river: but jack did not allow himself to be disturbed by elbel's threat; his uncle would doubtless be back in a few days, and he had unbounded faith in mr. martindale's judgment and discretion. from that time he took care that either barney or himself should be always in the stockaded camp. his men had become a well-disciplined force, but he could not answer for their being able to act discreetly towards a white man whom they had reason to dread. for a day or two there was no sign of hostility from elbel. he did not repeat his visit, which jack did not feel called upon to return. but news came from ilola that, while the belgian's arrival had checked the ghastly ferocities of the forest guards, the chicotte had been still more freely in play than before. every man whose basket did not contain the requisite five kilos of rubber, or the quality of whose rubber did not approve itself to elbel, was unmercifully flogged. those with whom no fault could on any pretext be found were paid with perhaps a piece of cloth or some trumpery article which was useless to them, and which in many cases they threw away. imbono sent word one day that the most distant of his villages had been burnt. it contained a hundred adult male inhabitants, but only fifty had brought rubber to ilola, the remainder having been engaged in hunting down a herd of elephants which had been ravaging their crops. elbel had refused to accept the explanation. he had retained the fifty men as hostages, and sent a detachment of his forest guards to bring in the unruly fifty and burn their village down. jack could only express his sympathy: he felt that there was nothing to be done. one morning barney, who acted as storekeeper to the camp, reported that food was running short. "well, imbono will supply us," replied jack. "beggin' your pardon, sorr, imbono has little enough for himself since elbel and his blagyards came to the place. the thieving villains will have the best, and divil a ha'penny do they pay for it." "we must have food. when i was at akumbi the other day i saw a good crop of ground-nuts. i'll go over myself and see if i can arrange for a supply." akumbi was the smallest of the chief's villages, situated about five miles up the river. jack set off early with lepoko, taking the well-worn path through the fringe of forest. as he approached the village he heard cries of pain. instinctively he quickened his steps and hurried through the gateway in the stockade; then he came upon a scene that made his blood boil. tied to a tree was a youth, who, lepoko told him, was the son of lofundo, the sub-chief of the village. elbel was thrashing the captive with the chicotte, every lash cutting into the quivering flesh and provoking shrieks of agony. not another villager was to be seen; all had fled either into their huts or into the forest. infuriated at the sight, jack forgot all counsels of prudence. he rushed towards the spot, peremptorily calling on elbel to desist. the belgian swung round savagely, gave one disdainful look at the interrupter, and raised his arm with the intention of putting all his force into another stroke. but jack sprang at the uplifted arm, caught elbel by the wrist and arrested the blow. wrenching himself free, the belgian, livid with rage, made a fierce cut at jack. he was too near for the long lash to have the full effect intended; but jack felt the sting as the flexible thong curled round him. then his attitude changed. before, he had merely been conscious of a desire to protect the negro; now, he was afire with a personal grievance. elbel had not time to raise the whip for a second stroke. flinging out his left fist jack caught him a smashing blow on the cheek, and followed it up with a right-hander which hurled him half senseless to the ground. elbel staggered to his feet, presenting a piteous spectacle, blood streaming from his nose, his left eye half closed. he groped for his revolver, but the sight of jack standing over him, pale but determined, revolver in hand ready for the next move, cowed him. he fumbled for a few seconds at his belt, then slunk away without a word. [illustration: jack turns the tables] the village compound was immediately filled with a crowd of natives, who poured out of the huts: whence they had secretly watched the scene. jack was overwhelmed with protestations of gratitude. he cut the boy loose and restored him, bleeding from the lash, to his father. then he extricated himself from the excited throng, took lofundo aside, waived his demonstrations, and, completing the business on which he had come, left the village as soon as he could. now that the heat of the moment was passed, he feared he had not done the villagers or himself any good. a personal affray with elbel was the last thing he would have desired; and though he felt that he could hardly have acted otherwise than he had done, he was in anything but an elated mood when he returned to his camp. he at once told barney of what had occurred, and spoke of his misgivings. "arrah thin, sorr," said the irishman, "i do not see any cause for disthress at all at all. the villain got his deserts, and 'twill tache him a lesson. sure i'd like to have seen his face, the spalpeen!" "but i'd no right to interfere, barney; you can't get over that." "begging your pardon, sorr, i do not agree wid that at all. ye may say a father has the right to thrash his children; 'twas the holy solomon himself said so! but if he lays it on too heavy, the law steps in and says 'hands off!' a farmer has a right to get work out uv his horse; but if he overtaxes the poor baste, the law steps in again and says 'no more uv that.' these poor niggers seem to have to work widout fair pay, and pay rent into the bargain. that's more than an irishman would stand; and when the nigger-driver begins to maul 'em as well, worse than poor dumb beasts widout souls uv their own--be jabers! sorr, what would i do, if i saw a man ill-treating my pat? i would knock him down, sorr, if he was the lord-liftinant himself!" the fact that several days passed without any sign of resentment or vengeance on elbel's part did not make jack less uneasy. so far from his trouncing having a deterrent effect, the treatment of the natives became steadily worse. things were following the inevitable course. the vines in the neighbourhood of the village had yielded all the rubber of which they were at present capable, and the men had to go continually further afield. this necessitated their remaining for days at a time away from their homes, in improvised shelters which afforded poor protection against the weather and the wild beasts. they had to put up with indifferent food that gave scanty nourishment. when, having collected the rubber, they returned at last to their homes, they could only remain there a couple of days, for the next demand was upon them. meanwhile their families had been at the mercy of the forest guards. day by day complaints came to jack from imbono of the brutalities of these ruffians, some of them so horrible that his whole being quivered with passionate indignation. why did not his uncle return? how long must he remain helpless here, unable to lift a hand in defence of the oppressed? one evening, just as he had retired to rest, he was woke by barney and told that a strange negro had come to the gate and asked admittance. he had specially desired to see the inglesa. jack sent word that the man was to be brought to him, and awaited his coming outside the hut. the negro came up in charge of lepoko. by the light of his electric torch jack saw a tall man, so much emaciated that he appeared almost a skeleton. his cheeks were sunken in, his arms and legs were no thicker than a child's, and--what was this! the man held up one arm; the hand was gone! "who is he?" asked jack, shuddering at the sight of the half-healed stump. "him call batukuno, sah. come from nsongo. him carry baumba[ ] to brudder, sah: ekila, him forest guard, meet batukuno, say, 'gib me baumba.' batukuno say, 'no can do: me carry to brudder.' rubber day come. batukuno bring basket; ekila say, 'rubber too much bad, batukuno.' batukuno say, 'no bad at all; good rubber all same.' ekila laugh, sah; cut off batukuno him hand." "just in revenge for not getting the baumba?" "rebenge, sah, rebenge, all same." "but how came he here?" "boy samba, sah. him tell batukuno inglesa massa good white man, brudder tanalay, oh yes! inglesa no 'fraid boloko, no 'fraid elobela; inglesa gib batukuno hut, gib food, gib plenty rings. him come long long way: hurt berrah much, sah, berrah sick; want eat, no can find nuff. him hide long time 'cos 'fraid boloko. now hab got massa; no 'fraid no more; boloko, elobela, dem 'fraid now." "where is samba then?" "samba him long long way: him go find fader and mudder." "i was right after all," said jack turning to barney. "i'm glad to hear the boy's alive. well, lepoko, take batukuno to one of the huts and give him some supper. another sign of king leopold's fatherly treatment, barney! uncle said they cut the hands from the dead, but it appears that the living are mutilated too." "the curse uv cromwell on them, sorr. but, begging your pardon, you made a mistake." "how's that?" "sure you said 'twas my irish english that sent little samba away." "did i?" said jack, laughing. "i'd forgotten it. he's a capital little fellow, barney. fancy, going by himself that long journey through the forest to find his people! and yet there are fools who think that because a man is black he hasn't feelings or affections like ourselves." batukuno was only the firstfruits of samba's missionary zeal. from day to day, men, women, and children began to drop in at jack's camp, many of them mutilated, all showing terrible signs of ill-usage and privation. some were survivors of samba's own people, the villagers of banonga; but they numbered among them men from other tribes. some had heard of the benevolent inglesa from samba's own lips; others from people he had told. among them was an old chief, who appeared heart-broken at having been compelled to leave his country. "why did i leave, you ask, o white man!" he said in reply to a question of jack's. "in the morning, bullets; in the evening, bullets. they shot our mouths away, they shot through our hearts and our sides. they robbed us of everything we had. why should we stay to be killed like that? that is why i ran away." "were many of your people killed?" "ah, ah!" he replied, "once we were as bafumba[ ] in multitude; now we are only as these." he spread out his fingers twice or thrice. "and they have been killed--not dying by the sleeping sickness?" "no. we have lost a few by the sleeping sickness, but only a few. it is rubber that has killed our people. botofé bo le iwa!" jack's sympathy was keenly enlisted on behalf of these unfortunate people; and he looked forward more and more eagerly for mr. martindale's return. he could not but smile a little whimsically, remembering his uncle's protestations, to find that mr. martindale was gaining a reputation for general philanthropy through a large section of the upper congo territory. but as the stream of fugitives showed no signs of diminishing he began to feel a certain embarrassment. it was all very well to open a cave adullam for every one that was distressed: to start a hospital for the halt and lame and blind; but the space he had at command within his stockade was limited: already the huts he had reserved for mr. martindale and his men were occupied, and every fugitive meant another mouth to feed. he feared, too, lest the peace and order of his settlement should be disturbed by the influx of so many idle strangers. and more than all, he feared that some of the poor wretches who came seeking asylum with him would fall into the hands of elbel ere they reached their desired haven. it was that consideration that induced him to refuse none who sought admittance. elbel had been absent for some days from ilola, and the fugitives, by choosing always the fall of night to approach the place, had so far managed to elude observation by their enemies. but that could not continue; the presence of strangers in ilombikambua must soon become known to elbel; then a watch would be set, and the wanderers would be intercepted. what their fate then would be jack knew too well. none suffered so terribly at the hands of the forest guards as people caught straying from their villages. such absences interfered with the regularity of the rubber supply, which in turn affected the revenue and reduced profits. no runagate serf in mediæval europe was more severely dealt with than the congo native who dared to range afield. jack could not hand the people over to elbel's tender mercies; yet it would soon be impossible to find room for more. while he was puzzling how to deal with this perplexing situation it was suddenly made still more complicated. early one morning he heard pat barking with more than his usual vigour, and with a note of wild pleasure which he had not expressed for many a day. leaving his hut to ask what had happened, he was met by the terrier, who ran up to him, leaped this way and that, darted off towards the gate, then back again, all the time barking with frantic joy. in a moment jack saw the meaning of the dog's excitement. samba himself was running towards him! the boy flung himself down at jack's feet, paying no attention even to pat. "i am glad to see you, very glad," said jack in samba's own tongue. "what have you been doing?" his knowledge of the language was not great enough to permit him to follow samba's answer, poured out as it was with great rapidity, and a pitiful earnestness that brought a lump to jack's throat. but lepoko was at hand, and translated faithfully. samba was in terrible distress. he had found his father and mother, and had brought them through peril and privation to the very verge of safety, when they fell among a number of forest guards evidently placed to intercept fugitives. all three were captured and taken to boloko, who was beside himself with delight at the sight of his brother mboyo a prisoner. he had a special grudge against him, dating from their old rivalry in banonga. elbel had just returned from a visit to outlying villages; the prisoners had been carried before him, and when boloko explained who they were, the belgian ordered them to be tied up, and sentenced them to be thrashed publicly on the next day. samba had contrived to escape from custody, and had now come to implore the inglesa to save his parents. they were so worn out by their long journey, so ill from the hardships they had suffered, that they would certainly die under the whip. "poor little fellow!" said jack, laying his hand soothingly on the boy's head. "the whipping is to be to-morrow? you are sure?" yes; elobela would be absent this day; he would not return till the evening. the flogging was fixed for dawn on the following morning. "come into my hut; we will see what can be done. barney, you come too." "niggers have no feelings!" said barney, releasing pat from the grasp in which he had been struggling while samba told his story. "begorra! they might as well say the same uv dogs!" [ ] any kind of letter or document. [ ] riches. [ ] driver ants. chapter xiii "honour thy father and thy mother" jack felt himself in a distressing predicament. could he allow samba's father and mother, for whom he suspected the boy must have made heroic exertions, to undergo a punishment which, as he had learnt from more than one of the refugees, frequently ended in the death of the victim? yet how prevent it? whatever might be urged against it, the use of the chicotte had become established as a recognized instrument of administration in the congo free state. as a stranger and a foreigner he had, to begin with, no right to interfere, and his previous relations with elbel had been such that a protest and an attempt at dissuasion would be equally useless. his action on behalf of lofundo's son had been taken on the spur of the moment; it would not dispose elbel to pay any attention to calmer and more deliberate measures now. even a threat to report him would probably have no effect on the belgian. he was only doing what the officers of the state, or the officials of the trusts holding authority from the state, were accustomed to do, whether by themselves or their agents. a protest from jack would merely aggravate the punishment of the wretched people. although elbel had not taken any open step against jack since their last meeting, the latter felt assured that he was nursing his spite and only awaiting a favourable opportunity to indulge it. indeed it was likely that something had already been done. perhaps elbel was in communication with boma. he had mentioned that a captain of the state forces was on his way up the river; for all that jack knew the officer might deal very summarily with him when he arrived. that elbel would tamely endure the humiliation he had suffered jack did not for a moment believe. jack put these points to barney. "if i attempt to do anything for samba's people," he added, "i must be prepared to back up my demands by force, and that will mean bloodshed. i can't run the risk, barney. uncle left me in charge, and, as i've told you, said i wasn't to fight except in self-defence." "bedad, sorr, but he'd fight himself if he were here." "that may be, but i can't take the responsibility." "cannot we get the people out uv the scoundhrel's clutches widout fighting, sorr? the bhoy escaped, to be sure." "true; how did you get away, samba?" the boy explained that he had been imprisoned separately from his parents: he did not know why. they had been chained by the neck and fastened to a tree in front of boloko's hut; he had been roped by the ankle and secured to another tree farther away. in the middle of the night he had wriggled and strained at his bonds until, after much toil and pain, he had released his foot. then, when the sentry's back was turned, he had slipped away, stolen behind the huts, and with great difficulty clambered over the stockade. "and are your parents still chained to the tree?" samba did not know. he had not ventured to approach them after releasing himself, for his sole hope was in the inglesa, and if he were recaptured he knew that his parents' fate was sealed. but if the inglesa wished, he would steal back into the village and see if the prisoners were still at the same spot. "that will never do," said jack. "the boy would certainly be caught, barney." "that's the truth, sorr. but 'tis the morning for lingombela to go to the village for eggs; could he not find out what you wish to know?" "he's a discreet fellow. yes, let him try. he must be very careful. i wonder that elbel has not forbidden our men to go into the village; and if he suspects any interference there'll be trouble." barney went out to send lingombela on his errand. meanwhile jack got samba to tell him, through lepoko, how he had found his parents. the boy gave briefly the story of his wanderings, his perils from the wild beasts of the forest, his hunger and want, his capture by the bambute, his escape, his adventure with the crocodile, his second capture and more successful escape under cover of a great forest storm. jack was deeply impressed at the time; but many of the details came to him later from others, and each new fact added to his admiration for the indomitable young traveller. the pigmies who had captured samba at the river were a different tribe from those with whom he had lived in the forest. like those, however, they made much of him, giving him plenty of food, but never letting him go out of their sight. one night, a fierce tempest swept through the forest, snapping great trees and whirling them about like feathers. thunder crashed, lightning cut black paths through the foliage; and the bambute cowered in their huts, dreading lest these should be crushed by a falling tree or scorched by the lightning's flame, yet feeling safer within than without. but samba rejoiced in the elemental disturbance. reckless of the terrors of the storm in his fixed determination to escape, he stole out when the uproar was at its height and plunged into the forest. all other peril was banished by the fury of the tempest. once he passed a leopard within a few feet, but the beast was too much scared by the lightning to seize the opportunity of securing an easy meal. after many days of wandering and privation samba came within a day's journey of what had been his village. stumbling accidentally upon one of his fellow-villagers, he told him his story, and was taken by him to a cave in the forest where several of the fugitives from banonga were in hiding, some badly wounded. samba came to them like a sunbeam. what he told them about mr. martindale gave them courage and hope. some set off at once to seek out the inglesa whose praise samba was so loud in singing; they would implore his protection: others, more timorous or less hardy, dreading the long and toilsome journey, resolved to remain where they were, for they were at least in no straits for food. none of them could give samba any news of his parents: so after remaining a day or two with them he went on alone. he reached the site of the desolated village in the evening, and took refuge in the branches of a tree. his intention was to push on next day and search the forest beyond the village. but with morning light something impelled him to wander round the scene of his happy childhood. here had stood his father's hut; there, not far away, the old chief mirambo had dwelt. it seemed to samba that the place was altered in appearance since he had left it in company with mr. martindale. an attempt had been made to repair the ruins of mirambo's hut. somewhat startled, samba approached it curiously, and was still more startled to hear low groans proceeding from a spot where a corner of the site had been covered with rough thatch. entering, he discovered with mingled joy and terror that his father and mother lay there, nearly dead from wounds and starvation. with the negro's instinct for returning to his old haunts, mboyo had come back with his wife to banonga, and managed to rig up a precarious shelter in his father's shattered hut. then his strength failed him. he had been wounded in the attack on the village, but had made good his escape to the forest with his favourite wife. his other wives and children had disappeared; of them he never heard again. the unwonted exposure soon told upon his wife lukela; she fell ill, and, weakened as mboyo was by his wounds, they were unable to scour the forest as they might otherwise have done for food. as the days passed their condition had gone from bad to worse, and at last they had painfully, despairingly, made their way back to their old home, to die. but samba did not mean them to die. he set himself at once to rescue them. as he knew well, there was little or no food near by; the wanton destruction of plantations had been very thorough. they were too weak to travel. he emptied his tin, to which he had clung through all his wanderings, of the food it contained, and making a rough barrier for them against wild beasts, cheered them with hopeful words and started back on his tracks for a further supply of food. when he reached the cavern where he had left his fellow-villagers, he found it empty. apparently even the timid ones had set off to seek the protection of the good inglesa. he could do nothing that night, but next morning he went down to the stream whence they had obtained their supply of fish and plied his spear until he had caught several. then he made the long journey back, filling his tin as he went with berries and nuts and anything else from which nourishment could be obtained. his parents were already a little better, thanks to the food he had already given them, and perhaps also to the new spirit awakened in them by the unexpected arrival of their dearly loved son. thus for several days samba watched over them, making long journeys for food. each time he left them his absence became more prolonged; food was harder to get, and he was less able to hunt for it. while his parents slowly regained a little strength, samba weakened from day to day. at last he could scarcely drag one foot after the other; he was worn out by the terrible fatigue of constant marching through the forest, and by want of sleep, for he stinted himself of rest so that his parents might be left alone as little as possible. more than once he sank exhausted to the ground, feeling that he could go no farther, do no more. his strength was spent; his head swam with dizziness; a mist gathered before his eyes. thus he would remain, half conscious, perhaps for minutes, perhaps for hours; he knew not: he had lost count of time. then with the enforced rest the small remnant of his strength returned to him, and with it the memory of his parents' plight. upon him depended the life of the two beings he held dearest in the world. as the perils to which they were exposed were borne in upon his fevered intelligence he would struggle to his feet, and grope his way painfully along the forest track, his feet blistered, his flesh torn with spikes and thorns: above all, a dreadful gnawing hunger within him, for he would scarcely spare himself sufficient food for bare sustenance while his parents were ill and in want. this dark and terrible period was illumined by one ray of hope. his weariness and toil were bearing fruit. day by day his parents grew stronger; in a fortnight they were able to move about, and a week later they were ready to start for the cavern. but now it was samba who required tendance. he could walk only a few yards at a time, supported by mboyo, who almost despaired of reaching the cavern before starvation again overtook them. but the weary journey was completed at last, and after a few days' stay at the cavern within easier reach of food, the party became fit to undertake a longer march, and set out hopefully for mr. martindale's camp. jack could only conjecture what the terrors of that march had been, for before samba's story was finished lepoko returned from the village. he reported that elobela, furious at the boy's escape, had announced that he would double the punishment to be meted out to his parents. this practice of striking at children through parents, and at parents through children, was so much the rule in the congo system of tax collection that jack did not doubt elbel would carry out his threat. meanwhile the two prisoners had been removed from the open air before boloko's hut at the far side of the village, and conveyed to a stoutly-built fetish hut near the stockade. this change of quarters had provoked murmurs not only from the villagers, but from elbel's own men. the fetish hut was sacred to the medicine man of the village, and even he affected to approach it with fear and trembling. the whole population was talking about the desecration of the hut by the presence of the two captives; men were shaking their heads and saying that something would happen; and the medicine man himself--a hideous figure with his painted skin--did not fail to seize the opportunity of inflaming the minds of the villagers against the impious white man. but no one ventured to remonstrate with elbel. he meanwhile had gone off with a number of forest guards to an outlying village, leaving orders that the captives were to be watched with particular vigilance. samba's face was an image of despair as he listened to lepoko's report. what hope was there of his parents' rescue now? "poor little chap!" said jack. "after going through so much for them he'll be heart-broken if he loses them now. what can we do for him, barney?" "faith, i can see nothing for it, sorr, but to lead a storming party. and i would go first, wid the greatest pleasure in life." "that's out of the question, especially as elbel's away. all's fair in war, they say, barney; but i shouldn't like to attack the village in elbel's absence. in any case i don't want to fight if there's any other way. samba, run away with pat; don't go beyond the gate; i want to see if i can think of any way of helping your parents." both the white men were touched by the boy's wistful look as he left the hut. jack stuck his legs out straight in front of him, plunged his hands into his pockets, and bent his head upon his breast as he pondered and puzzled. barney sat for a time leaning forward with his elbows on his knees, smoking an old clay pipe. but he soon tired of inaction, and rising, proceeded to open a tin of oatmeal biscuits in anticipation of lunch. he had just wrenched the lid off when jack sprang up with a sudden laugh and slapped him on the shoulder. "i have it, barney!" he cried. "they said something would happen; well, they were right; something shall happen, old man. and it's your doing!" "mine, sorr! niver a thing have i done this blessed day but smoke me pipe, and just this very minute tear a hole in my hand wid this confounded tin." "that's it, barney! it was the tin gave me the idea. you know how giants are made for the christmas pantomimes?" "divil a bit, sorr." "well, don't look so surprised. empty that tin of biscuits while i tell you, and when that's empty, open another and do the same." "bedad, sorr, but all the biscuits will spoil." "let 'em spoil, man, let 'em spoil. no, i don't mean that, but at present i think more of the tissue paper in those tins than of the biscuits. we'll make a framework, barney--any stalks or sticks will do for that--and cover it with that tissue paper, and paint a giant's face and shoulders on the paper, and we must find some coloured glass or something for the eyes, and something white for the teeth. we have some candles left, luckily. don't you think, barney, a lighted candle behind the paper would make a very decent sort of bogie?" "and is that the way, sorr, they make the giants at the pantomime?" "something like that, barney. but what do you think of the idea?" "'tis the divil's own cleverness in it, sorr. but i'll niver enjoy a pantomime any more, now that i know the way 'tis done. and how will ye go to work wid the bogie, sorr?" "why, we'll make the framework to fit my shoulders. then you'll see. the first thing is to get it made. go and get the materials. we shall want sticks about three feet long, and ngoji cane[ ] to tie them together, as there are no nails here. and you must send over to imbono and ask for some colouring matter. red and black are all we shall need. i don't know what we shall do for the eyes; there's no coloured glass handy, i suppose. we must do without if we can't find anything. now, hurry up, barney, and send lepoko to me." for the rest of the day jack and barney were very busy in the hut. it was an easy matter to put the bamboo framework together. the tissue paper from the two biscuit tins proved just sufficient to cover it. when this was done, jack sketched with his pencil as ugly a face as his artistic imagination was capable of suggesting, then laid on the pigments with his shaving brush, no other being at hand. he gave the giant very thick red lips, opened in a hideous grin, heightening the effect by carefully tying in a number of goat's teeth. the eyes presented a difficulty. no coloured glass could be found among any of the villagers' treasures, and after several attempts to supply its place with leaves, petals of red flowers, and glass beads stuck together, jack decided that the best effect would be made by leaving the eye slits empty. the making of the bogie was kept a close secret between himself and barney; but he got some of his men to make two light bamboo ladders, which they did with great expedition, wondering not a little to what use lokolobolo would put them. in the afternoon, as soon as he was assured that his bogie would turn out a success, jack sent lepoko into ilola to foment the villagers' fear that the desecration of the fetish hut would certainly be followed by a visit from the offended spirit. he was to talk very seriously of a great medicine man he had once met on the coast, who knew all about the spirits of the streams and woods, and those who protected the forest villages. one of these spirits, said the medicine man, took the form of a giant, and any mortal upon whom he breathed would surely die. jack knew that this story would be repeated by the villagers to the forest guards, and would soon be the property of the whole community. reckoning upon the fact that elbel had his quarters near the gate of the stockade, and that the fetish hut was on the opposite side of the enclosure, not far from the stockade itself, so that the whole width of the village separated them, jack hoped to create such a panic among the superstitious sentries that he would have time to free the captives before elbel could intervene. at dead of night, when he believed that the enemy must be sound asleep, jack left his camp silently, accompanied only by samba. he himself carried the bogie; the boy had the ladders. but even his own parents would not have recognized the samba of this midnight sortie. jack had been much interested on the way up the congo by a kind of acacia which, when cut with an axe, exudes a sticky substance, emitting in the darkness a strong phosphorescent glow. with this substance a series of rings had been drawn on samba's body, and he wore on his head a number of palm leaves arranged like the prince of wales's feathers, smeared with the same sticky material. he made an awful imp in attendance on the horrific monster. samba stepping close behind jack to avoid observation, the two made their way stealthily around the village, keeping within the fringe of the encircling forest. then jack fixed the bogie upon his shoulders, lighted the candles placed in sconces of twigs cunningly constructed by barney, and crept forward towards the stockade, closely followed by samba, both bending low so as to escape discovery before the right moment. lepoko had reported that two sentries had been placed over the fetish hut. jack guessed that by this time their nerves would be at pretty high tension, and that they would not improbably be keeping a safe distance from the awful place they had been set to guard. one of the ladders was planted by samba against the stockade. on this jack mounted, and the hideous countenance rose slowly and majestically above the palisade. a small oil lamp swung from the eaves of the hut. by its light jack saw the two sentries some distance away, but near enough to keep an eye on the entrance so that the inmates could not break out unnoticed. at first they did not see the apparition. to quicken their perception, jack gave a weird chuckle--a sound that would have startled even sturdy english schoolboys in the depth of night. the negroes turned round instantly; there was one moment of silence: then shrieking with fear they rushed helter-skelter into the darkness. taking the second ladder from samba, jack calmly descended on the other side, and was quickly followed by the boy. the latter made straight for the fetish hut. a light shone through the entrance immediately he had entered; there was a muffled shriek; then voices in rapid talk, followed by the sound of heavy hammering. by the light of jack's electric torch samba was breaking the fetters. by this time the whole village was astir. at the first instant of alarm every man, woman, and child gave utterance to a yell; but as soon as they caught sight of the dreadful apparition, the vengeful spirit whose visit had been predicted, the giant with hideous jaw and flaming eyes, they ceased their cries, and scampered in awestruck silence across the compound towards the gate. slowly samba's parents limped out of the hut after him, and with his assistance mounted the ladder and descended on the other side of the stockade. jack had bidden samba take them for a time into the forest. to harbour them in his camp would involve further embroilment with elbel, a thing to be avoided if possible. they had barely disappeared in the darkness when a shot rang out, and jack felt something strike the framework above his head. elbel had been awakened from sleep by the first yell, but on leaving his hut found himself enveloped in so thick a crowd of quivering, panic-stricken negroes that he could neither see what had caused their alarm nor get an answer to his irritable questions. the delay had been just long enough to allow the prisoners to escape. jack heard elbel's voice raging at the people. as another shot whizzed by he reached up and extinguished the candles, then slipped over the stockade, drawing the ladder after him. burdened with the bogie and the two ladders he hastened away into the forest. for some minutes he wandered about, missing the guidance of samba, who was with his parents. at length he struck the path, and making his best speed regained his camp. barney was awaiting him at the gate with loaded rifle, the trained men drawn up under arms. "the bogie did it!" he cried, feeling very hot and tired now that his task was accomplished. "praise be!" ejaculated barney. "eyes front! present arrms! dismiss!" [ ] this abounds in the forest, and is alike nails, string, and rope for the natives. chapter xiv lokolobolo's first fight "i am afraid we are in for it now," said jack, as he sat with barney, when the camp had become quiet, discussing the situation. "elbel will know well enough who played the bogie, and he has now another grievance against me. i wonder what he will do." "i would not disthress meself about it at all, sorr," said barney. "he had a peep at a pepper's ghost widout paying for a ticket, and 'tis himself that ought to be plased." "don't you ever have a fit of the dumps, barney? you seem to live always in the top of spirits." "what would be the good uv doing anything else, sorr? i've too little flesh on me bones now; what would i be if i grizzled?" "i'm glad enough, i assure you. i don't know what i should have done without you. uncle little imagined what he was leaving me to. do you think anything has happened to him? it is three months since he went away, and five weeks since i had any news of him. i am getting anxious." "'tis true he is behind, like the cow's tail, sorr. an 'tis meself can explain it. ye see, sorr, i've noticed wan thing about these niggers. time is not much to an irishman, to be sure, but 'tis less than nothing to a nigger. they don't keep count uv the days; an almanac would be clean beyond them; and 'tis my belief nando has just put the master back a month, sorr, unbeknown." "that's an original explanation, at any rate. but by jove! here's samba again. what does he want now?" "him say mudder lib for plenty sick, sah," said lepoko, called in to interpret. "mudder plenty tired fust; muss stand all de night in hut; no gib no food; her no can go no more; tumble down in forest. samba say please massa, let fader and mudder come; please, please, massa, please, massa, him say please massa plenty too much all time." "we must have them in, i suppose," said jack, unable to resist the appeal in samba's eyes and gestures. "i didn't want them here, they only add to our dangers and difficulties. let him fetch them, lepoko; he must be careful; if they are captured again they are sure to be shot." samba's face shone with delight. he scampered away. an hour passed before he returned. mboyo was carrying his wife in his arms; she was in the last stage of exhaustion. they were given shelter in lepoko's hut; and that night, when samba curled himself up to sleep with pat, for the first time for many weeks he was a happy boy. jack had but just finished his breakfast next morning when a note was brought him from elbel. monsieur,-- on m'a fait informer que les deux individus échappés de ce village sont a présent réfugiés dans votre camp. j'ai l'honneur de vous sommer de rendre ces individus immédiatement, en outre le petit garçon dont j'ai déjà demandé la reddition. au cas que lesdits sujets de petat du congo ne soient pas ramenés dans ce village avant midi cejourd'hui, je serai obligé de faire à leur égard des démarches qui me sembleront bonnes. agréez, monsieur, l'assurance de ma considération distinguée, elbel, _agent de la société cosmopolite du commerce du congo_. "what do you think of this, barney? he says he's been told that the two persons who escaped from ilola are now in my camp. he has the honour to request that i will give them up at once. listen: 'in case the said subjects of the congo state are not brought back to this village by noon to-day, i shall be compelled to take such steps in regard to them as may seem to me good.' very precise and formal. my answer shall be a little shorter." he lost no time in penning his reply. he wrote: sir,-- the three people you mention are with me. i shall be glad to learn the offence with which they are charged, and by what authority you take it upon yourself to try them and punish them. yours truly, john challoner. "we shall get no answer to that, barney." but he was mistaken. a second note was brought him in which elbel refused to explain or justify his actions to monsieur challoner. he was responsible to his société and to the administration of the free state. he repeated his threat that at twelve o'clock, failing compliance with his demand, he would take steps to recover the fugitives, and concluded by saying that monsieur challoner must be answerable for the consequences. "the fat's in the fire now, sorr," said barney, when jack had translated this letter to him. "i suppose you'll just say 'go and be hanged' in answer to that?" "no. i shan't answer it on paper. the crisis has come at last, barney. i couldn't attack elbel yesterday and be responsible for the first blow. but things are changed now. his action in regard to these poor people is sheer persecution; they've sought my protection, and no englishman that i ever heard of has given up a wretch fleeing from persecution. we'll have to stand firm now, barney. elbel shan't get hold of them if i can prevent it." "i'm wid ye, sorr, heart and soul. sure an irishman is not the man to stand by and see poor people ill-treated. what'll we do to get ready for him, sorr?" "you can go and get some of the men to rig up platforms at several points inside the stockade. what a lucky thing it was we taught 'em how to board and floor the huts! those planks will come in handy now. and stay: set two or three men to bore loopholes in the stockade--not our riflemen; the men who've lost their right hands can manage that, perhaps, with their left if they try. meanwhile, parade the riflemen. i'll come out to them in a few minutes." when the men were paraded, jack felt very proud of his little company. they were all alert, eager, ready. jack explained to them through lepoko what the difficulty was. "i don't want you to fight against your will," he said. "if any man is unwilling to fight he may leave the camp if he chooses, or remain and do any other work required. but if he elects to fight he must obey orders, do his best, and never give in. you understand that: never give in!" the men responded with loud cries of approval. not a man of them fell out of the ranks. the exercise and drill they had undergone had filled them with military ardour; they were proud of their new accomplishments, and evidently eager to test them in earnest. and the white officials were so well hated that the opportunity of setting one at defiance was in itself a sufficient motive. jack paid them a compliment on their readiness to serve--the negro dearly loves praise--and after inspecting each man's rifle and ammunition, dismissed them to various duties in the camp until the moment for action arrived. the day's water supply had scarcely been got in, and there were no vessels at hand for storing a large quantity. the stock of food in the camp was sufficient to keep the whole population for three days on full rations, and might be eked out for a week or more if each man's allowance was reduced. it was inevitable that the idea of a siege should cross jack's mind, and he foresaw that the difficulty about water would prove serious. meanwhile, he could at least send out a few men to obtain supplies of food from the chief's other villages. he chose for this errand the men least likely to be useful as fighters, and impressed on them the necessity of avoiding elbel's men. it would not be long before elbel had the surrounding country closely patrolled, and then no man would be able to approach without taking his life in his hand. what supplies they should succeed in collecting were to be held concealed in the forest until there was an opportunity of conveying them into the camp without danger. there were now within his stockade, besides himself and barney, twenty-two men armed with rifles; the chief mboyo, with his wife and samba; fifteen men, ten women, and twenty-five children who had sought asylum with him; and the livestock of the natives--a few goats and fowls. pat was one by himself. there were rifles for twenty men besides the twenty-two, but the fugitives were too much maimed, or too much reduced in strength by their sufferings, to make it seem worth while to arm them. four or five, however, had recovered very rapidly, and seemed likely to prove useful recruits. they had at any rate enough reason for fighting well; not only on behalf of their chief, but in memory of their own sufferings. pending an opportunity of teaching them the use of the rifle, jack armed them with spears and employed them as sentries. a careful watch was kept to guard against surprise, which was little likely to occur in broad daylight across the wide open space between the two settlements. jack awaited with no little anxiety the approach of noon, trying to forecast elbel's course of action. the belgian had, so far as he had been able to gather, about sixty men armed with albini rifles, with probably as many hangers-on; but the natives' conceptions of arithmetic are so vague that this information could not be relied on; the actual number might be larger or smaller. it was not likely that the followers of the forest guards could be utilized as fighting men; but the guards themselves were well armed and full of confidence, for they had become accustomed to lording it over the virtually unarmed and helpless populace from whose forced labour the congo free state derives its profits. jack was quite prepared to find that elbel, knowing that his opponent's men had but recently been armed, and were not, like his own men, to all intents professional soldiers, would think himself strong enough to rush the camp, especially as, since the day of his arrival, the belgian had appeared to show no further interest in the force at jack's disposal. "perhaps he thinks we've drilled them merely for parade," he remarked with a smile to barney. "but i think he'll find we can hold our own. i'm not afraid of a direct attack. but if he tries to starve us out it'll be a different matter. i'm bothered about the water." "be aisy, sorr. whin i was a bhoy me mother often did not know at breakfast time where the supper was coming from; but i only went to bed wance widout it, and that was whin i'd eaten it before the time, and was put to bed early as a punishment." soon after twelve o'clock the sentries reported that the white man was approaching from the direction of the village. jack hastened to the platform near the gate, which he had had barricaded, and saw elbel at the head of about forty men, at his side a negro bearing a white flag. about fifty yards from the stockade he halted, and formally demanded the surrender of the fugitives. in phrases as formal as his own jack replied that they would not be given up. while this brief exchange of courtesies was going on, the sentries stationed on similar platforms within the stockade had turned round with natural curiosity to see what was passing, and withdrew their attention from the ground they were supposed to be watching. all at once jack felt a tug at his arm, and looking round, saw samba excitedly pointing to the rear of the camp. a score of elbel's riflemen were scurrying across the open ground. to jack's surprise they were headed by a white man in military uniform. was this the captain van vorst, he wondered, who, elbel had told him, was coming up the river? had he to contend with a regular officer of the state as well as an official of the concession? one thing was clear, that while his attention was being held by the parade of the men in front, an attempt was being made to rush the camp from the rear. jack gave no sign of his discovery, but quietly ordered barney to take ten men with rifles and five with spears and deal with the attackers when their heads or hands appeared above the stockade. "keep out of sight until they're upon you," he added in a low tone. "fifteen men on the platform will be equal to more than double their number trying to scramble over." he had kept his face turned towards elbel as he spoke, apparently intent upon a serious consideration of what the belgian was saying. "i varn you. dis is not child's play. vunce more i say gif up de people; den i interfere no more. i am satisfied. but if you refuse, den i repeat: i will haf de people, and you shall see vat it is to defy de officers of de free state." jack was spared the necessity of replying. a series of yells and cries of pain told that the rear attack had begun. next moment a couple of shots rang out from the trees behind elbel, and jack, whose head just appeared over the stockade, felt one bullet whistle close above his topee, while a second embedded itself beside him in one of the saplings of which the stockade was constructed. taken in conjunction with the attempted surprise, this was as close an approximation to the methods of an assassin as could well be imagined; and jack, as he dodged down out of harm's way, felt, not for the first time, that he had to deal with a man who was not only astute but quite unscrupulous. in less than a minute the attack on the stockade had become general. the assailants showed no want of dash. perhaps they were encouraged by the impunity with which they had hitherto made their assaults on native villages similarly protected. but the conditions were different now. the defenders were armed with weapons as precise and deadly as those of the attackers themselves. elbel's men came forward at a rush, in a more or less compact body, and jack was amply satisfied with the result of his training as his men, at a sign from him, poured a volley through the loopholes bored in the stockade, while the enemy were still a dozen yards distant. several of them dropped; jack's men were completely screened from any effectual reply. the moral effect of white leadership became apparent when the forest guards, scarcely realizing their losses in the excitement of their dash towards the stockade, helped one another to swarm up, many effecting a lodgment on the top. it was at this point that in ninety-nine cases out of a hundred the defenders of an african village would have flung away their arms and run. but the discipline of the past two months told. at jack's command, before the enemy on the stockade had made their footing sufficiently sure to enable them to use their weapons, the men within, clubbing their rifles, sprang at them and hurled them to the ground. meanwhile barney, who thanks to samba's watchfulness had been enabled to forestall the surprise in the rear, had beaten off the attack and sent the enemy scurrying for cover. leaving only three or four men under lepoko to watch the position there, jack was able to bring almost the whole of his force to bear on repelling the main attack. elbel had greatly reduced his chances of success by detaching a third of his body; and he entirely lost their co-operation, for when they were repulsed by barney they made no attempt to rally, but simply disappeared from the fight. elbel and his men were crouching at the foot of the stockade in temporary security, for in that position the defenders could not bring their rifles to bear upon them. jack heard him give his men an order; in a few seconds a crowd of black heads again appeared above the stockade, but now some thirty yards from the point where the first assault had been made. with barney at his right hand jack led his men to the spot. from his platform he might have shot the attackers down with comparative ease; but he was determined from the first to do his best to avoid bloodshed, never forgetting his uncle's injunction to use rifles only in the last resort. the enemy themselves had no chance of firing, for they no sooner showed their heads above the palisade than they were beset by the defenders. there was a brisk five minutes in which jack and barney found plenty to do leading their men wherever the show of heads, hands, and shoulders over the stockade was thickest. barney was in his element. his rifle fell like a flail, and for every blow that got home he shouted a wild "hurroo!" which evoked responsive yells from the negroes beside him, catching his enthusiasm. jack's heart glowed as he saw how stoutly they fought. it was not until the enemy had made two attempts to mount the stockade that they realized how very different their present task was from the massacre of unresisting men, women, and children that had hitherto represented their idea of fighting. the first repulse merely surprised and enraged them: they could not understand it; they were not accustomed to such a reception; and they yelled forth threats of exacting a terrible vengeance. but when for the second time they found themselves hurled back, they had no heart for further effort. suddenly elbel discovered that he was alone, except for one man lying stark beside him; the unwounded had scampered across the open to the shelter of the nearest trees. some half dozen who had been hit with rifle bullets or clubbed at the palisade, were dragging themselves painfully towards the same shelter. jack, watching from his platform, perceived that elbel was not among the retreating crowd. was he hurt, he wondered? the next moment, however, he saw the belgian sprint after his men, bending his head between his shoulders as a boy does to avoid a snowball. several of jack's men who had joined him on the platform brought their rifles to the shoulder, and only a curt stern order from jack to drop their weapons saved elbel from almost certain death. "bedad, thin, 'tis a pity not to let them have their way, sorr," expostulated barney. "that may be," replied jack, "but i'm only on the defensive, remember. we're in no danger for the present; they've had enough of it; it's not for me to continue the fight. i hope elbel has learnt a lesson and will leave us alone." "sure i do not agree wid you at all at all, sorr," said barney, shaking his head. "to judge by the phiz uv him, elbel is a disp'rate bad character. and isn't it all his deeds that prove it, with his whips and his forest guards--blagyards i call 'em--and all? why, sorr, whin ye knocked him down the other day, why didn't he stand up fair and square and have it out wid ye? 'twas an illigant chance which no gentleman, no irishman, bedad! would have missed for worlds. gentleman! 'tis not the fortieth part uv a gentleman he has anywhere about him. 'twas not the trick uv a gentleman to try to take ye by the back stairs while he blarneyed ye at the front door. and did he not try to murder ye before the fight began? a dirty trick, sorr; i would have let my men shoot him widout the hundredth part uv a scruple." jack was compelled to smile at barney's honest indignation. "all you say is very true," he said, "but we couldn't take a leaf out of his book, you know, barney. besides, look at it in another way. suppose we shot elbel? what would happen to uncle's mining venture? there's another belgian here--i wonder where he came from. apparently he has skedaddled. he'd certainly go and report to the authorities what had happened. you may be sure he wouldn't put our side of the case; and even if he did, there's no knowing how the free state people would twist the evidence. they say the free state judges are completely under the thumb of the executive. no doubt elbel himself--who i suppose has to account for the cartridges his men use--will report this fight as a little affair with natives revolting against the rubber collection. he hasn't come well enough out of it to be anxious to call general attention to the matter. we've got off with a few bruises, i'm thankful to say; and we may very well be satisfied to let the quarrel rest there if elbel takes no further steps." barney shook his head. "ye're a powerful hand at argyment, sorr," he said, "and ye'd be elected at the top uv the poll if ye stood as mimber uv parlimint for kilkenny. but an irishman niver goes by argyment: he goes by his feelings, and my feeling is that there's no good at all in a man who refuses such an illigant chance uv a stand-up fight." "well, he's not altogether a ruffian. look! there are three of his negroes coming with a flag of truce, to fetch the poor fellow who was killed, i expect. the state officials as a rule look on the negro as so much dirt; but elbel seems to have some of the instincts of a human being." "bedad thin, i wouldn't be surprised if they're cannibals come for their dinner." "shut up, barney. it's too terrible to think of. you'll take away my appetite; here's samba, coming to tell us, i hope, that dinner's ready." jack scanned the neighbourhood. save for the negroes carrying their dead comrade there was no sign of the enemy. he left two sentries on guard and returned to his hut, hot and famished. the sultry heat of the tropical afternoon settled down over the camp. outside the stockade all was still; inside, the natives squatted in front of their huts, volubly discussing the incidents of the morning, and watching the antics of pat, who, having been tied up, much to his disgust, during the fight, was profiting by his liberty to romp with the children. the victory did not pass unchronicled. before the negroes retired to rest, one of them had composed a song which will be handed down from father to son and become a tradition of his tribe:-- to the house of the dog to fight lokolobolo. inglesa was he, brave lokolobolo, lion and leopard, friend of imbono, chief of ilola. came elobela, (_chorus_) yah! bad elobela, (_chorus_) yo! to the house of the dog came lokolobolo, (_chorus_) yah! yo! short was the fight. where is he now, sad elobela? gone to the forest, beating his head, hiding his eyes from lokolobolo, friend of imbono, lion and leopard, brave lokolobolo. chapter xv a revolt at ilola every day since the advent of elbel, jack had been conscious of the growing danger of his position. a negro village, in the grip of rubber collectors; adjacent to it, a little settlement occupied mainly by negroes, many of whom were fugitives from a tyranny illegal indeed, but regularized by custom; in both settlements, natives who looked to him for help against their oppressors. it was a situation difficult enough to daunt the pluckiest lad not yet eighteen. but it is lads like jack challoner who make one of the prime glories of our anglo-saxon race. is not page after page of our national annals filled with the deeds of youths--drummers, buglers, ensigns, midshipmen--who have stepped forward in moments of crisis, and shown a noble courage, a devotion to duty, and a capacity beyond their years? jack did not quail before the responsibility his uncle had all unwittingly thrown upon him, even though he knew that his victory over the belgian might enormously increase his difficulties. already he had wondered why elbel had not put his settlement in a state of siege. the only conclusion he could come to was that the man was little more than a blusterer, without enough imagination to conceive the right means to adopt, or destitute of sufficient organizing power to put them in force. it would have been a comparatively simple matter, seeing his overwhelming strength in point of numbers, to prevent jack from securing his needful supply of water from the stream; but day by day elbel had allowed the women with their calabashes to go and come unmolested. surely, jack thought, he would now at any rate take that most obvious step towards the reduction of his enemy. and as he sat in his hut that evening, his head racked with pain from long thinking, he felt sick at heart as he realized how the fate of these poor people who had sought his aid seemed to depend on him alone. just as darkness had fallen, the chief imbono came into the camp. elbel had forbidden any one to leave the village, but the chief had bribed the sentry and been allowed to pass. he came to report that his young men had just returned from their rubber hunt after a week's absence in the forest, and learning of what had taken place, were bent on exacting vengeance for the insults and injuries inflicted on their people by the forest guards and by elbel himself. with his defeat the belgian's prestige had utterly gone, and to the ignorant negroes the opportunity seemed favourable for revenge. but imbono, more far-seeing than they, had come to ask advice. he had great difficulty in holding his men in. should he let them loose, to work their will upon their oppressors? jack earnestly advised the chief to do his utmost to restrain them. "believe me, my brother," he said, "if they do as you say they wish to do, it will almost certainly bring ruin upon you. elobela will be only too glad to have an excuse for visiting upon you the rancour caused by his reverse. true, he failed to force my camp; but he is still stronger in arms and men than i. i could do nothing to help you; for if i once move out of the shelter of my stockade, i shall be at elobela's mercy. in the open it is only rifles that count." "i will do as you say, o lokolobolo. but it is hard for me, for since the coming of elobela my people do not obey me as they used to do. if i say, do this, elobela forbids it; if i say, refrain from this, elobela bids them do it. it is hard for them to serve two masters. but i will tell them what my brother says; i can do no more." "you have another white man with you now, besides elobela?" "it is true, and he was struck by one of the balls from your guns, and is now lying sick in my hut: they have turned me out, and elobela has said that i am no more to provide food for you, my brother, either from ilola or from my other villages. but one of my young men told me that the party you sent out have obtained a supply, and wait in the forest until you bid them bring it in." jack thanked the chief, who returned to his village. the news he brought was not of a kind to lessen jack's anxiety. what he had expected had at last happened. he had little doubt that the commandeering of food would soon be followed by the stoppage of his water supply. without access to water the camp was doomed. it was possible that if he made common cause with imbono their united forces might overcome elbel's forest guards; but the attempt could be made only at a terrible risk, and if it failed the whole population of the two settlements must be annihilated. jack saw now that the presence of his camp so near ilola was a source of danger to it. this could not have been foreseen; but how much better it would have been, he thought, if he had chosen a different site. at another spot, remote from the village, with a more defensible position, and near a good water supply, the present weaknesses would not have existed, and at all events imbono might not have been involved in the consequences of the quarrel with elbel. but it was too late to think of that. certainly no move could be made while elbel was close by with a considerable force. if elbel took advantage of his superiority to hold the camp closely invested, there would never be any possibility of moving at all. deprived of water, jack must soon choose between the alternatives--to surrender, or to make a sally at the head of his men and put all to the hazard of an open fight. two days passed. jack kept a close watch on ilola through his field-glass; all seemed quiet there, and of elbel himself he saw nothing. what was his amazement, when at daybreak he took his stand on the platform overlooking ilola, to see elbel marching out at the head of the greater part of his force, and making for the river bank. he waited an hour, and when they did not return, and the patrols had not appeared, he sent out a couple of men by a roundabout way to follow the movements of the force, and allowed the usual water carriers to go out with their calabashes. these, returning soon with water, reported a strange thing. from the women of ilola whom they had met on a like errand at the river, they had learnt that elobela had set off with his men in their smoke-boat, and that boloko had been left in charge of the village with about as many men as he had brought at first. several hours later jack's scouts came back, and said that they had followed along the bank the course of elobela's launch; he was going rapidly down the river. they could only suppose that he was making for the headquarters of his company some hundreds of miles away. "what did i say at all at all?" remarked barney when jack told him the great news. "he's no gentleman, that's as plain as the nose on his face, sorr. a man who will take two lickings and thin run away is not fit to wipe your shoes on." "you seem disappointed, barney, but frankly i'm very glad. i could fling up my hat and cheer if i hadn't to keep up my dignity before these natives. though i fear we haven't seen the last of mr. elbel by any means. we shall have him upon us sooner or later with an overwhelming force. but sufficient unto the day; my uncle should be back long before that, if elbel doesn't meet and stop him on the road. well, we now have a chance to move our camp, for if elbel is on his way to headquarters he can't get back for weeks. and first of all, barney, take a dozen men and bring in that food that's waiting in the forest. we shan't be able to move for a day or two, at any rate; we must choose our site more carefully this time." thinking over the matter, jack was not long in coming to the decision that the best place to establish his new camp would be near the cataract. from his recollection of the ground above it he thought it was admirably situated from a strategical point of view. it would have the incidental advantage of protecting mr. martindale's claim. the one disadvantage was its distance from the sources of food supply. but this caused jack to give serious consideration to a matter which had once or twice dimly suggested itself to him. he had been more and more impressed with the necessity of his party being self-supporting, so far as the staple articles of food were concerned, if they were to make a long stay in this country. he remembered how stanley during his search for emin pasha had been able to sow, grow, and reap crops at fort bodo in a remarkably short time. why should not he do the same? when he was joined by mr. martindale's contingent a large quantity of food would be needed. no doubt they would bring stores with them; but these could not last very long, especially in view of the unexpected drain upon the resources of the expedition caused by the arrival of the fugitives from banonga and elsewhere. "i wonder what uncle will say when he sees them," jack remarked to barney, when he opened up to him this question of food supply. "you remember at banonga he said he wasn't going to start a boys' home; this is still more serious--a sort of convalescent home for non-paying patients." "'tis meself that isn't wan little bit afraid uv what the master will say. sure don't i know to a letther what 'twill be! 'my gracious me!'--don't ye hear him, sorr?--'what in the world will i want wid all these disgraceful lookin' objects? this ain't business. i'm not a philanthrophy, an' i don't exactly see my way to run a croosade.' an' thin he'll say, 'poor fellow!' an' 'poor wumman!' an' 'poor little chap!' an' he'll dive his hands into his pockets an' suddenly remimber himself that money is no manner uv good in this counthry, an' he'll say: 'we must kind uv fix up some sort uv something for 'em, barney.' didn't i know 'm by heart the first day i drove him in london, and he went up to the horse and opened his jaw an' looked in his eyes an' says 'he'll do.' sure i'd niver have named me little darlint uv a pat to 'm if i hadn't known the kind uv gintleman he was at all." jack smiled at barney's way of putting it, but admitted the truth of the portrait. mr. martindale was indeed a capable man of affairs--an example of the best type of the american man of business, the embodiment of the qualities by which the extraordinary commercial prosperity of the united states has been built up. but jack knew that he was more than a man of business. his was a big heart, and it was one of the minor vexations of his life that he had to take some trouble to conceal it. jack's final conclusion was that there was not only every prospect of an extended stay if this mining scheme was to be followed up, but that the number of persons to be provided for would be more considerable than it was possible at present to calculate. obviously, then, it behoved him to employ the time before mr. martindale's arrival in preparing for contingencies. elbel's departure had immediate consequences in ilola. his presence had in some measure curbed the worse propensities of his black followers: they could only be brutal in obedience to orders; but the moment he was gone they began to show themselves once more in their true light. before a day had passed imbono came into the camp to complain of the insolence and rapacity of boloko and his men. jack advised him to do nothing to give boloko any excuse for violence, but he had still to plumb the depths of savagery and brutality in the men whom the free state government callously allowed the trading companies to employ in the exploitation of rubber. he had still to learn that where violence was intended, not even the shadow of an excuse was any longer considered necessary. one morning imbono came to him in a frenzy of rage and indignation. his third wife had been tending her cooking pot when boloko came up and asked what food she was preparing. "a fowl," she replied civilly. "give it me," he demanded. "it is not yet cooked, o boloko," the poor woman answered. "you refuse me, ngondisi?" cried the ruffian. "lift your hands and open your eyes wide that i may see the white of them, or i will shoot you." ngondisi in terror obeyed. "you do not open them wide enough," said the wretch with a laugh, and he lifted the gun and fired; and the woman fell upon her face; she would never open her eyes again. but boloko had in this case reckoned without the spirit of confidence engendered in the natives by the discomfiture of elbel. he had only ten men in the village when the incident occurred; the rest were absent, levying toll on imbono's other villages a few miles distant. even while imbono, with tears of anguish, was telling jack what had been done, the spark had been applied to the tinder. an extraordinary commotion was heard in the direction of ilola: shots, yells, the war cry of infuriate men. rushing out with imbono, jack arrived in the village to find that retaliation had at last been wreaked for months of wrong. it was difficult at first to make out what had happened. it appeared that in imbono's absence the men of the village had suddenly seized their arms, and flung themselves in one desperate rush upon boloko and his men. what cared they if several of their number fell before the tyrants' rifles? heedless of wounds they closed about the forest guards; there was a brief hand-to-hand fight, eight of boloko's men had fallen to weapons wielded with the energy of despair, and of the party only boloko himself and two men had made their escape into the forest. elate with their victory, the men of ilola had hastened off to the other villages, to surprise the guards there. it was too late now to recall them, but jack had arrived on the spot just in time to rescue one man, whom the villagers were on the point of massacring. the white sous-officier who had been wounded in the fight before jack's camp had been placed in imbono's hut. roused by the sound of firing, he had dragged himself from his mattress and, rifle in hand, came to the entrance of the hut just as jack entered the gate with the chief. the villagers had forgotten him; but when they saw in their power a white man, one of those to whom all their afflictions were due, a band of them sprang towards him with uplifted spears. he fired: one of the men fell. the rest paused for an instant, and were on the point of dashing forward to make an end of their enemy when jack rushed between them and their prey, and cried to them in imbono's name to stay their hands. reluctantly, with lowering countenances, they obeyed the command of their chief's white brother. no mercy had been shown to them: why should they show mercy? but when imbono reminded them that the slaying of a white man would bring upon them the hordes of bula matadi, and that elobela had already gone down the river, probably to bring many soldiers back with him, they sullenly drew off, and allowed jack to remove the man to the safety of his own camp. the belgian knew no english, but jack had a fair working knowledge of french which he found was equal to the occasion. the man explained that he was an ex-noncommissioned officer of the state forces, whose services had been enlisted by elbel in dealing with the refractory natives. he seemed quite unable to understand jack's point of view. to him the natives were so many parasites, the goods and chattels of the state, with no property and no rights. "why, monsieur," he said, "we pay them for the work they do; we have a right to demand labour of them for nothing. see what we have done for their country! look at the rubber stations on the river, the fine buildings, the telegraphs, the cataract railway; where would all these blessings of civilization have been but for the noble self-sacrifice of king leopold?" jack gave up the attempt to argue with him that the country belonged primarily to its natural inhabitants, forbore to point out that king leopold had expressly declared that he had the advancement of the natives at heart. he contented himself with insisting that the actions of which elbel and his minions had been guilty in ilola were contrary to the law of the free state itself. he was much struck by the belgian's answer. "ah, monsieur, we have no book of rules, no code of laws. what can we do? we are the only law. yes, monsieur, we are the only god in the maranga." next day jack went with imbono and lepoko to the waterfall, to survey the place as a possible site for a camp, or, to speak more strictly, a settlement. the chief was troubled and displeased at the prospect of the removal of his blood brother's camp, but made no urgent remonstrance. on arriving at the spot, jack at once detected signs that some one had recently been making investigations there. he had no doubt that this was elbel. the secret of the gold had probably been disclosed in an incautious moment to one of his escort by the men who had accompanied mr. martindale on his second visit. elbel already knew enough of the american's business to make him keenly interested, and alert to follow up the slightest clue. knowing what he now knew of the methods of the state officials, jack was ready to believe that elbel would strain every nerve to get mr. martindale hounded out of the country, in order to have an opportunity of turning the discovery of gold to his own profit. could his sudden departure from the village, jack wondered, have been his first move in this direction? carefully examining the ground above the waterfall, jack saw that a good deal would have to be done to make it suitable for a settlement. he heard from imbono that during several months of the year the stream was much broader than at present, and at the point where it debouched from the hill, three or four miles below, it and other streams overflowed their banks, forming a wide swamp, almost a lake, some ten miles from east to west and more than half a mile broad. this, during the rainy season, practically cut off all communication from the direction of the village. on the far side of the hill the bluffs were so precipitous as to make access very difficult. this isolated hill formed therefore a kind of huge castle, of which the swamp for half the year was the natural moat. it seemed to jack that the most convenient site for his new camp was the slope of the hill immediately above the cataract. the incline here was very slight; the hill face only became steep again about a quarter of a mile from the fall; there it rose abruptly for fully fifty or sixty yards, sloping gently for the next half mile. jack saw that if he built his entrenched camp in the neighbourhood of the waterfall, it would be to a slight extent commanded by an enemy posted on the steep ascent above. but by raising his defences somewhat higher on that side he hoped to overcome this disadvantage. with a little labour, he thought, the soil around the cataract could be made suitable for planting food-stuffs. it was virgin soil, and owing to the slight fall of the ground at this spot, and to the fact that it was partially protected by the contour of the hill against floods from above, the leaves that for ages past had fallen from the thick copses fringing the banks, and from the luxuriant undergrowth on the small plateau itself, had not been washed down. these deposits had greatly enriched the alluvium, and imbono said that large crops of manioc, maize, groundnuts, and sweet potatoes could easily be grown, as well as plantains and bananas and sugar cane. on returning to his camp by ilola, jack told barney the results of his investigation, and announced that he had definitely made up his mind to settle on the new site. "very good, sorr," said barney; "but what'll become uv ilola? beggin' your pardon, sorr, 'twas a very solemn affair, that ceremony uv brotherhood, an' though sure it had niver a blessing from a priest--an' like enough father mahone would think it a poor haythen sort uv business--still, to the poor niggers, sorr, it may be just as great a thing as if the priest had blessed it in the name uv almighty god." "well, what are you driving at, barney?" "why this, sorr. the chief and you made a bargain to help wan another; an' sure ye've kept it, both uv you. well, if we go away, there's no more help for either uv you, an' 'tis imbono will be most in need uv it." "you mean that i'm deserting my ally, eh?" "bedad, sorr, isn't it me that knows ye'd niver do it? but i just speak for the look uv the thing, sorr. sure niver a man knows betther than barney o'dowd that things are not always what they seem." "to tell you the truth, barney, i've been thinking it over on the way back. i could see that imbono doesn't like the idea of our moving, though he was too polite to mention it----" "'tis a rale irish gintleman he is, sorr," interrupted barney. "there's no doubt that elbel, or boloko, or both, will come back sooner or later. leaving me out of the question, the slaughter of boloko's party won't go unpunished. to overlook that would ruin the authority of the forest guards for hundreds of miles round. well, what does it mean when they return? they'll make a terrible example of ilola. imbono and his people will be wiped out. and you're quite right in believing that i couldn't stand by and see that done. but you see what it involves. we must plan our camp so as to be able to take in the whole of imbono's people from the three villages--i suppose about four hundred in all, children included. that's a large order, barney." "true it is, sorr. but you wouldn't keep out the childher, poor little souls; an' mighty proud uv pat they are, too. besides, sorr, they'll all help, ivery soul, to build the camp; many hands make light work; an' ye couldn't expect 'em to set up a lot uv huts for us barring they saw a chance uv bein' invited now and again, at least as payin' guests, sorr." "well, barney, i'd made up my mind to it all along, but i thought i'd like to sound you first. so all we've got to do now is to relieve imbono's suspense and set to work. we'll start with clearing the soil for crops. it will take some time to plan the new camp, and we've always this one to retreat to. take lepoko over to ilola and make the announcement yourself, barney." "i will, sorr, wid the greatest pleasure in life. 'deed, 'twas meself that took the news to biddy o'flaherty whin her pig had won the prize at ballymahone show, and was just coming away wid a penny in me pocket when i met mike henchie. 'an' what would ye be afther, mike?' says i. 'carryin' the news to biddy o'flaherty, to be sure,' says he. 'arrah thin, 'tis too late ye are,' says i. 'isn't it meself that's just got a penny for that same news?' 'bedad,' says he, 'what will have come to biddy at all?' 'what is it ye'd be maning?' says i; 'sure she didn't give me a penny,' says mike, 'last year whin i brought her the news. she gave me a screech and went black in the face, an' sure 'twas for the same fun i'm here this blessed minute?' 'husht!' says i. 'biddy didn't win the prize last year at all. 'twas patsy m'manus.' 'an' who is it this time but that same patsy?' says mike. 'but i heard the judge wid me very own ears give it to biddy!' says i. 'deed so,' says he; 'but some wan renumbered him that patsy had won it two years on end. "me old friend patsy!" says he. "sure i couldn't break her heart by spoilin' the third time. i'll give it to patsy," says he.' an' patsy hadn't shown a pig at all that year, sorr." chapter xvi the house by the water with characteristic energy, jack next day set about the work in earnest. he posted sentinels several miles down the river and on the only forest paths by which a force was likely to approach, to give him timely notice if the enemy appeared. then, with as many men as he could muster, and a great number of women, he hastened to the waterfall, and began the work of clearing the ground. he had decided to start from the site of the proposed settlement and work outwards, so that the crops would be as much as possible under the protection of the camp: it would never do to raise a harvest for the enemy to reap. he placed mboyo, samba's father, in command of all his own people who had turned up, and of such people from other tribes as now came dropping in daily, the news of the white men who helped the negroes and feared not bula matadi having by this time spread abroad in the land. every new contingent of fugitives brought a fresh tale of outrage, causing jack to persevere under the discouragements with which he met, and to vow that he would do all in his power to protect the poor people who looked to him for succour. what the ultimate result of his action would be he did not stay to consider. it was enough for him that a work of urgent need lay ready to his hand. he did not blink the fact that he and his followers were now in reality in revolt against the constituted authorities of the free state. elbel, it was true, was only a servant of a concessionnaire company, vested with certain trading and taxing privileges; but government as understood in the free state was conducted by the delegation of powers from the central authority to private or corporate trading concerns. how far the powers of such a man as elbel really extended in point of law jack did not know. but he had been driven into his present position by a series of events in the face of which he could not find that any other course of action than the one he had adopted was open to him. and while he recognized fully the essential weakness of his position, however well fortified he might regard himself on grounds of humanity, he faced boldly what seemed the likeliest immediate consequence of his actions--the return of elbel in force. meanwhile he was beginning to be a little concerned at not hearing from mr. martindale. it was many weeks since his last note had arrived. jack was not yet seriously anxious about his uncle's non-appearance in person, for he could easily conceive that delays might occur in the prosecution of his business in strange places and among strange people, and when he reflected he came to the conclusion that mr. martindale might naturally hesitate to send many messengers. they were very expensive, having to come so many hundreds of miles, and moreover there was always a chance that a letter might miscarry. the congo was not too safe a highway; the free state methods had not been such as to instil a respect for "law" among the victims of its rule. jack knew full well that if a messenger from his uncle fell into elbel's hands, he would not be allowed to proceed. it was possible that mr. martindale's purchase of rifles, and their destination, had been discovered; and the idea that he might be involved in some trouble with the courts made jack feel uneasy at times. but he was so extremely busy that he had little leisure for speculation of any kind. the work of clearing the ground proceeded with wonderful rapidity. "they talk about the negro being lazy," he remarked one day to barney; "he doesn't look like it now." "ah, sorr, they say the same about my counthrymen. perhaps the truth is the same in ireland as 'tis here. for why are the niggers here not lazy, sorr? just because you'd explained to them what the work's for, and they know they'll get the good uv it. there may be scuts uv spalpeens that won't work at any time for anything or anybody at all. 'tis they i'd use that chicotte on, sorr; but i don't see any here, to be sure." when enough ground had been cleared and sowed to furnish a considerable crop, jack turned the whole of his available force on to the work of building the entrenched camp. imbona had welcomed with gratitude and enthusiasm the suggestion that the new settlement should be made large enough to contain the whole population of his villages in case of need; and his men having discontinued their unprofitable search for rubber when the forest guards disappeared, he could employ them almost all in the work. for jack did not recognize the prescriptive right of the men to leave all the field work, when the clearing had been done, to the women, as is the invariable negro custom. whether in the fields or on the new defences, he insisted on all taking a share. the greatest difficulty he encountered in the construction of his new camp was the want of materials. the country in the immediate vicinity of the waterfall was only sparsely wooded, and too much time and labour would be consumed in hauling logs from the forest below. but he found a large copse bordering the stream, higher up, and here he felled the trees, floating the logs down to the side of his settlement, not without difficulty, owing to the narrow tortuous bed. these, however, proved quite insufficient for the construction of a thick and impenetrable stockade round the whole circuit of the chosen site. jack therefore determined to use the boulders that lay in the course of the stream, thus unawares making his camp a cross between an afghan stone sangar and a log fort, such as were built by the pioneers and fur-traders of the american west. the labour of transporting the heavy boulders to the site of the settlement was very great; but the heart of the labourers being, as barney had said, in their work, they toiled ungrudgingly, and, with the ingenuity that the negro often unexpectedly displays, they proved very fertile in simple labour-saving devices. the fort was built on the left bank of the stream just above the cataract, so that the steep cliffs formed an effective defence to its southern side. before falling over the precipice, the stream ran through a gully some twelve feet deep. the western side of the fort rested on the gully, and was thus with difficulty accessible in this quarter. only on the north and east was it necessary to provide strong defensive works. these faces were each about a hundred yards long. at the western extremity of the northern face, where it rested on the stream, jack placed a solid blockhouse of logs. he constructed a similar blockhouse at the eastern extremity of this face, and a third at the south-east corner where the stone wall abutted on the precipice. all three blockhouses were constructed as bastions, so as to enfilade the northern and eastern faces. when the outer defences were thus completed, the negroes were set to work to build the necessary habitations within. hundreds of tall stems, thousands of climbers, vines, and creepers, piles of palm and phrynia leaves, were collected, and in an amazingly short time the space so lately bare was covered with neat huts built in native fashion for the negroes, with three more substantial dwellings, somewhat apart from the rest, for mr. martindale, jack, and barney. a wide open space was left in the middle. at one point a great heap of boulders was collected for repairing the wall if necessary; and jack placed his ammunition securely in an underground magazine. in two months from the departure of elbel jack was able to transfer his stores to the new settlement. the crops in the cultivated area were already far advanced. jack was amazed to see how quickly in this teeming soil the bare brown face of the earth became covered with the tender shoots of green, and how rapid was the progress to full maturity. clearly the new village, to which the natives had given the name ilombekabasi, "the house by the water," would be in no straits for its food supply. it was barney who suggested a doubt about the water. jack found him as a rule a good commentator, but a poor originator; he could very prettily embroider an idea, but very rarely had an idea of his own. but on this occasion he had a flash of insight. "by the powers, sorr," he said one morning, as jack and he were walking along the stream, "i do remimber just this very minute two lines uv poethry, out uv a poethry book i was made to learn whin i was a bhoy an' they talked uv sendin' me in for 'zamination by the intermaydiate board. it never come to anything, to be sure, because by the time i was old enough to sit for the 'zamination i was too old, sorr." "well, what are the lines?" '"water, water iverywhere, an' not a dhrop to dhrink.'" 'twas about some poor sailor man that shot a bird at sea, an 'twas a holy bird, an' whin 'twas dead the wind did not blow, an' the sailors dropped down dead, an' ghosts came aboard, an' the sky was like a hot copper, an' this poor divil uv a fellow was alone, all, all alone, as the book said, wid the dead bird slung round his neck, an' his lips parched, an' water all about, but as salt as a herring, so that he couldn't drink it; bedad, sorr, i remimber how mighty bad i felt meself whin my ould tacher--rest his sowl!--read out those lines in a sort uv whisper, an' me lips went as dhry as an old boot, sorr." the idea, you perceive, was by this time pretty well smothered under its embroidery. "you mean that the enemy might try to divert the stream if they attacked our camp?" "'tis the very marrow uv it, sorr, an' mighty aisy it would be. sure there are plenty uv boulders left, an' they could make a dam that would turn this stream at the narrow part above, an' niver a blessed dhrop uv dhrink should we get." "you're right, barney. we must be prepared for anything. let us go and look round." strolling up stream, they came, within a short distance of the spot where inspiration had flashed upon barney, to a small spring bubbling up near the river bank. "here's water, barney," said jack. "it rather suggests that we'd find water inside the camp if we sank a well." "true, sorr; but i'm thinking that would need a terrible deal uv diggin'." "still it may have to be done. we can't use this spring; it's a hundred yards at least away from the stockade--too far to come, under fire from albini rifles." "and we couldn't make it run into the camp, sorr, more's the pity." "stop a bit. i don't know that we couldn't. we might make a conduit." "what might that be, sorr?" "a pipe. it would have to be underground." "and if we got a pipe, an' could lay it, the marks uv the diggin' would bethray us. don't the streets uv london prove it whin the county council has been taking up the drains?" "unless we could cover them in some way. that might be managed. a greater difficulty is the natives. they've worked very well, but we don't know yet how far they can be trusted; and if they knew of this water-pipe we propose, they might blab the secret and undo all our work." "and where's the pipe, sorr? there are no gas pipes or drain pipes in this haythen counthry." "no, but there are plenty of bamboos. we could make an excellent pipe of them. the digging is the difficulty. we can't get the natives to do it without giving our plan away, and we can't do it ourselves for the same reason. i shall have to think this out, barney." "sleep on it, sorr. begorra, i remimber two more lines from that same poetry book-- 'sleep, sleep, it is a blessed thing beloved from pole to pole'; an' no wonder at all, for many a time i've gone to me bed bothered about wan thing or another, and bedad, the morn's morn 'twas all as clear as the blessed daylight, sorr." "well, i'll sleep on it, barney, and let you know to-morrow what the result is." it was close thought, however, before he fell asleep that gave jack the solution of the problem. all the natives now knew that the object of the white man's presence here was to search for gold; they knew also that to obtain the gold the soil had to be excavated. why not turn their knowledge to good account? instead of laying his conduit in a direct line from the spring to the nearest point of the stockade, he would lay it along, or rather in, the side of the gully; it would thus be more likely to escape observation, and the disturbed ground could be planted with quick-growing creepers or covered up with boulders. as a blind to the natives, he would have a number of excavations made at the edge of the gully, both above and below the waterfall, and one of these could be used for the bamboo pipe without anybody being the wiser save the few who must necessarily be in the secret. next morning, accordingly, jack, under pretence of continuing the search for gold, set the men to make a series of shallow excavations. most of these were cut below the cataract, and, using the prospector's pan, jack obtained what he hoped his uncle would consider good results from the soil. he carefully noted the places along the exposed bed of the stream in which the best returns were found. but the excavations were abandoned one by one, and attention was not unduly directed to any of them. one of the excavations above the waterfall was the channel for the conduit. jack carried it from within a few yards of the spring to a spot near the north-west blockhouse, overlooking the gully. at one time it seemed that his plan would be wrecked, literally upon a rock, for a huge mass of stone of almost granite hardness was met with a little less than half-way from the spring. but jack was relieved to find soft earth beneath it, and the obstacle was turned by sinking the conduit at this place some feet below the usual level. at a short distance from the blockhouse, within the stockade, jack set the men to excavate a large tank, with a surface outlet over the cataract; and from the bottom of the tank he drove a tunnel, just large enough to accommodate a bamboo pipe, to the nearest point of the gully. the tank was an object of great curiosity to the natives, both those who had dug it and those who looked on. the children amused themselves by jumping in and out until the bottom became so deep as to make that sport dangerous; their elders congregated at the edge, chattering among themselves, some suggesting that it was intended as a storehouse for grain, others, as a grave in which to bury elobela and his men when they were killed in the fight that all expected. meanwhile jack had taken two of the natives into his confidence. they were mboyo and samba. the former was silent by nature and habit. samba would have torn out his tongue rather than divulge any secret of his master's. jack entrusted to them the construction of the conduit. he knew enough of their language by this time to be able to explain what he wanted without lepoko's assistance, and they quickly seized his idea. working by themselves in a bamboo plantation at ilola, they selected stalks of slightly different thickness which would fit into one another; and jack found that by carefully packing the joints with earth from the peaty swamp, he could make a pipe of the required length practically free from leakage. it remained to lay the conduit in position. this task he reserved for himself and barney, with the assistance of mboyo and samba. to avoid observation by the people, it was necessary to do the work at night. accordingly one day jack gave orders that no one was to leave the camp without permission after the evening meal was eaten. immediately after sunset the four quickly issued from the gate in the northern wall of the fort, one at a time so as not to attract attention. mboyo and samba brought the sections of the pipe from the place where they had concealed them, and under jack's direction they laid them along the gully, covering up each length of bamboo as it was placed. the trench having been already prepared, the actual labour involved was not great, the only difficulty being to remove as far as possible the traces of their operations. but it took time, and was impeded by the darkness, so that on the first night, after several hours of work, only the pipe had been laid, no connexion having yet been made with the tank or the spring. the work was continued under similar conditions on the following night. a connexion having been made with the tank, it only remained to tap the spring. a hole, some three feet deep, was dug where the water bubbled up, and formed into a fairly water-tight chamber by lining it with stone chipped from the boulders. into this one end of the conduit was carried. then the hole was filled in, and covered with two heavy pieces of rock, placed in as natural and unstudied a position as possible. while this was being done by mboyo and samba, jack and barney dibbled the roots of sweet potato creepers into the soil along the whole length of the conduit, knowing that they would grow so rapidly that in a few weeks every trace of their work would be hidden by the foliage; moreover the plant would serve a double purpose. the spring was a small one; nevertheless, by the time the night's task was completed, and the party returned to the camp, there were already two or three inches of water in the tank, and it was steadily rising. barney was even more delighted than jack. "'tis wonderful what a power uv good poethry can do in the world, sorr," he said. "an' sure the commissionaires uv education in the ould counthry would be proud men the day did they know that barney o'dowd, though he didn't pass his 'zamination, has made a mighty fine use uv the little poethry book." great was the surprise of the natives when they awoke next morning to see the mysterious tank full of water, and a tiny overflow trickling from it over the cataract. they discussed it for the whole of the day, inventing every explanation but the right one. the original spring had been so near the river and so inconspicuous that its disappearance was not noticed. jack felt a glow of satisfaction as he looked round on his work. here was an orderly settlement, on an excellent natural site, defended by a stockade and wall impregnable save to artillery, with fresh clean huts, well-cultivated fields, and an inexhaustible water supply. it had involved much thought and care and toil; how amply they had been rewarded! his men were now all transferred from their old settlement to the new one. imbono's people still remained in their villages, not without reluctance. they knew that the gate of ilombekabasi would always be open to them if danger threatened; but they felt the attractions of the place, and wished to migrate at once. and they were particularly jealous of the refugees. these people were strangers; why should they have better habitations and stronger defences than they themselves? why were they permitted to remain in imbono's country at all? jack had much ado to keep the peace between the two parties. quarrels were frequent, and that they did not develop into open strife was a tribute to jack's diplomacy, and to the strange influence which samba had acquired. the winning qualities which had captivated mr. martindale seemed to have a magical effect upon the people. the boy had always been a special pet among his own folks; his merry nature won the affection of imbono's subjects also. jack kept an observant eye upon him, and more than once saw him quietly approach a group where bickering and recrimination were going on, and by some grace of address, or some droll antic played with his inseparable companion pat, turn frowns to smiles, and suspicion to good fellowship. among the inhabitants of ilombekabasi was the belgian sergeant rescued from the villagers in ilola. he gave his parole not to attempt to escape, and indeed endured captivity patiently, for he knew not how far away his friends might be, and to wander alone in this forest country meant death. jack sometimes talked with him, taking the opportunity of airing his french, and finding some little interest in sounding the man's views. at first the belgian would not admit that the natives had any rights, or that there was anything particularly obnoxious in the system of administration. but he changed his mind one day when jack put to him a personal question. "how would you, a belgian, like it if some strange sovereign--the german emperor, say--came down upon you and compelled you to go into your woods and collect beech-nuts for him, paying you at the rate of a sou a day, or not at all, and thrashing or maiming or killing you if you did not collect enough?" the question was unanswerable, and from that time the belgian became a meditative man. the refugees were gradually increasing in number. by the time the camp was finished mboyo's command had grown to sixty men, with nearly as many women and twice as many children. all brought stories of the barbarous deeds of the rubber collectors; many bore in maimed limbs or scarred backs the personal evidences of the oppressors' cruelty. jack was moved almost to tears one day. a fine-looking negro came into the camp carrying something wrapped in palm leaves, and asked to be taken to lokolobolo. when brought before jack he removed the wrappings, and, unutterable woe depicted on his face, displayed a tiny black hand and foot. his village had been raided, he said, and with his wife and children and a few others he had fled to the forest, where they lived on roots and leaves and nuts. the forest guards tracked them out. one day, when he was absent fishing, a brutal sentry came upon his wife as she was collecting leaves for the evening meal. he learnt from one of his friends what happened. before the woman could escape the sentry shot her, and as she was only wounded, his "boys" chopped her with their knives till she died. others of his hangers-on took the children; and when the father returned to the place where he had left them, he found the dead body of his wife, and one hand and foot, all that remained of his little ones from the cannibal feast. it was incidents like these that stiffened jack's back. he had crossed his rubicon: the gate of ilombekabasi stood open to all who chose to come. and they came steadily. for a time many of them were too weak to be useful members of the little society. but as with good food and freedom from care their strength increased, they began to be self-supporting, mboyo employed them in attending to the crops and bringing new ground under cultivation. several were artificers, and were useful in doing smith's or carpenter's work. in addition to keeping the villagers employed, jack set apart a portion of every day for military exercises. every able-bodied man was armed; those for whom there were no rifles carried the native spears. when boloko fled from ilola he left a number of albini rifles and a stock of ammunition behind. these jack appropriated, so that his corps of riflemen now numbered sixty. he used his cartridges very sparingly, for his stock was not large, and he saw no possibility of replenishing it. now and again he arranged for a sham fight. one party of men was told off to storm the stockade, an equal party to defend it. no firearms were used on these occasions; the weapons employed were wooden poles with wadded ends. such fights afforded excellent practice against a real attack, and not a little amusement and enjoyment to the natives, who entered into the spirit of them enthusiastically, and took the hard knocks and bruises with as much cheerfulness as schoolboys on a football field. these little operations were useful to jack also. by their means he discovered the weak spots in his defences, and was able to strengthen them accordingly. but he was now becoming seriously alarmed at mr. martindale's continued absence. eight weeks had passed since his last letter came to hand, nearly five months since his departure. what could have happened? jack could not think that his uncle had willingly left him so long to bear his heavy responsibility, and now that he had more leisure he could not prevent himself from imagining all kinds of mishaps and disasters. at last, when he was on the point of sending a special messenger down the river to make inquiries, a negro arrived at the settlement with a letter. he had come within a hundred and fifty miles of ilombekabasi as a paddler on a white man's canoe; the remainder of the distance he had covered on foot. jack opened the letter eagerly. it read:-- my dear jack,-- sorry to leave you so long. have been on my back with an attack of malaria; three weeks unconscious, they told me. no need to be anxious: i'm on the mend; soon be as fit as a riddle. pretty weak, of course; malaria isn't exactly slathers of fun. it will be a fortnight or three weeks before i can start; then must travel slowly. expect me somewhat over a month after you get this. i've been in a stew about you. hope you've had no trouble. can you stomach native food? didn't forget your birthday. got a present for you--quite a daisy. your affectionate uncle, john martindale. p.s.--got some hydraulic plant at boma: a bargain. chapter xvii a buffalo hunt "dear old uncle!" said jack as he handed the letter to barney. "'pon my soul, i'd forgotten my own birthday, and i haven't the ghost of a notion what the day of the month is; have you, barney?" "divil a bit, sorr." "though, of course, i could reckon it out by counting up the sundays. d'you know, barney, i almost wish i'd made these negroes knock off work one day a week." "sure it wouldn't have answered atall atall sorr. a day's idleness would mean a day's quarrelling. uv coorse 'tis a pity they're ignorant haythens, an' i wish we could have father mahone out for a month or two to tache the poor craturs; but until they can be tached in the proper way, betther let 'em alone, sorr." "perhaps you're right, barney. doesn't it seem to you odd that uncle says nothing about the rubber question? his first letter, you remember, was full of it." "master's a wise man, sorr. what he does not say says more than what he does. he wouldn't be sure, you see, that his letter would iver reach you. and bedad, if he'd had good things to say uv the state officers, wouldn't he have said 'em? he's found 'em out, sorr, 'tis my belief." "i shall be jolly glad to see him, dear old boy." "and so will i, sorr, an' to see some things fit for a christian to ate. master's stomach won't take niggers' food, an' mine wouldn't if i could help it." "but you're getting fat, man!" "sure that's the terrible pity uv it. wid dacent food i kept as lean as a rake, and i'd niver have believed that the only way to get fat was to ate pig's food; for that's what it is, sorr, this maniac and other stuff. i'll now be wanting to get thin again, sorr." the white men's stores had long since given out. for weeks they had had no sugar, no coffee, tea, or cocoa. jack as well as barney had to share the natives' food. jack did not mind the change, and he believed that barney's objection was more than half feigned, for the irishman ate with unfailing appetite. the native diet was indeed nutritious and not unappetising. it included fish from the streams, which they ate both fresh and smoked; bananas, pine-apples, plantains, indian corn, manioc, ground-nuts, and sweet potatoes. manioc was their most important food, and jack after a time began to like it, as made into _kwanga_. the root of the plant is pounded to a pulp, soaked for twenty-four hours in running water, and when it ferments, is worked up into a stiff dough. cut into slices and fried in ground-nut oil it is very palatable. jack also found the groundnuts delicious when roasted. a few goats kept in the settlement provided milk, and they had a regular supply of eggs from their fowls, so that jack at least considered himself very well off. the crops around the settlement ripened and were gathered: fine fields of indian corn, amazing quantities of manioc and ground-nuts, that ripen beneath the soil. yet jack began to wonder whether his plantations would meet the needs of the population. it was still growing. the renown of lokolobolo and ilombekabasi had evidently spread far and wide, for every week more refugees came in from villages far apart. besides the men of jack's original party, there were now nearly two hundred people in the settlement, and jack always had to remember that these might any day be increased by the four hundred from imbono's villages, if elbel returned to avenge boloko's expulsion, as he certainly would do. further, mr. martindale would no doubt bring back with him a certain number of trained workmen--carpenters, engine-men, and so forth; all these must be provided with house room and food. jack was glad that he had planned the settlement on generous lines, though as he looked around he asked himself somewhat anxiously whether it would suffice to accommodate all. and what would his uncle say to it? would he endorse what jack had done, and take upon himself the protection of these outcasts against their own lawfully constituted, however unlawfully administered, government? only time could decide that, and jack awaited with growing impatience his uncle's return. one morning a messenger came in from ilola to say that news had reached imbono of a herd of buffaloes which were feeding about five miles off in the open country to the west. hitherto jack had not had leisure to indulge his tastes for sport; but the knowledge that big game was now so near at hand prompted him to try his luck. leaving barney in charge of the settlement, he set off the same morning with imbono and mboyo, who had both become very fair marksmen, the former with an albini rifle that had been boloko's, the latter with a mauser presented to him by jack. samba and lepoko were in attendance, carrying lunch for the party. though jack had picked up a good deal of the language, he found it in some respects so extraordinarily difficult that he was always glad of lepoko as a stand-by. by the time they had reached the spot where the herd had first been sighted, it had moved some distance away; but it was easily tracked, and by dint of careful stalking up the wind the party got within three hundred yards without being discovered by the keen-scented beasts. then, however, the country became so open that to approach nearer unseen was impossible, and jack decided to take a shot at them without going farther. he had brought the heavy sporting rifle which had accounted for imbono's enemy the hippopotamus in the river. selecting the largest of the herd--they were the red buffaloes of the district, a good deal smaller than the kind he had seen in america--he fired and brought it down. the others broke away towards a clump of euphorbias, and jack got another shot as they disappeared; but neither this nor the small-bore bullets of the chiefs' rifles appeared to take effect, for in an instant, as it seemed, the whole remaining herd vanished from sight. jack slipped two more cartridges into his empty chamber, and, leaving the bush from behind which he had fired, ran towards his kill. it was his first buffalo, and only those who have known the delight of bagging their first big game could appreciate his elation and excitement. he outstripped the rest of his party. the two chiefs, chagrined at their failure to bring down the animals at which they had aimed, seemed to have lost all interest in the hunt. samba left them discussing with lepoko the relative merits of their rifles, and hurried on after his master. jack bent over the prostrate body. despite the tremor of excitement he had felt as he cocked his rifle he found that his aim had been true: the buffalo had been shot through the brain. at that moment--so strange are mental associations--he wished his school chum tom ingestre could have been there. tom was the keenest sportsman in the school; how he would envy jack when he saw the great horns and skull hanging as a trophy above the mantelpiece when he paid that promised visit to new york! but while recollections of "tiger tom," as the school had nicknamed him, were running through his mind, jack was suddenly startled by a bellow behind him and a couple of shots. springing erect, he faced round towards the sound, to see samba's dark body darting between himself and a second buffalo plunging towards him from the direction of the bushes. as happened once to stanley travelling between vivi and isangila, the suddenness of the onset for the moment paralysed his will; he was too young a sportsman to be ready for every emergency. but the most seasoned hunter could not have dared to fire, for samba's body at that instant almost hid the buffalo from view, coming as it did with lowered head. the animal was only ten yards away when samba crossed its track; but the boy's quick action broke its charge, and it stopped short, as though half inclined to turn in pursuit of samba, who had now passed to its left. then it again caught sight of jack and the dead buffalo, and with another wild bellow dashed forward. in these few instants, however, jack had recovered his self-possession, and raised his rifle to his shoulder. as the beast plunged forward it was met by a bullet which stretched it inert within a few feet of jack's earlier victim. "bonolu mongo!"[ ] exclaimed jack, clapping samba on the shoulder. "but for your plucky dash i should have been knocked over and probably killed. you saw him coming, eh?" "njenaki!"[ ] replied samba, with his beaming smile. meanwhile the two chiefs had run up with lepoko and were examining the second buffalo, with an air of haste and excitement. they began to talk at one another so loud and fiercely, and to gesticulate so violently, that jack, though he could not make out a word of what they were saying, saw that a pretty quarrel was working up. "now, lepoko," he said, putting himself between the chiefs and sitting on the buffalo's head, "what is all this about?" "me tell massa," said lepoko. "imbono he say he kill ngombo; mboyo say no, he kill ngombo; lepoko say massa kill ngombo; no can tell; me fink one, two, free hab kill ngombo all same." "well, my own opinion is pretty well fixed, but we'll see. why, there are three bullet marks in his hide besides mine. that's mine, you see, that large hole in the middle of the forehead. one of you two must have hit him twice. and i'm hanged if the bullets didn't go clean through him. no wonder he was in a rage. tell them what i say, lepoko." on hearing what jack had said, the chiefs began to jabber at each other again. "kwa te!" said jack. "what do they say now, lepoko?" "imbono say he make two holes, mboyo say no, he make two holes. lepoko fink bofe make two holes--how can do uvver way?" "two and one make three, my man, not four. i'll soon tell you who made the two." by comparing the wounds he found that two of them had been made by mauser bullets and one by an albini. "there's no doubt about it, mboyo hit him twice. but to put an end to your squabble let me tell you that you both might have fired at him all day and never killed him if you hit him in those parts. neither of you did him any damage, though you might have done for me, irritating him as you did. we'll settle the matter by saying he is samba's buffalo. it was samba who got in his way and gave me time to take good aim at him. and samba might have been killed himself. i am grateful to your son, mboyo, and proud of him, and when i get back i shall give him one of the rifles i have left, as a reward." this end to the controversy satisfied both the chiefs. neither grudged samba anything. as for the boy, he was more than delighted. he had never dreamt of handling a rifle until he was at least fifteen, when the negro boy is as old as the white boy of twenty; and to have one his very own made him enormously proud. "he say larn shoot one time, massa," said lepoko. "lepoko plenty mislable. what for? 'cos he shoot plenty well; but massa no tell him to bring gun. no; lepoko must lib for talk, talk, talk all time; me no happy all same." "you shall have your chance next time. now, samba, run off to the camp and bring some men to cut up the buffaloes. we will wait hereabouts until you come back." when samba had gone it occurred to jack that he would eat his luncheon at the summit of a small hill that rose steeply about half a mile from the spot where the buffaloes had been killed. the chiefs, disinclined like all africans for exertion that was avoidable and seemed to have no object, pointed out that their present situation was quite suited for having the meal, and they were quite hungry enough without climbing for an appetite. but jack persisted. he wished to ascertain whether there was a clear view from the hill, and though he might have ascended it alone, he feared lest in his absence the chiefs would again fall out over the buffalo. with an air of resignation the negroes accompanied him on the short walk, and luncheon was eaten on the hill-top. jack at least felt that he was well rewarded for his climb. a magnificent panorama was open to his view--a vast extent of forest-clad country, with here and there strips of open ground such as that below in which they had discovered the buffaloes. the forest stretched in an almost unbroken mass of foliage as far as the eye could reach, approaching on the north-east very close to imbono's village. after luncheon jack got up and walked about the hilltop, taking a nearer view of the country through his field-glass. here he caught a glimpse of the river, a small bluish patch amid the green; there, of a little spire of smoke rising perhaps from the fire of one of imbono's scouts. all at once he halted and stood for some moments gazing intently in one direction. far away, across a clearing only just visible through the trees, something was moving, continuously, in one direction. so great was the distance that the appearance was as of an army of ants. but he fancied he detected a patch or two of white amid the mass of black. "mboyo, look here!" he called. the chief went to his side, and, stretching his head forward, gazed fixedly at the moving mass. "soldiers!" he exclaimed suddenly. "black soldiers, and white chiefs! they are going to ilola." imbono sprang to his side. "it is true," he cried. "mboyo speaks the truth. they are going to ilola!" jack drew a deep breath. the long-expected was coming to pass. the enemy was at hand! and it was ominous that he was coming from the west by land instead of by river from the south. this must have involved a detour of many miles, through difficult forest country; but thus the enemy avoided the certainty of his approach being heralded in advance, as it would have been if he had come by the river. elbel was planning a surprise! there was no time to be lost in getting ready for his coming. "can they reach ilola to-day, coming through the forest?" jack asked imbono. it was just possible, replied the chief, but only by dint of very hard marching, and they could not arrive before nightfall. "we must get back," said jack. "come, my brothers." they descended the hill, and set off at full speed for ilombekabasi. on the way they met a party of men coming under samba's guidance to bring in the buffaloes. jack bade them hasten in their task; they were far from any probable line of march of the enemy, and the meat might now prove very valuable. hurrying on to his camp, jack told barney what he had seen. "we're in for it now, barney," he said. "and we're ready, sorr, praise be!" said barney. jack lost no time. at his request imbono sent out scouts to get more exact particulars of the column and its progress, warning them to use the utmost care to avoid discovery. imbono himself returned to ilola to prepare his people for a migration to ilombekabasi. later in the day the scouts returned with the news that the enemy had pitched their camp about ten miles away. the force consisted of some two hundred forest guards armed with rifles, and a much larger number of followers carrying spears. boloko was with them, and elobela, and two other white men. the line of march had been direct for ilola, and strict silence was kept. one of the scouts had seen elobela himself strike a man who had incautiously shouted to his comrades. "there's no doubt of their intentions, barney," said jack. "they want to surprise ilola. that means a massacre; but by god's mercy we know in time!" the inhabitants of ilola and of imbono's other villages were already flocking into the camp, bringing with them large supplies of food and their principal belongings. before the sun set the villages were deserted. jack was glad now to think that this contingency had been so long foreseen. it would have been impossible to make adequate arrangements for so large an additional population if he had waited until the danger was upon them. as it was, the huts stood ready. it was a strange and impressive scene as imbono's people filed in. they were excited, but not with alarm or fear. some of them even were merry, laughing at little mishaps--the dropping of a basket of manioc, the breaking of a pot, the sprawling of children as pat dashed in and out among them, barking as though it was he that was shepherding the throng. barney was the master of ceremonies. with samba's help he separated the various families, and showed each father the hut or huts he was to occupy. it was not a wealthy community, and only a few of the men had more wives than one; but these tried barney's patience sorely, and he sighed for father mahone to come and tache the haythens betther manners. "only what could he do, if he came?" he said. "whin a man has been fool enough to marry two or three wives, faith, i don't see how ye can alter it unless ye make 'em all widders." about two miles from the camp there was a spot above the river from which the clearing and village of ilola could be seen. an hour before dawn jack went out with samba to this spot and waited. just after day had broken they perceived a large body of men rushing out from the forest towards the village stockade. through his field-glasses jack saw that the negroes were led by two men in white. imbono, before he left, had had the gate of ilola closed and barricaded. the invaders did not pause to break it down; they swarmed up the stockade and momentarily hesitated at the top, as though suspecting, from the silence of the village, that a trap had been laid for them. then some of them could be seen dropping down inside; the rest instantly followed; and jack smiled as he saw them assemble in little groups in the deserted compound, gesticulating in their excitement. a few minutes later dense volumes of smoke rose from the village. the forest guards had fired the huts, no doubt in their first fury at the escape of the villagers. jack could not help thinking that they would regret their hasty action. if they intended any long stay in the neighbourhood, the village would have been more useful to them intact than as a ruin. he had dismantled his own former camp, so that unless elbel's men set about building for themselves they would have no shelter. their folly only confirmed jack's belief that they were but a poorly-disciplined rabble, and that elbel himself was out of his element in work of a military kind. having learnt all that he wished to know, jack returned to his camp. elbel had clearly not expected the village to be abandoned. jack wondered if he had learnt of the formation of the new camp. it seemed likely that news of it would long since have been carried down the river. he had apparently planned to wipe out the villagers first and tackle jack later. "bedad, sorr, if he's any sinse at all he will lave us alone," said barney when jack told him what he had seen. "i don't expect that. i'm sure he'll use his men against me. he'll want his revenge, for one thing; and then he has his eye on the gold, remember. he didn't dig about the cataract for nothing. he'll be glad of any excuse for attacking, if he sees a fair chance of beating us. you may depend upon it he knows all that uncle has been doing, and if he can manage to drive us out and occupy this ground before uncle gets back, it's all up with poor uncle's claim, barney. possession is more than nine points of the law in this state. if uncle had known the sort of things that go on here, he'd have thought twice before spending his money." very soon after jack regained his camp, imbono's scouts came in to report that the enemy was on the move. before midday the head of the column was sighted making its way up the stream, this forming on the whole an easier approach than the rough stony ground on either bank. there was immense excitement in the camp as the people watched the advancing crowd. jack could not but be touched as he observed the demeanour of the people. a few months before the sight of so many of the dreaded forest guards would have made them cower in abject fear; now, so great was their trust in the young inglesa who had twice defeated elobela, and who had prepared for them this fine new village with its wonderful defences, that they viewed the progress of the enemy with feelings only of anticipated triumph. "please god, i won't fail them," thought jack. about half a mile below the cataract the column came to a halt, and three men in white, attended by half a dozen armed negroes, advanced to within less than a quarter of a mile of the wall. "the impident scoundhrels!" quoth barney, standing at jack's side. "they do show a pretty cool trust in our forbearance," said jack; "we could pick them off easily enough." "begorra, i would, sorr; do they deserve any betther? elbel was a deceitful villain--you remimber, sorr, whin he fired under a flag uv truce at the ould camp. i wouldn't have any more mercy on him than i would on a rat." "yes, you would, barney. we must play the game, whatever they do. and i wonder what they're up to. here comes a man with a white flag. we shall soon see." [ ] "brave boy." [ ] "i saw." chapter xviii elbel's barrels the negro looked by no means comfortable as he clambered up the steep side of the gully from the bed of the stream and approached the fort. there was no gate in the western face, and the man seemed somewhat uncertain what to do. but perceiving that he had a note in his hand, jack ordered lepoko to lean over the wall and take the paper on the point of a spear. "now let's see what he has to say," said jack, unfolding the paper. "listen, barney. 'having returned with a force sufficient to re-establish law and order in this part of the congo state, i call upon you instantly to surrender the camp which you have constructed without permission on the territory of the state. the negroes who are with you are subjects of the state, and will be dealt with by me in accordance with the powers that i possess. you, being a foreigner, will be taken to boma, to be tried under due form of law by the state courts.'" "which means quick murder for the niggers, sorr, and slow murder for you. don't answer his impidence, sorr." "oh, i must answer. we can't let things go by default, and we can go one better than he, barney. he hasn't copied his letter, you see. it's very lucky i've got a duplicate book; who knows?--these documents may come in handy some day." he wrote a brief reply, saying that he was not aware there was anything illegal in constructing a suitable camp on ground leased from the société cosmopolite; that, on the other hand, the natives who had sought shelter with him complained of treatment which was clearly against all law and justice; and that in these circumstances he proposed to remain where he was. when this note reached elbel, he read it to the two white men with him, laughed, put it in his pocket-book, then returned with his party down the stream. "a pretty little farce!" said jack. "he knew what my answer would be; all he wanted was a chance of examining our defences." "sure he didn't get much for his trouble. he'd have to be a deal taller to see much uv us, sorr." during the rest of the day elbel was seen in the distance on various sides of the camp making further observations. from a point on the slope above he could overlook part of the enclosure, and what he observed from there through his field-glass evidently gave him food for thought, for before sunset he marched all his men down the stream, followed cautiously by imbono's scouts. these reported by and by that the enemy had encamped about two miles away. the white men had tents, the natives were cutting branches to form temporary shelters. foragers had been sent out in all directions. jack knew that they would do little good. there were no people to harry, all were within his walls, and the crops around the villages had been gathered in. but this dearth was not likely to affect the besiegers for the present; for the scouts reported that some of their canoes had now come up the river loaded with stores. jack concluded from the fact of elbel being in command that the administration of the congo state had not yet seen fit to intervene and equip an expedition under regular military officers. the société cosmopolite, in fact, an extremely wealthy corporation, had determined to root out this source of disaffection and revolt within its territory. the force commanded by elbel represented practically the whole military establishment of the company. he had no doubt received telegraphic authority from europe to undertake the expedition, and could rely on the ultimate support of the state government, which meanwhile would prefer the work to be done by the company's troops rather than magnify the affair by employing its own forces. it soon became clear to jack that the lesson of his previous reverse had not been lost on elbel. for a time, at least, there was to be no repetition of the rushing tactics that had proved so disastrous. two days passed, and he had made no move. scouts reported that he was busily engaged in building and fortifying his camp. the site chosen was a good deal nearer to ilombekabasi than the first night's bivouac. it lay in a hollow somewhat more than half a mile from the cataract--in the face of an equal or inferior enemy, a very dangerous position, commanded, as it was, on almost all sides by the heights around. but it was sheltered from rifle-fire from the fort, and had a good water supply from a brook that fell some distance below into the stream that flanked jack's settlement. elbel could afford to ignore its strategical weakness by reason of his greatly superior numbers. for jack could not occupy the rim of the hollow without drawing most of his men out of the fort, thus leaving it open to attack; and in any case, with only forty-five rifles, he could not do much to endanger a camp held by two hundred. [illustration: ilombekabasi and surrounding country, showing elbel's first camp in foreground] these reflections passed through his mind as he pondered on the information given by the scouts. his constant preoccupation during the past months with problems of attack and defence had given rise to a habit of looking at every move or incident in its military bearings. "i wonder whether the fellows in the army class would envy me or pity me most!" he thought. elbel attempted nothing in the way of fortification for his camp except a light stockade--with his superior numbers defensive work seemed almost a superfluity. by comparing the reports of various scouts--who, as usual with negroes, were somewhat erratic in their ideas of number--and by his own observation through his field-glass, jack concluded that elbel had, in addition to his two hundred rifles, about five hundred spearmen. jack himself had, in addition to his forty-five rifles, three hundred spearmen. the mere numbers were, of course, no real index to the proportionate strength of the two forces. in ordinary circumstances, indeed, the spearmen might almost be neglected; the striking power was to be measured in rifles alone. but jack hoped that, with the drill and discipline his men had undergone, it would be proved that a determined fellow behind a spear was still by no means a combatant to be held lightly. had not the arabs of the soudan shown this? he had no little confidence that, when the time of trial came, his three hundred spearmen would prove every whit as staunch as the dervishes who broke the british square at abu klea and threw away their lives by the thousand at omdurman. on the second morning after elbel's appearance jack found that pickets were posted all round the fort. clearly it was no longer safe to send out scouts, at all events by daylight. the danger was little diminished after dark, for fires were lit at various points and a regular patrol was established. "i don't care about sending out any of the men now," said jack to barney. "if one of our fellows was caught, his fate would be horrible. it's to prevent scouting, i suppose, that elbel has posted men round us." "might it not be to prevent reinforcements from reaching us, sorr?" "not likely. there are no people for scores of miles round, and the country indeed is mostly virgin forest. the only reinforcement likely to reach us is my uncle's contingent, and their arrival is sure to be advised all along the river for days or perhaps weeks in advance; and that's one of my worries, barney. i don't want uncle to fall into elbel's hands, but how can i stop it?" "send a couple of men off to meet him, sorr, and tell him of the danger." "i might do that, perhaps. but, as you see, they'd have to run the gauntlet of elbel's forest guards. elbel either wants to catch my uncle, or he has got some scheme of attack in preparation which he's anxious we shouldn't discover. whichever it is he means to keep us bottled up." jack was sitting at the door of his hut with barney, talking by the light of a small fire. samba had been hovering about for some time, waiting, as barney thought, until the time should come for him to curl himself up as usual at the entrance to the hut after his friend the irishman had entered. the conversation ceased for a moment, jack bending forward and drawing patterns on the ground with his stick. samba came up and began to speak. "begorra, massa," he said, "me can do." "what can you do, my boy?" asked jack, smiling a little at the exclamation samba had adopted from barney. samba struggled to find words in the white man's puzzling tongue. but, recognizing that his small stock of phrases was insufficient, he ran off and fetched lepoko. "me tell massa all same," said the interpreter, when samba had spoken to him. "samba boy say, sah, he lib for go out see fings for massa. he no 'fraid. he go in dark, creep, creep, no 'fraid nuffin nobody. he lib for see eberyfing massa want see, come back one time say all same fings he see." "no, no, it's too dangerous. samba is the very last of my people i should wish to fall into elbel's hands." samba laughed when lepoko repeated this to him. "he no 'fraid elobela," said lepoko. "he hab got foot like leopard, eye like cat, he make elobela plenty much 'fraid. want go plenty much, sah; say mboyo one fader, massa two fader; two times he want go." "shall we let him go, barney?" asked jack doubtfully. "to be sure i would, sorr. he's gone through the forest and cheated the lions and tigers and all the other beasts and creeping things, ivery wan uv 'm a mighty power cleverer than elbel." "barring the lions and tigers, i think you're right, barney. well, if he's to go we must do all we can to help him. could he get down the gully side, i wonder?" "he say dat plenty good way, sah. he lib for swim like fish, go through water, come back all same." "we'll let him down by a rope, barney, and we'll place mboyo at the stockade in charge of it; he'll have the greatest interest in seeing that the boy goes in and out safely. and look here, i've heard samba imitating the cries of various animals; he'd better arrange with mboyo to be ready for him when he hears a certain cry. and he must carry enough food with him to last a day in case he is prevented from getting back. if he's out more than one day he must fend for himself; but i fancy, after what he has already been through, at least it'd be a very bare country where he couldn't pick up enough to keep him going. he's a splendid little fellow." "that's the truth's truth, sorr; and sure, whin we leave this haythen country, he'd better come back wid us to london, sorr. wid him wan side uv me an' pat the other, i'd be on me way to be lord mayor, bedad!" thus it was arranged. with a tinful of food slung about him, samba was let down by a rope from the stockade, and crept in the darkness down the gully. a few minutes later, from some point on the other side, came the strident call of a forest-beetle twice repeated, and mboyo knew that his son was safely across. when morning broke, jack saw that the pickets were placed as they had been on the previous day. he could easily have disposed of several of them, either by rifle fire or by a quick sally; but even at the present stage he had a great reluctance to open hostilities, which must involve much bloodshed and suffering. he resolved to bide his time, knowing that so far as food supply was concerned he had enough for at least a couple of months, and was in that respect probably better placed than elbel, while the secret of the water supply with good luck would escape detection. now that the purpose of the tank was known, jack's prestige among the natives, great as it had been before, was much enhanced, and they had added to their stock of songs one in which the wonderful providence of the inglesa in arranging that the daily water should not fail was glowingly extolled. the day passed undisturbed. jack was puzzled to account for the enemy's silence. elbel must have a scheme in preparation, he thought. what could it be? jack had heard a good deal of hammering going on in the camp below, the sound coming faintly on the breeze; except for that there was no sign of activity; and the hammering was sufficiently accounted for by the work of finishing off the construction of the camp. before turning in for the night he went to the spot where mboyo was posted, to learn whether anything had been heard of samba. while he was there, he caught the low rasping notes of the forest-beetle. "samba n'asi!"[ ] cried mboyo, springing up. he lowered the rope over the stockade. in a few moments it was gently tugged, and soon samba slipped over the stockade and stood beside jack. he had an interesting report to make. in the forest, he said, a large number of men were tapping certain trees for a resinous gum, which was being run into small barrels. it was the work of making these barrels that had caused the continuous hammering jack had noticed. "good boy!" said jack. "i suppose you are very tired now, samba?" no, he was not tired; he was ready to go out again at once if lokolobolo wished. but jack said he had done enough for one day, and bade him go to sleep. "so that's their game!" said jack to barney, when all was quiet. "there's only one use for resin here, and that's to fire our fort, and they can't intend to make fireballs, or they wouldn't take the trouble to make barrels. they want barrels for carriage, and that means that they intend to bring the resin here. they can't shy barrels at the natives' huts, and so much of the wall is stone that it won't easily catch fire. what else is there inflammable?" "there's the blockhouses at the corners, sorr." "you're right. they are going to fire the blockhouses. i'm sorry now i didn't make 'm of stone as i intended. but we had enough trouble with the wall, and the natives are so little used to stonework that perhaps after all they'd have made a poor job of it." "sure, i don't see how they are going to get near enough to do any damage, sorr. they can't come up under fire. do the spalpeens think they'll catch us napping, begore?" "can't say, barney. we must wait and see. the sentries are arranged for the night, eh?" "they are that, sorr. 'tis mighty hard to keep the niggers awake; not wan uv 'm but would see the inside uv the guard-room pretty often if they were in the irish fusiliers. but samba and me just take turns to go the rounds all night and keep 'm stirring, sorr; and 'twould be a lucky man that got across into this place widout a crack over the head." the full purpose of elbel was seen earlier than jack had expected. a little before dawn makoko, who had been on duty at the gate in the northern wall, hurried down to say that he had heard a sound as of a number of men marching for some distance up the hill above the fort. jack accompanied him back, gently reprimanding him on the way for leaving his post. judging by the sounds, there was unquestionably a large body of men on the move. they were approaching as quietly as negroes can; it is not an easy matter to persuade a force of black men to keep perfect silence. while jack was still with makoko, another man came running up from the southern end of the fort and reported that he had heard the sound of many men advancing up the stream. clearly a serious attack was intended at last. sending word to barney to remain on the _qui vive_ at the southern wall, jack waited anxiously for the glimmering light of dawn to reveal the enemy. at last he could see them. they took little pains to conceal themselves. elbel's riflemen were assembling on the ridge of the slope above. among them were men carrying each a small barrel on his shoulder. they must have made a wide circuit from their camp below so that their movements might not be suspected until they were well in position. the word was rapidly passed round the fort. in a few seconds every man was at his appointed place. the women and children had been bidden to remain in their huts, for a part of the enclosure being exposed to fire from the slope above, it would have been dangerous for any one to cross. barney and his men at the southern wall were protected from this fire in their rear by the huts. at the northern wall jack stood on a narrow platform by the gate, similar to that which he had used at his former camp near ilola. his riflemen were posted below him, half of them at loop-holes left at intervals in the wall, the remainder just behind, ready to take their places at the word of command. jack was surprised to feel how little flustered he was. the responsibilities of the past months had bred self-control, and the capacity to grasp a situation quickly and act at once. and constant work with the same men, whom he had learned to know thoroughly, had created a mutual confidence which augured well for their success when put to the test. a glance assured jack that the main attack, if attack was intended, would be made by the riflemen. the spearmen in the valley of the river were designed to create a diversion and weaken the force available to oppose the principal assault. barney could be trusted to hold his own against them. so little did the enemy, having gained the position above, seek to conceal their movements, that jack was tempted to salute them with a volley that must have done great execution--the range being scarcely two hundred yards. but elbel seemed to know by instinct the feeling by which jack would be animated. he evidently counted on being allowed to fire first. and indeed there was little time for jack to consider the matter, for even as he made a mental note of the enemy's bravado, he heard a word of command given in a loud voice, and saw elbel emerge from a small clump of bushes at the edge of the gully. the whole force, except ten men carrying barrels, flung themselves flat on their faces; and jack had only time to give a rapid warning to his men when a scattered volley flashed from the line of prone figures, the bullets pattering on the stone wall like hail on a greenhouse. next moment the men with the barrels dashed forward, some making for the blockhouse above the gully, others for that at the opposite end of the northern wall. through the clear space between the two parties the riflemen continued to fire as fast as they could reload. it was clear to jack that elbel expected the fire of his two hundred rifles, added to the unexpectedness of the movement, to keep down the fire of the defenders long enough to enable the barrel men to reach the blockhouses. but in this he was disappointed; nothing but a direct and combined assault on the wall would have gained the time he required. his rifle fire from a distance was quite ineffective. jack had ordered his men to keep out of sight, and to fire through the loop-holes in the wall, aiming, not at the riflemen lying on the ground, but at the men sprinting with the barrels. consequently, when the twenty-five rifles within the fort replied to the first volley, three of the runners fell on the one side and two on the other, their barrels rolling down the slope, some over the edge into the gully, others towards the copse on the east. the other men, seeing the fate of their comrades, thought of nothing but their own safety. they dropped their barrels and rushed back. but even then they did not take the safe course. instead of scattering and so lessening the chances of being hit, the two parties joined, and ran up the slope in a compact group. none of them reached the line of prostrate riflemen who were still blazing away ineffectually at the walls and blockhouses. the unfortunate men were caught in full flight and fell almost at the same moment, each man struck by several bullets. not till then did jack allow his riflemen to turn their attention to the enemy's firing line. but one volley was sufficient. elbel saw that his scheme had totally failed, and his position was untenable. not a man of his opponents could be seen; his men had only small loop-holes to fire at, and the average negro is not a sufficiently good marksman to be formidable in such conditions. the defenders, on the other hand, found the enemy an excellent target; for, by some inexplicable piece of folly, elbel had not ordered them to seek cover behind the many rocks and boulders that were scattered over the ground. he had lost all his barrel men and several of his riflemen, and within five minutes of the first volley he drew off his troops. a yell of delight from the stockade followed his retirement. the men slapped their thighs and shouted "yo! yo!" until they were hoarse. the women and children poured out of the huts and danced about with wild enjoyment. imbono's drummer banged with all his might. some of the boys had made small trumpets of rolled banana leaves, and tootled away to their hearts' content, the sound being not unlike that made by blowing through tissue paper on a comb. amid all the uproar pat's joyous bark acclaimed the success. "faith, sorr, 'tis real mafficking, to be sure." "not quite, barney. there's nobody drunk." "true, an' the haythen sets an example to the christian. there are no grog-shops here, praise be, wan at this corner and wan at that, to tempt the poor craturs." "i only hope they're not shouting too soon, barney. we haven't done with elbel yet." [ ] below. chapter xix breaking the blockade throughout that day jack was on the alert in anticipation of another move on the part of the enemy. but elbel's men, except the pickets, did not come within sight of the fort, and nothing was heard of them. samba wished to go out again on a scouting mission, but jack refused to allow him to leave the fort in daylight; perhaps in the darkness he might risk a journey once more. although the attempt to fire the blockhouses had been foiled, jack, thinking over the matter, saw that the feat would not have been impossible with the exercise of a little common sense coupled with dash. a second attempt, better organized, might be successful. "i wish we could guard against the risk," he said to barney. "we don't want to be continuously on the fidget in case the blockhouses are fired. yet we can't make 'em fireproof." "that's true, sorr; still, something might be done to rejuce the inflammation." "what's that?" said jack without a smile. to call in question barney's english was to wound him in the tenderest part. "why, sorr, why not drop down some uv them boulders we keep for repairing the wall? if we let them down wid care to the foot uv the blockhouses, close up against the woodwork, 'twould prevent any wan from setting a match to 'm." "a good idea! we'll try it. get the men to carry the stones up to the wall. we won't do anything more till it is dark." when the sun had set, jack had the stones hauled up to the roof of the blockhouse at the north-west corner, and then dropped down outside, as close to the woodwork as possible. the task was carried on in almost total darkness, only a few rushlights inside the camp preventing the workers from colliding with one another. but it was impossible to contrive that the heavy stones should fall silently, and a shot from up the slope soon told that the enemy had discovered what was going on. active sniping for a time gave jack a good deal of annoyance, and one or two of his men were hit; but he persevered in his work, and had partially accomplished it, when another danger suddenly threatened. up the slope, near the position occupied by the enemy in the morning, there appeared small points of light, which moved apparently at random for a few moments, and then came all in one direction, down the hill. they all started fairly close together, and jack counted twelve in a line; but soon some diverged from the rest and went off at an angle. the others came on more and more rapidly towards the fort, jumping occasionally, but keeping on the whole a surprisingly straight course. "barrels again!" said jack to barney. only a few seconds after he had first observed them, they came with a quick succession of thuds against the wall and the half-finished rampart at the foot of the blockhouse, and the points of light spread out into fierce tongues of flame. lighted matches had been attached to the barrels, and with the bursting of these by the stonework the resin they contained had taken fire. of the dozen barrels that started, only four had reached their goal, the rest having rolled over the gully on the western slope as had happened during the day. jack hoped that his new stonework was sufficient to protect the logs at the base of the blockhouse. but one of the barrels, under the impetus gained in its passage down the hill, had jumped the boulders, and breaking as it crashed over, burst into flame within an inch or two of the woodwork. another line of barrels was starting down the slope. jack had called up his best marksmen at the first alarm, and ordered them to take pot-shots at the twinkling points of light, or the figures above, dimly lit up by the matches attached to the barrels. whether any of the shots got home he could not tell; another set of barrels was trundling down towards the fort. it appeared to jack that nothing could save the blockhouse. burning resin could only be extinguished by a deluge of water, and he had no means of bringing water from the tank in sufficient quantities. the logs were dry, and, when once fairly alight, would burn furiously. barney suggested dropping a heavy boulder on the barrel most dangerously near, but jack saw that the effect of this would be merely to spread the flames without necessarily extinguishing them. the fire would continue beneath the stone; it would lick the lowest logs, and in a few minutes the whole base of the blockhouse would be ablaze. the imminence of the danger acted as a spur to jack's resourcefulness. it flashed upon him that there was one chance of saving the fort. calling to samba to follow him, he rushed from the roof of the blockhouse down the ladders connecting it with the second floor and this with the ground, and ran at full speed to his hut, where he seized an empty tobacco-tin and searched for a piece of wire. for a few moments he could not lay hands on any, but he then bethought himself of the wired cork of a stephens' ink-bottle. wrenching this out, he hastened to the underground magazine where the ammunition was, stored. samba had preceded him thither with a lighted candle in a little lantern of bamboo. among the ammunition was a keg of loose powder sent up by mr. martindale for refilling cartridge cases. while samba very cautiously held the lantern out of harm's way, jack, with the brad of a penknife, bored two thin holes in the tin and two corresponding holes in the lid. then he inserted the wire and filled the tin with powder. clapping on the lid and firmly securing it by twisting up the wire, he rushed back to the blockhouse, up to the roof, and cleared out all the men helter-skelter, bidding them go with samba and bring baskets full of earth to the base of the wall. the place was now reeking with acrid smoke from the burning resin, great black eddies of it whirling over the roof, stinging jack's eyes and making him cough and choke. when none but himself was left--for there was some danger in what he purposed--he went to the edge of the roof, and bending over, almost blinded by the fumes, he marked the spot where the flame seemed the fiercest, and dropped the tin into the midst of it. though he sprang back at once, he had not reached the inmost edge of the roof when there was a loud explosion. the blockhouse rocked; clouds of sparks flew up; and feeling the tremor beneath him, jack feared he had destroyed rather than saved. but the trembling ceased. he rushed back to the fore edge of the roof and peered over. as the smoke cleared away he saw no longer a blazing mass below him; nothing of the barrel was left; but all the ground for many yards around was dotted with little tongues of flame. the force of the explosion had broken up the huge devouring fire into a thousand harmless ones. but the woodwork near which the barrel had rested was smouldering. there was still a danger that the blockhouse would burn. while that danger remained jack felt that his task was not yet done, and he instantly prepared to meet it. flames from the other barrels that had struck the wall were lighting up the scene. to carry out his purpose involved a great risk, but it was a risk that must be run. calling to samba, who had remained nearest at hand, he bade him bring a rope and send barney and makoko to him. when they arrived he got them to knot the rope about him, and let him down over the wall on the gully side, which was in deep shadow. creeping round the blockhouse on the narrow ledge between it and the gully, he called to the men above to lower some of the baskets of earth which had been placed in readiness. as they reached him he emptied them upon the smouldering logs. it was impossible now to keep in the shadow; his every movement was betrayed by the still flaming barrels; and his work was not completed when bullets began to patter about him. his only protection was the rough rampart of boulders which had been thrown over from the roof. but he bent low; it is difficult even for expert marksmen to aim without the guidance of the riflesights, and elbel's men were far from being experts; jack finished his job as rapidly as might be, and escaped without a scratch. then creeping round once more to the gully, he laid hold of the rope and was drawn up into safety. the other blockhouses meanwhile had been in no danger. that at the north-east corner was defended by the nature of the ground, which sloped so rapidly that a barrel rolled from above could never hit the mark. that at the southeast corner, being at the edge of the precipice, could only be fired by the hand of man, and no man could approach it safely. by averting the danger at the north-west jack had saved the camp. but the attempt had been so nearly successful that he resolved to lose no time in completing the work of protection already begun. the moment was come, too, for showing elbel that he could only maintain a thorough investment of the fort with the acquiescence of the besieged. at any time a sally must break the chain of pickets, for elbel's force was not large enough to support them adequately all round. averse as jack was from shedding blood, he felt that it was necessary to teach the enemy a wholesome lesson. before he could do anything, however, he must know how the force was distributed, and how the pickets were placed. he remembered his half promise that samba should be allowed to go scouting that night. no other could be trusted to move so warily or act so intelligently. samba was accordingly let down into the gully. while he was gone jack explained to barney the plan he proposed to try should the boy's information favour it. "i shall lead some of the men out, i don't know yet in what direction. at least it will surprise elbel. i hope it will alarm his men and throw them into confusion. you must take advantage of it to go on with our defences. let down more boulders from the roof, and build them up as fast as you can to form a facing three or four feet high to the two northern blockhouses. you'll only have about half an hour for the job, for elbel will have got his whole force together by then, and i shan't be able to fight them all. but we've plenty of men to turn on to it, and when i give the signal they must tumble over the wall and get to work." within an hour samba returned. he reported that the enemy had all retired to their camp except the pickets. about forty men were posted about a camp fire up stream near the place where the barrels had been rolled down. another picket of the same strength was lying at the edge of the copse about a quarter of a mile to the east, and a third picket lay across the gully to the west. samba had had great difficulty in eluding this western picket, and would have returned sooner but for the detour he had been obliged to make. all favoured jack's enterprise. the pickets were so far from the camp below the southern face of the fort that some time must elapse before help could reach them. they could only support one another, and the idea of a ruse to prevent that had already flashed through jack's mind. selecting fifteen of his steadiest riflemen, including makoko and lepoko, jack had them lowered one by one into the gully, and then himself followed. the night was fortunately very dark; all the flames from the barrels had gone out, and he trusted that the enemy would be quite unprepared for any movement from the fort. when all were assembled, they crept up the gully in dead silence, walking as far from the water as the steep sides allowed, so as to avoid kicking stones into it and making a splash. at first the gully was at least twelve feet deep, but it became more shallow as they proceeded, until by and by its top barely rose above their heads. they had not gone far when they heard laughing and talking beyond them. however elbel might regard his defeat, it had evidently not affected the spirits of his men; the negro's cheerfulness is hard to quench. at a bend in the stream, out of sight from the fort, shone the faint glow of the camp fire; and jack, peeping cautiously round, saw a sentry on each bank, moving backwards and forwards, but stopping now and again to exchange pleasantries, or more often fatuous remarks about food, with the rest of the picket at the fire. it was nothing new to jack that the congo soldier's idea of sentry-go is somewhat loose. again jack was favoured by circumstances. the glow of the fire did not extend far into the darkness of the gully; the noise of the laughing and talking was loud enough to drown all slight sounds for some distance around. thus the sixteen men in the gully could approach very near the camp fire without being seen or heard. jack's plan, already half formed before he started, was quickly adapted to the conditions. silently gathering his men together, he ordered them in a whisper to follow him in a charge with the bayonet; not to fire except at the word of command; not in their pursuit of the enemy to go beyond the camp fire. it would have been easy to dispose of at least a third of the picket by firing upon them from the darkness; the distance was only about a hundred yards, and every shot would tell, for they were huddled together. such an act would be justified by all the rules of warfare. jack knew that in a like case he would receive no mercy from the enemy; but he was too young a campaigner to deal with them as they would deal with him; he could not give the order to shoot them down unawares. when his men clearly understood what was required of them he led the way, and they all crept forward again. the glow of the fire now made them dimly visible to one another, but not to the picket, who were in the full light, nor to the sentries, whose attention was largely taken up by the proceedings of their comrades. when the sound of talking lulled for a few moments, jack halted; when it grew in force, and he heard the sentries join in the chatter, he seized the opportunity to steal forward a few yards more. so by slow degrees they approached within forty paces. to go further without discovery seemed to jack impossible. pausing for a moment to whisper once more to his men, he suddenly shouted the order to charge, and, springing up the bank, dashed forward with a cheer that was reinforced by the yells from fifteen lusty throats. the sounds of joviality about the camp fire died on the instant; the cheer from the river, echoed by the rocky walls of the gully, seemed to come from a host of men. yells of alarm broke from the dusky figures by the fire. some of the men seemed for the moment spellbound; others leapt to their feet and made a dash for the rifles stacked close by, tumbling over one another in their agitation; the majority simply scurried away like hares into the darkness, only anxious to get as far away as possible from this shouting host that had sprung as it were out of nothingness. as jack's men rushed up there were a few reports of rifles hastily shot off, and eight or nine men made as if to stand firm near the camp fire; but they could not face the steel gleaming red in the glow. one or two hapless wretches were bayonetted before they had time to run; the rest, with a wild howl, flung down their weapons and bolted. the sound of the conflict, jack knew, would be taken by barney as the signal to begin work outside the blockhouses. what would be its effect on the enemy? would it draw their pickets on the right and left to the support of their comrades? or would they be so much alarmed that nothing but flight would occur to them? he thought the probabilities favoured the former, for the firing having ceased, the immediate cause of alarm would seem to have been removed. without staying to consider that the chain of investment would be broken by their action, the outer pickets would in all likelihood move towards each other for mutual support. here was an opportunity which jack was quick to seize. without a moment's loss of time, he called his men together and hurried back down the gully, where he ordered them to line the banks on both sides, keeping well in shadow from the light of the fire. the position they took up was about forty yards below the bivouac, almost the same spot from which the charge had been made. the men had only just established themselves when the picket from the eastern quarter came running up. jack's situation was now so serious that he had no longer any compunction. as the negroes emerged from the gloom into the light of the camp fire, he ordered his men on the opposite bank to shoot. several of the enemy fell; the rest turned tail, finding their comrades falling about them without being able to see their assailants. but they did not run far; when they had passed beyond the circle of light they halted. meanwhile all was quiet from the direction of the other picket beyond the gully. if this was advancing, it was with more caution. for some minutes no sound was heard; then on his left hand lepoko detected a slight rustle in the brushwood, and he whispered to jack that the enemy were creeping forward, feeling their way. at the same time there were sounds of movement on the right. now was the chance to attempt a ruse. withdrawing his men stealthily down the stream for a hundred yards, jack halted. the camp fire was dying down for want of fresh fuel; he hoped that the two parties would mistake each other in the gloom. a quarter of an hour passed. then the air rang with shots and shouts; the two pickets had met and come into conflict. the error was soon discovered, and then there arose a terrific clamour as each party accused the other. jack considered that the work of the fort should have been completed by this time, all danger of interruption by the pickets having been removed by his sortie. he therefore led his men back along the gully, and arrived to find barney putting the finishing touches to the work by the light of his bamboo lantern. "all well?" said jack. "all well, sorr. you're not hurt at all?" "not a bit. none of us scratched. now we'll get back. i don't think they'll try that particular dodge again." they had hardly returned within the stockade when they heard the sound of a considerable body of men moving up the opposite bank of the stream towards the pickets above. "too late!" said jack with a chuckle. "truth, sorr. that elbel was niver intended for a sojer, 'tis plain. but who are the two white men wid him, thin? sure, i thought he'd brought 'em wid him to tache him what to do, but they would all seem to be birds uv wan feather, sorr." "we may find out by and by, perhaps to our cost. meanwhile we had better man the walls and blockhouses in case he's going to favour us with a night attack." but the sounds of movement among the enemy ceased, and the remainder of the night passed in unbroken quietness. chapter xx david and goliath next morning jack's men found resting against the stone wall of the fort several barrels of resin which had not burned. the bumping they had received in rolling down the slope had shaken out the fuses. this was a lucky discovery. the inflammable contents of the barrels would come in useful--for making fireballs, if for no other purpose. jack had them carried into the fort and stored in the magazine. very soon after daybreak jack saw what seemed to be the greater portion of elbel's force moving up the hill. he counted at least five hundred men, and noticed that only about a hundred of these were riflemen, the remainder carrying spears, or tools of some kind. "you see what they are at, barney?" he said. "shifting their camp, by what it appears, sorr." "no, i don't think that's it. elbel has failed with fire; he's now going to try water. he's going to cut off our water supply." "sure he's entitled to, as we don't pay rates, which is rubber. but we can do widout his water supply, sorr, having a private distillery uv our own." "i'm pretty sure i'm right, for you see the men are going a great deal farther up the hill than they need if they're merely looking for another base of attack." "bedad, why shouldn't we have a little rifle practice at 'em, sorr? 'tis long range firing, indeed, but mighty good practice." "no. our ammunition is too precious to be wasted; and even if we hit a few of them, that wouldn't stop elbel's scheme, whatever it is. we'll keep our eye on the river and see if there's any shrinkage." it was not until late in the afternoon that he got positive proof that elbel was in fact diverting the stream. he had fancied for some time that the height of the water was less, but only about four o'clock did the fall become decided. after that, however, the stream dwindled very rapidly, until, towards nightfall, there was only a thin trickle of water in the river bed below the fort, where in the morning the stream had been twenty feet broad and nearly six feet deep. at the same time a remarkable change in the appearance of the country east of the fort had attracted the attention of the natives, who swarmed upon the platform on that side and gazed in amazement. lokolobolo had brought water into their camp; but who had made water run in a swift river where no river had ever been before? nearly a mile away to the east, a broad shallow stream was rushing down the slope that extended from the precipice on which the fort stood to the foothills two miles beneath. the river, dammed no doubt by boulders far up the hill, had now been forced into the course which, but for a rocky barrier, it would long since have discovered for itself. "a very pretty scheme, bedad!" said barney. "and i just wish we could set a fountain going, like those in trafalgar square, just to show mr. elbel that he may have his river all to himself if he pleases." "that wouldn't do at all, barney. we don't want to flaunt our good fortune. in fact, our best course is to keep elbel in the dark. indeed i think we had better stop that overflow from our tank. now that the cataract has dried up, the overflow would easily be seen." "but what'll we do wid the overflow, sorr? sure, we don't want a flood in the camp!" "certainly not. we'll break it up into a number of tiny trickles, and let them find their way through the wall at different points. they'll be sucked up or disappear before they reach the ground below." "bedad, now, i would niver have thought of that! mr. elbel will think we get our water from heaven, sorr, if he's iver heard uv it." the work of damming the river having been accomplished, the main body of the enemy marched down just before dark and regained their camp. as they passed within earshot of the fort, elbel's negroes could not refrain from flinging taunts at the men of their colour within the walls, telling them that they could no longer cook their food, much less wash their babies. this made the men very angry; they prepared to blaze away with their rifles at the gibing enemy, and jack's command to drop their weapons might, perhaps, for once have been disregarded had not samba suddenly struck up the song which one of the men had composed, chronicling lokolobolo's great deeds with water and fire: lokolobolo in ilombekabasi dug a great hole, filled it with waters great is his magic! how can we praise him-- lokolobolo? lo! elobela came with the fire tubs to ilombekabasi. but the inglesa lokolobolo filled a pot with the fire-stuff. what a noise! what a smoke! fire tubs are broken. ha! elobela! where is your fire now? what is the good of you? inglesa's magic no one can master. is it fire? is it water? lokolobolo in ilombekabasi quenches the fire, keeps water for black men. ha! elobela, go home to your cook-pot. no good in this land, in ilombekabasi. the song was taken up one by one by the people, and in the delight of singing lokolobolo's praise and elobela's shame, the jeers of the negroes outside were forgotten. that night elbel posted no regular pickets round the fort. he had clearly given up the idea of a strict blockade, which was indeed impossible with the force at his command; but except for the desire to mask his own movements, he lost nothing by the withdrawal of his pickets, for even if the garrison took advantage of it to issue from the fort, they could make little use of their freedom in a country bare of supplies. jack did not doubt that elbel had many scouts abroad, and would be on the watch for an attempt to obtain water. he would imagine that none was procurable save from a distance of at least half a mile from the fort, and was doubtless already congratulating himself on the success of his strategy. several days passed, and life went on in the camp as peacefully as though no enemy was near. the women performed their daily tasks of cleaning and cooking; the men drilled and exercised; the children amused themselves as children always can. jack took it into his head to teach them some of the round games popular with english children, knowing that the elders were sure to copy them; and every little novelty tended to amuse them and keep them cheerful. indeed, he found the men so like children in their capacity for finding easy amusement, that one day he started a game of leap-frog for them, and soon the whole camp was hilarious, the men springing over one another's backs all round the enclosure with great shouts of laughter. as jack expected, elbel kept a sharp watch by means of scouts all round the fort, to ensure that no water reached the besieged. jack smiled as he pictured the belgian's amazement, when day after day went by without any sign of distress. now that the regular night pickets were removed, some of jack's men found it easy to get out for little scouting expeditions; and except for an occasional brush between men of the two forces employed in this duty, there was nothing to show that four hundred men on the one side, and seven hundred on the other, were engaged in deadly warfare. in these duels the men of ilombekabasi invariably came off best. they were at home equally in the forest and the plain; the enemy were for the most drawn from the lower congo--an inferior type of negro and less used to fighting in wooded districts. and a long immunity had rendered them careless. they were accustomed to see whole villages panic-stricken at the sight of an albini rifle. they had had no need to cultivate the art of scouting, except in tracking runaways; nor even the higher kind of marksmanship; for it was their practice to tie their victim to a tree before shooting: in this way the state or the concessionary company was saved ammunition. indeed, one cartridge was frequently sufficient to account for two or more men, women, or children, if they were tied up with due regard for the convenience of the marksman. it was a new and very disconcerting experience to meet men of their own colour who were not afraid of them, and they did not easily adapt themselves to the new condition of things. for this work of scouting jack had found no man yet to match samba. the boy seemed to be endowed with a sixth sense, for he went safely in the most dangerous places, returned more quickly than the rest, and brought more information. and though he soon made himself expert with the rifle presented him by jack after the buffalo hunt, he never took it with him on these scouting trips, preferring to go unencumbered. he relied on his knife. one morning, when jack was awakened as usual by barney, he noticed a very comical look on the irishman's face. "anything happened?" he said. "bedad, sorr, i didn't mean to tell ye till ye were dressed. what d'ye think that little varmint has done now?" "samba? no mischief, i hope." "mischief, begorra! just after daybreak, whin you were sound asleep, sorr, and i was going the rounds as usual, mboyo calls to me from the wall, and whin i comes up to 'm, there he is hauling like the divil on the rope. 'samba must be getting fat like me,' says i to meself, lending a hand, 'for sure the boy will not need such a mighty big haul.' mboyo jabbered away, but i couldn't understand him. and then, sorr, up comes a villainous ugly head, followed by a body ten times the size of samba's, and a big nigger comes over, almost choked with a new kind uv necklace he was wearing, and shaking with the most terrible fright mortal man was iver in. mboyo lets down the rope again, and up comes samba, grinning like a cheshire cat. "'me hab catch,' says he. 'catch what?' says i. 'begorra!' says he, 'bont'one!'[ ] which was dutch to me, sorr, only he pointed to the nigger. 'catch him?' says i. he nodded his head till i thought 'twould break off. 'ku?'[ ] says i. 'nyango!'[ ] says he; and thin i laughed, sorr, 'cos the idea uv a boy taking prisoner a man ten times his size----" "draw it mild, barney." "true, sorr, he doesn't look quite so big as he did. i wished to wake ye at once, but samba said no, he'd keep the prisoner safe till your usual time, and here he is, sorr, and the prisoner too." jack had been putting on his clothes while barney spoke. leaving the hut he saw samba holding one end of the tendril of a creeper, the other end being looped about the neck of a tall strong negro. jack listened patiently, and with the aid of many questions, was able to piece out his story. creeping in the darkness up the dry river bed some distance from the fort, samba had seen for a moment the form of a man dimly silhouetted against the starlit sky. then the man disappeared; but it was child's play to find him again, for he made his way into the channel and moved slowly down towards the fort. he had a rifle, and was head and shoulders taller than samba; but neither his strength nor his weapon was to avail him against the ingenuity and cat-like agility of his young enemy. it would have been easy for samba to stalk him and make an end of him with the knife; but a brilliant idea occurred to the boy: how much better to capture him and take a living prisoner to the fort! for two hours samba kept in touch with him, never more than a few yards away, yet never by the slightest sound betraying his presence. at last the man found a position above the fort which satisfied him, for he established himself there, apparently intending to wait for the dawn. samba felt sure that when he moved to regain his own camp he would retrace his steps up stream. to go down would bring him within view of the fort. his course would be to ascend the channel and fetch a wide circuit back to his own people. samba acted quickly on this assumption. as silently as a shadow he glided past the man until, some distance up the channel, groping on the bank, he came across a tough creeper. from this he cut off three or four yards of a pliant tendril, and with deft fingers made a slip-knot at one end. then he went again down stream, and made his way to a rock overhanging the left bank, whence he had many a time speared fish while the fort was being built. on this rock he lay at full length, ready to move at the slightest sign of the negro stirring. when dawn broke samba saw that the man was staring intently at the fort. after a prolonged examination he turned, and, as samba expected, moved up the gully, keeping under the left bank to avoid observation from the walls. slowly and cautiously he picked his way upward, little recking of the lithe form stretched like a panther on the rock above. he was passing the rock, the rifle in his left hand, the right hand assisting his wary steps over the rugged channel, when the lasso curled gently over his head; a short vigorous tug, and the man, dropping his rifle and clutching at the strangling cord around his throat, was pulled backward on to the rocky side of the gully. samba had marked where the rifle fell, and leapt nimbly down. before the negro, wriggling to his feet, had succeeded in loosing the terrible noose, samba was at his side, the albini in his hand. the suddenness of the onset and the shock of his fall had robbed the man of all power of action. when samba said that he must either accompany him to ilombekabasi or be shot, he saw no third course and accepted the first. perhaps he was tired of his service with elobela; perhaps he was curious to see the village of the wonderful lokolobolo; certainly he was very much afraid of being shot. so he made no resistance, but went quickly down the gully, a step or two in advance of samba, who carried the rifle, as he did not fail to remind his captive from time to time. through lepoko jack questioned the man. he showed no reluctance to answer; no wish to conceal his employer's purposes. _esprit de corps_, jack surmised, was a sentiment not cultivated on the congo. the prisoner confessed that elobela exulted in the belief that within a few days the fort would be compelled to surrender by lack of water. and he had promised his men an orgy when the surrender should take place. not a soul should be spared. there were man-eaters among his force, and they were looking forward to a choice banquet; many young and tender children frolicked in ilombekabasi. jack felt himself turn pale as he heard this. the facts were coming home to him. the thought that little bakota, the chubby boy whom barney employed to wash dishes, or little ilangala, the girl whom the same indefatigable factotum had taught to darn his socks, might fall into the hands of these ruthless cannibals, to be torn limb from limb, and sacrificed to their brutal appetites, kindled emotion within him much more poignant than the mere report that such things had happened in the collection of rubber on the congo, somewhere, at some time. he dismissed the man under guard, and went to his hut, wishing to be alone. an hour or two later lepoko came to him; the prisoner had given more information. "him say, sah, big massa lib for come back up ribber. him say elobela no let massa come to ilombekabasi; catch him, sah." here was a new source of uneasiness and anxiety. jack had longed for his uncle's return; now he almost wished that something had happened to prevent his departure. already he had had such proofs of elbel's vindictive and unscrupulous temper that he dreaded what might happen should mr. martindale fall into his hands. but for the moment he saw no means of warning his uncle, and he tried to crush his fears and forebodings. during the next few days several of elbel's scouts were killed or wounded by jack's men, who had so far been wonderfully successful in escaping injury. one man of the enemy who was brought in wounded confirmed the first prisoner's statement that the inglesa was said to be on his way. the river was being watched at various points of its course, and jack recognized the hopelessness of attempting to evade these sentinels and give his uncle timely warning. ten days had passed since the stream had been diverted, and the last captured scout said that elobela was growing very impatient. he could not understand how the fort had been able to hold out so long. every day he expected to see a flag of truce hoisted, and to receive a message asking for the terms of surrender. one evening another scout was captured, and from him jack learnt that his secret had at last been partially discovered. angry at being so long baulked, elbel had determined to find out the source whence the defenders obtained the water he knew they must have. he sent out scouts for this express purpose. one of them, creeping up the bed of the stream below the southern face of the fort, had discovered that the precipice, which from a distance looked dry, was running with water, and that a thin stream was trickling into the gully. the ground had gradually become saturated, and the overflow, which had at first disappeared into the earth, was now making itself only too visible. when the discovery was reported to elbel, he concluded that there must be a spring within the fort. great was his fury at having wasted so much time and labour fruitlessly. in his anger he declared that the defenders should have plenty of water in future. "what did he mean by that?" asked jack. the man did not know. elobela did not tell all his purposes to the black men. the very next morning it was observed that a large body of men was again on the move up the hill. jack hurried to the top of the north-west blockhouse and followed the movements through his field-glass. this time an even larger force was engaged than had been previously employed to dam the stream. two parties, riflemen and spearmen, numbering in all, as he estimated, nearly six hundred, were marching up the heights. clearly some new work was to be undertaken, and it must be of no little magnitude. there were no signs of preparation for an immediate attack. the troops continued their upward march for at least a mile. then jack was surprised to see them set to work rolling boulders down the hill towards the slope at the north-east of the fort and the new course of the river. whatever the scheme was, it involved a great deal of labour, for the whole day was spent upon it, and still the parties of workers had made but small progress down the hillside. it became clear to jack that the supply of boulders lower down had been used up in constructing the dam. more boulders were evidently required, and to procure these elbel had had to take his men a considerable distance up the hill. late in the afternoon the negroes were marched back to camp. as soon as it appeared safe, jack sent samba out to ascertain what had been done. when he came back he reported that a large quantity of stones had been collected near the dam, and that though the main body had returned to their camp, there were still several large parties engaged in hauling boulders nearly a mile away from this point. jack could form no idea of what elbel's plan was; but it seemed to him that in any case the time had come to meet it with a counterstroke. for hours that night he sat with barney discussing every means of striking a blow that occurred to him; but he came to no decision. a stand-up fight in the open was impossible; there could only be one end to that, outnumbered as jack was in riflemen by nearly five to one, and at present the enemy's movements did not suggest to him any opportunity for stratagem. next morning he stood with barney at the wall, watching the enemy as once more they marched up to the scene of the previous day's work. as usual, he did his best to count them--no easy matter, for the men did not march in orderly ranks like a disciplined regiment, but either in small groups or in several long files. "elbel is getting impatient," remarked jack at last. "he wants to hurry up that work of his, for i make out that he is taking over fifty more men up to-day." "sure there can't be more than fifty left in camp, sorr." "i suppose not. that's rather risky," he added thoughtfully--"in an enemy's country, barney." "would you be meaning to go for them, sorr?" returned barney, his eyes lighting up. "bedad, i'd rejoice in that same. i haven't told ye, sorr, but many's the time i've felt i should just go raging mad if i had to stay in this camp much longer. 'tis all very safe and comfortable, sorr, but 'tis a prison all the same, and there's no man on earth likes to be caged up less than an irishman." "d'you think we could do it, barney? the camp is only about half a mile below us; elbel's men are a mile above, some at least a mile and a half. could we rush the camp before the main body could be brought to its relief?" "say 'tis two miles between 'em as the crow flies; they could run that in twelve minutes widout distressing themselves." "but they couldn't take the shortest road, because that would bring them under fire from our walls. the distance would be a good deal more than two miles. and we should have to cover half that distance to the camp and back, the return journey up hill. it doesn't leave much margin, barney." "five minutes at the very most, sorr. but a man can do a power uv fighting in five minutes." "let us think it out carefully. we mustn't throw away all our success by a mad enterprise now. we oughtn't to weaken the defensive strength here much, for elbel has such numbers that he could afford to lose a few in storming." "and we needn't, sorr. 'tis not numbers that will count in rushing the camp; 'tis dash, sorr, and ivery man together." "that's quite true. and i think our men will work together better than elbel's. but there's a very serious difficulty--that outpost of his half-way between us and his camp. it's the only post he has kept up permanently, and now it's a nuisance to us." he referred to a couple of men stationed at the edge of a copse to the west of the stream. they were screened by rocks, and from their position they could see the blockhouses and the tops of the huts, and keep the west and south quarters of the fort under fairly strict observation. "you see, they would instantly detect any movement of ours down the hill; and by the time we got to the camp the enemy would be on the _qui vive_." "there's only wan thing to be done, sorr." "well?" "shut the eyes and the ears and the mouths uv the niggers at the outpost." "all very well; but they're too well screened to be shot at, and killing them is the only way to destroy all their senses. besides, it would be madness to fire. the sound would alarm the enemy and spoil our plans." "'twas not meself that thought uv firing at all at all, sorr. i was thinking uv samba." "samba! what can he do?" "sure and i don't know no more than the dead, or i'd tell it you meself, sorr. but samba's the ould wan himself at schaming; will i fetch him?" "certainly. we'll see if he can do anything. hurry up!" [ ] this man. [ ] are you speaking the truth? [ ] mother!--the strongest affirmative. chapter xxi a dash and all together barney brought back with him both father and son. mboyo was a finely-built negro, but samba, who had been growing rapidly, promised to outstrip his father in height, as he already excelled him in nimbleness of wit. he had a noble brow, and eyes of extraordinary lustre; and jack could not help contrasting him with the mean-looking white man, who, in the providence of king leopold, was entrusted with the lives of such people as these. jack explained his purpose, and the difficulty which seemed to stand in the way. a glance was exchanged between samba and his father; then the boy said that they would deal with the outpost. "how will you do it?" "we will creep upon them." "but it is daylight." "true. we may fail; but we will do our best." "very well. now we must get our men together, barney. it will be useless for samba and mboyo to start until we are ready. in fact, we will postpone the whole thing for an hour or two. in the hottest part of the day the men in the camp will very likely be dozing or fast asleep; even if they're awake, they'll probably not have all their wits about them." he selected twenty riflemen, including imbono, makoko, and lepoko, and fifty spearmen, the pick of the force, and ordered them to assemble at a given signal at a small exit he had recently had cut in the base of the wall on the gully side. the hole had been made at a spot where the gully was very rugged and covered with creepers, so that any one leaving the fort by this small aperture could scarcely be detected except by an observer placed immediately opposite. the portion of the wall which had been removed could be replaced, and it would be impossible, save on very close scrutiny, to discover the existence of the exit. a dozen of the men, besides carrying their weapons, were to sling round their shoulders some large fireballs which had been made under barney's superintendence from the resin in the confiscated barrels. "begorra, sorr, 'tis meself that has an idea!" cried barney in the midst of these preparations. "couldn't we do something to hould the attention uv those villains at the outpost while samba and the chief are doing their job?" "a good idea, indeed. what do you suggest?" "'deed now, i wish we had mike henchie and denis o'sullivan and a few more uv the bhoys. we'd treat the niggers to the finest dancing wid the shillelagh that iver was seen this side uv limerick." "i wish we had! you speak of shillelaghs. won't indian clubs do? i have it! we'll get some of the children to go through their exercises. go and collect them, samba--lofinda and ilafa and lokilo and isungila, they're the best, and about a dozen more. but hang it! i forgot. they won't be seen over the wall." "sure there's the platform by the blockhouse, sorr. 'tis uncommon small for a stage play, but 'tis meself could make it wider in a brace uv shakes." "then do so, like a good fellow. it's a capital idea of yours, barney." the platform was quickly enlarged. then, just after midday, when the sun was blazing fiercely, and in the ordinary course of things everybody would be at rest in the huts, barney marshalled some twenty children, boys and girls, on the platform, and jack accompanied mboyo and samba to the little exit. "you must give me a signal if you succeed with the outpost," said jack, as they prepared to slip through. "it must not be a sound. you had better show yourself for a moment above the rocks, samba." the instant they had reached the gully, imbono's drummer began to beat his drum, not with the powerful strokes that would have sent a thunderous boom echoing for miles around, but with gentle taps that would scarcely be heard beyond the two outposts. at the same time two or three children blew softly through their little trumpets of banana leaves. in a moment two woolly heads could be seen cautiously peeping over the rocks for which mboyo and samba were making. then the performance began. instructed by barney, the children on the platform swung their clubs about, wondering why they were forbidden to sing the song about lokolobolo which usually accompanied their exercise. they knew nothing of the intention of their instructor, nor why he had chosen this hot hour instead of the cool of the evening; but they loved him, and delighted in the rhythmic motion, and they plied their clubs gracefully, all unconscious of the four curious eyes watching them from the rocks a few hundred yards away. jack saw nothing of their pretty movements. he was at the wall. the two men of the outpost gazed at the children. jack gazed at them. below him squatted his warriors, subdued to unnatural quietness by the thought of what was before them. impatiently they waited for the word. they did not know exactly what they were to do; lokolobolo had simply said they were to follow him. but they knew lokolobolo; had he not time and again brought elobela's schemes to nought? lokolobolo had said they were to follow him; and they were confident that where he led was the one place in the world for them. twenty minutes passed. the performance on the platform still went on. then jack suddenly saw the two black heads above the rocks disappear. next moment samba's head showed itself where they had been. "aiyoko!"[ ] said jack to his men. quickly, one by one, they slipped through the narrow hole, and formed up under cover of the thick-growing creepers in the gully. jack went last, saw that the opening was closed behind him, and turned to address his men. "we are going to elobela's camp," he said. "we shall go down the gully until we come opposite to it, then i shall lead you; you will come behind me silently, keeping your ranks. i hope the men in the camp may be asleep. you will not fire until i give the word. when we have driven them out of the camp, those of you who have fireballs will set fire to their huts. then seize on all the guns and ammunition you can find, and return as quickly as possible to the fort." the men's eyes gleamed with excitement. stealthily as panthers they crept down the dry gully after their leader. they did not know that behind them, at the wall, barney, having abruptly dismissed the children, was watching with a very wistful look. the good fellow wished that he were with them. down they went, as rapidly as the rough ground permitted, scarcely making a sound. at length jack halted. he turned and gave one quick glance over the eager faces; there was no falterer among his band. then he scrambled over the brink of the gully. lepoko was first after him, makoko was second; the rest of the men stood upon no order of going, but made each for the easiest point of ascent. and there mboyo and samba joined them. standing on gently sloping ground jack looked eagerly ahead. had his movement been detected? there, two hundred yards away, was the camp within its light stockade. not a man was to be seen. the midday sun beat fiercely down; doubtless the garrison were enjoying a siesta. no sentry was posted, or, if posted, he had forgotten his duty. the gate of ilombekabasi on the northern face was far away; what simple negro would suppose that the enemy was approaching silently from the nearer end? in compact and orderly ranks jack's men were sprinting noiselessly after him, holding their weapons so that no clash or click should disturb the silent camp. they were within a few yards of the stockade when suddenly there was a cry. all were black men in the camp save one. at that moment he, in the intolerable heat, was about to leave his tent and bathe in a clear stream that ran through the enclosure. he saw the running band; he cried to his men, and, flinging away his towel, sprang back to his hut to get his rifle. he was too late. jack, getting a "shove up" from one of his men, was on and over the stockade in a few seconds; his men were leaping all around him. and now their tongues were loosened. yells and rifle shots aroused the lethargic garrison, some from sleep within their huts, some from drowsy lolling in shady quarters by the stockade. for most of them one glance was enough. here was lokolobolo, the inglesa, and with him a crowd of men among whom they recognized some they had beaten in ilola with the whip. with frantic yells of alarm they ran for dear life across the compound to the gate on the further side, out into the open, never pausing until they had gained the forest fringe, with half a mile between them and the men they feared. but not all; the white man had seized his rifle and collected a small band about him. mboyo, near jack, gave a cry; among the negroes around the white man he saw boloko, his renegade brother. taking cover where they could, they began to fire at the invaders, hastily, frantically. but jack had his men in hand. bidding them also take cover, he sent those who had fireballs to creep round the camp and set light to the huts. soon volumes of dense suffocating smoke bellied across the camp, screening attackers from defenders. then jack gave the order to close in upon the few who resisted. with triumphant yells his men swept forward through the smoke--a few shots were fired; one or two men fell; then the white man, with boloko and the rest of his band at his heels, made a dash for the gate. two men dropped ere they could pass through; but the white man and boloko and half a dozen others were more fortunate. out in the open they ran like hunted deer; and elobela's burning camp was left in the hands of lokolobolo. jack lost no time. the stockade and the huts on the windward side were ablaze; soon the whole place must be in flames. the sound of the shots, the sight of the smoke, would bring back elbel and all his force. shouting to his men to collect all the arms and ammunition they could carry and then rush back to the fort, jack went outside the stockade beyond the cloud of smoke to keep watch. the flames were roaring and crackling behind him; but even at this distance, nearly two miles from the place where elbel was at work, he fancied he heard the shouts of the amazed and angry enemy. then suddenly the deep resonant note of imbono's drum struck his ear. barney must be warning him! he turned and called to his men to delay no longer. back to the fort! meanwhile barney had followed the movements of the gallant band. he heard the shots and yells, and saw the first spiral of smoke; then he hastened to the northwest blockhouse, calling to all the riflemen left with him to line the wall overlooking the gully. in a few minutes he saw the negroes above dashing helter-skelter down the slope. and yes! there was elbel at their head, a figure in white, running as though he were running for a prize. barney smiled with satisfaction. "begorra! they're forgetting me!" he murmured pleasantly, as he saw that the enemy, in their frantic haste, were making for the shortest path along the further edge of the gully, within easy range of the camp. barney determined to wait until they were well abreast of him, and then give them a volley. but the impatience of a negro forced his hand. in the excitement of the moment one of the riflemen, free from jack's restraining presence, fired his piece. the shot brought elbel to his senses. he suddenly remembered the danger into which he was running. turning sharp to the right, he sprinted straight to the cover of the copse. some of his men followed him; others ran heedlessly on. growling at the man who had spoilt his scheme, barney gave the order to fire, and half a dozen of the enemy fell. but elbel had escaped; and the rest of his men took warning and diverged from the direct course as he had done. barney saw that further efforts would be wasted; so, ordering his men to cease fire, he returned to the other end of the fort to see how jack was faring. [illustration: jack rushes elbel's camp] here they come! makoko is leading, staggering up the gully under the weight of half a dozen rifles. behind him is lombola, poising a load of ammunition on his head. there is lingombela, with a bundle of cartridge pouches roped to his back. so one after another they file up the gully. barney opens the little gate in the wall; willing helpers within haul the loads through. no man enters until all the rifles and ammunition have been handed in; then they scramble through, laughing and jesting; and jack comes last of all. "well done, sorr!" said barney heartily. "well done, barney!" returned jack, gripping his hand. "by jove! what's that?" a loud explosion set the air trembling, and a hundred echoes flying from the rocks around. a dense volume of flame and smoke rose from the site of elbel's camp. "there goes the last of their ammunition!" said jack with a laugh. "we've got best part of it here." "bedad, sorr, now's the chance for me meself. give me leave, sorr, and i'll go at them wid the men and wipe them clean off the face uv the earth." "stop, stop, barney! we mustn't be impatient. they've no more ammunition in reserve, but every man who was with elbel will have a good many rounds with him. we can't risk a pitched battle against two hundred rifles." "ochone, sorr! will i niver get a chance at all?" "cheer up! your chance will come, and you've done splendidly as it is. it was a fine idea of yours to sound that drum when you saw them running down. and it was your idea to set something going here to occupy the attention of the outpost. by the by, i haven't had time to ask samba yet how they dealt with those fellows." he called up the boy. his story was very simple. mboyo and he had crawled round under cover of the rocks and bushes, and came upon the unsuspecting sentries from the rear. they had their knives; the men died without a sound. jack shuddered. it was not an englishman's way of dealing with an enemy; it was the negro's way. but his feeling of compunction was somewhat diminished when samba added that one of the men was bomolo, the brutal forest guard who had been the terror of imbono's people. for how many maimings and murders had this man been responsible? surely in this quick death he had met with far less than his deserts! jack had every reason to be satisfied with the success of his sortie. to have burned the enemy's camp; captured more than half his reserve ammunition, and destroyed the rest, was no mean feat. and as for the people of ilombekabasi, they were frantic with delight. so quietly had jack made his preparations that the majority of the people knew nothing of what was happening until they heard the first shot. then they crowded to the wall and watched eagerly. the camp itself was hidden from them by the contour of the hill, but they saw the smoke rising above the bushes and hailed it with loud shouts. when they understood the meaning of the great noise that followed lokolobolo's return they were almost beside themselves with joy. and in the cool of the evening jack allowed them to hold a great feast, after which imbono reeled off a long oration in praise of lokolobolo, and the village bard composed and chanted a new song in numerous stanzas, the whole populace roaring the chorus:-- o kelaki na? bomong'ilombe, bosak'owa wanga,[ ] lokolobolo! for several days after the sortie jack was left undisturbed. he guessed how elbel was occupied, and his conjecture was confirmed by samba, who at once resumed his scouting work. elbel was constructing another camp a good distance east of his former position. and he was spending more time and labour on it; the stockade was more than usually high and thick, and was flanked with bastions after the model of the blockhouses at ilombekabasi. samba also discovered that on the day after the burning of the camp one of the white men with twenty paddlers had gone down the river. jack had no doubt that he had been despatched to the headquarters of his company for more ammunition. clearly elbel was rendered only the more determined by his successive rebuffs. "and i don't wonder at it," remarked jack, talking the situation over with barney. "we are making hay of the rubber collection in this district, and elbel's company will be pretty mad with him. i understand why he hasn't got help before this from the state forces. for one thing he has got to rehabilitate himself with his company, who'll certainly cashier him if he doesn't find a way out of the mess he has got into. for another thing, if he brings the state forces on the scene, he'll most likely lose all chance of collaring uncle's gold, and i believe that's at the bottom of it right through. but things can't last much longer as they are. the state must intervene soon, whether elbel likes it or not." "and what then, sorr?" "then it will be all up with us, i'm afraid. but we won't look forward to that. i only wish i could find some means of sending word to england of what goes on here, and what we're doing." "what would be the good uv it, sorr? sorrow a bit." "why do you say that?" "why! because in england they're all too busy making money to attend to such things--making money, sorr, or fighting tooth and nail about education, or dreaming about football. now if ireland had home rule----" "no politics, barney! i don't agree with you. i'm as sure as i'm alive that if the people at home really knew how abominably the natives are treated--knew about the floggings and maimings and murders, they'd make such an outcry that either king leopold would be forced to change his policy, or some one would step in and manage things for him. if only england and america would join hands!" when elbel had completed his new camp, he resumed the work far up the hill which the sortie had interrupted. jack was still at a loss to understand what the belgian's scheme was, and he was prevented from finding out, by the fact that every night a strong body was left on guard, as he knew by the many camp fires at the top of the ridge. one afternoon, however, the secret was explained. one of the men placed on the look-out at the north-eastern blockhouse reported that he saw a stream of water rushing down the hill. jack hastened to the spot with his field-glass, and was somewhat alarmed to see that the man's information was correct; water was certainly streaming down over the rocky ground, making a course that seemingly would bring it right against the fort wall. "he's going to flood us out!" thought jack. "he must have built an embankment across the new course of the river." this was a manoeuvre which he had not foreseen, and one which it seemed impossible to counter. the water, gathering impetus as it flowed down the hill, would almost infallibly undermine the wall, even if it had not force enough to wash it away altogether. but as he watched, for the moment so much taken aback that he could not think of anything to be done, his consternation was changed to amusement, for about two hundred yards up the hill the water made a swerve to his right, and flowed with increasing rapidity in that direction. the slope was such that, instead of coming straight down as elbel had evidently expected, the stream, finding the easiest course, took at this point a trend to the south-east. after all it would only wash the blockhouse on which jack stood. jack instantly saw what he ought to do. running down to the base of the stockade, he summoned a large body of workers, and set some of them to dismantle the blockhouse, the remainder to pull down the wall and build it up again several feet behind its former position, and in such a way that instead of forming the angle of a square it lay across, making a line parallel with the course of the stream. they had hardly got to work before the full body of water was upon them. but so many men were employed, and they moved so rapidly, that only one or two logs were carried away by the current, the solidly built blockhouse serving as a dam and protecting the workers behind. the main stream fell with a roar over the steep slope on the edge of which the blockhouse stood--a slope only less precipitous than that of the cataract, now a thing of the past, at the opposite corner of the fort. only a few minutes later a tremendous outcry was heard from the direction of elbel's new camp. for a moment it startled jack. had the enemy taken advantage of the sudden flood to organize an attack in force? but the thought had hardly crossed his mind when he burst into laughter, causing his workers to pause and look round in astonishment. "a magnificent idea!" he said to barney. "d'you see what has happened? the silly fellow is flooding his own camp!" "bedad, sorr, that's what comes uv being too clever by half." "it comes of playing with things he knows nothing about. he's tried an engineer's job without experience and without surveying instruments. it's ticklish work interfering with the course of nature, and you never know what will happen if you set water on the run. look at them, barney! 'pon my soul, it's the funniest thing i've ever seen. there's elbel himself, do you see? scampering down the hill like a madman." "like a mad gorilla, sorr." "and all his men after him! by jove! can't they yell! he'll have to shift his quarters again, barney." "and sure i hope all his food is soaked and all his clothes in the wash-tub. a bath will do those greasy niggers no harm." "we'll build up our blockhouse a few yards to the left, and be none the worse. let's go and lend a hand." [ ] now. [ ] who did it? the master of the house, a most clever person. chapter xxii a message and a meeting ilombekabasi had peace. elbel was sufficiently occupied for a couple of days in constructing a third camp, which he placed still further eastward in the direction of ilola, but still between jack and the main river. and even when the camp was completed he gave no sign of further operations. jack was forced to conclude that his enemy was tired of his continual failures, and would now wait inactive until reinforcements reached him. one afternoon, about a week after the flooding of the camp, a negro was seen running up the gully. shots rang out in the distance, and far down the gully appeared a band of elbel's men, who relinquished the pursuit of the runner on coming within sight of the fort. the man scampered up to the hole in the stockade. he was unarmed save for the universal dagger. he cried out to be admitted; he had a message for the inglesa; and jack ordered him to be hauled up through the aperture. "me nearly lib for dead," he said panting, "me run too fast." "well, who are you, and what do you want?" "me lofembi, sah. me boy massa him uncle." "what!" "yes, sah; me massa martindale boy." "where is he?" cried jack, feeling himself go pale with excitement at the sudden news. "he long long in forest, sah. come up ribber in boat; one man say young massa shut up in ilombekabasi; old massa get out of boat, hide in forest so long for young massa to know. he plenty sick at boma, sah; nearly gone dead. fust small small better, sah! lib for go sick all same; talk small small, sah; no make head straight. he try write; no can hold black stick; he fit for go sleep." "good heavens, barney! poor old uncle!" "sure, the man may be a liar, sorr," said barney. jack gave the man a keen glance. "my uncle tried to write, you say. what did he try to write?" "bonkanda to massa; oh yes! he want say he come; he want know what he fit to do. no want see bad man; no; want to come to ilombekabasi. plenty hard job, 'cos bad man dah." he pointed in the direction of elbel's camp. "if he is so very sick, how did he come from the river into the forest?" "four five men carry him, sah. plenty big lump; oh yes." "why did he send you? where's nando?" "nando lib for sick at leo[ ]; no fit to come; him plenty sick; oh yes. me lofembi; me come, do talk for massa. massa gib fing to show young massa; here he am." he produced a gold scarf ring and handed it to jack. "this is my uncle's, sure enough, barney. it's genuine. what on earth can we do? poor old uncle! in his last note he said he was recovering; he must have had a relapse. how can we get him into the fort? we must bring him in somehow. it's awful to think of him lying ill in the forest without any one to look after him; and i am cooped up here!" "send samba to fetch him, sorr." "i can't, barney," said jack after a moment's thought. "samba goes alone safely, but i simply can't trust him to lead a party in, especially as uncle seems to be too bad to move. i can't see any way out of it. if i took some men out myself, and made a dash for it, the enemy would be on our track, and we should have to fight our way in against the whole lot of them. impossible; they outnumber us so greatly." barney was sympathetic, but unable to offer a suggestion. bidding him keep an eye on lofembi, jack went back to his hut to think the matter out by himself. he was torn with anxiety. an unlucky chance might at any moment reveal his uncle's whereabouts, and he knew what mercy mr. martindale might expect if he fell into the hands of elbel. something must be done; yet what? a dozen plans occurred to him, only to be rejected. one thing was clear; whatever was done must be done either by barney or himself. mr. martindale being incapacitated, another white man must lead his party, for the natives, unless properly led, might be seized with panic at the slightest check and bolt. barney he could not send. there was no finesse about him; he was a good fighter, with any amount of pluck, but the very antithesis of a scout. jack felt that he must go himself if his uncle was to have the best chance of getting in. there was no other course that offered the same prospect of success. what were his chances? his sortie against the enemy's camp had been a brilliant success. since then elbel had been practically on the defensive; he was afraid of wasting ammunition; afraid also of leaving any small body unsupported by his main force. during the past week jack's scouts had reported night after night that no pickets had been posted as formerly around the fort, so that, except on the south-east, where elbel's camp was, the neighbourhood was open. he could thus easily steal out at the gate in the northern wall under cover of darkness, and by making a wide detour ought to be able to bring mr. martindale and his party back in safety. yet he had qualms. ought he in any case to leave the fort? supposing he failed, what would happen to the hundreds of people who depended on him? driven by force of circumstances into a life-and-death struggle with elbel's company, he had not ventured to look forward to its ultimate issue. the duty of the moment seemed to be to hold on, to keep the poor negroes out of the clutches of their oppressors, and leave the end with god. could he trust barney to continue his work if he should be removed? ought he to think of it? thus he pondered and puzzled, the arguments for and against chasing one another in a circle through his mind. he had reached no conclusion when barney came to the hut. the good fellow seemed a little uncomfortable; he stood hesitating at the entrance, his readiness of speech having apparently deserted him. "barney, i'm the most miserable fellow alive," said jack, looking up. "all but wan, sorr; all but wan. 'tis the master who is more miserable than you or me, sorr. think uv it; alone in the forest, wid none but black idjuts to wait upon 'm. i've been thinking mighty hard, sorr, and the end uv it is this; 'tis you that must go, sorr. sure i can hold the fort while you are gone." "but what if i never come back, barney?" "'twould be a desp'rate hard case, sorr. but what thin? i'm an irishman, and, bedad! 'twas for hard cases irishmen was born. niver a fear but i'd stick to it, sorr. we've beaten the scuts all along. and if the captain goes, sorr, sure the liftinant takes his place and does his best to fill it dacently. what would have happened if ye had got knocked on the head in that sortie uv yours? do ye think barney o'dowd would have hung out a white rag and surrindered? sorrow a bit! i'd have nailed my colours to the mast, speakin' by the card, and dared the rufn'ns to come and take 'em." "you're a brick, barney!" cried jack, springing up and gripping him by the hand. "i'll go! i'll take samba, this very night, and bring dear old uncle in." "that's right, sorr. and we'll nurse him back to health and strength, and make him colonel uv the reg'mint." "call out those men who captured elbel's camp with me, and place them at the gate to make a dash if they hear firing. and meanwhile you man the wall and hold yourself ready to cover our entry. and, barney, if i'm caught and uncle doesn't come in, hold the fort as long as you can. don't make sorties; simply sit tight. the rainy season will be on us soon, imbono said, and elbel's camp is so badly placed that when the rains come he will be swamped. he may then get tired of the siege and draw off. if he does, i should arrange with the two chiefs for a trek into the forest. but if elbel still presses the siege and food begins to run short--it won't last for ever, you know--you had better choose a dark night and make a dash out to the north-east. if you go quickly you'll get a good many hours' start before elbel realizes what has happened; and when once in the forest you may shake off pursuit. our rifles will form a rearguard." "i'll do all that same, sorr. but i hope it will not be me fate to do it at all. i'd sooner be liftinant for iver, sorr." shortly after nightfall, jack, samba, and lofembi the messenger, made their exit by the hole in the wall. jack had wished to follow his original intention and leave by the northern gate, but lofembi earnestly begged him not to do this, saying that he would not be able to find the way if he did not go out by the same gate that he had entered. at the moment of departure barney gripped jack's hand. "the blessed angels go wid ye, sorr, and bring poor ould master back in safety." "good-bye, barney. hope for the best, and remember--hold the fort." it was slow work moving across the broken hilly country by night; but lofembi had previously pointed out to samba the general direction in which they had to go, and the boy was able to keep a fairly straight course. they had to strike, said lofembi, a path through the forest following the course of the sun. mr. martindale's camp was pitched close to the path, not far from where two large trees had fallen across it. in about an hour they came to the outskirts of the forest in that direction, the course being in the main the same as that taken by jack some weeks previously on his buffalo hunt, but leaving the open country somewhat earlier. so far there had been no sign of the enemy. progress was even slower in the forest itself. more than once lofembi halted in doubt; then after a whispered colloquy with samba he started again, guiding himself by the stars seen through the tree tops. save for these whispered conversations not a word was spoken. jack was too much absorbed in his mission, too anxious about his uncle, to have any inclination to talk, even if the risk of coming upon a scout of elbel's had not been present to his mind. at length the three came upon the narrow track lofembi had been seeking. here they went in indian file, the guide leading, jack coming next, then samba. the path was so narrow and so beset by obstructions that walking was a toil. sometimes lofembi swerved to one side or the other to avoid a prickly bush; sometimes they had to clamber over a fallen tree; more often the path wound round the obstacle. it seemed to jack many hours since they started; in reality it was scarcely more than three before they came upon the two fallen trees. lofembi stopped. "small small now, massa," he whispered. he gave a long low-pitched call. from the blackness on the left came a similar call in reply. the guide moved forward, plunging boldly along a narrow path--more narrow even than that by which they had reached this spot--in the direction of the sound. jack was about to follow him when samba touched him on the arm. "samba go first," said the boy. "no, no," said jack kindly. "we are all right; this is my place, samba." his heart beat faster under the stress of his emotion as he followed lofembi through the tangled undergrowth. how would he find his uncle? was he very ill? surely, surely, he was not in danger--he would not die? beads of sweat broke out upon jack's brow as the terrible possibility occurred to him. he went on almost blindly. three minutes' groping in the darkness brought them to a natural clearing, in which, by the dim light of the stars, jack saw a couple of tents, and, some little distance from them, what appeared to be a number of roughly made grass huts. "dis way, massa," said lofembi, touching jack on the arm. "which one?" said jack in a low tone, "dat one," replied lofembi, pointing to the nearer of the two huts. he stepped forward into the clearing. at the same moment a score of dusky forms rose and closed in stealthily from the undergrowth around. with a little cry samba plucked jack by the sleeve. but almost unconsciously he shook off the detaining hand, so full of anxiety was he. his uncle must be very ill, or he would be standing by the tent to welcome him. he sprang forward, stopped, and raised the flap of the tent. by the light of a small oil lamp swinging from the top he saw a form stretched upon a camp bed. "uncle! uncle!" he cried, falling on his knees by the side of the prostrate figure. a low murmur answered him. at the same moment he heard a sighing groan, as it were, from the entrance to the hut, and the sound of a heavy fall. then the forest glade rang with fierce shouts and the crack of a rifle. jack rose to his feet, confused by this sudden turmoil coming when his nerves were overstrung. as he half turned, a figure came out of the darkness towards him. "good efening, mr. shalloner," said a smooth voice. jack started back. "yes, it is me--guillaume elbel, bien entendu!" [ ] leopoldville. chapter xxiii elbel squares accounts jack saw through it all now. elbel had captured his uncle, and used him to decoy from the fort the enemy whom fair fighting and open manoeuvres had failed to dislodge. he could have shot the belgian with his rifle where he stood, but saw in a flash how vain the action would be. outside was a horde of savage natives, who would instantly wreak vengeance on the white men. mr. martindale was too weak to resist, and what he would suffer at their hands was too horrible to be thought of. when elbel had spoken jack turned once more to his uncle, and kneeling down by his bedside clasped his hand. his pressure was returned but feebly. mr. martindale's weakness, coupled with his distress at jack's capture, rendered him unable to speak. "i beg you listen to me," said elbel. "i have a varrant for the arrest of chon martindale, chon shalloner, and a third man, whose name i do not know, on a charge dat dey incite de natives to rebel against de congo free state. i have two of the dree; dat is vell. it vill be for your advantage, to-morrow, to send a written order to de third man to render dat fort on de hill. it vill be for your advantage at de trial. if de fort resist longer, and cause blood to spill, it vill be so much de vorse for you ven you appear before de court in boma." "where is your warrant, mr. elbel?" asked jack. "ah! i have it not viz me; of course, it is in my camp." "i suppose you are going to take us there? you can show it to me when we get there." "no, you meestake. i vill not take you to my camp. i vill send you both at vunce to boma, vere you vill be tried." "but my uncle is not in a condition to travel; you know that." "bah! he vas in condition to travel here; vell, he is in condition to travel back." "but that is preposterous, mr. elbel. are you absolutely inhuman? i find my uncle so ill that he cannot even speak to me. god knows how much his illness is due to you or your friends. at least you will allow him to remain until i can give him some little attention--until he regains a little strength. to do anything else will be nothing less than murder." "dat is not my affair," said elbel with a shrug. "it is instructed me to send you to boma. to boma zerefore muss you go, and at vunce." then, as a thought struck him, he added, "though truly i will vait vun day, two days perhaps, if you give command to de man in de fort to render himself." "never!" came in a fierce whisper from the bed. mr. martindale had gathered his little strength for jack's sake. "never! we will make no terms with you. what my nephew has done he has done merely in self-defence against the acts, the illegal acts, of you and your freebooters. i am an american citizen; he is a british subject; as you, yes, and your free state, will find to your cost." he spoke in feeble gasps, yet with an energy that spoke of an unconquerable spirit. the exertion exhausted him, and he fell back on the bed from which he had half risen. "bah! fine vords!" said elbel. "ver' fine vords, monsieur. you say you are american--you dink dat frighten me! vy, i laugh. vat good is de american or de english in de congo free state? ve mock of dem. ve have our own vays to deal viz such canaille. you vill not send order to de fort? ver' vell; i do vizout." "your warrant won't hold in any case. no one can order the arrest of a man unnamed." "you zink so? ver' vell, it does not matter. you vill have opportunity to zink about my vords as you promenade yourselves to boma. so i vish you bonsoir. to attempt to escape, i tell you it is impossible. you see dat? you hab revolver, mr. shalloner. be so kind to gif me dat." jack hesitated. but he saw that resistance was useless, and handed over the weapon. "danks. in de morning you vill begin your promenade to boma. au revoir, messieurs; au revoir monsieur chon shalloner!" he left the tent. the interview had been too much for mr. martindale. he lay half unconscious, and was scarcely roused when elbel, in a couple of minutes, returned in a towering rage. "you, chon shalloner!" he shouted. "you make de natives to rebel, and more, you make dem to do murder. dat man, who i sent to the fort, he lie now outside, a dead man. some vun dat come viz you he stab him in de back. you english hombog, i teach you. dey shall know of dis in boma." jack did not condescend to answer him, and elbel flung out of the tent. if his messenger was dead, he had paid the penalty of his treachery. jack could only pity the poor wretch for meeting with such an end in such a service. no doubt it was samba's doing. jack remembered now the groan and the fall outside. had samba escaped? he was anxious on the boy's behalf, but it was impossible to ascertain what had happened to him. from elbel's manner and words he inferred that samba was safe. and as for elbel's indignation at the deed jack was not impressed by it. when he thought of the murders and maimings this man was answerable for, he could find no blame for the faithful boy who had punished as his instincts taught him, the spy who had betrayed his master. jack was left alone with his uncle. he looked vainly round the tent for a restorative--a drug, a flask of brandy, even a cup of water. there was nothing. he bent over the still form, and touching the brow, gently, felt it burning with the heat of fever. he knew that his uncle was accustomed to keep a small phial of quinine pills in his waistcoat pocket, and searching for that he found it and persuaded the sick man to swallow a little of the medicine. then he sat on the foot of the bed, not knowing what to do. how fully his forebodings had been justified! it had been a mistake to leave the fort. and yet he could not rue it, for otherwise he might never have seen his uncle again. he looked at the face with the half-closed eyes; how thin it was! how pale! the ruddy hue, the rounded shape of health, were gone. where was that bright twinkling eye that looked so shrewdly out from beneath a shaggy brow? what sufferings he must have undergone! at that moment jack looked over the past months to the day when he so light-heartedly bade his uncle good-bye, and so cheerfully accepted the charge laid upon him. how he wished they had never been parted! and then another thought drove out his regret. but for this parting ilombekabasi would never have been, and several hundreds of poor black people would almost certainly have been tortured, mutilated, done to death, in the name of law. could he have done otherwise than he had done? had providence, moving in mysterious ways, arranged all this--that one should suffer for the sake of many? he did not know; he could not think; his mind seemed to be wrapt in a cloud of mist, through which he saw nothing but the present fact--that his uncle lay before him, sick--perhaps unto death. by and by a negro entered, bearing food and palm wine. mr. martindale could not eat, but the wine revived him. "jack, old boy!" jack knelt by the bedside, clasping his uncle's hand. "jack, i must tell you what happened." "don't, uncle; you will distress yourself." "no, i shall do myself no harm. if you will be patient--for i shall be slow--a little at a time, jack. you must know. i've got pretty nearly to the end of my tether, dear boy. i shan't live to do anything for these poor niggers, but you will--you will, jack. and i want you to vow here, at this moment, to do what i must leave undone--fight the congo state, jack, fight leopold, with your hands, your tongue, your pen, here, in europe, in america; fight him in the name of humanity and of god. promise me that, jack, so that if i do not live till the morning i shall at least die happy." "god helping me, uncle, i will." mr. martindale pressed his hand. for some time there was silence, then the elder man began again. "i must try to speak calmly, my boy; i have so little strength; but it is hard. i told you in my first letter of what i had learnt about the ways of the congo state. you wondered, i dare say, why i never mentioned them again. you will understand why. when i got to boma, i reported to the governor-general, in a written memorial, the incidents that occurred as we went up the river--the altercation with elbel, the attempt on our canoes, the night attack on our camp, frustrated by samba. (i can't tell you how glad i was, jack, when you told me the boy had returned to you.) i forestalled the probable answer that elbel had nothing to do with those attempts by pointing out that the negroes samba saw were fully armed, and must have been under a white man's control. even then it was illegal, for i found that men in elbel's position, representing concessions, are not entitled to take more than five riflemen as escort beyond the limits of their trading factories. in my memorial i said that, after these attacks on me, i should be forced in self-defence to arm a certain number of my followers, and i disclaimed responsibility for the consequences. i also reported the scene of desolation at banonga, and the story i had heard from samba's lips; and called upon the governor-general to take instant action in the matter." jack moistened his uncle's lips, and he continued: "i got an acknowledgment, polite enough, even pleasant, promising that these matters should be inquired into. the governor-general added that the possession of firearms and the arming of the natives being prohibited by law, i should become liable to heavy penalties and imprisonment if the law was broken. i had luckily already sent you the rifles and ammunition; though had i not done so, i could easily have bribed an official to give me a permit to carry arms; it would have cost me five hundred francs for the licence, and as much as i chose for the bribe. "for a week i heard no more. i was deceived by the politeness of the governor-general's letter into believing that i was perfectly safe, and free to do, in this free state, what i had come to do. i set about my business, and, as i told you, bought a little machinery, from a fellow named schwab, agent for a düsseldorf firm. but i was a marked man. one day an officer came and asked me to show my patent. i did so. the man complained that it was not properly filled up; my name was spelled with an 'e' instead of an 'i'--martendale! i laughed at him, and he went away in a huff. next day another fellow came and said that my patent was worthless. since it had been granted a new arrangement had been entered into between the concession and the state, and all the mineral rights in the district reverted to the state. i laughed at that; a patent granted by the concession and authorized by the state could not be revoked; it had five years to run, and i meant to stick to it. they wanted to bluff me--an american!--out of it. "but things began to go badly with me. i was practically boycotted, jack. none of the storekeepers would supply me with anything i wanted. one of them frankly told me that to do so was as much as his life was worth. i did not believe him at first. but i found it was only too true. a storekeeper in boma i heard of--a british subject, jack, from the gold coast--had a part in showing up the rascality of some legal proceedings that had recently taken place. the officials gave the word. he was boycotted; his trade dwindled; he became bankrupt; one of his sons was driven mad by the persecution he suffered; and his troubles and worries so preyed upon the old man's mind that he took his own life. "then i fell ill. it was a near touch, jack. only the devotion of a fellow-countryman--a fine fellow from milwaukee--saved my life. remember his name, jack--theodore canrehan; if you ever meet him, and can do him a good turn, do it for my sake. when i got on my feet again, i was amazed to find the tune changed. everybody was as sweet as butter. the officers came and apologized to me; they regretted the unfortunate misunderstandings that had arisen; they would do all in their power to forward my business. i arranged for the dispatch of the machinery i had ordered from europe, and started to return. i couldn't make out what had made them suddenly so attentive; thought it was because i was an american, and they had some respect for the stars and stripes after all. canrehan told me that since i sailed a strong feeling had been growing in america with regard to the congo question; and i flattered myself the state authorities weren't anxious to add fuel to the flames by provoking a real serious grievance in which an american was concerned. but it was all a trap, jack--all a trap. i saw it too late--too late." hitherto mr. martindale had spoken slowly and calmly, husbanding his strength. but at this point his feeling overcame him. "don't talk any more now, uncle," said jack, fearing that the exertion would be too much for him. "tell me the rest another time. try to sleep. i will watch over you. thank god i shall be with you in the journey to boma. you'll pull through even now, and we shall be able to fight together." mr. martindale had already fallen into a doze. jack did his best to make his bed more comfortable, and watched him through the night, pacing round the tent for hours together to keep himself awake. from time to time his thoughts went back to the fort. what was barney doing? what would he do when morning came and yet the absent had not returned? what would be the fate of the poor people committed to his charge? at present all was dark to jack. it seemed that he and all connected with him were now in the fell grip of the congo state. as soon as it was light elbel came into the tent. "i hope you had good night," he said, with a grin. "you vill have breakfast, den you vill begin your promenade. tventy-five askari vill escort you. you vill go to de river vere mr. martindale left his canoes; dey are still dere. ah! he did hide dem, but vat good? you vill go on canoes till you come to de falls; dere you vill for a time voyage overland. by and by you come to stanleyville; dere you find steamer; de state officers vill have care of you de rest of de vay to boma. you understan'?" "i warn you, mr. elbel, that i shall hold you responsible for my uncle's safety down the river. you see for yourself he is not fit to travel. i shall take the earliest opportunity of informing the american government of your actions--your persecution, for it is no less." "dat is all right," returned elbel, grinning again. "de courts at boma vill give immediate attention. de judges, dey are excellent. now still vunce before you go, write de order to de vite man in your fort to render himself. it vill profit you." "never!" said jack. "go and execute your warrant." "ver' vell, ver' vell. it matters noding. in a half-hour de askari vill be here. you be ready." jack managed to get his uncle to eat a little food. he seemed somewhat stronger and less feverish than on the preceding evening. at seven o'clock the twenty-five soldiers appeared, accompanied by eight men as carriers. mr. martindale recognized these as belonging to the party he had brought up the river; the rest of his men, he supposed, had been impressed by elbel for service in his camp. it being obvious that the sick man was unable to walk, a litter had been constructed for him. he was placed on this. four men were told off to carry it, the other four bearing food sufficient to last the whole party until they reached the canoes. jack had wondered whether he was to be manacled; but the prestige of the white man, not any consideration for his feelings, had prevented elbel from going to such extremes. but as he stood behind his uncle's litter, two askari with loaded rifles placed themselves one on each side of him. when the party were ready to start, elbel sauntered up, his hands behind his back, and, approaching jack, said with a smile: "now, mr. shalloner, before ve part i have a little vat you call reckoning viz you. you strike me vunce, tvice, viz your feest. dat is de english vay--de boxe, hein?" elbel showed his teeth. "on de congo ve have anoder vay--de chicotte. vun does not soil vun's hands. so!" he took from behind his back a hippopotamus-hide whip, and, cutting short so as to avoid the askari close beside jack, dealt him two cuts with his utmost strength. jack clenched his teeth to stifle a cry as the edges of the thong cut through his thin clothes. "dere! now are ve quits!" as he spoke jack, blazing with anger and mortification, made a fierce spring at him. but elbel was ready: he jumped nimbly backwards, while half a dozen askari rushed between them, and pinioned jack's arms. honour was satisfied--so elbel appeared to think, for with a grin of malicious triumph he nodded to the askari in charge: the party might now proceed. "you see," said elbel, as they moved away, "if you try to escape you vill be shot. i vish you agreeable promenade." chapter xxiv a solemn charge the party set off. they marched all day, with brief intervals for food and rest. jack was only allowed to speak to his uncle during these pauses. the sick man lay inert, with closed eyes, protected from the heat by a light covering of grass, which his bearers made and fixed above his litter. jack watched him anxiously. he seemed no worse when they arrived at the river just before sunset. mr. martindale had brought up four canoes; two of these had already been appropriated by elbel and conveyed up the river; the other two remained. they passed the night on the canoes, and in the small hours, when the natives were asleep, mr. martindale insisted on continuing the story broken off the night before. "better now, dear boy," he said, when jack implored him to wait until he was stronger. "i shall never see boma; elbel knows that. he knows that in this climate a sick man cannot survive a journey of over a thousand miles. i want you to understand clearly before i go what these officials are doing. they call it the free state!--free! no one is free but the officials! the natives, poor wretches! are not free. never, when slavery was an institution, were there slaves in such abject misery as these slaves of the congo. why, they made a great to-do about slavery in my country fifty years ago, and some of the pictures in uncle tom's cabin were lurid enough. but the american slave's life was paradise compared with this hell upon earth. trade on the congo was to be free. is there any such freedom? look at my case. they give me a patent to work minerals; they let me make my prospecting trip; then when i have located the gold and ordered my machinery they revoke my patent. i make the loaf, they eat it. oh! it was all planned from the beginning. we have been fooled right through, jack." "but what of their courts, uncle? surely there is some redress for injustice." "their courts! they're all of a piece, jack. the state grants a concession to a trading company. half the time the state _is_ the trading company; it takes up the larger portion of the shares. the congo free state is nothing but a big commercial speculation, and the courts dare not do anything that conflicts with its interests. men come here, belgians, germans, italians, good fellows some, honest, well-meaning; but they haven't been here long before they have to swim with the current, or throw up their careers. one poor fellow, a district judge, ventured to protest against an illegal sentence passed by a court-martial; he was broken, and hounded out of the country. in a sense he was lucky, for it is easier for such a man to get into this country than to get out of it--alive! a man who does justice and loves righteousness has no place in the congo free state. "you see now why they let me go. they let me make what arrangements i pleased--engage a large party, buy a large quantity of stores; well knowing that at any moment of my journey they could arrest me and plunder my goods. and they knew of your doings up here, be sure of that. they intended to let me get into the neighbourhood of your fort and use me to decoy you out. they've done it. oh! it was all planned in boma. neither you nor i will ever reach boma if elbel and the officials have their way. elbel's suggestion of delaying so that we could get barney to surrender the fort was all a part of the trick; it would make no difference to our treatment, and it would be the death-warrant of those poor negroes. jack, i approve of all that you have done--approve with all my heart. i am proud of you, dear boy. what does it matter that i've lost my money, and my gold mine, and very likely my life too! i am thankful to almighty god that we came to this country, glad that he has put it into our power to do some little good. i wouldn't undo any of it; i am proud that one of my blood has been called to this good work. jack, providence has made us responsible for the poor negroes who have trusted their lives to us. do you remember i said at banonga that i wasn't a philanthropist and wasn't set on starting a crusade? i spoke lightly, my boy. i would say now that if god spared my life i would spend all my strength and all my energy in a nobler work than ever mediæval crusader undertook. i shall not live to do it; but i leave it to you. were this my last breath i would say, help the negroes of the congo, fight the corrupt government that enriches itself on their blood; go to the fountain-head and expose the hypocrisy of king leopold." "he may not know of it, uncle. so far away he cannot check and control all the actions of his agents." "not know of it! how can he help knowing of it? are not these things happening every day? and it is his business to know of it. suppose i had a factory in the united states, and it was proved that while i was coining millions my hands were dying of overwork, or of insanitary buildings, or getting wages insufficient to keep them decently clothed and fed; wouldn't there be an outcry? wouldn't the law step in, or if the law failed, public opinion? where does leopold get his dollars from? who pays for the estates he is buying, the palace he is building, the fine public works he is presenting to belgium? it is these poor black people. he is draining the life-blood out of the country he vowed before almighty god to rule justly and administer wisely for the good of the people; and the cries and groans of these negroes, men like himself, are rising to heaven, terrible witnesses of his broken vows, his callousness, his selfish apathy. oh! i grant him good intentions to begin with. twenty years ago he did not foresee all this; no man is a villain all at once! but it might have been foreseen. he was king of a few hundred miles of country; with a stroke of the pen he became sovereign of a state as big as europe; and if a man has the passion for getting, unlimited opportunities of doing so will bring him to any villainy unless he has the grace of god in him." jack was deeply moved by his uncle's earnestness. at the same time he was concerned to see the exhaustion that followed his passionate speech. he gave him a little wine, imploring him to spare himself. "don't trouble, dear boy," said mr. martindale with a smile. "the fire is burning out; what does it matter if it burns a little more quickly? but i won't distress you; you will think over my words when i am gone." in the morning the river journey was begun. it continued for several days, until with their arrival at the falls progress by water was interrupted, and a long portage had to be made. it was just at this point that they met a party of askari marching in the other direction. as soon as they came in sight the leader of jack's escort cried-- "o etswa?"[ ] "o!" replied the leader of the approaching band. "where are you going?" "to the camp of elobela." "what have you got in those bundles?" "cartridges for elobela's guns." "bolotsi o! he will be glad of them. he has very few left." "has he killed many people?" "no. but lokolobolo captured nearly all his cartridges." "mongo! who is lokolobolo?" "here he is! an inglesa who has built a fort and fights elobela. but we have got him at last, and he goes with an old inglesa to boma. oh! he will fight no more." "o kend'o?" "o!" during the river journey mr. martindale had grown steadily weaker. he fought hard against his illness; he had a new motive for desiring life; and jack, observing his occasional rallies, hoped still that he would pull through. but he was so weak when lifted from the canoe that he fainted, and jack feared that he would not survive the day. he rallied again, and once more jack had a gleam of hope. the horrors of that overland march will haunt jack's memory till he dies. for some time the askari had been ill-using the carriers. the greater part of the stores which mr. martindale had taken up the river had been appropriated by elbel, and the food left in the canoes was not sufficient for full meals for the whole party. it was the carriers who went short. they had to bear the burdens, to make frequent journeys to and fro up the steep river banks, while the askari looked on and had the best of the food. when the portage was begun, one of the canoes was added to their load. the other was left hidden in the bush to be fetched later. weak from lack of proper nourishment, they could go but slowly, and jack's blood boiled as he saw them quiver, heard them shriek, under the merciless chicotte. before the first day was ended, two of the men fell, worn out with hunger and fatigue. jack heard shots behind him, and saw that the wretched men had been put out of their misery. on the second day another man succumbed; what little life was left in him was beaten out with the clubbed rifles of the askari. three men ran away during the night, preferring the perils of the forest to the certain fate that awaited them at the hands of their fellow-men. only two carriers were now left, and since these were useless they were shot in cold blood. jack's heart was like a stone within him. these atrocities recalled the worst horrors of the old arab slave-raiding days; and he was unable to lift a hand to oppose them. if he had been the only white man with the party he felt that he would have risked anything in an effort to save the poor wretches; but while his uncle still lived he could do nothing that might involve his own death. the bearers being all gone, the askari had to take turns themselves in carrying the canoe, the remainder of their provisions, and mr. martindale's litter. this necessity did not improve their temper or their manners, and the litter-bearers went so carelessly over the rough ground that jack was constrained to protest. he implored, he threatened, feeling that the only chance for his uncle was to make more frequent halts; the fatigue of constant travelling would certainly kill him. but the askari roughly replied that they had orders to continue their journey without delay, and the march was resumed. after his protest jack was forced to walk at a distance from the litter, and even when the caravan halted for food he was not allowed to attend his uncle. sick at heart he plodded on, torn by his anxieties, yet still nourishing a hope that when they arrived at a station where a doctor might be found, and whence the journey would be continued by steamer, all might yet be well. but one evening, when the halt was made, he heard his uncle faintly calling. the sound of his voice struck a chill through him. in desperation, snatching a rifle from the guard next him, he threatened to shoot any one who tried to keep him from the dying man. "it's all up with me, old boy," said mr. martindale feebly, when jack knelt by his litter. "elbel is having his way. i shan't see another morning." jack gripped his hands; they were chill and clammy. a lump came into his throat; he could not speak the yearning affection that filled his heart. "bend down, jack; i'm afraid i cannot make you hear. remember--remember what i have said; it is my bequest to you--the cause of the congo natives. do what you can for them. fight! it is called the free state; fight to make it free. i cannot see the future; all is dark; i dread what may await you in boma. but buck up, dear fellow. barney--remember him. go to the british consul; tell him all. your people have generous sympathies; wake them up; wake them up! if they are roused, all this wrong will come to an end." "i will do all i can, uncle," murmured jack. "don't mourn overlong for me. i've had a good time. and this year the best of all. i wouldn't lose it, jack. tell my friends i'm not sorry; i'm glad, glad to have seen with my own eyes something that's worth doing. and i have faith in the future--in my fellow-men, in god. what is it about wicked doers? 'they encourage themselves in mischief, and commune how they may lay snares; they imagine wickedness and practise it. but god shall suddenly shoot at them with a swift arrow; yea, their own tongues shall make them fall.' how does it go on? i cannot remember. 'the righteous shall rejoice----.' jack, are you there?" "yes, uncle, i am here," replied jack, tightening his clasp. "is it the fifteenth psalm? 'he that walketh uprightly----' i cannot remember, jack.--is that boy samba better? poor little chap! no father and mother!--barnard said there was gold; why can't he find it?--no, that's not a nugget, that's---- only a dog, eh? i'm kind o' set on dogs...." and so he rambled on, muttering incoherently in his delirium; and jack did not stir, but remained cramped while the slow hours crawled on, and nocturnal insects hummed, and frogs croaked, and the leaves faintly rustled above him. then, as the dawn was creeping up the sky, mr. martindale opened his eyes. they rested on jack's pale drawn face, and the dying man smiled. "buck up!" he whispered. "remember! 'though i walk through the valley of the shadow....'" and so he died. [ ] are you awake? (the morning greeting) chapter xxv a break for liberty with his own hands jack dug a grave near the brink of the river, and there he laid his uncle to rest. the askari looked on stolidly as he gathered stones from below the bank and heaped them to form a low rude cairn. then he went back with them to their camping-place. he could not touch the food they offered him, and when they told him the time was come to march he got up silently and moved away mechanically with the rest. he trudged on among his captors, a prey to utter dejection, conscious of nothing but his irreparable loss. he saw nothing, heard nothing, of what was going on around him, walking automatically in a kind of stupor. his uncle was dead!--for the moment the world had for him no other fact. by degrees, as his first dazed feeling passed away, he recalled little incidents in his past life that till then had lain dormant in his memory. he remembered the first time he had consciously seen his uncle, when he was a child of four, and he was dragged in all grubby from the garden, face and hands stained with strawberry juice, to see a big man with a red face, who laughed at him, and showed him a rough yellow lump that he wore on his watch-chain. he remembered the letter when his father died; and that other letter when his mother died; and the first visit to school, when, shown into the headmaster's study, the headmaster being absent, mr. martindale had made friends of the dog, and was found by the great man in the act of balancing a pen on the animal's nose. he remembered too the delightful holidays, climbing in switzerland, roaming in normandy, gondoliering in venice. odd things came to his recollection, and there was not one of them but recalled some trait of character, reminded him of some past happiness. then as he walked his grief took on a new complexion--a longing for vengeance on the miscreant whom he regarded as directly responsible for his uncle's death--morally as culpable as if he had with his own hands committed the murder. was this villain to remain unpunished? the thought of elbel induced a new change of feeling. what of the natives who for so many months had looked to him for guidance and leadership? what was barney doing? had samba escaped the clutches of his enemy and got back to the fort? was the fort, indeed, still there? he remembered his promise to his uncle. at the most solemn moment of his life, under the very shadow of death, he had vowed to do all in his power to help the negroes of the congo--and here he was, himself a prisoner among soldiers of this iniquitous government, on his way to an unknown fate. thus recalled to actuality, he roused himself and began to think. he had no longer his uncle to consider; that good man was beyond reach of chicanery and spite. why should he go to boma? nothing good awaited him there. he would be thrown into prison on arrival--supposing he ever arrived; he would be tried, sentenced no doubt: at boma in such cases there were none of the law's delays; he might never be heard of again. what chance was there of fulfilling his uncle's wishes there? was not his place at the fort, at ilombekabasi, with barney and imbono and mboyo, the people for and with whom he had already toiled and fought? there at the fort was tangible good to be done; he felt an overpowering impulse to return to his friends. elbel had been worsted; if the resistance could be still further prolonged surely the belgian would withdraw, though it were only to gather strength for a crushing blow; and the interval might be seized to migrate with the whole community into the forest or across the frontier. but there was the rub. between him and the fort there was a band of well-armed askari and several days' journey by river and forest. even if he escaped the former, what chance was there of success? a white man was very helpless in these african wilds--easily seen and followed, not used to fend for himself in obtaining the necessaries of life. even samba, forest-bred, had barely survived the perils of a solitary journey: how could a white man expect to fare so well? yet, so strong was jack's longing, he resolved that, be the difficulties and dangers what they might, he would seize the barest chance of escape that offered itself. anything would be better than to be carried on to boma, with the terrible uncertainty, not merely regarding his own ultimate fate at the hands of an unscrupulous officialdom and a tainted judicature, but still more as to the fate of his friends at ilombekabasi. from that moment his whole mental attitude changed. he did not forget his grief; that pitiful scene by the river's brink could never be effaced from his mind and heart; but he resolutely set his wits to work to find an avenue of escape, and the mere effort brought relief to his sorrow. no longer was he inattentive to his surroundings. without allowing his guards to suspect him, he was keenly on the alert, watching everything. it was not until the midday meal that accident befriended him. the askari came to a village which had clearly been for some time deserted--another monument, jack supposed, to king leopold's rule. he took refuge from the burning heat, which did not appear to incommode the negroes, in one of the empty and half-ruined huts. there he ate his meal of rancid _kwanga_--all that his guards would allow him. while he squatted on the floor eating, his eye was attracted by a bright light, the reflection of the sun on some polished surface in the wall of the hut. out of sheer curiosity he stepped across, and drew from the interlaced wattles the head of a small axe. its edge was very sharp, as jack found to his cost when he drew his finger across it; and although in parts rusty, it appeared to be of very fine steel, too fine to be of native workmanship. wondering who had been its owner, and how it came to be stuck, separate from its shaft, into the wall of a rough native hut, he slipped it into his pocket; it might prove a weapon of value to an otherwise unarmed man. there was nothing to cause his guards to suspect him when the march was once more resumed. in an hour or two they came to a place below the series of rapids where it was safe to launch the canoe. there the party divided. the carriers being all gone, the canoe left behind could only be fetched by some of the askari; and after some squabbling, ten of them went back, the rest promising to wait for them at a convenient spot down the river. as they paddled away, jack gathered from the talk of his escort, in a dialect which had some slight resemblance to that of the men of banonga, that they expected to arrive at this place, an old camping-ground of theirs by the river, before nightfall. they had placed him in the bow of the canoe, a light one suitable for portage, with no platform, and therefore nothing between him and the water but the thin side. keenly he watched the banks, hoping to be able at a favourable moment to turn his observations to account. but except for a few hippos half hidden in the long grass or reeds at the river-side, and here and there a crocodile basking on a rock or sandbank, its scaly back scarcely distinguishable from the soil, the river was deserted. forest lined the banks on both sides, its continuity only occasionally broken by clearings showing signs of burnt villages. the trees were beginning to throw long shadows over the water; sunset must be fast approaching; still no means of escape had suggested itself. yet escape, if effected at all, must be effected soon, for he did not know when, with his transference to a steamer, his immediate fate would be sealed. should he risk all, spring overboard, and swim for the bank? he was tempted to do so, though he could not repress a shudder as he thought of the crocodiles now beginning to wake from their afternoon nap. but he knew that as soon as he came to the surface he would be overhauled in two or three strokes of the paddles, even if the paddlers did not think his attempt to escape sufficient justification for a little albini practice. in any case his death or capture could be a matter of only a few minutes. but as time passed, jack resolved that he would chance the crocodiles if he could elude his guards. he would run any risk rather than go to boma and submit himself to the tender mercies of the congo state officials. a crocodile, after all, might prove a more merciful enemy! they came to a part of the river where the channel narrowed, and though the fall was not enough to deserve the name of a rapid, the increased velocity of the current and the presence of large rocks necessitated some caution on the part of the paddlers. jack could not help hoping that the canoe would come to grief. in the confusion there might be a bare chance of escape, though, being no more than a fair swimmer, he was not blind to the added risk he would run owing to the strength of the current and the danger of being dashed against the rocks. but the askari, experienced voyageurs, successfully navigated this stretch of the river, and as the canoe shot safely into smoother water jack's hopes again fell. then a thought occurred to him: why wait upon chance? why not make his own opportunity? he felt in his pocket; the axe-head was still there; its edge was sharp. if the canoe did not meet with disaster from without, why not from within? he was sitting on one of the thwarts amidships; the paddlers were standing on the thwarts forward and astern of him. all the askari were paddling except three, and these were squatting, two at the one end of the canoe, one at the other, with their rifles between their knees. in his position jack was almost completely screened from them. the paddlers had their rifles slung over their shoulders; the baggage was equally distributed over the whole length of the canoe. though built of the frailest material, the canoe was of considerable length. this was the one drawback to the plan which had suggested itself to jack--to drive a hole in the craft at any moment when the attention of the crew seemed sufficiently engaged to give him a chance of doing so unobserved, for the size of the canoe rendered it doubtful whether any hole he might make would be large enough to sink the vessel before it could be paddled ashore. this could only be proved by making the attempt. time passed on; no opportunity occurred. the passage here was easy, and the paddlers did their work almost automatically. it needed no attention. jack was almost giving up the idea when a chance suddenly came. he heard the leader of the askari call out: "there is the gorge just ahead: soon we shall be at our camping ground. be steady!" the canoe went faster and faster, and in a few minutes entered a gorge strewn with jagged rocks threatening destruction at every yard. the men stopped singing--they sang at their paddles from morning till night--and shouted with excitement when the vessel escaped as by a miracle being dashed to pieces on one or other of the rocks in mid-stream. choosing the moment when the shouting was loudest and the danger probably greatest, jack stooped down from his thwart and, drawing the axe-head from his pocket, thrust it with all his strength into the side of the canoe near the bottom, where there was already an inch of bilge water. working the steel to and fro, he enlarged the hole as much as he could, and then withdrew his clumsy implement; the water rushed in with a gurgling noise which must, he feared, attract the attention of the paddler just above him. but the man gave no sign; he was too intent upon his task. a few seconds later jack seized another moment of excitement to repeat his work on the other side of the canoe. his heart jumped to his mouth as he heard one of the men shout a word of warning; but he maintained his stooping position, thinking there was less chance of detection than if he suddenly moved. in consequence of the water rising in the bottom the second hole was made somewhat higher than the first; and as jack watched the level of the water gradually creeping up, he felt that the gaps were not large enough to prevent the paddlers from beaching the canoe if they ran into smooth water during the next few minutes. the bark seemed to close up as soon as the axe-head was withdrawn, leaving only as a narrow slit what had been a gaping rent. a glance ahead showed smooth water within a few yards. there might be just time to make two more rapid cuts. he plunged his hand into the water, now some inches deep, and drove the steel with all his force twice into the bottom beneath his feet. as soon as the canoe left the race, the heavy going due to the water that had been shipped would at once be detected, even if none of the paddlers, indeed, should happen to glance down and see the water washing the packages. true, they might suppose that it had come over the sides of the canoe during their recent rough passage; but the mistake must soon be discovered. jack saw that there was little chance of the canoe sinking in midstream. what could he do? was this, apparently his only opportunity, to be lost? he had only a few seconds to decide. he would wait until the leaks were discovered, and the canoe was headed towards the shore. then if he dived into the river his guards would be torn between two impulses--the one to pursue him, the other to beach the canoe before she sank with them and their stores. to them the situation would be complex; they would waste time in their confusion; and with a sinking canoe beneath them they would scarcely be able to use their rifles. things happened almost exactly as jack expected. when the canoe left the troubled reaches one of the askari suddenly caught sight of the water slowly rising, and washing from side to side with every stroke of the paddles. "a leak!" he shouted, inferring that a hole had been knocked in the bottom by a rock. the leader at once cried to the men to run for the right bank. jack's time came as the canoe was swinging round. rising suddenly from his seat, with a vigorous shove he sent the paddler behind him rolling back upon the next man; he in his turn fell upon the next; until four of the paddlers in the after part of the canoe were floundering in the water, and the frail craft rocked almost gunwale under. the other paddlers were so much occupied in adjusting themselves to the difficulty and preventing the canoe from being swamped that they were hardly aware of what their prisoner was doing until it was too late to prevent him. while the vessel was tilted over, jack placed one foot on the side farthest from the bank towards which they were paddling, and dived into the river. the leader of the askari immediately shouted to the men in the water to pursue him, pointing out the direction in which he had disappeared beneath the surface. he was making for the left bank. glancing back when he came up, jack saw that two men were swimming after him, and realized that he was no match for them. he was only a fair swimmer; his pursuers, drawn from one of the riverine villages of the lower congo, were as dexterous in the water as they were in the canoe. when jack became aware that he was being rapidly overhauled, he gripped more tightly the axe-head which he had never let go, resolving to fight to the last rather than suffer recapture. the negroes had divested themselves of their rifles, or had lost these when thrown so suddenly into the river; and even such a clumsy weapon as an axe-head might prove very formidable to unarmed men. in the excitement, jack had forgotten all about the constant peril of the congo--the crocodiles. straining every nerve, he was wondering whether he should stop swimming before he ran the risk of being completely exhausted, since there seemed little chance of his gaining the opposite bank before his pursuers, when he was startled by a despairing scream behind. the horrible meaning of it flashed upon him; he glanced back; only one swimmer was to be seen, and he was no longer coming towards him; he had turned and with frantic haste was making for the nearest point of the bank. the second man had disappeared; the crocodile had proved a better swimmer than any. shuddering in every limb, jack for a moment felt his strength leaving him. as in a nightmare he seemed to see the horrid jaws of crocodiles all round him waiting to tear him limb from limb. but he recovered in a moment; and, still gripping the axe-head, he struck out desperately for the far bank, which was now, indeed, scarcely more distant than the other. he touched the sandy bottom, struggled panting up the bank, and, completely exhausted by the physical and mental strain of this day's events, crawled rather than walked to a spot where he felt himself secure at least from the dreaded reptile. for several minutes he lay with his head upon his arms, so much spent as to be almost careless of what might become of him. but, rousing himself at length, he rose and scanned the river for signs of his late escort. what was his alarm to see them hastening towards him from the opposite bank; three minutes' hard paddling would bring them within reach of him. the sight of them woke jack fully to his danger; he turned his back on the river and plunged into the thick bushes that came almost to the water's edge, and extended into, the forest behind. with what marvellous quickness, he thought, had the askari brought their waterlogged vessel to the bank, emptied her of water, and temporarily stopped the leaks! no doubt they had been spurred to their utmost effort by the knowledge of what awaited them if they returned to their commander with the report that the prisoner had escaped them by any means but death. it was now late in the afternoon. within three or four minutes the pursuers would have beached the canoe and dashed in pursuit. jack knew that he must make the most of his few minutes' start. if he could evade them for an hour he would be concealed by the darkness. already, indeed, it was dim and dusky in the forest shades he had now entered. there was no path; he could but plunge on where the undergrowth seemed thinnest, his general direction being as nearly as he could judge at an obtuse angle with the stream. the askari would expect him either to follow the river, or to strike directly inland; at least he hoped that the diagonal between these two courses would not occur to them. while daylight lasted his trail would betray him, of course; but even if the men were trained forest trackers the light would in a few minutes be too bad for them to pick up his trail. in a few minutes he heard muffled shouts behind him. the pursuers had landed. then all was silent, save for the forest sounds now familiar to him. he moved as cautiously as the necessity for haste permitted, aware that the breaking of a twig, a stumble, any unusual sound, might bring his quick-eared enemy upon his track. but with all his care he could not avoid accidents. here a branch of cactus would rip a great rent in his thin linen coat, with a sound that set the teeth on edge. there a low-growing creeper would trip him up, so that he fell with a crash headlong, and rose with his face bleeding from a dozen deep scratches. but he kept the axe-head always in his grasp; that was his only defence. the fall of night found him still pressing resolutely forward; but when he could no longer see to thread his way in the close tangle of vegetation he halted, and became aware that he was dripping wet, and that he had to spend the night, soaked as he was, without shelter in the primeval forest. it would not have been a pleasant prospect even to a native inured to forest travel; the negroes indeed are careful not to be benighted far from their villages. in other circumstances, as black darkness wrapt him round, jack might have felt not a few tremors; from samba he had learnt something of the perils of night in densely-wooded places. but he had lately passed through experiences so trying that the visionary terrors of these gloomy depths had no power to trouble him. he sought, however, a suitable tree and climbed out of the reach of prowling beasts, hoping that he would also escape the attentions of leopards and pythons, which made no account of the lower branches. he had never spent a more uncomfortable night. insects stung him; caterpillars crawled over him; woodlice worried him. dozing in spite of these annoyances, he would wake with a start and the nightmare feeling that he was falling, falling helplessly through space. his wet clothes stuck clammily to his skin; he shivered as with ague, his teeth chattered, his head was racked with pain. stiff and sore from his narrow perch and his cramped position he clung on through the night; and when, after the long darkness, the pale dawn at last stole through the foliage, and he dropped to the ground, he moved like an old man, with aching limbs, unrefreshed, feeling the want of food, yet utterly without appetite. but he must go on. his enemies had not discovered him; no beast had attacked him; these were positive gains. he could make no plans; all that he could do was to follow a course calculated by the sun to take him in the direction of the river, going up stream. he walked stiffly, but steadily, during the morning, picking here and there handfuls of phrynia berries--the only berries of the forest which he knew to be edible. about midday he resolved to risk a more direct course to the river, in the hope that his pursuers, finding no trace of him, had given up the hunt. but it was easier to decide than to carry out. for all he knew he might have been wandering in a circle, and the windings of the river might make every step he took one in the wrong direction. after some hesitation he turned somewhat to the left and trudged on, so intent upon his immediate surroundings that his range of vision was restricted to a few yards. he noticed that the ground, as he walked, was becoming a little less thickly covered with undergrowth; but it was with a shock of alarm that, at a sudden lifting of the eyes, he saw, standing in front of him, a young straight dusky figure armed with a long rifle. springing instinctively behind the nearest tree, he grasped the axe-head ready to do battle. but what was this? a voice spoke to him, a voice that he knew, giving him pleasant salutation, calling him by name. "lokolobolo losako[ ]!" he came from behind the tree and went forward, stretching forth his hands. "samba!" he cried joyously. [ ] salutation addressed to a superior. chapter xxvi turning the tables samba at once led the way in a different direction from that lately followed by jack, saying that he would explain his presence as they went along. jack had hardly reached the tent to which he had been decoyed by elbel's messenger before samba knew that his uneasy feeling was justified; his master had fallen into a trap. stealing up close behind lofembi he had plunged his knife into the man's back, and dashed into the forest. he had no difficulty in escaping from the spot; but the report of the rifle fired after him had reached elbel's camp below the fort, and samba found that he had to make a very wide detour to avoid the enemy's scouts. but he managed at last to get into the fort, and implored barney to send out a party to rescue his captain. barney was much distressed by the news, but resolutely refused to throw away lives and risk the safety of the fort in a forlorn hope of that kind. all that he would do was to allow samba, with three other men, makoko, lianza, and lingombela, to follow up mr. martindale and jack, and rescue them if any chance occurred; if not, to see what became of them. but the four had great difficulty in getting out of the fort undetected; the enemy's vigilance appeared to be doubled, and a full day elapsed before they were able to set off in the track of the prisoners. failing to overtake the party in the forest before they embarked on the canoes, they had had to cover on foot the long distance for which the askari were able to use the river, though they shortened the journey to some extent by cutting straight across country when the river wound. at last, when samba had all but given up hope, they saw a party of ten askari coming towards them from down the river. samba did not suspect at first that these men were connected with those he sought. but keeping well out of sight he tracked them to a spot where a canoe was concealed, and then he guessed at once that the men had been sent back to fetch a canoe left behind for want of sufficient carriers. it would be easy to keep ahead of this party, burdened as they were with the vessel; so samba and his three companions pushed on, and soon came upon tracks of mr. martindale and jack. they had noticed the newly-made grave with its stone cairn: it had puzzled them, and they did not know it was a grave until samba pointed out that the litter had ceased to be used: there were no longer the marks of four men walking always at the same distance apart; they then concluded that the elder inglesa had died. they came by and by to the place where the party had re-embarked. samba's only hope of overtaking them now was that they would certainly wait at some part of their journey until they were caught up by the other canoe; and it seemed to him that his expectation was borne out when, scouting ahead of the three, he sighted in the dusk a long canoe lying under the opposite bank in charge of three askari. he ran back to his companions and told them to hide in the bush; then he returned to the spot, and from a safe concealment prepared to wait and watch. night fell: the river was too broad for him to see across it; but presently he heard the sound of men approaching the canoe, and soon afterwards voices. then all was silent. he kept up his watch for some time, half expecting to hear the sound of paddles; but concluding from the continued silence that the men would not move till the morning, he went to sleep in a tree. waking before dawn, he resumed his watch. in the early morning he saw eleven men land and make off in two parties into the forest, leaving three men on guard. instantly he jumped to the conclusion that lokolobolo had escaped; and a daring scheme suggested itself to him. returning to his friends, he told them what he had seen, and what he proposed. the four immediately set about building a light raft of bamboos and cane "tie," and when it was finished they carried it some distance along the bank launched it out of sight of the men in charge of the canoe' and punted themselves across to the other side. an hour later only one man remained in the enemy's canoe, and he was a prisoner. jack forbore to inquire what had become of the others; samba merely said that their ammunition had been spoilt by the water. samba and his companions were congo natives; free from the restraining influence of the white man, it would be scarcely surprising if they took the opportunity of paying off some of the wrongs they had suffered at the hands of the askari. from the prisoner samba learnt the whole history of the party since the time it left elbel in the forest. tying the man up, samba and his companions at once set to work to find the trail of the fugitive, and of the men who had gone in pursuit. in the morning light it was easy to a practised scout like samba to find what he sought. he soon discovered that the two parties of askari had failed to track their quarry, and were going haphazard through the forest. he himself then started to follow jack up, and his three companions went forth to the canoe to await the return of the enemy. it was unlikely that the two bands would appear at the same time. if they returned separately, the three scouts in ambush would only have to deal with six men or five men, as the case might be. they were still waiting. what would they do, asked jack, when the enemy came back? "fire upon them from behind the trees," replied samba. "three men will certainly be killed; are not the scouts makoko, lianza, and lingombela, three of the best marksmen in ilombekabasi? if the two or the three men left do not run away, they will fight them. if they run away, they will follow them up and fire at them from behind trees." even as samba spoke there came through the trees a sound as of distant firing. samba quickened his steps; for an hour or more his master and he plunged through the forest, the boy halting every now and then to listen intently. at length whispering "nkakayoko!"[ ] he laid his hand on jack's sleeve and gave a low call like the rough scratching sound of a forest beetle. it was answered from the right hand. striking off sharply in that direction he led the way through a thin copse, and in a few moments the two stood at the brink of the river beside the canoe. samba looked keenly around, whispered "mpiko!"[ ] and pointed to a low bushy tree close at hand. for a second or two jack could see nothing but green: but then through the dense foliage he caught the glint of a rifle barrel, and behind it--yes, a black face. the man came out with a low chuckle of amusement. it was makoko. "bolotsi o!" he said. his forest craft had been too much for lokolobolo. suddenly samba held up his hand in warning. they listened; it must have been the flight of a forest bird. "what was the firing?" asked samba in a low voice. "the killing of five men," replied makoko. jack caught the last words, "bant'atanu!" and started. "where are they?" he asked. "gone to feed the crocodiles. three first, then two." again samba raised his hand. all listened intently. jack heard nothing; but samba whispered, "they come!" and plucked him by the sleeve. all three hid among the trees. two men came out from the other side--they were lianza and lingombela. "they are coming--six men," said lianza in answer to samba's question. "quickly! they heard the shots." "we must shoot again from behind the trees," said samba. but jack could not bear the idea of shooting down the unsuspecting wretches in cold blood. "perhaps we can make them surrender," he whispered. "lako! lako!" said the negroes indignantly. "yes; we will try." makoko and the other two men grumbled, but samba silenced them. "it is lokolobolo's order," he said. he offered jack his mauser, but jack refused it with a smile, taking one of the albinis which had been removed from the canoe. with the four he concealed himself behind the bushes. he had already noticed that all traces of the recent incidents had been carefully obliterated. a few minutes later six askari came from the thick wall of bush. they started and looked at one another when they saw the canoe unguarded. then they called their comrades. receiving no answer, they began to discuss the strange disappearance of the three men who had been left in charge. with a sign to samba to follow him, jack came out from behind his bush. the men ceased their chatter; their jaws dropped, they stared at their late captive in blank amazement. he spoke to them quietly, samba translating. "i was hiding: i come to save you from being killed. your eight comrades are already dead. if one of you lifts his hand, he is a dead man. behind the bushes my men wait ready to shoot you. listen! they will answer when i call. you will see how hopeless it is to resist. makoko!" "em'one!" "lingombela!" "em'one!" "lianza!" "em'one!" "lay down your rifles," continued jack, "and beg for mercy." there was but a moment's hesitation, then one of the men sullenly obeyed, and the rest, one after another, followed his example. at jack's call the three scouts came from their hiding-place. two of them covered the askari with their rifles, while the third collected the surrendered albinis and placed them in the canoe. how jack's position had altered! an hour or two ago he was a fugitive, practically unarmed, with nearly a score of askari hunting him down. now he was in command of four scouts fully armed, and in possession of a canoe and half a dozen prisoners, who had proved themselves on the journey down to be expert paddlers. but, as samba reminded him, he had still to deal with the ten askari who had been sent back to fetch the second canoe. they must be on their way down stream: perhaps they were near at hand. something must be done with them. to let them pass, or to leave them behind, would be equally unwise; they would almost certainly follow up jack and his party, perhaps find a means of sending word to elbel in time to cut them off from the fort. the safety of himself and his men demanded that this second band should be disposed of. to deal with them as he had dealt with the six would not be easy. they would come by water, not by land. he did not wish to kill them. what other course was open to him? he remembered that the askari had spoken of an old camping-place a little below the spot on which they stood. this had doubtless been fixed as the rendezvous of the whole party. the prisoners would know its exact locality. with a little luck, he thought, all the ten might be captured unharmed. he got samba to question the sullen men. yes, they knew the camping-ground. "then they must paddle us to it," said jack. making sure that the holes he had cut in the canoe had been sufficiently caulked to allow of a short passage without danger, jack embarked with all the men, and in a quarter of an hour reached the camping-ground. it was about a hundred yards back from the opposite bank, pretty well hidden from the river. a few rough grass shelters, somewhat tumbledown, and traces of former encampments, showed that it was a frequent place of call for parties going up or down. when all had landed, jack sent makoko and lianza along the bank up the river to look for the oncoming of the askari, who, though they must necessarily have moved slowly while carrying the canoe, would no doubt make rapid progress when once more afloat. the six askari looked a little hopeful when they saw the two scouts leave; but samba damped their spirits at once when he told them that at the slightest sign of revolt they would be shot without mercy. to make things sure, and prevent the scheme he had in mind from being foiled, jack ordered the men to be bound hand and foot, which was very quickly done by samba and lingombela with the stripped tendrils of climbing plants. it was dark before the scouts returned. they reported that the askari had camped for the night some distance up stream, and would certainly arrive early next morning. jack arranged that when the canoe should come in sight, only himself and two of his prisoners would be visible in the centre of the camp. the askari would suppose that the rest of the party were out foraging--taking, as the custom is with the troops of the free state and the concessions, what they pleased from the black subjects of king leopold, and paying nothing, except perhaps blows, in return. the newcomers, not expecting any change in the relations of their comrade with the white prisoner, would march unconcernedly into camp. jack was pretty confident that if things came to this point, he would succeed in making the men surrender without fighting. in the early morning the askaris' paddling song was heard as they came down the river. the singing ceased; there was a shout; and jack ordered the captured askari by his side to call an answering greeting. then the party came in sight, eight men in a straggling line approaching up the path. the remaining two had evidently been left behind to tie up the canoe. the first man addressed a chaffing remark to the askari with jack, and then asked where the rest of the party were. the men pointed vaguely to the forest; their comrades were, in fact, there, gagged and securely bound to the trees. half a dozen rifles were stacked in the middle of the camping ground, the newcomers placed theirs close by, and then began to chatter about trifles in the african's way. meanwhile jack was keeping a keen eye on the men. the two captured askari were obviously ill at ease. there were the rifles within a few yards of them, yet they dared not move towards them, for they knew that in the shelter of the trees behind stood samba with the three scouts ready to shoot them down. they replied briefly to their comrades' questions; and then, in obedience to instructions given by jack previously, suggested that the newcomers should go to a cane-brake a few yards down stream, and bring back a supply of canes for building shelters like those already erected; there were not sufficient for the whole party. the men moved off. no sooner had they disappeared than samba and the three men came from behind the trees, removed all the rifles into the huts, and all except samba stationed themselves in hiding on the side of the encampment opposite to that through which the askari had just gone. samba remained with jack. in a quarter of an hour the men returned. to their amazement the white prisoner went forward to meet them. through samba he spoke to them. "it will not be necessary for you to build the huts." "why? what does the white man mean by talking to us? and who are you?" samba did not reply to their questions: he waited for the next words from jack. "there are enough empty huts here!" "how can that be? there are ten of us, and fifteen before. the huts will not hold half of us; and who are you?" "the fifteen are dead, or taken prisoners." the men gaped, unable to appreciate the full import of the news. they dropped their loads of cane and looked at the boy in astonishment. "what do you mean? what has happened? who are you?" "tell them, samba." "i am samba, the servant of lokolobolo. i came down the river with other servants of lokolobolo. we fell upon your comrades and scattered them like the leaves of the forest. we have the rifles--your rifles." the men gave a startled glance to where the stacks of arms had been. jack thought they paled beneath their dusky skin. "see!" continued samba, "if lokolobolo lifts his hand you will all be shot. his men are there, behind the trees. you have no rifles. of what good are knives against guns? you will be even as the men who are short with their rubber. you will be shot down before you can strike a blow. no; do not move," he said quickly, as the men appeared inclined to make a dash for the forest. "you cannot run so fast as the bullets. you know that, you men who shoot boys and women as they flee from you. throw down your knives at lokolobolo's feet, if you wish to live!" the man who had acted as spokesman for his comrades obeyed without a word. the rest were but little behind him. at a sign from jack, makoko and the others came from their place of hiding, and tied the feet of the prisoners, in such a way that while they could walk with short steps, they were unable to run. in a few moments the two men left at the canoe were similarly disposed of. and now jack was in command of four armed scouts and sixteen unarmed prisoners. he at once decided to make use of the askari as paddlers. one canoe would be sufficient; he would sink the vessel in which he had dug the holes. with sixteen men expert in the use of the paddle, he would make a rapid journey up stream. he was about to give the order to start when it suddenly occurred to him that it would be well to assure himself first that the coast was clear. so far he had seen no natives either on river or on land since he left elbel, save those of his own party and the band coming up with ammunition. the riverine villages had all been deserted, and the tributary down which he had travelled was at all times little frequented. but it seemed very unlikely that many more days should pass without his seeing a stranger, and when he began to think on these lines, he wondered whether perhaps elbel himself might not have occasion for sending messengers down stream, and whether the party they had met conveying stores to elbel's force might not be returning. having escaped by such wonderful good fortune, it would be sheer folly to throw away his chances of getting back to ilombekabasi by any want of caution. accordingly he sent makoko up the river and samba down the river to do a little preliminary scouting. about midday samba came running back in a state of great excitement. he had run so fast that his legs were trembling, and sweat poured from his body. not an hour's paddling distant, he had seen a smoke-boat and a large number of canoes coming up the river. he had never seen so many boats before, and they were crowded with men. and on the smoke-boat there were white men. "at last!" ejaculated jack. this, he supposed, was the captain van vorst, of whom elbel had spoken, coming up with regular troops of the state. whoever was in command, the flotilla could portend no good to jack or ilombekabasi, and he saw at once that he must give up the idea of using the askaris' canoe. he could certainly travel faster than the expedition, which must go at the pace of its slowest cargo boats; but scouting or foraging parties of the enemy might push on ahead and sight him on one of the long stretches of the river; and his men could be descried from a long distance as they made the portage. pursuit and capture would then be almost certain. his mind was instantly made up. his journey to the fort must be a land march, and it must be begun in all haste. he quickly gave his orders. the canoes were unloaded, and the stores and ammunition given to the askari to carry. the vessels were then scuttled and sunk, and the whole party plunged into the forest, after a time taking a course almost the same as that which samba had followed on his solitary journey. but before they had gone far, jack, not disposed to leave the neighbourhood without getting more exact particulars of the advancing host, went back with samba, leaving the rest of the party to continue their march. samba rapidly wormed his way through the forest back to the river bank. they reached a position, whence, unseen themselves, they could command a long reach of the river. there they waited. soon they heard the regular beat of the steamer's paddles; then the songs of the canoe-boys. by and by a steam launch came into view round a bend of the river. it was crowded. far away as it was as yet, jack could easily distinguish the white-clad figures of three europeans on deck, amid a crowd of negroes in the tunic, pantaloons, and fez of the state troops. clearly it was as he had feared. the concession had followed the usual course, when the rapacity of its officials had provoked a revolt too formidable to be coped with by its own forces, and had called in the aid of the regular army. as canoe after canoe appeared in the wake of the steamer, jack could not help a feeling of dismay at the size of the force arrayed against him. his spirits sank lower and lower as he watched. by the time the steamer came abreast of his hiding-place, the flotilla filled the whole of the stretch of river open to his view. in the still air, amid the songs and chatter of the natives, he could hear the laughter of the europeans as they passed. he knew that only a portion of the men in this armada were fighting men; the rest were paddlers and carriers, not part of the combatant force. but a rough attempt to count the men bearing rifles gave him at least three hundred, and he started as he saw in one canoe what was clearly the shield of a machine gun. captain van vorst, if it was he, undoubtedly meant business. before the last canoe had passed their hiding-place jack and samba started to overtake their party. the former was deep in thought. "we must reach the fort before them," he said. "they go very slow," was samba's reply. "yes, and the carrying of all their stores and canoes up the rapids will take many days. but we must hurry as fast as we can." "much chicotte for the paddlers," said samba, with a grin. jack did not reply. he could not adopt the barbarous methods of the enemy; but he had not the heart to dash samba's very natural hopes of paying back to the askari something of what they had dealt to the carriers on the way down. short of thrashing them he would urge them to their utmost speed. what difficulties he might meet with in regaining the fort he did not stop to consider. the thought of barney holding his own there--had he been able to hold his own?--and of the large reinforcements coming to support elbel, was a spur to activity. ilombekabasi and its people were in danger; and the post of danger demanded the presence of lokolobolo. [ ] immediately. [ ] there. chapter xxvii the return of lokolobolo "lokolobolo! lokolobolo! lokolobol'olotsi! lokolobolo is here! lokolobolo has come back to us! bolotsi o! why do we laugh? why do we sing? samba has found lokolobolo! samba has brought him back to us!" ilombekabasi was delirious with joy. men and women were shouting, laughing, singing; the children were dancing and blowing strident notes upon their little trumpets; imbono's drummer was banging with all his might, filling the air with shattering thunder. jack quivered with feeling; his lips trembled as he sat once more in his hut, listening to the jubilant cries his arrival had evoked. it was something, it was much, that he had been able so to win the devoted affection of these poor negroes of the congo. outside, the two chiefs imbono and mboyo were talking of the joyful event. "yes! wonderful! lokolobolo is here! and with him two strange white chiefs. wonderful! did you ever see such a big man? i am big," said imbono, "but i am not so big as makole the chief of limpoko, and one of the strange white men is bigger than he." "it needed two ropes to draw him up from the gully," said mboyo. "i am strong, but though i had four men to help me it was hard work. he must be a very great chief." "and the other must be a great chief too. did not samba say that lokolobolo gave him his last bottle of devil water?" "but the big man is hurt. it is the leg. it is not so bad as ikola's; but ikola was shot. they have put him in barnio's hut; the other chief is with lokolobolo. it is good that the white chiefs have come. now lokolobolo will sweep elobela down the hillside, even as a straw in the storm." "but what of the smoke-boat that samba says is coming with the white men in white, and the black men in cloth the colour of straw, and things on their heads the colour of fire? will lokolobolo be able to beat them too?" "lokolobolo is able to beat all bula matadi; and he has the other white men to help. never fear! lokolobolo will beat them all. we shall see. there he is, coming out of his hut with the white chief. lokolobolo wanda!"[ ] "you must be a proud man to-day, mr. challoner," said the stranger. "i am too anxious to be proud," said jack with a smile. "i haven't the heart to stop them shouting and making a noise, but it's a pity to disturb our enemy in the camp down yonder. i shall have to go and make a speech to them, i suppose; it is more in your line than mine, mr. arlington. luckily i'm not sufficiently fluent in their language to be long-winded." they went together into the midst of the throng. when within three marches of ilombekabasi jack's party had stumbled upon a wretched encampment in the forest which proved to contain two white men and three negroes. samba came upon them first, and, startled to find white men at this spot, he was cocking his rifle, supposing them to be state officers, when one of them called to him in a congo dialect not to shoot; he was an inglesa. when jack came up he found that the taller of the two men, the one who had spoken, a huge fellow with a great black beard, was a missionary named dathan, the other being the honourable george arlington, with whose name jack was familiar. mr. arlington was a man of mark. after a brilliant career at cambridge he had entered parliament, and became an under-secretary of state at a younger age than almost any one before him. when his party was out of office he took the opportunity of travelling in many quarters of the globe, to study at first hand the great problems which more and more demand the attention of british statesmen. now, in his fortieth year, he was recognized as an authority on the subjects which he had so specially made his own. he had come out to make a personal study of the congo question, and in order to secure freedom of observation had decided to enter congo territory, not from boma, whence he would be shadowed throughout by officials, but from british territory through uganda. in unyoro he had met his old college chum frank dathan, now a missionary engaged on a tour of inspection of his society's work in central africa. dathan, having completed his task in uganda, was to make his way into the congo state and visit several mission stations there. the two friends thereupon arranged to travel together. mr. arlington being anxious to see a little of what was an almost unexplored part of africa, they chose as their route the northern fringe of the great forest. but they got into difficulties when they entered country which, though not yet "administered," or "exploited," was nominally free state territory. at the sight of white men the natives they met with one accord took to the woods. the result was that the travellers were once or twice nearly starved; many of their carriers deserted with their loads; and they both suffered a good deal from exposure and privation. to crown their misfortunes, dathan fell with a loose rock one day when he was climbing down a steep bank to get water, and broke his leg. arlington tried without success to set the bone, and was hurrying on in the hope of finding a free state outpost and a doctor when jack came upon them. jack at once frankly explained his position. he did not give details of his work at ilombekabasi, but he saw no reason for concealing the circumstances which had driven him into antagonism with the officials of the concession. he related what had happened to his uncle, and how he had escaped from the net woven about him by elbel; he told the strangers also what he had actually seen of the congo government's method of dealing with the natives. then he asked them whether they would like to place themselves under the care of elbel, who could, if he were disposed, send them under escort to stanleyville, where the missionary might receive competent treatment. both were disinclined to do this; they would prefer to keep themselves free from the congo state or its trusts. the alternative seemed to be to accompany jack. this might certainly give rise to complications; mr. dathan especially was loth to appear to identify himself with an armed revolt against the state. missionaries, as he told jack, were already in bad odour with the authorities; they had told too much of what was going on. in many parts they had come to be looked upon as the natives' only defenders, and had done a little, a very little, towards mitigating the worst features of their lot. but he was still more loth even to seem to countenance elbel's proceedings by seeking his camp; and mr. arlington thought that his presence in ilombekabasi, when it became known to elbel, might have a salutary effect on him. ultimately, then, they decided to run the blockade with jack into the fort. the augmented party had had no difficulty in reaching their destination. the same general course was followed as had been arranged for the reception of mr. martindale's party. they halted in a copse on an eminence about six miles from the fort and above it. to reach this spot they had to make a longer circuit than either mr. martindale or elbel in his first attempt to surprise ilola. but before going farther it was necessary to discover how the land lay. samba was obviously the best of the party for this scouting work, but he could hardly be spared if the fort happened to be too closely invested for the entrance of the whole party to be made. jack therefore chose makoko, a sturdy fellow and an excellent scout, scribbled a brief note to barney, hid it in the negro's thick woolly hair, and sent him on alone. if he came safely to ilombekabasi and it seemed to barney possible to run the blockade, a flag was to be hoisted on one of the blockhouses. the signal would be acted on as soon as possible in the darkness. makoko left at nightfall. before dawn samba went on some two miles ahead to a place whence he could see the fort. he returned with the welcome news that a piece of red cloth was flying on the northern blockhouse. jack waited impatiently throughout the day; as soon as it was dark samba led the party forward. they moved slowly, partly to allow time for careful scouting, partly because mr. dathan had to be carried, and proved a heavy burden even for six strong askari. no difficulties were met with; elbel had ceased to patrol the surroundings of the fort at night, and in the early hours of the morning in pitch darkness the party marched quietly in at the gate on the north side of the fort. jack put his own hut at mr. arlington's disposal. mr. dathan was carried to barney's; and before hearing what had happened during his absence jack insisted on the missionary's having his injuries attended to. barney managed to set the broken limb, though not without causing a good deal of pain for which he whimsically apologized. then jack listened eagerly to his account of what had happened. elbel had made two serious attacks. the first was an attempt to carry the fort by assault, from the place whence he had sent his fire barrels rolling. but after the capture of elbel's rifles and ammunition a considerable number of jack's men who had hitherto been spearmen had been trained in the use of the albini; so that barney had a force of nearly ninety riflemen with which to meet the attack, half of them at least being good shots. one charge was enough for the enemy; the fire from the wall and blockhouses mowed down the advancing negroes by the score; they never reached the defences, but turned and fled to cover in the gully and behind the rocks above. [illustration: ilombekabasi and surrounding country, showing the diverted stream and elbel's third camp] then elbel demolished the dam he had built on the slope, and allowed the river to flow again in the channel it had cut for itself down the long incline to the eastward. "what would he be doing that for, sorr? seems to me he has wasted a terrible deal uv good time in putting up and pulling down. two men i sent out as scouts niver came back, and i wondered to meself whether they'd been bagged, sorr, and had let out something that made elbel want to play more tricks wid nature. often did i see elbel himself dodging round the fort wid his spyglass in his hand, and 'tis the truth's truth i let some uv the men have a little rifle practice at him. sure he must have a cat's nine lives, sorr, for ten uv the niggers said they were sartin sure they'd hit him." "trying to solve our water puzzle, barney! go on." there was an interval of some days; then, at daybreak one morning, while a strong demonstration, apparently the preliminary of an attack, was observed on the north and east, a body of men crept up the gully and made a sudden rush with ladders for the hole in the wall by which the scouts had been accustomed to go in and out. it was clear that elbel's best men were engaged in this job, for barney heard loud cries for help from the small body he had thought sufficient to leave on the western face of the fort. rushing to the place with a handful of men, he was just in time to prevent the enemy from effecting an entrance. there was a brisk fight for two or three minutes; then the ladders placed against the wall were hurled into the gully, and with them the forlorn hope of the storming party. "that was three days ago, sorr. and two or three uv our men declared they saw mbota among the enemy, pointing out the very spot where the hole is--whin it is a hole. you remember mbota, sorr--the man who brought in his wife on his back, her wid the hands cut off. 'twas he i sent out scouting. sure the chicotte had been at work wid him; for niver a wan uv our men, i would swear before the lord chancellor uv ireland, would turn traitor widout they were in mortal terror for their lives, or even worse." "and you have not been attacked since?" "no, sorr. but i've had me throubles all the same. samba ought to be made, beggin' your pardon, sorr, high constable uv this fort." "indeed!" "yes, sorr, 'cos it seems 'tis only he that can keep the peace. would you believe it, sorr, the very next day after you were gone, imbono's men and mboyo's men began to quarrel; 'twas orange and green, sorr, and a fine shindy. whin samba was here, he'd make 'em laugh, and 'twas all calm as the liffey; but widout samba--bedad! sorr, i didn't know what in the world to do wid 'em. sure i wished elbel would fight all the time, so that there'd be no time left for the spalpeens here to fight wan another. but at last, sorr, a happy thought struck me; quite an intimation, as one might say. i remimbered the day when the master--rest his soul!--and you made yourselves blood-brothers uv imbono. that was a mighty fine piece uv work, thinks i. so wan morning i had a big palaver--likambo the niggers call it, your honour." (barney's air as he gave this information to mr. arlington was irresistibly laughable.) "i made a spache, and lepoko turned it into their talk as well as he could, poor fellow; and sure they cheered it so powerful hard that i thought 'twas a mimber uv parlimint i ought to be. well, sorr, the end was i made imbono and mboyo blood-brothers, and niver a word uv difference have they had since." "a plan that might be tried with leaders of parties at home," said mr. arlington with a smile. "there's wan other thing that throubles me," added barney. "our food is getting low, sorr. we had such a powerful lot that wan would have thought 'twould last for iver. but in a fortnight we shall be on very short commons; we've been on half rations this week or more." "that's bad news indeed. but we shall know our fate in a fortnight. the state troops are coming at last, barney." barney pulled a long face when jack told him about the flotilla he had seen coming up the river. but the next moment he smiled broadly. "sure 'twill be our salvation, sorr. there'll be a power uv food on those canoes, and 'twill come in the nick uv time to save us from famine." "but we've got to capture it first!" "and won't it be aisy, sorr? it won't drop into our mouths, to be sure, but there's niver a doubt we'll get it by this or that." jack smiled at barney's confidence, which he could hardly share. he estimated that he had about a week's grace before the state troops could arrive, unless they made a forced march ahead of their stores, which was not very likely. he could not look forward without misgiving. elbel's troops, strongly reinforced and commanded by an experienced military officer, would prove a very different enemy. he doubted whether it would be wise to wait the issue of a fight. apart from the risk of being utterly crushed, there was a strong political reason against it, as mr. arlington did not fail to point out. hitherto jack had been dealing with an officer of the société cosmopolite, and he could argue reasonably that he was only opposing unwarranted interference. but if he resisted an armed force of the state, it became at once open rebellion. "you render yourself liable to the punishment of a rebel, mr. challoner," said mr. arlington, "and your british nationality will not help you. you might be shot or hanged. what i suggest to you is this. when the state forces appear, let me open negotiations with them. they will probably know my name; i have a certain influence in high quarters; i could probably make terms for you." "but the people, mr. arlington! you could not make terms for them. what would happen to them? they would fall into the power of their oppressors, and the old tale would be continued--illegal demands and exactions, floggings, maimings, murders. it was a solemn charge from my uncle to stand by the defenceless negroes; it is no less the dictate of humanity: we, they and i, are in the same boat, sir, and we must sink or swim together." as it was of supreme importance to jack to know at what rate the hostile column was moving, he sent out that night samba, makoko, and lingombela with orders to report the progress of the expedition from day to day. by taking the road through the forest they should get into touch with the enemy by the time they reached the place where mr. martindale had left his canoes. if the scouts should find themselves unable to return to the fort they were to light a large fire on the spot whence samba had seen barney's flag flying, as a signal that the expedition had passed the place in question. if a small column should be coming on in advance they were to light two fires a little apart from one another. samba was even more light-hearted than usual when he left the fort with his comrades. he seemed to feel that this was a mission of special importance, the prelude to a final victory for lokolobolo; for the possibility of defeat for lokolobolo never suggested itself to any man in ilombekabasi. mboyo and lukela were at the wall to bid their son goodbye. he laughed as he slipped down into the darkness. "ekeke e'afeka!"[ ] he whispered gleefully, and hastened to overtake makoko and lingombela, who were already some distance up the gully. shortly after dawn next day the sentries reported a sound as of a large body of men moving up the hill. jack instantly called the garrison to arms. there was a good deal of noise in the darkness above the fort. here and there a dim light showed for a few moments, and was promptly fired at. when day broke jack saw that the enemy had built a rough wall of stones loosely piled up, some fifty yards long and about four feet high, parallel with the north wall of the fort, one end resting on the edge of the gully. from a convenient spot in the gully, about two hundred yards above the fort, the enemy could creep to the extremity of the wall without coming under the fire of the garrison. it had evidently been erected to screen some operations going on behind it. to guard against a sortie from the fort a covering force had been placed on the hill a quarter of a mile farther up; and between the ill-fitting stones there were small gaps which would serve as loopholes for the riflemen. during the day the enemy were hard at work digging a trench under cover of the wall. jack wondered at first whether elbel was going to make approaches to the fort by sap and mine, in the manner he had read of in histories of the great sieges. but another and still more disturbing thought occurred to him. would the trench cut across the line of his conduit? had elbel at last fathomed the secret of his water supply? he anxiously examined the landmarks, which had been disturbed somewhat by the construction of the wall. as nearly as he could judge, the spring was a few yards south of the wall, and neither it nor the conduit would be discovered by the men digging the trench. yet he could not but feel that elbel's latest move was not so much an attempt to undermine the defences of the fort as to discover the source of its water supply. if he should have hit upon the fact that the water was derived, not from a well inside the walls, but from a spring outside, he would not be long in coming to the conclusion that it must be from a spot opposite the northern face; and by cutting a trench or a series of trenches across the ground in that direction he must sooner or later come upon the conduit. the work proceeded without intermission during the whole of the day, and apparently without success, for the level of the water in the fort tank did not fall. but elbel's activity was not stopped by the darkness. when morning dawned jack saw that during the night an opening about five feet wide had been made in the wall, giving access to a passage-way of about the same height leading towards the fort and roughly covered with logs, no doubt as a protection against rifle fire. only about twenty yards of this passage-way had been completed. the end towards the fort was closed by a light screen of timber resting on rollers, and sufficiently thick to be impervious to rifle fire, as jack soon found by experiment. evidently another trench was to be dug near the fort. to avoid the labour of building a second covering wall, elbel had hit on the idea of a passage-way through which his men might reach the spot where he desired the new trench to be begun. protected by the screen, they could dig a hole several feet deep, and then, too low to be hit by shots from the fort, could proceed with the trench in safety. jack wondered whether elbel had not yet heard of the approach of the state forces. such feverish activity was surely unnecessary when reinforcements were only a few days' march distant. it was barney who suggested that elbel had made such a mess of things hitherto that he was eager to do something, to gain a success of some kind, before the regular forces should arrive. under cover of the wooden screen the enemy, as jack had expected, started to dig another trench parallel with the wall. they had no lack of labourers; as soon as one gang was tired another was ready to take its place; and the work was carried on very rapidly. with growing anxiety jack watched the progress of the trench towards the gully. his conduit was only three feet from the surface of the ground. judging by the fact that his marksmen never got an opportunity of taking aim at the diggers, the trench must be at least five feet deep; and if an opening were made into the gully the conduit was sure to be exposed. there was just one hope that they would fail. jack remembered the outcrop of rock which had necessitated the laying of the pipes, for a length of some yards, several feet lower than the general level. if the enemy should happen to have struck this point there was a fair chance of the conduit escaping their search; for, coming upon the layer of rock, they would probably not guess that pipes were carried beneath it. to reassure himself, jack called up imbono and mboyo and asked them if they could locate the spot where the rock occurred. their impression agreed with his, that it must at any rate be very near the place where the enemy's trench would issue into the gully. but jack's anxiety was not relieved at the close of the day, for again the work was carried on all night. he thought of a sortie, but reflected that this would be taken by elbel as an indication that he was hot on the scent. and while a sortie might inflict loss on the enemy, it would not prevent elbel from resuming his excavations as soon as the garrison had retired again within their defences. with great relief jack at last heard the sound of pick-axes striking on rock. it seemed too good to be true that the enemy had come upon the exact dozen yards of rock where alone the conduit was in little danger of being laid bare. yet this proved to be the case. in the morning elbel drew off his workmen, apparently satisfied, before the trench had been actually completed to the gully, that he was on the wrong track. a great load was lifted from jack's mind. if the secret of the water supply had been discovered, he knew that the end could only be a matter of a few days. as soon as the enemy drew off, jack's men issued forth, demolished the wall, and filled up the trench. three days passed in comparative inactivity. during these days jack had much of his time taken up by mr. arlington, who required of him a history of all that had happened since the first meeting with elbel. the traveller made copious jottings in his note-book. he asked the most minute questions about the rubber traffic and the methods of the state and the concessions; he had long interviews with imbono and mboyo, and endured very patiently lepoko's expanded versions of statements already garrulous; he took many photographs with his kodak of the people who had been maimed by the forest guards, and asked jack to present him with a chicotte--one of those captured along with the askari. he said very little, probably thinking the more. certainly he let nothing escape his observation. meanwhile mr. dathan was making friends of all the children. unable to endure the stuffiness of the hut, he had himself carried on a sheltered litter into the open, where, propped up on pillows, his burly form might be seen in the midst of a large circle of little black figures, who looked at him earnestly with their bright intelligent eyes and drank in the wonderful stories he told them. many of their elders hovered on the fringe of the crowd; and when the lesson was finished, they went away and talked among themselves of nzakomba[ ] the great spirit father who, as the bont' ok'ota-a-a-li[ ] said, had put it into the heart of lokolobolo to defend and help them. before the dawn one morning lingombela came into the fort. he reported that the new enemy had only just finished the portage of their canoes and stores. the steamer had been left below the rapids, and the white men were embarking on canoes. there were not enough to convey the whole expedition at one time, although some had been sent down the river to meet them. two or three had been lost through attempting to save time by dragging them up the rapids. lingombela had himself seen this, with samba. samba had no doubt already told what he had seen, but he did not know about the big gun which could fire as many shots as a hundred men, for the white men had not begun to practise at a mark in their camp above the rapids until samba had left. "but we have seen nothing of samba; where is he?" "he started to return to ilombekabasi a day before i did." "and makoko?" "makoko is still watching." lingombela's statement about samba alarmed jack. what had become of the boy? had he fallen into the enemy's hands? it was too much to be feared. what else could have delayed him? in threading the forest none of the scouts could travel so fast as he. if he had started a day before lingombela he should have gained at least five or six hours. the news soon flew through the settlement that samba was missing. mboyo and his wife came to jack to ask whether lingombela had told the truth. their troubled looks touched jack, and he tried to cheer them. "samba has not arrived yet, certainly," he said, "but he may not have come direct. something may have taken him out of his course; he would go a long way round if he thought it would be of use to us. don't be worried. he has gone in and out safely so often that surely he will come by and by." the negroes went away somewhat comforted. but jack felt very anxious, and his feeling was fully shared by barney. "'tis meself that fears elbel has got him," he said. "pat has been most uncommon restless for two days. he looks up in the face uv me and barks, whin he's not wanting anything at all. 'tis only samba can rightly understand all pat says, and seems to me pat has got an idea that something has happened to samba." an hour later pat also had disappeared. he had broken his strap and run away. [ ] the highest salutation, given to a person of great dignity. [ ] the last time. [ ] god. [ ] very tall man. chapter xxviii the chicotte a small palm, spared for the sake of its welcome shade when the rest of the ground was cleared, sheltered monsieur elbel's tent from the fiercest rays of the tropical sun, in the tent monsieur elbel, smoking a bad belgian cigar, his camp chair tilted back to a perilous angle, his feet on a small rickety table, read and re-read with a smile of satisfaction a short official communication that had just reached him from brussels. owing to the retirement of the company's principal agent, and in recognition of monsieur elbel's energy in doubling the consignment of rubber from his district during the past year, the comité had been pleased to appoint monsieur elbel to be administrative chief of the maranga concession. at the same time the comité hoped that monsieur elbel would see his way to deal promptly and effectively with the reported outbreak at ilola, without incurring undue expense, and that the american who had been giving trouble, and whose patent was now revoked (with the concurrence of the state) would be persuaded of the necessity of leaving the country. monsieur elbel was gratified by the news of his promotion; although it was his due by all the standards of conduct set up for the guidance of officials, whether state or trust, charged with the exploitation of congoland. under no officer had the development of king leopold's african dominions gone more blithely forward than under monsieur elbel. where he and his men went they left a wilderness behind them; but the amount of rubber they collected was most gratifying; and if maranga stock stood high it was largely through their exertions. true, in twenty years there would be no people left in maranga, even if there were rubber to collect. but after all that was not monsieur elbel's concern: in twenty years he would not be on the congo; those who came after him must find their own collectors. he and the king took short views: sufficient unto the day--they were both men of business. yes, as a man of affairs guillaume elbel was hard to beat. it was no wonder that the comité had promoted him to the vacant post; if he had been passed by, where would be the inducement to zeal, to loyal faithful service? where indeed? in the circumstances monsieur elbel was in good humour, a relaxation he rarely allowed himself. he drank the remains of his absinthe, tilted his chair back to the critical angle, and blowing a cloud of smoke skywards saw in the curling eddies visions of snug directorates in brussels. why not? he flattered himself there were none who knew more about the congo than he; he could estimate to a few francs the possibilities of any district as expressed in rubber; and, what is more, he knew how to get it. with him the people always lasted as long as the rubber. there was no waste; he plumed himself on the point. _he_ had never burnt a village before the rubber was exhausted, whatever might be said of other agents. for after all, his business was to promote commerce--that is, collect rubber--not mere destruction. and if he did not know his business there was nobody who could teach him. yes--his majesty had an eye to men of his stamp. a directorate--a few directorates--a snug place at court--who knows? ... monsieur elbel again glanced at the official letter; and again smiled and blew a ring artistically true. then his eye caught the word "expense," and his expression changed. this ilola difficulty would not only reduce his rubber consignments; it would mean a considerable outlay--how much he did not like to think. and then there was the column of state troops now on its way. no doubt the concession would have to pay for that, too. peste! if only he could finish this business before van vorst came up! he did not desire the presence of van vorst or any other state officer, if it could be avoided. for there was gold in the stream, without a doubt; and those state officials were greedy rascals; they were capable of edging him out--they had no scruples--his moral claim would go for nothing, absolutely. yes, the fort must be captured at once before van vorst came up. if only he could tap the water supply it would be easy enough. it could be done; the little fool had let out so much; but how?--that was what he had to find out, and his name was not elbel if he couldn't do it. he rose and went to the door of the tent. a few yards away, securely tied to the trunk of the slender palm, was a negro boy. monsieur elbel looked at him critically as if measuring his strength. last night, although threatened with the chicotte, the boy had refused to speak. only once, when elbel had offered him freedom and rewards if he would point out the source of the water in the camp above, did he open his lips, saying fiercely: "i will never tell you!"--betraying to the questioner that he had some knowledge of the secret. now he had had twelve hours of hunger and thirst to help him to a more reasonable frame of mind. all night the cords had been eating into his wrists and ankles; he was weak from want of food, and consumed with an intolerable thirst. he stood there in the blazing sun, a listless, pitiable figure, held upright only by the thongs that bound his wrists; and monsieur elbel as he looked at him, felt not a little irritated. it was absurd that he should be inconvenienced; nay, more, that the development of the concession should be delayed, and expense incurred--avoidable, unnecessary expense--expense without any return in rubber--all because this slip of a boy refused to tell what he knew. elbel beckoned to his servant and interpreter, standing close by, attentive and expectant. "tell him," he said, "that i will give him one more chance. if he will not speak he shall be thrashed with the chicotte until he does." the man roughly grasped the boy by the shoulders and translated his master's words. the captive slowly shook his head. "fetch the chicotte," said elbel sharply. "we'll see what that will do." the man entered the tent, where the chicotte invariably lay ready to hand; and when he emerged the space in front of elbel's quarters was filling with askari and their followers flocking like vultures to the feast. samba, the son of mboyo, chief of banonga, was to be whipped. boloko had caught him last night: he was a clever man, boloko. and samba knew where the inglesa got the water for his camp, the secret was to be cut from him by the chicotte. that was good; it would be a sight to see. no time was lost. elbel signed to the man as he approached, and stepping back left him a clear space to swing the whip. the negro prided himself upon his skill; as elbel's servant, indeed, he had more opportunities of perfecting himself with this typical instrument of congo government than falls to most. he could deliver a stroke with great delicacy, raising only a long red weal upon the skin, or if the case called for real severity could cut the offender's flesh from his body almost as neatly as with a knife. in this case his master desired information; it was not a mere question of punishing a sullen defaulter. he would begin gently lest the prisoner should lose the power of speech and shame the executioner before his master and the crowd. a slight convulsive shiver shook the boy's frame as the whip fell, but he clenched his teeth and no sound escaped him. the man waited for a moment. "will you tell?" there was no answer. again the whip rose and fell, this time with a more vicious sound; it was answered by a low groan; but still to the same question there was no reply. by slow degrees the executioner increased the vigour of his stroke. the askari applauded, and surely he was meriting praise from his master, for after many strokes the prisoner was quite conscious, as his pallid face and staring eyes and clenched teeth clearly showed. and besides, did he not writhe and groan with every blow? but there is no reckoning with the vagaries of the white man. the culprit's obstinate silence irritated monsieur elbel more and more as the punishment went on. it was intolerable that he should be defied in this way. it was a bad example to the natives. where would the white man's authority be if this kind of thing were permitted? they would lose all respect: the collection of rubber would become a farce. suddenly he blazed out in anger, snatched the whip from the hands of his servant, and, whirling it round his head, brought it down with all his force on the bruised and bleeding form. it cut a deep purple gash in the boy's back; but monsieur elbel's wrath had come too late; before the lash fell samba had fainted. elbel hesitated for a moment; then, seeing that further punishment would be a mere waste of time, he gave a curt order. they cut samba's cords and carried him away. he was to be whipped again to-morrow. that afternoon lepoko came to jack with a broad grin on his face. "mbota come back, sah." "that's the scout of massa barney's who was captured, isn't it?" "yussah! he come back, sah. oh! it make me laugh plenty much. elobela send mbota back; he say, 'you go back, cut off lokolobolo him head. me gib you twenty, fousand, plenty, plenty brass rods!' mbota say, 'all same, massa. anyfing what massa like. me get plenty men what help.' den mbota come back; he laugh, sah; elobela plenty big fool fink him lib for hurt lokolobolo." "bring mbota to me at once." when the man came, jack got out of him a more lucid story than lepoko had given. elbel had promised freedom and large rewards if he would stir up a revolt against jack, or assassinate him. the negro had readily promised, with no intention but to reveal the whole scheme to his beloved lokolobolo. jack was still talking to the man when he heard loud cries. running out of his hut, he found barney clutching by the arm a strange negro, thronged about by a shouting crowd of the men of ilombekabasi. "who is he?" "'tis wan uv elbel's men, sorr. lianza caught him in the forest, and brought him in. the men are simply mad to get at him, sorr, especially since they've heard uv what elbel said to mbota." "leave him to me. i will deal with him." the men slowly dispersed. jack took the trembling negro to his hut and questioned him. "do you know anything of samba, the son of mboyo and nephew of boloko, one of your master's men?" yes, he knew.--was there a man in elobela's camp who did not know?--who had not exulted when the news spread that samba, the best of lokolobolo's scouts, had been captured and was to pay the penalty? surely not a man was absent when samba suffered the torture. had not many of them tried in vain to discover the secret which samba would be forced to betray? the scout described to jack the whole pitiful scene, in the glowing language, with the telling dramatic gestures, which the negro has at command when he feels that his audience is interested. and while the man told his story jack went hot and cold by turns--cold with sheer horror of the scene conjured up by the man's vivid words, hot with a great wrath, a burning passionate desire to seek instant vengeance upon the evildoer. bidding barney keep the negro carefully under guard, he went back to his hut, at the entrance to which mr. arlington had been anxiously watching the scene. "it is devilish, sir," he burst out. "elbel not only offers rewards for assassinating me, but he uses his brutal whip on a boy, to force him to reveal the secret of our water supply. samba is probably half-dead--he fainted under the lash but would not betray us--brave little fellow! think of the agony he must have suffered! and he is only one; thousands have suffered in the same way before him, and are suffering to-day in one part or another of this state. do you blame me now, sir?" "no, i don't blame you. i am deeply sorry for the poor boy. the whole thing is an outrage upon human nature, so revolting that any action that can be taken against it is fully justified. i have been thinking over what we said the other day. it is not for me to advise; indeed, my friends at home would open their eyes at the idea of my abetting resistance to authority; but i will give you my opinion. you must hold your fort. while the banner of revolt is kept flying there is always a prospect of forcing the hand of the officials in the direction of effective reform. they have an enormous area to control--a disaffected area seething with indignation against bitter wrong. a successful revolt will encourage outbreaks elsewhere. if you can only hold out; if you can make yourself strong enough here in this remote corner to defy the authorities, it will be an opportunity of forcing the government to terms--to the granting of elementary rights of justice and liberty to its own subjects, and the throwing open of this sorely-afflicted country to free intercourse with the outside world." "ah! if only i can do it, sir! but i can only hold the fort now by striking a blow at elbel before his reinforcements join him. if the forces unite, they will be strong enough to carry on a strict siege. our food is giving out; the people have been for some time on half rations; they don't grumble, but it will have to be quarter rations soon, and then the end is not far off. we must either surrender or trek." "if you have to trek, it would be better to do so at once, while you have food to take your party on your way." "yes, we must either do that or thoroughly beat elbel. that would ease the pressure; the others would think twice before attacking us; they might even draw off until an overwhelming force could be brought against us. that would give time for us to grow more crops, and for you to go back to england, sir, and raise your voice against this atrocious government." "i shall certainly do that. but you talk of fighting elbel; have you thought of the risk?" "till my head aches with thinking. i know that failure will mean ruin. it must be a smashing blow; pin-pricks are no good; and i can't smash him without taking a large force out of the fort. if we were obliged to retreat we should be followed up; they might rush the fort, and there would be an end of everything." "it is a difficult position. i can't help you; i am not a soldier--it seems to me you ought to be one, mr. challoner. i could take no active part; i should in any case be little good. i feel that you have landed me in a very awkward position," he added with a smile. "but it can't be helped now; i can only wait and see you go through with it." at the back of jack's mind there was another consideration which he did not mention. he could not have said how far he allowed it to count. it was the bare chance of rescuing samba--if samba was still alive. if it had been put to him, he would probably not have admitted it. the good of the community could not be jeopardized by any action on behalf of an individual, whatever his claim; the circumstances were too critical. but that the fate of samba was an additional argument in favour of the course he was on other grounds inclined to adopt there can be no doubt. next day the urgency of the situation was brought home to him. two fires were seen at the appointed spot; makoko had done his work. five or six hours later, just after nightfall, makoko himself came in. he reported that one white man with twenty soldiers in two canoes, with many paddlers, had started up river in advance of the bulk of the force, which had now reached camp at the head of the rapids. jack guessed that the white man was the officer in command, probably the captain van vorst of whom elbel had spoken, coming ahead to view the position and select an encampment for his followers. about noon on the next day there was a great sound of jubilation from the camp below. van vorst, if it was he, had arrived. he must have travelled night and day, the river route being so much longer than the forest one that otherwise he could hardly have reached the camp in another twelve hours. but his paddlers were no doubt pressed men from the riverine villages, costing nothing and having no rights, and a congo state commandant in a hurry would not hesitate to drive them. in the afternoon a negro bearing a white flag was seen approaching the fort from the south. he evidently expected to be admitted by the hole in the wall. but at jack's bidding lianza of the brazen throat called to him to come round to the gate on the north; it was well to observe due order and ceremony. the man brought a note signed "van vorst," demanding the instant surrender of the fort. in reply jack wrote asking for the assurance that his people, having acted throughout in self defence against the illegalities of the société cosmopolite, should be guaranteed liberty to depart, and immunity except against the regular legal process of the courts. in half an hour the messenger returned with a curt summons to unconditional surrender. jack sent back a polite refusal, feeling that he had now burnt his boats. shortly afterwards he saw a party of three white men and about twenty state soldiers, all armed with rifles, making a tour round the position, keeping carefully under cover. through his field-glass jack recognized elbel, one of his subordinates, and one of the officers he had seen on the steamer. elbel pointed this way and that with outstretched hand, and appeared to be talking with some excitement. occasionally they came within easy range of the fort, and barney begged jack to let the men fire upon them; but jack resolutely stuck to his determination to refrain from provocation. the party by and by reached a position above the fort, near the spot whence the abortive barrel-rolling had been started. from this place a small area of the fort enclosure was open to the view of the enemy. all at once jack saw the strange officer take a rifle from one of the soldiers and raise it to his shoulder. jack instantly ordered his men, who were crowding the wall, to drop down out of sight. the officer fired: there was a moment's silence; then jack heard a great yell of rage from the men behind him. turning, he saw an old woman lying huddled in the centre of the enclosure. two calabashes lay near; she had been crossing the exposed portion of the area to fetch water from the tank when van vorst's bullet struck her. a shout of delight from the negro soldiers up the hill acclaimed the successful shot of their officer; the old woman was quite dead. jack went hot with rage. and mr. arlington, who had witnessed the officer's action, was stirred out of his usual philosophic calm. "that is not an act of warfare, mr. challoner, but of sheer savagery--the act of a callous marksman showing off. it invites reprisal." "you see how the state treats its subjects, mr. arlington. they have taken cover; it's too late to fire now. but it settles the matter for me. the state has fired the first shot and killed a non-combatant. i shall do my best this very night to deal the enemy a staggering blow." chapter xxix reaping the whirlwind during the inaction of the past two days jack had been carefully thinking out his plan. stout-hearted as he was, he felt oppressed by the difficulties of his position. he had now four hundred men in all; scarcely a hundred of them were armed with rifles, and not more than fifty were practised shots. how could he hope to dislodge from a stockaded camp more than seven hundred, of whom some two hundred and fifty, including van vorst's advance guard, were riflemen? it seemed at the best a desperate hazard, but the alternative was worse, and having resolved upon his course he rejected all half measures. some few of his own men must be left in the fort, if only to prevent a panic; but those must be the minimum--he would need every man he could muster. he was staking all on the cast of a die; it would never do to risk failure by timorousness in using all his effective combatant strength. he would throw his whole available force against the enemy in one supreme effort to break and scatter him. the offensive, he knew, counted for much, especially with men who had not known defeat. where he and barney led he felt sure they would follow. but a check might be fatal. a single well-directed volley from the enemy might sweep his little company of riflemen away, and his spearmen would then never get to close quarters. he gave full weight to all these considerations. but having decided that the attempt must be made he devoted long hours of anxious thought to the devising of a plan that would give best promise of success. he had to do his thinking alone. barney was a fighter, not a strategist. he could be trusted to strike hard and carry out orders to the minutest detail; he could not plan or organize. mr. arlington and the missionary of course must not be consulted. so that when barney was called into jack's hut that afternoon, it was to learn particulars of a scheme worked out by jack alone. when he left it an hour or two later, his eyes were glowing with a new light. "sure 'tis me chance that has come at last!" he said to himself. it was two o'clock in the morning. ilombekabasi was astir. men and boys were moving this way and that. the night was dark, but by the light of the small lamps kept burning before a few of the principal huts it could be seen that every face was tense with excitement and a subdued energy. in one spot congregated the maimed people, armed with such weapons as they could wield, for the news that a great movement was intended had spread in the camp, and every man and many of the girls and women had begged to be allowed to bear arms. near the south-eastern blockhouse the bulk of the able-bodied men and boys were squatting, rifles and spears lying beside them. at the gate in the north wall stood twenty-five men, the picked men of the corps, the men whom lokolobolo had twice led out to victory. there was lepoko, all smiles and consequence. there was makoko, hugging his rifle as though he loved it. there was lianza of the brazen throat, and lingombela the man of hard bargains, and imbono, the prudent chief of ilola, and mboyo, solemn and silent, thinking of samba. on the ground lay a number of bundles and bales, large and small. a group approached the gate from lokolobolo's hut. lokolobolo himself, and barnio, as the natives called him, came first, walking slowly side by side. behind came mr. arlington, his strong features fixed impassively. at his side was the litter of mr. dathan, borne by four negroes. "is it quite clear?" said jack to barney. "you have twenty good men here, besides another twenty of the maimed who may be of use in an emergency. batukuno will be left in command. all the rest will go with you; yes, let the boys go; they can use their knives even if they cannot throw a spear. get them all paraded an hour before dark, ladder men first. keep them as quiet as you can. wait till you hear shots in the enemy's camp; that will be the signal. then send your men out, over the stockade by the south-eastern blockhouse; they can scramble down the slope there. you had better take half of them first and form them up at the bottom. the rest can follow as soon as they see you move off. lead them at the double straight down the hill and fling them at the stockade. the second party will be just in time to support you if the first rush is checked. but there must be no check; we daren't admit the possibility. this is your job, barney." "amen, sorr. for the honour uv ould ireland and the sake uv these poor niggers i'll do me very best." "i know you will, old fellow." they grip hands, looking into each other's eyes. this may be their last good-bye. one long hand-clasp, one moment of tense emotion, then, clearing his throat, jack gives an order to his men. they stoop to their bundles, then file quietly out of the gate. each man has a package to carry, such a package as forms part of every white man's baggage in africa: one a trunk, another a gun-case, a third a canvas bag, others bales of various kinds. two strong negroes at the end of the line bear, slung on ropes, a package, strangely shapeless, and to all appearance particularly heavy. the last has gone out into the darkness. then jack turns once more. "good-bye, mr. arlington." "good-bye! success to you." "good-bye, mr. dathan." "god help you, my dear lad," says the missionary. then jack too leaves ilombekabasi, and the darkness swallows him up. towards dusk on the following evening, a party of twenty-five carriers were marching through the forest in the direction of elbel's stockaded camp. in the midst were four men carrying a litter. they followed the path leading from the river--the path along which captain van vorst had come a few days earlier. for some time they had been shadowed by a negro bearing the arms of a forest guard. they paused for a few moments to rest, and the negro, apparently satisfied by his observations, came up and accosted them. "you are the servants of mutela?" "yes, that is so. has mutela arrived?" mutela was the native name for van vorst. "oh yes! he came two or three days ago." "are we on the right road?" "certainly. the camp is but a little way beyond us. i will lead you to it. you have heavy loads." "ah! mutela is a man of riches. he has many pots, and many bottles, and very many coats for his back. and guns too; see, here is his elephant rifle. mutela is a great hunter; a great man of war." "true, he is a great man of war. yesterday he killed a woman in the fort of the inglesa. i saw it. i laughed; we all laughed; it was so funny! but who is in the litter?" "a white officer. oh yes! he is as great a man of war as mutela. but he is sick; white men so easily turn sick! and he sleeps, although it is a rough road." "aha! it is a pity he is sick. mutela will be sorry. mutela is going to kill all the men in the inglesa's fort. lokolobolo they call him. aha! we shall see how strong he is! see, there is the camp yonder through the trees." when the party were still within some yards of the gate, the scout gave a hail. it was answered by a negro whose face appeared just above the stockade. by the time the leading men reached the gate it had been thrown open by one of elbel's european subordinates, and a crowd of negro soldiers and hangers-on was collected to witness the entrance of the white officer and mutela's baggage. lepoko, who had led the file, deposited his bundle just inside the gate and burst into a roar of laughter, holding his sides and bending his body in uncontrollable mirth. he was soon surrounded by a crowd of negroes, to whom he began to relate a very funny story; how ekokoli, the daring ekokoli, had mounted a crocodile's back just below the rapids, and had a splendid ride. the comical story set the throng laughing in chorus, and they begged to hear it again. meanwhile, the rest of the carriers had filed in with their burdens, the litter had been set down, and the white officer, though so sick, stepped out quite briskly to greet the belgian, whose attention was divided between the laughing negroes and his guest. at the same time the four bearers drew out from the litter a rifle apiece--for a sick man rifles surely made an uncomfortable couch!--and also half a dozen objects which to a man of ilombekabasi would have looked suspiciously like fire-balls. from the packages which lay near the gate each of the other carriers with a single pull abstracted a mauser or an albini; while the two men who had staggered along at the end of the line under the weight of a clumsy heavy bundle dropped it in the gateway with a thud that suggested the fall of a rock rather than a carrier's ordinary load. it lay against the gate, preventing it from being closed. lepoko was already telling his story for the second time. elbel's officer, about to speak to the sick white man, who had just stepped out of the litter, suddenly hesitated, wheeled round, and with a loud cry of alarm rushed toward the centre of the camp, where, in a large tent, elbel was at that moment regaling captain van vorst with a dinner that did much credit to his native cook. his cry passed unnoticed by the delighted negroes whom lepoko was so humorously entertaining. but next moment they choked their guffaws, and, without waiting for the end of the story, scampered with more speed than grace after their white officer towards elobela's tent. what had startled them? the sick man from the litter, after one hasty glance round, had suddenly fired into the air the rifle he bore. and the carriers who seemed so tired and so glad to lay down their burdens had all at once sprung into feverish activity. dividing into two parties they had disappeared behind the huts nearest to the stockade on each side of the gateway, and if the hubbub had not been so great, an attentive listener might have heard sundry scratches that ensued upon their disappearance. but there was no one to hear. the garrison of the camp were rushing still towards the centre with loud cries; the carriers and the sick officer were no longer to be seen; and what was this? clouds of smoke, thick, acrid, suffocating, were floating on the south wind from the huts towards elobela's tent. and now the camp was in an uproar. mingled with the yells of alarm were distinct cries, "mutela!" "elobela!" "lokolobolo!" and amid all the din came ever and anon the sharp piercing bark of a dog. monsieur guillaume elbel, of the société cosmopolite du commerce du congo, had just opened a second bottle of madeira for the delectation of his guest captain van vorst, of the congo state forces. the dinner had been a good one; the captain had praised his cook, the best cook on the congo; and monsieur elbel was in better humour than he had been since the arrival of the state troops. he was even pleasantly boasting of the coming triumph at ilombekabasi, and discussing what they should do with the englishman after they had caught him, when sounds from outside so startled him that he poured the wine on to the tablecloth instead of into the glass, and interrupted himself with the sudden exclamation-- "what's that?" he snatched up a rifle and hurried out, followed more slowly by his companion, who had seen too many camp quarrels to be greatly alarmed by this sudden outbreak. elbel at first could distinguish nothing in the confusion. the short dusk of a tropical evening was already becoming darkness, but he could see that crowds of men were pouring out of the huts, rushing, hustling, in a state that was very like panic. and a pungent smoke saluted his nostrils; it was drifting in great whorls northwards over the camp, and surely behind it he saw here and there little red flashes of flame. who had fired that shot which had so shaken monsieur elbel's hand? he did not know; it had been a single shot; surely the camp could not be attacked, for other shots would have followed long before this. but the moment he appeared outside the tent a volley rang out, and elbel saw that it was fired by his own men into the midst of the smoke. he was hurrying across the camp to inquire into the meaning of all this when a volley flashed from the other direction--from the very heart of the smoke. shrieks proclaimed that some of the shots had told. "fools!" cried elbel, "don't you see they're screened by the smoke, whoever they are? what's the good of firing when you can't take aim? curse that dog! i can't hear myself speak!" another volley flashed from the smoke. men were dropping on every side; there were wild rushes for cover. soon the central space was deserted, and the panic-stricken garrison fled for shelter behind the huts on the north side of the camp. while elbel and van vorst were shouting themselves hoarse in a vain attempt to stem this tide of flight, the sergeant who had opened the gate had rushed to the north side, where van vorst's contingent were quartered, and hastily got them into some sort of order, together with those of elbel's men who, having their huts on that side, has been less affected by the sudden alarm. dividing the company of about a hundred men into two parties, he sent them skirmishing forward in the spaces between the huts towards the enemy he supposed to be approaching on the east and west. that enemy, however, was not approaching. jack had fired the huts and thrown the camp into confusion; his little party was not strong enough to turn the confusion to utter rout. its smallness would be perceived if he led it into the open; his was a waiting game. the wisdom of his policy was soon proved. a sharp volley came from the men whom the belgian sergeant had got together. jack heard the man beside him groan heavily and fall to the ground; then he himself felt a stinging burning pain below the left knee. he called to his men to keep within cover, and hastily bound a handkerchief about the wound. and now the wind dropped, and the smoke which had hitherto screened his movements floated upwards. a scattering volley from the enemy reduced his band by two more men. the state troops were working round on each side of him; and the red glare from the burning huts was lighting up the whole camp. it would soon be seen how small his little company was; then one determined rush would annihilate it. less than four minutes had passed since he entered the gate; it seemed an age. would barney never come? why was he delaying? surely he had heard the signal shot; surely by this time he must have seen the ruddy glare! the enemy were regaining confidence; their cries of alarm were changed to yells of defiance. elbel and van vorst had taken command, one on each side; each was steadily moving down from the northern stockade towards the gate. barney, barney, will you never come? hark! what is that? the cries of the enemy are suddenly drowned in a babel of yells behind them. they halt, amazed; van vorst shouts an order; the men wheel round and dash northwards, leaving only a few to watch the rear. the belgian sees now the meaning of this daring scheme. what has he to gain by routing the little band behind? before him is pandemonium; a whole host must be upon him; here is the danger to be met. but he is too late! "lokolobolo! lokolobolo!" two hundred voices roar the name. and lokolobolo himself sees a portion of the northern stockade black with moving figures, and rifle barrels, spear heads, gleaming red in the light of the flaming huts. towards him rushes the greater part of the garrison, their first fright trebled. these guards of the forest can fight unarmed despairing rubber collectors, but their hearts are as water when the villagers prove to be men. let the men in uniform, the clad soldiers of bula matadi, fight if they will; this is no place for forest guards; the gate! the gate! van vorst's handful of more disciplined men present a bolder front to the enemy. but it would need many times the number he can muster to break the wave of exultant warriors now swarming over the stockade. there is barney! jack sees him drop to the ground, brandishing in one hand a rifle, an ancient cutlass in the other. "hurroo! hurroo!" he shouts. a second, no more, and then the crest of the wave breaks over the stockade into the camp. "barnio! lokolobolo!" with a great roar the men of ilombekabasi follow their leader. they are already sweeping the garrison like sea-wrack before them, when another wave comes tumbling behind, the shrill cries of boys mingling with the deeper shouts of the men. see, they come, furiously, irresistibly! and who is this? a tall white-clad figure springs over with the movement of a hurdle-racer. it is mr. arlington himself, stirred for the nonce out of his habitual calmness, caught up and carried away in this roaring current. the enemy fire once, then, though van vorst may rave and storm, they turn their backs and flee helter-skelter for the gate. "lokobololo! barnio!" the tempestuous war-cries pursue them. struggling, yelling, they converge to the narrow gateway. it is jammed, wedged tight with human forms, squeezed by the presence of the frantic crowd behind into a solid mass of feebly struggling wretches lost to all consciousness but that of a great fear. the weaker men fall and are trampled to death; the stronger push and pull, and scramble over the fallen, mad with fright. some win through or over, and rush with blind haste into the forest. others, despairing of escape by that one constricted outlet, climb the palisade. some impale themselves on the sharp-pointed stakes, and, hapless benefactors! serve as gangways for their comrades who follow. seeing the utter rout of the enemy, jack had already ordered his men to cease fire. his end was gained; he had no lust for useless slaughter. but although makoko and lingombela and the rest with him loyally obeyed, nothing could check the storming party. they heard nothing, saw nothing, but the enemy in front. not one of them but had a father, or mother, a wife or child, to avenge--a ruined home, a blasted life. as well attempt to bridle the whirlwind as this infuriate flood. on and on they pressed, past the spot where jack held his men in leash; and as they ran they shot and stabbed, yelling "barnio! lokolobolo!" and as they were accustomed to receive no mercy, so now, in this hour of retribution, they gave none. as jack made his way towards the gateway, hoping to do something to ensure quarter for the fleeing wretches, he caught sight of a figure crawling painfully forth from a burning hut. at one moment he recognized the man and the man him. "nando!" he cried. "sabe me, massa!" "getaway to the other end. wait for me there. any other men in the hut?" "no, massa, no! only me!" but as he turned to run jack heard the bark which ever and anon had struck his ears during these full minutes, and felt a tug at his coat. the cloth, already tattered, gave way; but pat caught his trousers, then ran a little way ahead, then back again, then once more towards the burning hut. tearing off his coat, jack wrapped it round his head and dashed in. the smoke was so dense that nothing could be seen save here and there spurts of flame. scarcely able to breathe he flung himself on the ground and began to grope round the right of the hut. by and by his hands touched a human body, and then the shaggy coat of the terrier. lifting the body in both arms he staggered with it to the entrance, guided by the dog's barks. he gasped and drew long breaths when once again he came into the open air; but as he laid his burden upon the ground he stumbled and fell beside it, sick and dizzy. [illustration: samba rescued from the burning hut] he was unconscious but for a few moments. when he came to himself and sat up, he saw that samba lay in his father's arms. mboyo was sobbing, rocking his body to and fro, murmuring endearing words. pat was stretched beside him, his eyes fixed on samba, his ears pricked forward. "he dies, o lokolobolo!" said mboyo piteously, seeing jack rise. "no, no! get water! take him to the other end of the camp. i will come to you when i can." jack hurried off. many of the huts were blazing; now that the fire had done its part it must be checked, or the stores and ammunition which would be invaluable in ilombekabasi would be destroyed. collecting such of the men as had not dashed out of the camp in pursuit of the enemy, jack set them to beat out the flames where they could, and to demolish one or two of the still unburnt huts that were most in danger of catching fire. luckily the wind had dropped; there was little risk of sparks or cinders flying through the air. then he set some of the boys to make torches, and by their light he surveyed the camp. he shuddered as he passed over the scene of the disastrous flight and pursuit. the forms of dead and wounded lay scattered over the ground. he ordered nando and other of mr. martindale's carriers who had been left in the camp to attend the wounded as well as they were able, and sternly forbade the despatching of those of the enemy who were still alive but unable through injuries to escape. then he went towards the gate. it was with a shock that he saw, amid the black bodies crushed to death in the gateway, the white-clad form of van vorst. in that terrible struggle for precedence the white man's skin had not saved him. but he was the only european left in the camp; jack looked for elbel and his subordinate; they were nowhere to be seen. complete darkness had settled over the country, and put a stop to the pursuit. jack's men began to return, at first in ones and twos, by and by in groups that grew larger as the night drew on. they came laughing and singing; once more elobela, even aided by mutela, had been beaten by lokolobolo. what a night it was for the men of ilombekabasi! and barnio!--was it not barnio who had led them to the stockade with that wild war-cry of his? they must not forget barnio! and lianza made a song as he marched back to the camp: barnio! barnio! down from the forty from ilombekabasi, dashed in the night, sought elobela, cruel mutela. hurroo! hurroo! barnio leads, after him black men, hundreds and thousands, sweep like the wind, rage like the torrent, over the wall. hurroo! hurroo! big clouds of smoke, forests of flame, into the midst, barnio! barnio! over the wall, into the camp, straight for the gate barnio rushes, after him black men. hurroo! in the gate thousands of black men, only one white man, cruel mutela! ha! he will never, never whip black men, never kill women, never kill children, laugh again never! dead is mutela! why do we sing? why do we laugh? whom do we praise? barnio! barnio! lokolobolo! friends of imbono, friends of the black men of ilombekabasi. hurroo! begorra! chapter xxx sinews of war barney came back to the camp tired out. following up the only party that seemed to have cohesion after leaving the fort--a party led by the belgian sergeant--he had soon found himself left far behind in the race. but his men had done their work thoroughly; they had dispersed the band, few of whom escaped. "'twas for this i was born, sorr," said barney as he gripped jack's hand. "sure i'll be a fighter for iver more." "you did splendidly, old fellow. i knew all was well when i heard your hurroo! but there are five hundred men roaming the country and only a score of able-bodied men in our fort. we must look after that. get fifty fellows together and send them back under imbono, barney." "and what'll ye be afther doing yourself, sorr?" "oh! i'm going down to the river. the job's only half done while that flotilla is intact. i'm going to have a shot at it before the enemy get over their fright. i'll take a couple of hundred men with me. you'll keep a hundred and remove all the stores and ammunition here to the fort; get the women and children to help; you can light the way with flares. when the camp's empty burn it. and look after samba, barney; he's here, nearly dead, poor little chap! mboyo's got him; we'll go and see how he is getting on." making their way to the north side of the camp they found samba laid on the floor of a hut, his father on one side of him, pat on the other. the dog leapt up excitedly when he saw his master, and invited him with a yelp to come and see samba. by the light of a torch barney tenderly examined the boy. he was conscious, and smiled, even though he winced under the gentlest of touches. "ochone! ochone!" exclaimed barney. "'tis the divil's own work, sorr. his poor flesh is wan jelly. by all the holy powers, if i catch that murdering ruff'n uv a fellow, that elbel---- and i've no ointment at all at all. bedad! but now i remimber mr. arlington has a whole docthor's shop in wan uv his traps, and if he hasn't got boracic ointment among his stuff, sure i'll think a mighty deal less uv him. 'twill take a month or more, sorr, to heal all the wounds on this poor body; but we'll do it, plase god! and make a man of him yet." "he dies, o lokolobolo?" said mboyo, looking up yearningly into jack's face. "no, barnio says no. he is very ill, but in a month he may be well, and barnio says he is going to make a man of him." "bolotsi o! bolotsi o!" cried the negro, slapping his thighs. "n'dok 'olo aiyoko!"[ ] he laughed and clapped his hands like a child. "it was pat that showed me where samba was," said jack to barney. "nando was tied up in a hut with him--he must have been captured with dear old uncle--and the wretch saved himself by burning his ropes through and left samba to perish in the flames. pat dragged me to the spot." "the darlint is worth his weight in gold," cried barney delighted. "that's twice he has saved samba, sorr. black men and white men are brothers, or ought to be, and there's niver a doubt that dogs are cousins at the very least. and beggin' your pardon, sorr, i'll take a pleasure in kicking nando whin i get a look uv him. 'tis a little military discipline he needs, to be sure." "you can give him that in the fort. and by the way, you'll find a lot of rifles here; the enemy either hadn't time to get hold of them or else threw them away. arm some of our spearmen; they can tell the muzzle from the stock at any rate, and if any attempt is made to rush the fort they could do a good deal of damage at close quarters. and keep scouts out. we don't know the exact whereabouts of van vorst's main body, and it won't do to risk anything. but i hope you won't have any trouble." bidding barney farewell, jack called up makoko and lingombela, and sent them out with orders to discover the exact position of the flotilla, and to return at daybreak. an hour afterwards, with a hundred and fifty picked spearmen, sixty rifles, and a body of carriers with food for three days, he began a night march to the river. he himself was unable to walk. his wound was becoming more and more painful, but he had said nothing about it to barney, being resolved not to spare himself while anything remained to be done to complete his work. four men, relieved at frequent intervals, carried him in the litter of which he had made such effective use to gain an entrance to the enemy's camp. this time, he thought with a smile, there was no pretence about it. he guessed that van vorst's flotilla would be found about half way between ilola and the spot where mr. martindale's canoes had been hidden. it was one day's march across country, a much longer distance by the river. for some hours he followed the path on which his uncle and he had been escorted by the askari. the recollection of that march brought sad thoughts to his mind. lying in the litter amid his men, as the column wound its slow way along the forest track, the red glare of their torches throwing weird shadows around, he had plenty of time for melancholy reflections. the incidents of his uncle's last days were burnt into his memory. he remembered the drawn, wasted features, now pale with exhaustion, now bright with the hectic flush of fever; the quick uneasy breath; the slow labouring voice. he remembered the tale of persecution and wrong. more than all he remembered the earnest, passionate words in which the dying man had bequeathed to him the cause of the congo natives, and besought him to use his utmost strength on their behalf. "dear old uncle!" he thought; "i am trying to do what you would have wished me to do. i can't do much; this is only a small corner of the plague-ridden country; how many thousands of poor people are without even such help as i can give! but it will be something if only the few hundreds in ilombekabasi can regain and keep a little of their former happiness; and uncle would be pleased; he is pleased, if he knows." then the other side of the picture stood out sharply to his mental view. he saw the fleeing crowds of the enemy; the jammed gateway; the camp enclosure strewn with dead and wounded. once or twice, even, his marching column came upon wounded men, too weak to crawl away into the bush, and he could do nothing for them. this terrible loss of life, this misery--was not this too due to the evil government of a monarch who, far away, in wealth and luxury and ease, spoke with two voices--one the voice of beneficence, benignity, zeal for peace and good order; the other the voice of greed, avarice, the callous demand for riches even at the price of blood? "botofé bo le iwa! rubber is death!"--the woful proverb haunted him like a knell: death to the dwellers in this well-favoured land, death to the minions of the power that oppressed them, death to those who, like his uncle, dared to make a stand for freedom and found themselves engulfed in the whirlpool of injustice and wrong. as jack approached the river, these gloomy thoughts gave way to the necessities of the moment. lepoko, leading the column, announced that the river was very near. then jack ordered the torches to be put out, and the men to creep forward even more silently than they had already done. had news of the storming of the camp been carried, he wondered, by fugitives to the flotilla? since they had left the direct path to the river and struck obliquely towards it there had been no sign of fugitives. he supposed that the scared enemy had kept to the route they knew, and would follow the river bank until they reached the canoes. this involved many extra miles through the winding of the stream, unless the flotilla had come farther up than he thought was likely. the principal danger was that some of elbel's scouts, knowing the country better than the majority of the garrison, might already have taken the short cut jack was now taking and would reach the flotilla before him. there were two white officers in charge; they might set off at once to the relief of their superior and reach the fort while jack was still absent. would barney be strong enough to hold out against them? the march was continued with brief rests throughout the night. shortly after dawn a man sprang panting out of the thicket to the right of the path, and hurried to jack's litter. "o lokolobolo!" he cried, "i have news!" jack saw that it was lofundo, sub-chief of akumbi. "it was in the smoke and the flame, lokolobolo. i saw elobela, with fear in his face, climb over the fence and rush out into the night. after him i sprang--i, and bolumbu, and iloko, and others. it was elobela, the cruel, the pitiless! after him, into the night! but first iloko tired, then bolumbu, then the others. i, lofundo, i did not tire; no; was it not elobela whose men ill-used and slew my people and burnt my village, and who with his own hands flogged my son? i ran and ran, hot on his trail, and in the morning light i came up with him, and saw him with fear in his face; and i had my knife; and now elobela is dead, yonder, in the forest." "is it far, lofundo?" "a little march in the forest, lokolobolo." jack had himself carried to the spot. there, beneath a tree, covered with felled branches and leaves to protect it from beasts, lay the stark body of guillaume elbel. jack could not help pitying the wretch whose zeal in an evil cause had brought him to so miserable an end. but as he thought of the misery this man had caused--the ruined homes, the desolated lives: as he remembered his uncle, lying in his lonely grave, and samba, lacerated by this man's cruel whip, pity froze within him. "cover him up," he said. he waited while his men buried elbel, there at the foot of the tree. "let us go!" he said; "we have work to do." when jack's column, according to lepoko, was still an hour's march from the river, lingombela, one of the advance scouts, came back with a negro in his grasp. he had captured him, said lingombela, as he was running from the river into the forest. jack questioned the man through lepoko. he said that his name was bandoka, and he had been a paddler in mutela's flotilla, and had suffered many times from the chicotte; he showed the marks on his back. just after daybreak several men had come rushing madly into the clearing on the river bank where the soldiers of bula matadi had halted for the night. there was great confusion in the camp. he had heard it said among the paddlers that there had been a fight up the river at the inglesa's fort, and that the men of elobela had been badly beaten. the paddlers had already heard the name of lokolobolo. the fugitives said that mutela was sorely in need of help, and the white officer had at once started up the river in swift canoes, with most of the fighting men, leaving the rest to follow with the carriers. in the confusion attending the departure of the force with three days' stores, bandoka had contrived to slip away into the forest. he would rather brave anything than endure further service with bula matadi. jack's first thought on hearing this news was that it simplified his position. the congo officers had two days' journey before them; it was strange if he, with his lightly equipped force of men thoroughly acquainted with the country, knowing the short cuts through the forest, the fordable places on the river, could not do much to impede and harass their advance. but on subsequent reflection a still bolder course suggested itself to him. was it possible to cut off the main body from its stores? the fighting men under their white commander had already started up the river; the stores would follow more slowly; jack's line of march would strike the river at a point between the two portions of the enemy's force. if he could capture the stores, would he not have the main body at his mercy? "how many fighting men are left to escort the canoes?" he asked. "him say no can tell. he run away plenty soon; plenty much nise, all talk one time." in the absence of precise information jack could only conjecture. the news brought by the fugitive from elbel's camp was such that a force despatched in support would probably consist of at least two-thirds of the available combatant strength. the officer must be aware that a body of men that could defeat elbel with his seven hundred mixed troops could scarcely be met with less than two hundred and fifty rifles. no doubt he would expect to be joined by some of elbel's men; the full magnitude of the disaster would hardly be known; and like any other white commander he would be inclined to discount the alarmist reports of the fugitives. it would be safe to assume, thought jack, that not more than a hundred rifles had been left with the stores. how many of the paddlers were also fighting men, how many impressed like bandoka, it was impossible to guess. "bandoka is sure the white officers are not coming through the forest?" he asked, as the bare chance of meeting them occurred to him. "sartin sure, massa. dey come in boats. bandoka he fit to paddle in white man's canoe. 'no, no,' he say; 'me no like dat. white man lib for go too fast; me know what dat mean; dat mean chicotte!' den he run away, sah." "well, i wish i knew a little more about the men with the stores." "know plenty more one time," said lepoko, pointing ahead. "dat am makoko." makoko, a scout in a thousand, had brought just the news jack most desired. he had counted the fighting men on the canoes: there were a hundred and ten with rifles and more than two hundred with spears. on each cargo canoe there was a rifleman--to encourage the paddlers, thought jack. the flotilla had just started when makoko left the river, at least two hours after the main body had left. one white officer had gone with the swift canoes, a second remained with the stores. the line of boats was headed by two large war canoes, each containing twenty riflemen besides the paddlers; and two similar canoes similarly manned brought up the rear. it was clear to jack that the enemy was doing everything possible to hasten progress. but the canoes were heavily laden, and the paddlers had the stream against them. meanwhile barney must be warned of the approaching expedition. jack was not anxious about the fate of the fort. behind the walls barney's hundred and twenty riflemen and three times as many spearmen could easily hold their own. the enemy's machine gun, a deadly weapon in the open, would be of little use against stone walls. so, confident in barney's ability to sit tight, jack sent lingombela back through the forest to give him timely notice of the troops coming towards him by the river. the arrangements made by the officer in charge of the convoy of stores, as reported by makoko, were well enough adapted for progress through a country in which the natives, even if hostile, were armed only with bows and arrows or spears. by keeping in mid-stream the canoes were practically out of danger from the banks, and an enemy on the water could be effectively dealt with by the leading canoes, carrying a strong force of riflemen armed with albinis. the similar force acting as a rearguard discouraged any tendency on the part of the crews of the store-boats to bolt down stream. and each canoe had a forest guard ready with a chicotte to stimulate the paddlers' zeal. jack felt sure that by setting an ambush at a suitable point he could produce a panic among the guards and paddlers almost as effectual for his purpose as the panic in elbel's camp. but he had a not unnatural shrinking from such a course. an ambuscade--concealing oneself to shoot another man down--went against the grain with him. he knew that it was fair by all the rules of warfare, and warfare had been thrust upon him by the state troops. but he preferred if possible to attain his end by other means, involving the minimum of bloodshed and suffering. the scenes in elbel's camp and in the forest were too fresh in his memory for him to court a repetition of this wholesale destruction, even of the savages who wore the uniform of king leopold. the disposition of the enemy's forces suggested a plan whereby his end might be gained with little or no serious fighting. if the plan failed there still remained the alternative of an attack in force on the long-drawn-out line of the flotilla. he had noticed, when coming up the river to ilola with his uncle, that, about half a day's paddling from the flotilla's point of departure, the channel was divided by a small island. only on the near side was the river navigable at this season, even by canoes; on the other side the channel was wide but shallow, thickly beset by sandbanks. by striking to the left and taking a short cut through the forest known to makoko, the river bank opposite this island could be reached in two hours' hard marching. there would still be a good margin of time to make all necessary arrangements for carrying out his plan before the head of the convoy came into view. the men had already had a couple of hours' rest; the worst of their fatigue after the night march was gone; there was now no time to be lost, and jack gave the order to move off under makoko's lead. before midday the troops were halted opposite the island, a lozenge-shaped eyot about a third of a mile in length and a hundred yards across, covered with rank vegetation and patched with one or two clumps of large trees. on reaching the spot jack left his litter to superintend the men's work, in spite of his stiff leg. he posted scouts in each direction, up and down the river, to guard against surprise, then set the men to cut a large number of tough creepers which abounded in the forest, and by twisting and knotting the tendrils to make a rope about eighty yards long. while this was being done with marvellous speed by the expert negroes, a few saplings were uprooted and lashed together to form a raft, too slight indeed for serious navigation, but strong enough to convey a few men at a time across the river. when the rope was finished one end was taken across to the eyot and firmly secured to one of the large trees; the other end was left for the present loose. the place where the rope entered the water on each side was carefully screened from view, and a few stones attached to it at intervals sank it beneath the surface of the stream. jack directed the work untiringly, encouraging the workers with praise. "bravo!" he cried, when all was done. "now we'll have some chop, lepoko." "plenty hungry, massa," returned the man. "men all want to know somefing, massa." "well, what is it?" "dey say: 'lokolobolo make us do plenty fings. what for? we lib for do anyfing for lokolobolo; no fit to know what for.' dat am what dey say, sah." jack smiled. "well, lepoko, i'll tell you in confidence, and i know it won't go any further. we're going to see an exhibition of swimming." "me no like big talk like dat," said lepoko, looking puzzled. "here's little talk, then. men no want to swim; we want to see them swim. savvy?" "me know all 'bout dat, sah," cried lepoko delighted, and he went off to tell the men, jack smiling at their satisfaction with an explanation that explained so little. the whole force had a meal, keeping almost perfect silence in obedience to an impressive order from jack. they were concealed within the forest fringe. when the meal was finished a dozen men with rifles were sent across to hide themselves amid the vegetation on the island, and all waited with rifles ready. presently the scout from down stream came running up with the news that the leading canoes of the flotilla were approaching a bend in the river half a mile below the eyot. the paddlers, who had apparently had a meal and a rest, were sending the canoes along at a good rate. jack bade twelve of his men grasp the rope of creepers, and stand ready to pull when he gave the word. there was dead silence among the troops. they heard the enemy drawing near--the songs of the paddlers, the chatter of the fighting men, occasionally a yell as the chicotte fell with stinging force upon a paddler's back. jack watched from his coign of vantage in the bush. there were the two war canoes as makoko had described them; in the second of them was a white officer. they passed the eyot. then came the store canoes, one after another, keeping about the same distance apart. jack forgot to count them, for he was beyond measure delighted to see in one of them the shield of the machine gun. "what luck! what tremendous luck!" he thought. "where the shield is the gun is sure to be." the last of the store canoes passed. then, at a little longer interval than separated the store canoes, came the first war canoe of the rearguard, the second about a boat's length behind. jack signed to his twelve men to be ready. watching carefully the point at which the rope entered the water and the point on the opposite side where it reached the eyot, he waited for the first of the war canoes to approach the line. the nose of the vessel was within two or three yards of the rope when he gave his men the signal. with desperate energy the twelve sturdy negroes hauled on the rope. jack could not have timed the movement more fortunately. as the rope became taut and rose to the surface it struck the bottom of the canoe about a fourth of its length from the bow. the united pull of the twelve men lifted the forepart of the vessel bodily from the water; the stern dipped under, and in a moment the canoe filled and its occupants were struggling in the water. at any other time such a feat would have provoked yells of triumph from the performers. it was a tribute to jack's discipline that his men made no other sound than a grunt of satisfaction, which must be entirely smothered by the shouts of the men in the water. and at a word from jack they rushed at full speed down stream with the rope, holding it a few inches above the gunwale level of the last canoe, the crew of which were frantically back-paddling to escape the mysterious fate of the other. but the paddlers had not got into their swing when the rope, stretched tight between the fastening on the eyot and the running men, overtook them. it caught them about the knees; they were swept from the thwarts, and fell towards the opposite bank; and the sudden weight on the starboard side turned the canoe completely over. not half a minute from the time when jack gave the first sign the whole of the rearguard was out of action. in mortal dread of crocodiles the men swam desperately for the banks, some on one side, some on the other; but as they landed they fell an easy prey to jack's men, and were promptly hauled into the forest and tied up. but while they were still in the water the news of the disaster had been communicated with marvellous rapidity from canoe to canoe, and reached the head of the flotilla and the white officer. standing up and lifting his field glass to his eyes he could just see, over the intervening vessels, a capsized canoe, a number of men swimming in the river, and others moving on the bank. there was no sign of the cause of the disaster. the paddlers indeed were shouting "lokolobolo! lokolobolo!" in accents of terror; but the name appeared to convey nothing to the lieutenant, who was disposed to attribute the upset to a hippopotamus or a snag. certainly it was causing a great deal of confusion in the flotilla, and some of the paddlers, the rearguard being removed, seemed inclined to turn their canoes and head down stream. it was very annoying. shouting to the men in the leading war canoe to paddle just enough to keep their vessel stationary against the stream, the lieutenant hurried to the scene of the accident. on the way the shouts of the paddlers became more coherent; what was this they were saying? ilombekabasi? absurd! but it was as well to prepare for anything that might occur, so the officer ordered his men to be ready to fire when he gave the word. at present he saw nobody to fire at. his canoe was going rapidly on the current towards the eyot when a volley flashed from the undergrowth on the right bank, and he heard the shots strike the side of his vessel. the effect of the discharge at a range of only thirty yards was instantaneous. jack had ordered his men to aim at or near the waterline; not a man had been hit; but the paddlers waited for no more. with one accord they sprang overboard and swam for the nearest shore, that of the eyot. one or two of the soldiers replied to the volley, aiming hap-hazard at the bank; the rest awaited the order of their officer, who, however, was either dazed by the unexpected attack or unwilling to waste ammunition by aimless firing into the bush. the boat meanwhile was drifting down the stream: a second volley bored another score of tiny holes in the thin side. the occupants were without paddlers or paddles; they had no means of beaching the vessel; and jack, watching her progress, felt that it was only a question of minutes before, riddled like a sieve, she would have shipped enough water to sink her. then the occupants, officer and men, would share the fate of their comrades. he sent makoko with twenty rifles and twice as many spearmen to the nearest point where the hapless party might be expected to land; and at the same time he despatched a band of the same size up river to deal with the war canoe, which had by this time gone out of sight. in a few minutes the lieutenant and his men struggled one after another up the bank. those who retained their weapons were unable to use them, for they were dripping wet. jack's men dealt with them as with the others, leaving the white officer, however, unbound. him they led to jack, who commiserated the crestfallen man on his unfortunate plight, and promised him excellent treatment if he made no attempt to escape. for some time jack's party had made no further effort to conceal themselves. the store canoes had been moving aimlessly about the river, the paddlers not knowing whether to go ahead or to retreat. at jack's bidding lepoko now ordered them to beach their vessels, promising that lokolobolo would protect them, and, if they pleased, would take them into his service. they obeyed with alacrity, and soon the whole of the stores and the machine gun were in jack's possession. he wondered why the latter had not been taken up the river with the main body, and questioning the officer, learnt that in the haste and confusion one of the parts of the gun could not be found, and but for the delay in searching for it he himself would have arrived an hour or more earlier. the capture of the convoy had been effected so quickly that jack felt there might still be time by a forced march to reach the fort before the arrival of the enemy's main column. hastily selecting from the stores such food and other articles as he urgently needed, and taking care to bring with him the machine gun, he made instant preparations to return. he placed makoko in charge of the flotilla, with a body of thirty riflemen and eighty spearmen, ordering him to drop down the river half a day's paddling and await further instructions. he arranged for a chain of messengers to keep up communication between makoko and himself; then he set out with the bulk of his force for ilombekabasi, sending a scout to order the men who had gone up river to join him across country as soon as they had captured the only remaining canoe. [ ] now i am well. chapter xxxi summons and surrender two days after, on a strip of open ground half-way between ilombekabasi and elbel's ruined camp, a group of six negroes were assembled. three of them were in the uniform of the state troops; the other three were lepoko, imbono, and mboyo. all were unarmed. in the midst of the group were two rough chairs such as were used by native chiefs. the southern wall of ilombekabasi was thronged with men, women, and children eagerly surveying the scene; lower down the hill the state troops, in a rude encampment hastily constructed on the previous day, were drawn up in orderly ranks, and gazed north with equal intentness. all at once a great cry of "lokolobolo!" rent the air, and floated down the hill from the fort to the camp. no answering shout met it. but an officer in white left the camp and walked slowly up the slope. at the same time a tall figure in tattered garments of european cut limped out of the fort, and moved downwards. the group of negroes fell apart as the white men arrived. the latter touched their helmets in military salute; and the younger of the two smilingly motioned to the elder to seat himself on one of the chairs, he himself taking the other. they sat facing each other, and the negroes moved a few paces back on each side. the two men formed a strange contrast: the one, a tall slim young fellow not yet nineteen, his bronzed face clean shaved, showing firm well-cut lips and an obstinate kind of chin; his nose prominent, his brown eyes large and searching, his hair black as night and somewhat unruly; not a handsome face, but a strong one, worth looking at twice and not easily forgotten: the other nearly as tall, but much broader and more stiffly built; some ten years older; lips and chin concealed by thick brown moustache and beard, blue irritable eyes blinking through big spectacles under fierce and shaggy brows. "instead of replying to your summons to surrender, monsieur jennaert," said jack slowly in his best french, "i thought it better to meet you, so that we might clearly understand each other. i am obliged to you for so readily agreeing to my proposal." the belgian bowed. "yours, monsieur, is the third or fourth summons of the same kind. monsieur elbel summoned us----" "where is monsieur elbel, monsieur?" "monsieur elbel, monsieur, is dead." lieutenant jennaert started. "dead, monsieur?" "yes, he was pursued into the forest by a man whose son he had thrashed, whose relatives his men had maimed and butchered, whose village he had burned. the man killed him. well, as i was about to say, monsieur elbel summoned us more than once. at first he was much stronger than we were, both in arms and men. but when he began to back his summons by force of arms he failed,--more than once. as you know, four days ago we captured his camp for the second time and dispersed his troops, largely with the aid of rifles which had once been his." "yes, i know that," said lieutenant jennaert somewhat impatiently. "but monsieur elbel was not a trained soldier, and his men were only forest guards. i did not come to hear of your exploits, monsieur, but to receive your surrender. i am a soldier; my men are state troops; the case is different." "quite so, monsieur. i appreciate the difference between his men and yours. but you will pardon my pointing out that you are in a far more critical position than monsieur elbel before his camp was stormed." "you think so, monsieur?" said the officer with an amused smile. "would it be indiscreet to ask your reasons?" "not at all. i wish to be entirely frank. it is to the interest of us both." "assuredly, monsieur." lieutenant jennaert's smile was now quite indulgent. he was at first inclined to be peremptory with this young man, who appeared to presume on the victories he had obtained over a company's official, and a captain taken at a disadvantage, and never particularly competent, in his subordinate's opinion. but the young fellow was certainly very polite; why not humour him by letting him talk? so jennaert smiled again. the other continued-- "well, monsieur, what is the position? take mine first. you see before you a fortified camp, difficult of approach, as monsieur elbel could have told you, and as you can judge for yourself; well provisioned, and with a good water supply; garrisoned by four hundred or more well-armed men--all now provided with albinis or mausers, and a machine gun." the officer started. "a machine gun?" "yes--a machine gun." "monsieur elbel made no mention of a machine gun." "no, it is a new acquisition. but if you would like to assure yourself on the point i can convince you." the officer hesitated. jack turned to lepoko. "run up and tell mr. barney to show the big gun on the blockhouse." lepoko ran away. "it is very hot, monsieur," said jack pleasantly. "the rains, i am told by my friends the chiefs here, are long overdue. i am afraid you would have found your journey rather more difficult if it had been a little later, with the river in flood.--ah! there it is!" a number of men had hoisted the gun on to the edge of the parapet, in full view of the group below. "you see, monsieur, we are well provided. a machine gun, you will admit, is even more useful within walls than without. now as to your position. you have under your command some three hundred men trained--more or less. whether as a military force they are better than our men can only be decided if unfortunately you determine to put the matter to the test. but consider your risks. two days ago we captured your stores."--the officer jumped.--"your rearguard is in our hands, and that was your machine gun."--the officer stared.--"you are at least three weeks from your base, with perhaps two days' provisions in hand, no reserve of ammunition, and, as i said, the rains overdue. yonder country, during the rains, is a swamp." lieutenant jennaert turned pale. his messengers sent back to hurry on the dilatory convoy had strangely failed to return. but recovering himself, with a feeble attempt to smile he said-- "you are joking, monsieur. you permit yourself a ruse. ah! ah! i am not to be entrapped in that way." "pardon me, monsieur. you shall have the fullest assurance as to the truth of what i am saying. lepoko, ask mr. barney to send out the white officer." the belgian was now looking very uncomfortable. this was a strange turning of the tables; his summons to surrender had been completely forgotten. jack had no need to kill time by keeping up the conversation, for in a minute or two the lieutenant captured in the river left the fort under an armed guard and walked quickly down. "beuzemaker!" exclaimed lieutenant jennaert under his breath. "yes, monsieur--monsieur beuzemaker." lieutenant beuzemaker smiled ruefully as he joined the group. he gave a rapid narrative of the capture of the convoy. "it only remains, therefore," said jack, "for you to decide upon your course, monsieur. may i make you a proposal? you shall surrender your arms and ammunition except a dozen rifles. i will supply you with canoes to take your men down the river, and provisions for a fortnight. within ten days you should enter a district where more food can be obtained. as you know, the country hereabouts has been made almost a desert by your people." but this was too much. was it he, lieutenant jennaert, who was being called upon to surrender? he rose in a fury. "never! the thing is absurd! monsieur, i take my leave. beuzemaker!----" he stopped, biting his lips. "monsieur beuzemaker is my prisoner," said jack suavely, rising. "he will accompany me back to my camp. of course, if you accept our terms, we will release all the prisoners." the belgian turned away in a rage. the meeting broke up; the two parties went their several ways. jack, as he walked back to the fort, hoped that on thinking the matter over the officer would see the wisdom of compliance. the alternative was starvation. he must see that it would be no easy matter to storm the fort, and that jack had only to sit tight for a few days. the state troops, none too well disciplined at the best, would soon be clamouring for food. with a starving soldiery, an active well-fed enemy on his rear, and a swarm of scouts cutting off his foraging parties, he must see the impossibility of making his way back through several hundred miles of country inhabited by tribes only waiting an opportunity to rise against their oppressors. so that when barney met him as he re-entered the fort, and asked eagerly, "well, sorr, and did the patient swallow the pill?" he smiled as he shook his head, saying-- "not yet, barney. but he _will_ swallow it, bitter as it is." "or his men will swallow him, bedad!" and a few hours later a negro soldier marched up the hill with a white flag. lieutenant jennaert's note was very brief. monsieur,-- j'agrée vos conditions. jennaert, _lieutenant dans l'armée de l'État du congo_. chapter xxxii the dawn of freedom it was a fortnight later. ilombekabasi was the scene of great activity. gangs of negroes were busy carrying, hauling, stones of all shapes and sizes from the dry bed of the stream that once flowed past the fort; other gangs were building a wall above the original northern wall of the fort, a few yards beyond the spring whence the water supply was derived. on the cultivable land on the west and east men and women were digging, ploughing, planting, hoeing, for in some parts seed sown only two weeks before was already sprouting. barney o'dowd superintended the mason work, sporting a red fez taken from one of the slain askari and dry-cleaned by a process of his own. in his mouth was his old short clay pipe, in which, after long deprivation, he was smoking a mixture made by himself from tobacco grown on a bed in front of his hut. it was not shag, he said, nor twist, but it made a betther smoke than cavendish, and sure 'twould give a man a little comfort till the rale thing could be grown. the agriculturists were directed by imbono. an air of cheerful industry pervaded the whole settlement. when the state troops under lieutenant jennaert had disappeared, jack determined, after a breathing space, to enlarge the fort and to plant new crops. the enlargement was prompted not merely by the wish to have the source of the water supply within the wall, but by the expectation that the defeat of bula matadi would cause an increase of the population. and, in fact, within a week of jennaert's departure, natives from distant parts to which the news had penetrated came flocking into ilombekabasi to join the community which looked up to lokolobolo as its invincible chief. looking round upon the cheerful faces of the people; observing their willingness to work, and eagerness to please; watching the happy family life they led when unmolested and free from anxieties, jack felt that his toil had not been in vain, and was immeasurably glad that providence had laid this charge upon him. if only his uncle had lived to see this day! jack found that his feelings were shared by mr. arlington and his friend the missionary. they had awaited the issue of his hazardous enterprise with more anxiety than they cared to admit, and while they hailed his success with cordial congratulations, they were scarcely less troubled about the future. the congo state could not permit this leaven of revolt to spread; it would certainly organize an expeditionary force of sufficient strength to crush jack and his people; and then would not their lot be infinitely worse than it had ever been? "even so we shall have had some months of happiness, and set an example," said jack, talking things over with his friends the day before they left ilombekabasi. "but i hope for better things. we may have the rains upon us any day now; the country for miles around will be one vast morass; we shall be safe in our castle for six months, perhaps. and what may not be done in six months, mr. arlington?" "you mean?" "i mean if you and mr. dathan will hurry home and tell what you have seen and know. mr. arlington, you are no longer a member of parliament, i believe?" "no. the house of commons is no longer what it was." "surely it is what men like you choose to make it, sir. if you would go home, stand at a bye-election, and return to the house, what an immense influence a man with your record might wield! do you know what i would do in your place, sir? you do not mind my speaking out?" "not a bit. i am deeply interested." "well, sir, i would badger the foreign secretary; i would move the country until england moved the world." "go on the stump like gladstone?" "why not, sir? isn't the cause of the negroes every bit as good as the cause of the bulgarians or macedonians or armenians? nay, ten times better, because they're more helpless and suffer under a christian king! and you would succeed, sir." "i haven't gladstone's power of moving the masses." "what does that matter? the facts don't need any eloquence to back them, sir. i don't mean that you are not eloquent," he added with a smile. "i haven't heard you speak, but i have read your speeches; and if you tell what you have seen here, the country must listen, and something will surely be done. why, if you go to my old school and speak to the fellows in the schoolhouse, i'll back there's not a boy there but will want to rush off here by the first train, to lend a hand!" "upon my word, mr. challoner, i think you'd better come back with us and do the stumping yourself." "no, no," said jack, his face flushing. "i cannot leave these people. my place is here, and here i'll stick until i'm driven out, or until leopold is brought to book." "well, i'll do what i can. i promise you that. perhaps i've ploughed the lonely furrow long enough. what do you say, dathan? shall we join hands in this? we rowed in the same boat at trinity; we kept the head of the river. this boat's rather low down now, but d'you think we could make a bump?" "we'll make a shot for it, george. and please god, we like bishop latimer, will light such a candle in england as shall not be put out until this wrong is crushed and right is done." jack felt more than satisfied. if his countrymen had not grown strangely deaf, surely they would listen to these two--ay, and do more than listen. "you leave to-morrow?" he said. "yes. my leg won't carry me yet, but with a canoe and a litter i can make shift to get along until we reach the nyanza. can you lend me an interpreter?" "lepoko is a good fellow. i think i can spare him now. we'll see what he says." he sent for the man, and explained that he wished him to accompany the travellers during the first part of their journey. "me plenty sorry, massa," said lepoko. "me no fit to go. what for? me comfy heah! no lib for go talk talk for nudder massa. what for? nando go to boma with old massa; what den? he come back, get cotched, chicotte, feel plenty bad. no, no, sah; lepoko know all 'bout dat. lepoko go long long, do anyfing for massa; he lib for lub lokolobolo, no nudder massa dis time. why, me hab got wife in ilombekabasi; what for leabe wife? no good at all; dat what bula matadi make black man do, leabe wife, leabe pickin, go 'way all 'lone 'lone. make black man sick inside, sah; feel awful bad. no, no, i tell massa. nando go. he know inglesa plenty fine; he hab no got wife; he die of shame 'cos he leabe samba in fire hut; no one lub nando now. oh yes, sah! nando go: me tell him one time." after this breathless speech, lepoko ran off to find his brother. nando at first was by no means disposed to leave the fort on so long and hazardous a journey. but at last he was persuaded, though on bidding jack good-bye he said earnestly-- "me nebber, nebber, nebber lib for hab nudder brudder what talk inglesa: oh no!" one afternoon a few days after this, one of the look-outs on the south-eastern blockhouse reported that he saw a crowd of people emerging from the forest a couple of miles away. hurrying to the spot, jack took a long look through his field-glasses and made out that the approaching throng was composed of natives, men, women, and children, the women being laden with babies and bundles. when the crowd came within earshot of the fort, a negro stepped forward, and, lifting his hands to his mouth, vociferated-- "yo! yo!" "answer him, lianza," said jack to the man of the brazen throat. "i am here," shouted lianza. "is that ilombekabasi?" "it is ilombekabasi." "and lokolobolo?" "and lokolobolo." "i am lokua. my chief is makole. we come from limpoko to see lokolobolo." "lokolobolo says that makole and lokua may enter, but no more." "i am going." "are you going?" "o!" the negro returned to his company, who were now squatting in a series of circles just above the site of elbel's ruined camp. he presently returned with a negro in chief's array, a head taller than himself. the two negroes were admitted. makole stood before jack, a bundle of palm leaves in one hand. they exchanged greetings. "i am proud to see lokolobolo," said makole. "i come from limpoko. all my people have come with me, my four wives, my children, all my people. we have heard of the great things done by lokolobolo in ilombekabasi, and how he beat elobela and mutela and other servants of the great white chief who eats up the black men. we come to ask lokolobolo to let us be his people. i am makole, the chief; i have four wives and many children; but i say i will be lokolobolo's servant; all my people shall be his servants, if he will take us into ilombekabasi and let us live in peace." "why do you wish to leave limpoko?" asked jack. "we do not wish to leave limpoko. but what can we do, o lokolobolo? the rubber is done; we have no more of it; day by day the servants of the great white chief beat us and kill us because we cannot fill our baskets; limpoko will soon be a wilderness. we come before we are all gone, and we beg lokolobolo to hear our entreaty." "shall we admit makole?" asked jack of imbono, who had come to his side. "makole is a tall man, a great chief. we will be blood brothers and live together." "you may bring your people in, makole. but i warn you it may not be to live in peace. we have offended bula matadi; bula matadi will come with a great host to destroy us. all who live in ilombekabasi must not look for ease and peace, but for work and war. your people must share with the rest; they must build their own huts, till the fields, repair the walls, learn to scout and to fight in our way. it is not peace, makole." "i praise lokolobolo! i trust lokolobolo! i will do all he says, and my people shall learn all that he teaches," cried the chief, slapping his thighs. then, unwrapping the bundle of palm leaves, he displayed a shrivelled hand, and said-- "this is my gift to lokolobolo." "what is this, makole?" asked jack, shuddering. "it is the hand of boloko, who whipped us and killed us, who can say how many? we met him as we came through the forest, and my young men killed him, and i bring his hand to lokolobolo to show that he is dead, and will trouble us no more." "but we do not deal with our enemies thus," said jack. the chief looked surprised. "it is the way of the servants of the great white chief," he said. "they kill us, and cut off our hands, and take them to their chiefs, and the chiefs are pleased and pay brass rods for them. i thought lokolobolo would be pleased." "lokolobolo is inglesa," said lepoko. "it is only bula matadi that pays for the hands of black men. give it to mboyo; he is boloko's brother. boloko hated mboyo, he hated samba; mboyo will be pleased." "bury it at once, out of sight," said jack, "bring your people in, makole. lepoko, take him to mr. barney; he will show him where to build his huts." all ilombekabasi flocked to the gates to see the entrance of this new contingent. they came in laughing, singing, dancing, the mothers eagerly asking where was lokolobolo that they might point him out to their little ones. but lokolobolo was not to be seen. chapter xxxiii conclusion jack had turned sadly from the sight of this joyous entry, and made his way towards the largest of the huts--the hut built for mr. martindale. there samba lay--had lain since barney, with a woman's tenderness, had carried him from elbel's camp to the beloved ilombekabasi which he had thought never to see again. little indeed he saw of the fort and of what was passing there as he lay, day by day, on his simple bamboo bed; for though his wounds slowly healed, not all the loving care lavished upon him by his parents and by barney, who spent every spare hour at his bedside--not the constant companionship of pat himself--brought back strength to his slowly wasting form. still, he was always cheerful. the ready smile lit up his face as lokolobolo appeared in the narrow doorway. barney rose as jack entered and made room for him at the head of the bed. "how are you now, samba?" asked jack, taking his hand. "better, master, better," answered the boy, his voice scarcely audible. "that's right. getting a little appetite, eh? must eat, you know, if you're to grow strong." "see my _kwanga_," said the mother, coming forward. "he eats no more than a bird." "it is nice, mother; i will eat more by and by. i am so tired now." "poor little fellow! you are in no pain?" "no, master, no pain; only tired." "cheer up! you will feel better in the morning." he pressed the boy's hand and turned to leave with barney. at the door mboyo overtook him. "he will not go yet to the great spirit, o lokolobolo?" he whispered anxiously. "we cannot tell, mboyo. all we can do is to tend him well. hope for the best." "poor bhoy!" said barney as they went away; "'tis mighty little betther he is, sorr, i'm fearing. 'twould tax the strength uv a horse to get over it, widout docthors an' all." as they walked across the camp, here a man, there a woman, paused in their work to ask lokolobolo how samba was. children came up--lofinda, for whom samba had shaped a tiny gun; lokilo, proud of his little fishing-rod, samba's gift; isangila, wearing a necklace of dried maize he had made for her--and asked shyly when samba would come out and play with them again. some brought offerings of food specially prepared, delicate fish and rare fruits, the choicest spoil of forest and stream for miles around. everybody loved the boy; and jack loved him with a particular affection. over and above his winning ways, samba stood for so much to jack, who, in thoughtful moods, seemed to see him as the spirit of the negro race, the embodiment of all that was best in the black man, the representative of millions of his kind, helpless pawns in a royal game of beggar my neighbour. it was samba whose woful plight had first brought home to his heart the terrible realities of the rubber slavery; it was samba who had been the means of founding ilombekabasi; to him was due the torch of freedom lit at last in this stricken land--a torch that jack, in his heart of hearts, dared to hope would never be extinguished. surely the conscience of christendom was awakening! pray god the awakening came not too late! a great silence lay upon ilombekabasi. to a stranger beyond the walls the place might have seemed deserted, so still it was, with none of the cheerful bustle that marks the beginning of a new day. men and women were gathered in little knots; they talked in whispers; some were sobbing; the eyes of most were dim with tears. even the children were subdued and quiet; they forgot their play, staring at their elders with puzzled, solemn eyes. why was the world so sad to-day? was it because samba was going away? surely he would come back to them; he had come back before. samba was leaving ilombekabasi. four persons stood by the little bamboo bed. at the foot a dog crouched, whimpering. father and mother bent in mute agony over their son; lukela, the fountain of her tears dried through long weeping, hovering above her boy as though by sheer power of love to guard him from the dread visitant already at the threshold; mboyo rocking himself to and fro in the abandonment of sorrow. and the two white men bowed their heads in silent sympathy and grief. they knew that the end was very near. jack felt a great lump in his throat as he gazed at the still form, lying with outstretched arms, too weak to move. poor little fellow! was this the end of the bright young life, so full of promise? he thought of the days of health, when the boy with happy face went hither and thither, eager to do some service for his beloved master, no matter how hard or how perilous. he thought of the dangers samba had faced for his parents' sake, and the brightness he had brought into their lives and the lives of hundreds of his people. he thought with agony of the terrible scene when samba, rather than say a word to the undoing of those he loved, had endured the tortures inflicted by the inhuman agent of a detestable tyranny. and now the end was at hand! the blithe spirit was departing, the poor body done to death by the greed of a christian king. "botofé bo le iwa! rubber is death!" the words rang in jack's ears; would they were the knell of this despotism, this monstrous "system" that bought wealth with the price of blood! the end came soon. samba moved his hand, and turned his eyes, and murmured "pat!" the watchers barely caught the word, but the dog sprang up, and went to the bed, and nestled his head on the boy's shoulder. samba murmured his pleasure, a happy smile lit up the brave young eyes, and then the light faded, and went out. samba had left ilombekabasi. they buried him next day in the forest he knew and loved so well, with the ceremonies of his people, and as befitted the son of a chief. all the people of ilombekabasi, men, women, and little children, followed him to the grave. they laid by his side the few possessions of the boy--his rifle, his knife, his tin, his wooden spear. and some of his comrades, makoko and lingombela and lianza and lepoko, fired a salute over him and left him there among the trees. that night, sitting in jack's hut, barney talked of the past and the future. "poor ould master came here for gold, sorr. all the gold in all the world is not worth little samba's life. whin the master looks down out uv paradise and sees the people here, i know what he'll say, just as if i heard 'm. he'll say: 'i was niver a philanthrophy, niver did hould wid that sort uv thing. but i'm rale glad that bhoy uv mine wint out wid me in time to make a few poor black people happy. poor craturs! god bless 'em!' sure, sorr, black people have got their feelings--same as dogs." the end _butler and tanner, the selwood printing works, frome, and london_ just published _by the same author_ one of clive's heroes a story of the fight for india illustrated by w. rainey, r.i. the headmaster of harrow: "i have read it and think it a very good book. the historical accuracy is really wonderful in a romance, and the local indian colour well preserved. mr. strang is to be congratulated." athenaeum: "an absorbing story.... the narrative not only thrills, but also weaves skilfully out of fact and fiction a clear impression of our fierce struggle for india." aberdeen free press: "mr. strang may congratulate himself on having achieved another superlatively good story." guardian: "an excellent tale. mr. herbert strang's care and accuracy in detail are far beyond those of the late mr. henty, with whom it is the fashion to compare his work, while he tells a story infinitely better." christian world: "a book from mr. herbert strang is now as regular and welcome an event as in former days were mr. henty's yearly volumes. _one of clive's heroes_ will thrill many a young heart during the christmas holidays. sound history and thrilling romance." lady's pictorial: "when in doubt what to buy for a boy, or boys, for a christmas gift, choose mr. herbert strang's _one of clive's heroes_." church times: "boys are fortunate indeed to have found in mr. strang a worthy successor to their old friend, the late g. a. henty." notts guardian: "'the successor to henty' is a title that needs living up to; but mr. herbert strang, upon whom it has been conferred, richly deserves it." educational times: "far better than henty." education: "a splendid book for boys. we used to think that no one could take henty's place; and we feel certain that no one will ever be able to take mr. strang's." saturday review: "herbert strang tells a story as well as henty told it, and his style is much more finished." hodder and stoughton publishers london * * * * * just published _by the same author_ (herbert strang's first half-crown book) jack hardy or, a hundred years ago illustrated by w. rainey, r.i. bookman: "a story about a gallant young middy could not have a more alluring sub-title than 'a hundred years ago.' on his way to join the _fury_ the gallant midshipman discovered a hotbed of smuggling at luscombe, and unearthed a spy of napoleon's. jack's first fight with the smugglers ended disastrously, and he soon found himself in a french prison. thence he made a daring escape, recaptured the _fury_, and picked up a fine prize ship on his way back to portsmouth. the characters in the story are drawn with originality and humour, especially that fine seaman babbage.... finally jack triumphs all along the line, and his gallantry is rewarded by his appointment to join the _victory_. boys will expect to hear more of jack hardy, and of what he did at trafalgar." athenaeum: "herbert strang is second to none in graphic power and veracity.... here is the best of character sketching in bold outline." speaker: "a greater than henty." school guardian: "mr. herbert strang fills in stories for boys the place of the late mr. henty." tribune: "herbert strang's former books 'caught on' with our boys as no other books of adventure since henty's industrious pen fell from his hand." dublin express: "it has become a truism to say that the mantle of henty has descended to herbert strang, and indeed in some respects mr. strang surpasses henty." hodder and stoughton publishers london * * * * * by herbert strang kobo a story of the russo-japanese war athenaeum: "in kobo, herbert strang has provided much more than a good boys' book for the christmas market. whilst readers of _tom burnaby_ will not be disappointed of an ample meal of stirring adventures and hard war fights, readers of a more serious turn will find an excellent picture of japanese life and character, ... not to mention some vivid sketches of modern naval warfare." spectator: "an excellent story, such as one might expect to have from the author of that capital book, _tom burnaby_.... 'with a japanese, duty comes inexorably first.' this, indeed, is the key-note of the whole story. this principle of action dominates bob's friend, and it dominates the story." saturday review: "last year a new name of great promise appeared in the list of writers of boys' books. this year the promise shown by mr. herbert strang in _tom burnaby_ is more than borne out by _kobo_ and _boys of the light brigade_.... he shares the late mr. henty's knowledge of history and war; he is less encyclopaedic in his descriptive methods perhaps than was henty, though he gives the same air of verisimilitude to his chapters by means of maps and charts ... he has an admirable style, and a sense of humour which he handles with the more effect because he never turns a situation into broad farce." academy: "for vibrant actuality there is nothing to come up to mr. strang's _kobo_." daily telegraph: "this vivid story owes not a little of its attractiveness to its many picturesque touches of local colour." pall mall gazette "mr. herbert strang, whose splendid story, _tom burnaby_, proved so brilliantly successful last year, has written another that will rank as its equal for vivid interest." westminster gazette: "an adventure story after a boy's own heart." * * * * * by herbert strang brown of moukden athenaeum: "herbert strang may be congratulated on another first-rate book.... characterization is a strong feature, ... and ah lum, the literary chief of the brigands, is a memorable type." spectator: "mr. strang has very rightly taken up again the subject in which his story of _kobo_ achieved such a success last year.... the story is very skilfully constructed.... of particular scenes we may single out for mention the episode of the railway train, ... a most effective piece of narrative.... the relief of humorous passages and situations has been given, and without stint.... ah lum, the spectacled brigand chief, with all the wisdom of confucius and lao-tze at his finger tips, is a most amusing person.... _brown of moukden_ is certainly a success." academy: "related with the same spirit and intimate knowledge of the east that made _kobo_ a marked success." church times: "the incident of the locomotive race down the siberian railway is, for breathless interest, the equal of anything we know of in the whole range of juvenile fiction.... the book will hold boy readers spellbound." army and navy gazette: "when mr. henty died boys were disconsolate, for they had lost a real friend; but now we have mr. herbert strang most capably taking his place. he was welcomed as showing great promise in _tom burnaby_, but he did better in _kobo_, that strong story of the earlier pages of the russo-japanese war, and now he has done better still in _brown of moukden_." gentlewoman: "mr. herbert strang may really be said to be the successor of the late mr. henty, and parents and others on the look-out for desirable boys' books must be grateful to him each year for an excellent story at christmastide.... this is the literature we want for young england." journal of education: "mr. strang's former books have led us to expect great things from his pen, and these volumes prove him to be in the foremost rank of writers of boys' books. they are thoroughly healthy in tone, full of stirring adventures; and in each case linked to history in a manner that is never oppressive, and adds considerably to the interest of the story." * * * * * by herbert strang boys of the light brigade a story of spain and the peninsular war spectator: "mr. strang's name will suffice to assure us that the subject is seriously treated, and a better subject could hardly be found.... altogether a capital story." professor oman (chichele professor of modern history at oxford, and author of _a history of the peninsular war_): "pray accept thanks from a historian for having got historical accuracy, combined with your fine romantic adventures." outlook: "let us be thankful for a boy's book really worth reading." schoolmaster: "we have read this book with great interest and delight. more than four hundred pages of the most thrilling events are told with a marvellous fidelity to history." standard: "it is a book which no boy will be able to put down when once started." the adventures of harry rochester a story of the days of marlborough and eugene academy: "_tom burnaby_ and _kobo_--the best books of their season--have a worthy successor in _the adventures of harry rochester_." glasgow herald: "mr. herbert strang again displays all the qualities that attracted attention and secured for him such a brilliant success when he made his appearance two years ago as the author of _tom burnaby_.... we recommend it to all parents who want something thoroughly sound, as well as interesting, to put into the hands of their boys." army and navy gazette: "the descriptive power and characterization are quite remarkable." dundee advertiser: "in some essentials, such as constancy in bold action, this well-studied and finely-coloured tale is superior to any written by the lamented henty. with the need of some one to take henty's vacant place has come the man." * * * * * by herbert strang tom burnaby field-marshal lord wolseley: "it is just the sort of book i would give to any schoolboy, for i know he would enjoy every page of it." sir a. conan doyle: "... i think it is a really excellent picture of african life." mr. j. l. paton, head-master of manchester grammar school: "... it is worth reading and thoroughly wholesome. i wish it all success." dr. r. p. scott, secretary of the head-masters' association: "... i have read the book from cover to cover, and found it thoroughly interesting, vivid, healthful, and helpful. i can cordially recommend it to boys, and will do so whenever opportunity offers." pall mall gazette: "that splendid story _tom burnaby_." educational news: "the stirring pages of _tom burnaby_." literary world: "... mr. strang ... has put as much work into this story as one finds in a really good novel; the little bits of useful information that he sprinkles through it are palatable and readily digestible, and the 'atmosphere' (if one may mix one's metaphors) 'rings true.'" mark lane express: "... mr. strang has come to the front rank with a bound...." world: "... the tone of the story is excellent; manly and spirited, it cannot fail to rouse a response in a boy's heart." financial news: "as a writer of stirring stories the author of the famous _tom burnaby_ stands in the front rank of those who devote their talents to the edification of the rising generation." school government chronicle: "mr. herbert strang understands the taste and temper of the british public-school boy." liverpool mercury: "the record of his career deserved to be bound in leather and blocked on all sides with gold." dundee advertiser: "... as good as the plot is the way in which the author conveys a living impression of the region and its inhabitants." glasgow evening news: "... a masterpiece in the henty manner." englishman (calcutta): "it is a book that every wholesome-minded boy will revel in, for it is alive with action and picturesque adventure." father henson's story of his own life. [illustration: josiah henson] truth stranger than fiction. father henson's story of his own life. with an introduction by mrs. h. b. stowe. boston: john p. jewett and company. cleveland, ohio: henry p. b. jewett. . entered according to act of congress in the year , by john p. jewett and company, in the clerk's office of the district court for the district of massachusetts lithotyped by cowles and company, washington street, boston. press of geo. c. rand & avery. preface. the numerous friends of the author of this little work will need no greater recommendation than his name to make it welcome. among all the singular and interesting records to which the institution of american slavery has given rise, we know of none more striking, more characteristic and instructive, than that of josiah henson. born a slave--a slave in effect in a heathen land--and under a heathen master, he grew up without christian light or knowledge, and like the gentiles spoken of by st. paul, "without the law did by nature the things that are written in the law." one sermon, one offer of salvation by christ, was sufficient for him, as for the ethiopian eunuch, to make him at once a believer from the heart and a preacher of jesus. to the great christian doctrine of forgiveness of enemies and the returning of good for evil, he was by god's grace made a faithful witness, under circumstances that try men's souls and make us all who read it say, "lead us not into such temptation." we earnestly commend this portion of his narrative to those who, under much smaller temptations, think themselves entitled to render evil for evil. the african race appear as yet to have been companions only of the sufferings of christ. in the melancholy scene of his death--while europe in the person of the roman delivered him unto death, and asia in the person of the jew clamored for his execution--africa was represented in the person of simon the cyrenean, who came patiently bearing after him the load of the cross; and ever since then poor africa has been toiling on, bearing the weary cross of contempt and oppression after jesus. but they who suffer with him shall also reign; and when the unwritten annals of slavery shall appear in the judgment, many simons who have gone meekly bearing their cross after jesus to unknown graves, shall rise to thrones and crowns! verily a day shall come when he shall appear for these his hidden ones, and then "many that are last shall be first, and the first shall be last." our excellent friend has prepared this edition of his works for the purpose of redeeming from slavery a beloved brother, who has groaned for many years under the yoke of a hard master. whoever would help jesus, were he sick or in prison, may help him now in the person of these his little ones, his afflicted and suffering children. the work is commended to the kind offices of all who love our lord jesus christ in sincerity. h. b. stowe. andover, mass., april , . contents. chapter i. my birth and childhood. earliest memories.--born in maryland.--my father's first appearance.--attempted outrage on my mother.--my father's fight with an overseer.--one hundred stripes and his ear cut off.--throws away his banjo and becomes morose.--sold south, chapter ii. my first great trial. origin of my name.--a kind master.--he is drowned.--my mother's prayers.--a slave auction.--torn from my mother.--severe sickness.--a cruel master.--sold again and restored to my mother, chapter iii. my boyhood and youth. early employment.--slave-life.--food, lodging, clothing.--amusements.--gleams of sunshine.--my knight-errantry.--become an overseer and general superintendent, chapter iv. my conversion. a good man.--hear a sermon for the first time.--its effects upon me.--prayer and communion.--its first fruits, chapter v. maimed for life. taking care of my drunken master.--his fight with an overseer.--rescue him.--am terribly beaten by the overseer.--my master seeks redress at law, but fails.--sufferings then and since.--retain my post as superintendent, chapter vi. a responsible journey. my marriage.--marriage of my master.--his ruin.--comes to me for aid.--a great enterprise undertaken.--long and successful journey.--incidents by the way.--struggle between inclination and duty.--duty triumphant, chapter vii. a new home. become a methodist preacher.--my poor companions sold.--my agony.--sent for again.--interview with a kind methodist preacher.--visit free soil and begin my struggle for freedom, chapter viii. return to maryland. reception from my old master.--a slave again.--appeal to an old friend.--buy my freedom.--cheated and betrayed.--back to kentucky, and a slave again, chapter ix. taken south, away from wife and children. start for new orleans.--study navigation on the mississippi.--the captain struck blind.--find some of my old companions.--the lower depths, chapter x. a terrible temptation. sigh for death.--a murder in my heart.--the axe raised.--conscience speaks and i am saved.--god be praised! chapter xi. providential deliverance. offered for sale.--examined by purchasers.--plead with my young master in vain.--man's extremity, god's opportunity.--good for evil.--return north.--my increased value.--resolve to be a slave no longer, chapter xii. escape from bondage. solitary musings.--preparations for flight.--a long good-night to master.--a dark night on the river.--night journeys in indiana.--on the brink of starvation.--a kind woman.--a new style of drinking cup.--reach cincinnati, chapter xiii. journey to canada. good samaritans.--alone in the wilderness.--meet some indians.--reach sandusky.--another friend.--all aboard.--buffalo.--a "free nigger."--frenzy of joy on reaching canada, chapter xiv. new scenes and a new home. a poor man in a strange land.--begin to acquire property.--resume preaching.--boys go to school.--what gave me a desire to learn to read.--a day of prayer in the woods, chapter xv. life in canada. condition of the blacks in canada.--a tour of exploration.--appeal to the legislature.--improvements, chapter xvi. conducting slaves to canada. sympathy for the slaves.--james lightfoot.--my first mission to the south.--a kentucky company of fugitives.--safe at home, chapter xvii. second journey on the underground railroad. a shower of stars.--kentuckians.--a stratagem.--a providence.--conducted across the miami river by a cow.--arrival at cincinnati.--one of the party taken ill.--we leave him to die.--meet a "friend."--a poor white man.--a strange impression.--once more in canada, chapter xviii. home at dawn. condition in canada.--efforts in behalf of my people.--rev. mr. wilson.--a convention of blacks.--manual-labor school, chapter xix. lumbering operations. industrial project.--find some able friends in boston.--procure funds and construct a saw-mill.--sales of lumber in boston.--incident in the custom house, chapter xx. visit to england. debt on the institution.--a new pecuniary enterprise.--letters of recommendation to england.--personal difficulties.--called an impostor.--triumphant victory over these troubles, chapter xxi. the world's fair in london. my contribution to the great exhibition.--difficulty with the american superintendent.--happy release.--the great crowd.--a call from the queen.--medal awarded to me, chapter xxii. visits to the ragged schools. speech at sunday school anniversary.--interview with lord grey.--interview with the archbishop of canterbury, and dinner with lord john russell, the great events of my life, chapter xxiii. closing up my london agency. my narrative published.--letter from home apprising me of the sickness of my wife.--departure from london.--arrival at home.--meeting with my family.--the great sorrow of my life, the death of my wife, chapter xxiv. closing chapter. containing an accurate account of the past and present condition of the fugitive slaves in canada, with some remarks on their future prospects, father henson's story of his own life. chapter i. my birth and childhood. earliest memories.--born in maryland.--my father's first appearance.--attempted outrage on my mother.--my father's fight with an overseer.--one hundred stripes and his ear cut off.--throws away his banjo and becomes morose.--sold south. the story of my life, which i am about to record, is one full of striking incident. keener pangs, deeper joys, more singular vicissitudes, few have been led in god's providence to experience. as i look back on it through the vista of more than sixty years, and scene on scene it rises before me, an ever fresh wonder fills my mind. i delight to recall it. i dwell on it as did the jews on the marvellous history of their rescue from the bondage of egypt. time has touched with its mellowing fingers its sterner features. the sufferings of the past are now like a dream, and the enduring lessons left behind make me to praise god that my soul has been tempered by him in so fiery a furnace and under such heavy blows. i was born june th, , in charles county, maryland, on a farm belonging to mr. francis newman, about a mile from port tobacco. my mother was a slave of dr. josiah mcpherson, but hired to the mr. newman to whom my father belonged. the only incident i can remember which occurred while my mother continued on mr. newman's farm, was the appearance one day of my father with his head bloody and his back lacerated. he was beside himself with mingled rage and suffering. the explanation i picked up from the conversation of others only partially explained the matter to my mind; but as i grew older i understood it all. it seemed the overseer had sent my mother away from the other field hands to a retired place, and after trying persuasion in vain, had resorted to force to accomplish a brutal purpose. her screams aroused my father at his distant work, and running up, he found his wife struggling with the man. furious at the sight, he sprung upon him like a tiger. in a moment the overseer was down, and, mastered by rage, my father would have killed him but for the entreaties of my mother, and the overseer's own promise that nothing should ever be said of the matter. the promise was kept--like most promises of the cowardly and debased--as long as the danger lasted. the laws of slave states provide means and opportunities for revenge so ample, that miscreants like him never fail to improve them. "a nigger has struck a white man;" that is enough to set a whole county on fire; no question is asked about the provocation. the authorities were soon in pursuit of my father. the fact of the sacrilegious act of lifting a hand against the sacred temple of a white man's body--a profanity as blasphemous in the eye of a slave-state tribunal as was among the jews the entrance of a gentile dog into the holy of holies--this was all it was necessary to establish. and the penalty followed: one hundred lashes on the bare back, and to have the right ear nailed to the whipping-post, and then severed from the body. for a time my father kept out of the way, hiding in the woods, and at night venturing into some cabin in search of food. but at length the strict watch set baffled all his efforts. his supplies cut off, he was fairly starved out, and compelled by hunger to come back and give himself up. the day for the execution of the penalty was appointed. the negroes from the neighboring plantations were summoned, for their moral improvement, to witness the scene. a powerful blacksmith named hewes laid on the stripes. fifty were given, during which the cries of my father might be heard a mile, and then a pause ensued. true, he had struck a white man, but as valuable property he must not be damaged. judicious men felt his pulse. oh! he could stand the whole. again and again the thong fell on his lacerated back. his cries grew fainter and fainter, till a feeble groan was the only response to the final blows. his head was then thrust against the post, and his right ear fastened to it with a tack; a swift pass of a knife, and the bleeding member was left sticking to the place. then came a hurra from the degraded crowd, and the exclamation, "that's what he's got for striking a white man." a few said, "it's a damned shame;" but the majority regarded it as but a proper tribute to their offended majesty. it may be difficult for you, reader, to comprehend such brutality, and in the name of humanity you may protest against the truth of these statements. to you, such cruelty inflicted on a man seems fiendish. ay, on a _man_; there hinges the whole. in the estimation of the illiterate, besotted poor whites who constituted the witnesses of such scenes in charles county, maryland, the man who did not feel rage enough at hearing of "a nigger" striking a white to be ready to burn him alive, was only fit to be lynched out of the neighborhood. a blow at one white man is a blow at all; is the muttering and upheaving of volcanic fires, which underlie and threaten to burst forth and utterly consume the whole social fabric. terror is the fiercest nurse of cruelty. and when, in this our day, you find tender english women and christian english divines fiercely urging that india should be made one pool of sepoy blood, pause a moment before you lightly refuse to believe in the existence of such ferocious passions in the breasts of tyrannical and cowardly slave-drivers. previous to this affair my father, from all i can learn, had been a good-humored and light-hearted man, the ringleader in all fun at corn-huskings and christmas buffoonery. his banjo was the life of the farm, and all night long at a merry-making would he play on it while the other negroes danced. but from this hour he became utterly changed. sullen, morose, and dogged, nothing could be done with him. the milk of human kindness in his heart was turned to gall. he brooded over his wrongs. no fear or threats of being sold to the far south--the greatest of all terrors to the maryland slave--would render him tractable. so off he was sent to alabama. what was his after fate neither my mother nor i have ever learned; the great day will reveal all. this was the first chapter in my history. chapter ii. my first great trial. origin of my name.--a kind master.--he is drowned.--my mother's prayers.--a slave auction.--torn from my mother.--severe sickness.--a cruel master.--sold again and restored to my mother. after the sale of my father by newman, dr. mcpherson would no longer hire out my mother to him. she returned, accordingly, to his estate. he was far kinder to his slaves than the planters generally were, never suffering them to be struck by any one. he was a man of good, kind impulses, liberal, jovial, hearty. no degree of arbitrary power could ever lead him to cruelty. as the first negro-child ever born to him, i was his especial pet. he gave me his own christian name, josiah, and with that he also gave me my last name, henson, after an uncle of his, who was an officer in the revolutionary war. a bright spot in my childhood was my residence with him--bright, but, alas! fleeting. events were rapidly maturing which were to change the whole aspect of my life. the kind doctor was not exempt from that failing which too often besets easy, social natures in a dissipated community. he could not restrain his convivial propensities. although he maintained a high reputation for goodness of heart and an almost saint-like benevolence, the habit of intemperance steadily gained ground, and finally occasioned his death. two negroes on the plantation found him one morning lying dead in the middle of a narrow stream, not a foot in depth. he had been away the night previous at a social party, and when returning home had fallen from his horse, probably, and being too intoxicated to stagger through the stream, fell and was drowned. "there's the place where massa got drownded at;" how well i remember having it pointed out to me in those very words. for two or three years my mother and her young family of six children had resided on this estate; and we had been in the main very happy. she was a good mother to us, a woman of deep piety, anxious above all things to touch our hearts with a sense of religion. how or where she acquired her knowledge of god, or her acquaintance with the lord's prayer, which she so frequently taught us to repeat, i am unable to say. i remember seeing her often on her knees, trying to arrange her thoughts in prayer appropriate to her situation, but which amounted to little more than constant ejaculations, and the repetition of short phrases which were within my infant comprehension, and have remained in my memory to this hour. our term of happy union as one family was now, alas! at an end. mournful as was the doctor's death to his friends it was a far greater calamity to us. the estate and the slaves must be sold and the proceeds divided among the heirs. we were but property--not a mother, and the children god had given her. common as are slave-auctions in the southern states, and naturally as a slave may look forward to the time when he will be put up on the block, still the full misery of the event--of the scenes which precede and succeed it--is never understood till the actual experience comes. the first sad announcement that the sale is to be; the knowledge that all ties of the past are to be sundered; the frantic terror at the idea of being sent "down south;" the almost certainty that one member of a family will be torn from another; the anxious scanning of purchasers' faces; the agony at parting, often forever, with husband, wife, child--these must be seen and felt to be fully understood. young as i was then, the iron entered into my soul. the remembrance of the breaking up of mcpherson's estate is photographed in its minutest features in my mind. the crowd collected round the stand, the huddling group of negroes, the examination of muscle, teeth, the exhibition of agility, the look of the auctioneer, the agony of my mother--i can shut my eyes and see them all. my brothers and sisters were bid off first, and one by one, while my mother, paralyzed by grief, held me by the hand. her turn came, and she was bought by isaac riley of montgomery county. then i was offered to the assembled purchasers. my mother, half distracted with the thought of parting forever from all her children, pushed through the crowd, while the bidding for me was going on, to the spot where riley was standing. she fell at his feet, and clung to his knees, entreating him in tones that a mother only could command, to buy her _baby_ as well as herself, and spare to her one, at least, of her little ones. will it, can it be believed that this man, thus appealed to, was capable not merely of turning a deaf ear to her supplication, but of disengaging himself from her with such violent blows and kicks, as to reduce her to the necessity of creeping out of his reach, and mingling the groan of bodily suffering with the sob of a breaking heart? as she crawled away from the brutal man i heard her sob out, "oh, lord jesus, how long, how long shall i suffer this way!" i must have been then between five and six years old. i seem to see and hear my poor weeping mother now. this was one of my earliest observations of men; an experience which i only shared with thousands of my race, the bitterness of which to any individual who suffers it cannot be diminished by the frequency of its recurrence, while it is dark enough to overshadow the whole after-life with something blacker than a funeral pall. i was bought by a stranger named robb, and truly a robber he was to me. he took me to his home, about forty miles distant, and put me into his negro quarters with about forty others, of all ages, colors, and conditions, all strangers to me. of course nobody cared for me. the slaves were brutalized by this degradation, and had no sympathy for me. i soon fell sick, and lay for some days almost dead on the ground. sometimes a slave would give me a piece of corn bread or a bit of herring. finally i became so feeble that i could not move. this, however, was fortunate for me; for in the course of a few weeks robb met riley, who had bought my mother, and offered to sell me to him cheap. riley said he was afraid "the little devil would die," and he did not want to buy a "dead nigger;" but he agreed, finally, to pay a small sum for me in horse-shoeing if i lived, and nothing if i died. robb was a tavern keeper, and owned a line of stages with the horses, and lived near montgomery court-house; riley carried on blacksmithing about five miles from that place. this clenched the bargain, and i was soon sent to my mother. a blessed change it was. i had been lying on a lot of rags thrown on a dirt floor. all day long i had been left alone, crying for water, crying for mother; the slaves, who all left at daylight, when they returned, caring nothing for me. now, i was once more with my best friend on earth, and under her care; destitute as she was of the proper means of nursing me, i recovered my health, and grew to be an uncommonly vigorous boy and man. the character of riley, the master whom i faithfully served for many years, is by no means an uncommon one in any part of the world; the evil is, that a domestic institution should anywhere put it in the power of such a one to tyrannize over his fellow beings, and inflict so much needless misery as is sure to be inflicted by such a man in such a position. coarse and vulgar in his habits, unprincipled and cruel in his general deportment, and especially addicted to the vice of licentiousness, his slaves had little opportunity for relaxation from wearying labor, were supplied with the scantiest means of sustaining their toil by necessary food, and had no security for personal rights. the natural tendency of slavery is to convert the master into a tyrant, and the slave into the cringing, treacherous, false, and thieving victim of tyranny. riley and his slaves were no exception to the general rule, but might be cited as apt illustrations of the nature of the relation. chapter iii. my boyhood and youth. early employment.--slave-life.--food, lodging, clothing.--amusements.--gleams of sunshine.--my knight-errantry.--become an overseer and general superintendent. my earliest employments were, to carry buckets of water to the men at work, and to hold a horse-plough, used for weeding between the rows of corn. as i grew older and taller, i was entrusted with the care of master's saddle-horse. then a hoe was put into my hands, and i was soon required to do the day's work of a man; and it was not long before i could do it, at least as well as my associates in misery. the every-day life of a slave on one of our southern plantations, however frequently it may have been described, is generally little understood at the north; and must be mentioned as a necessary illustration of the character and habits of the slave and the slaveholder, created and perpetuated by their relative position. the principal food of those upon my master's plantation consisted of corn-meal, and salt herrings; to which was added in summer a little buttermilk, and the few vegetables which each might raise for himself and his family, on the little piece of ground which was assigned to him for the purpose, called a truck patch. in ordinary times we had two regular meals in a day:--breakfast at twelve o'clock, after laboring from daylight, and supper when the work of the remainder of the day was over. in harvest season we had three. our dress was of tow-cloth; for the children nothing but a shirt; for the older ones a pair of pantaloons or a gown in addition, according to the sex. besides these, in the winter a round jacket or overcoat, a wool hat once in two or three years, for the males, and a pair of coarse shoes once a year. we lodged in log huts, and on the bare ground. wooden floors were an unknown luxury. in a single room were huddled, like cattle, ten or a dozen persons, men, women and children. all ideas of refinement and decency were, of course, out of the question. there were neither bedsteads, nor furniture of any description. our beds were collections of straw and old rags, thrown down in the corners and boxed in with boards; a single blanket the only covering. our favorite way of sleeping, however, was on a plank, our heads raised on an old jacket and our feet toasting before the smouldering fire. the wind whistled and the rain and snow blew in through the cracks, and the damp earth soaked in the moisture till the floor was miry as a pig-sty. such were our houses. in these wretched hovels were we penned at night, and fed by day; here were the children born and the sick--neglected. notwithstanding this system of management i grew to be a robust and vigorous lad. at fifteen years of age there were few who could compete with me in work or sport. i was as lively as a young buck, and running over with animal spirits. i could run faster, wrestle better, and jump higher than anybody about me, and at an evening shakedown in our own or a neighbor's kitchen, my feet became absolutely invisible from the rate at which they moved. all this caused my master and my fellow slaves to look upon me as a wonderfully smart fellow, and prophecy the great things i should do when i became a man. my vanity became vastly inflamed, and i fully coincided in their opinion. julius cæsar never aspired and plotted for the imperial crown more ambitiously than did i to out-hoe, out-reap, out-husk, out-dance, out-everything every competitor; and from all i can learn he never enjoyed his triumph half as much. one word of commendation from the petty despot who ruled over us would set me up for a month. i have no desire to represent the life of slavery as an experience of nothing but misery. god be praised, that however hedged in by circumstances, the joyful exuberance of youth will bound at times over them all. ours is a light-hearted race. the sternest and most covetous master cannot frighten or whip the fun out of us; certainly old riley never did out of me. in those days i had many a merry time, and would have had, had i lived with nothing but moccasins and rattle-snakes in okafenoke swamp. slavery did its best to make me wretched; i feel no particular obligation to it; but nature, or the blessed god of youth and joy, was mightier than slavery. along with memories of miry cabins, frosted feet, weary toil under the blazing sun, curses and blows, there flock in others, of jolly christmas times, dances before old massa's door for the first drink of egg-nog, extra meat at holiday times, midnight visits to apple orchards, broiling stray chickens, and first-rate tricks to dodge work. the god who makes the pup gambol, and the kitten play, and the bird sing, and the fish leap, was the author in me of many a light-hearted hour. true it was, indeed, that the fun and freedom of christmas, at which time my master relaxed his front, was generally followed up by a portentous back-action, under which he drove and cursed worse than ever; still the fun and freedom were fixed facts; we had had them and he could not help it. besides these pleasant memories i have others of a deeper and richer kind. i early learned to employ my spirit of adventure for the benefit of my fellow-sufferers. the condition of the male slave is bad enough; but that of the female, compelled to perform unfit labor, sick, suffering, and bearing the peculiar burdens of her own sex unpitied and unaided, as well as the toils which belong to the other, is one that must arouse the spirit of sympathy in every heart not dead to all feeling. the miseries which i saw many of the women suffer often oppressed me with a load of sorrow. no _white_ knight, rescuing white fair ones from cruel oppression, ever felt the throbbing of a chivalrous heart more intensely than i, a _black_ knight, did, in running down a chicken in an out-of-the way place to hide till dark, and then carry to some poor overworked black fair one, to whom it was at once food, luxury, and medicine. no scotch borderer, levying black mail or sweeping off a drove of cattle, ever felt more assured of the justice of his act than i of mine, in driving a mile or two into the woods a pig or a sheep, and slaughtering it for the good of those whom riley was starving. i felt good, moral, heroic. the beautiful combination of a high time and a benevolent act--the harmonious interplay of nature and grace--was absolutely entrancing. i felt then the excellency of a sentiment i have since found expressed in a hymn: "religion never was designed to make our pleasures less." was this wrong? i can only say in reply, that, at this distance of time, my conscience does not reproach me for it. then i esteemed it among the best of my deeds. it was my training in the luxury of doing good, in the divinity of a sympathetic heart, in the righteousness of indignation against the cruel and oppressive. there and then was my soul made conscious of its heavenly original. this, too, was all the chivalry of which my circumstances and condition in life admitted. i love the sentiment in its splendid environment of castles, and tilts, and gallantry; but having fallen on other times, i love it also in the homely guise of sambo as paladin, dinah as outraged maiden, and old riley as grim oppressor. by means of the influence thus acquired, the increased amount of work thus done upon the farm, and by the detection of the knavery of the overseer, who plundered his employer for more selfish ends, and through my watchfulness was caught in the act and dismissed, i was promoted to be superintendent of the farm work, and managed to raise more than double the crops, with more cheerful and willing labor, than was ever seen on the estate before. yes, i was now practically overseer. my pride and ambition had made me master of every kind of farm work. but like all ambition its reward was increase of burdens. the crops of wheat, oats, barley, potatoes, corn, tobacco, all had to be cared for by me. i was often compelled to start at midnight with the wagon for the distant market, to drive on through mud and rain till morning, sell the produce, reach home hungry and tired, and nine times out of ten reap my sole reward in curses for not getting higher prices. my master was a fearful blasphemer. clearly as he saw my profitableness to him, he was too much of a brute, and too great a fool through his brutality, to reward me with kindness or even decent treatment. previous to my attaining this important station, however, an incident occurred which produced so powerful an influence on my intellectual development, my prospect of improvement in character, as well as condition, my chance of religious culture, and in short, on my whole nature, body and soul, that it deserves especial notice and commemoration. this, however, requires another chapter. chapter iv. my conversion. a good man.--hear a sermon for the first time.--its effect upon me.--prayer and communion.--its first fruits. my heart exults with gratitude when i mention the name of a good man who first taught me the blessedness of religion. his name was john mckenny. he lived at georgetown, a few miles only from riley's plantation; his business was that of a baker, and his character was that of an upright, benevolent christian. he was noted especially for his detestation of slavery, and his resolute avoidance of the employment of slave labor in his business. he would not even hire a slave, the price of whose toil must be paid to his master, but contented himself with the work of his own hands, and with such free labor as he could procure. his reputation was high, not only for this almost singular abstinence from what no one about him thought wrong, but for his general probity and excellence. this man occasionally served as a minister of the gospel, and preached in a neighborhood where preachers were somewhat rare at that period. one sunday when he was to officiate in this way, at a place three or four miles distant, my mother urged me to ask master's permission to go and hear him. i had so often been beaten for making such a request that i refused to make it. she still persisted, telling me that i could never become a christian if i minded beatings--that i must take up my cross and bear it. she was so grieved at my refusal that she wept. to gratify her i concluded to try the experiment, and accordingly went to my master and asked permission to attend the meeting. although such permission was not given freely or often, yet his favor to me was shown for this once by allowing me to go, without much scolding, but not without a pretty distinct intimation of what would befall me if i did not return immediately after the close of the service. i hurried off, pleased with the opportunity, but without any definite expectations of benefit or amusement; for up to this period of my life, and i was then eighteen years old, i had never heard a sermon, nor any discourse or conversation whatever, upon religious topics, except what i had heard from my mother, on the responsibility of all to a supreme being. when i arrived at the place of meeting, the services were so far advanced that the speaker was just beginning his discourse, from the text, hebrews ii. : "that he, by the grace of god, should taste of death for every man." this was the first text of the bible to which i had ever listened, knowing it to be such. i have never forgotten it, and scarcely a day has passed since, in which i have not recalled it, and the sermon that was preached from it. the divine character of jesus christ, his tender love for mankind, his forgiving spirit his compassion for the outcast and despised, his cruel crucifixion and glorious ascension, were all depicted, and some of the points were dwelt on with great power; great, at least, to me, who then heard of these things for the first time in my life. again and again did the preacher reiterate the words "_for every man_." these glad tidings, this salvation, were not for the benefit of a select few only. they were for the slave as well as the master, the poor as well as the rich, for the persecuted, the distressed, the heavy-laden, the captive; for me among the rest, a poor, despised, abused creature, deemed of others fit for nothing but unrequited toil--but mental and bodily degradation. o, the blessedness and sweetness of feeling that i was loved! i would have died that moment, with joy, for the compassionate saviour about whom i was hearing. "he loves me," "he looks down in compassion from heaven on me," "he died to save my soul," "he'll welcome me to the skies," i kept repeating to myself. i was transported with delicious joy. i seemed to see a glorious being, in a cloud of splendor, smiling down from on high. in sharp contrast with the experience of the contempt and brutality of my earthly master, i basked in the sunshine of the benignity of this divine being. "he'll be my dear refuge--he'll wipe away all tears from my eyes." "now i can bear all things; nothing will seem hard after this." i felt sorry that "massa riley" didn't know him, sorry he should live such a coarse, wicked, cruel life. swallowed up in the beauty of the divine love, i loved my enemies, and prayed for them that did despitefully use and entreat me. revolving the things which i had heard in my mind as i went home, i became so excited that i turned aside from the road into the woods, and prayed to god for light and for aid with an earnestness, which, however unenlightened, was at least sincere and heartfelt; and which the subsequent course of my life has led me to imagine was acceptable to him who heareth prayer. at all events, i date my conversion, and my awakening to a new life--a consciousness of power and a destiny superior to any thing i had before conceived of--from this day, so memorable to me. i used every means and opportunity of inquiry into religious matters; and so deep was my conviction of their superior importance to every thing else, so clear my perception of my own faults, and so undoubting my observation of the darkness and sin that surrounded me, that i could not help talking much on these subjects with those about me; and it was not long before i began to pray with them, and exhort them, and to impart to the poor slaves those little glimmerings of light from another world, which had reached my own eye. in a few years i became quite an esteemed preacher among them, and i will not believe it is vanity which leads me to think i was useful to some. i must return, however, for the present, to the course of my life in secular affairs, the facts of which it is my principal object to relate. chapter v. maimed for life. taking care of my drunken master.--his fight with an overseer.--rescue him.--am terribly beaten by the overseer.--my master seeks redress at law, but fails.--sufferings then and since.--retain my post as superintendent. the difference between the manner in which it was designed that all men should regard one another as children of the same father, and the manner in which men actually do treat each other, as if they were placed here for mutual annoyance and destruction, is well exemplified by an incident that happened to me within a year or two from this period; that is, when i was nineteen or twenty years old. my master's habits were such as were common enough among the dissipated planters of the neighborhood; and one of their frequent practices was to assemble on saturday or sunday, which were their holidays, and gamble, run horses, or fight game-cocks, discuss politics, and drink whiskey and brandy and water all day long. perfectly aware that they would not be able to find their own way home at night, each one ordered his body-servant to come after him and help him home. i was chosen for this confidential duty by my master; and many is the time i have held him on his horse, when he could not hold himself in the saddle, and walked by his side in darkness and mud from the tavern to his house. of course, quarrels and brawls of the most violent description were frequent consequences of these meetings; and whenever they became especially dangerous, and glasses were thrown, dirks drawn, and pistols fired, it was the duty of the slaves to rush in, and each one drag his master from the fight, and carry him home. to tell the truth, this was a part of my business for which i felt no reluctance. i was young, remarkably athletic and self-relying, and in such affrays i carried it with a high hand, and would elbow my way among the whites,--whom it would have been almost death for me to strike,--seize my master and drag him out, mount him on his horse, or crowd him into his buggy, with the ease with which i would handle a bag of corn. i knew that i was doing for him what he could not do for himself, and showing my superiority to others, and acquiring their respect in some degree, at the same time. on one of these occasions my master got into a quarrel with his brother's overseer, bryce litton. all present sided with litton against him, and soon there was a general row. i was sitting, at the time, out on the front steps of the tavern, and, hearing the scuffle, rushed in to look after my charge. my master, a stout man and a terrible bruiser, could generally hold his own in an ordinary general fight, and clear a handsome space around him; but now he was cornered, and a dozen were striking at him with fists, crockery, chairs, and anything that came handy. the moment he saw me he hallooed, "that's it, sie! pitch in! show me fair play." it was a rough business, and i went in roughly, shoving, tripping, and doing my best for the rescue. with infinite trouble, and many a bruise on my own head and shoulders, i at length got him out of the room. he was crazy with drink and rage, and struggled hard with me to get back and renew the fight. but i managed to force him into his wagon, jump in, and drive off. by ill-luck, in the height of the scuffle, bryce litton got a severe fall. whether the whisky he had drank, or a chance shove from me, was the cause, i am unable to say. he, however, attributed it to me, and treasured up his vengeance for the first favorable opportunity. the opportunity soon came. about a week afterwards i was sent by my master to a place a few miles distant, on horseback, with some letters. i took a short cut through a lane, separated by gates from the high road, and bounded by a fence on each side. this lane passed through some of the farm owned by my master's brother, and his overseer was in the adjoining field, with three negroes, when i went by. on my return, half an hour afterwards, the overseer was sitting on the fence; but i could see nothing of the black fellows. i rode on, utterly unsuspicious of any trouble; but as i approached he jumped off the fence, and at the same moment two of the negroes sprang up from under the bushes where they had been concealed, and stood with him immediately in front of me, while the third sprang over the fence just behind me. i was thus enclosed between what i could no longer doubt were hostile forces. the overseer seized my horse's bridle, and ordered me to alight, in the usual elegant phraseology addressed by such men to slaves. i asked what i was to alight for. "to take the cursedest flogging you ever had in your life, you d----d black scoundrel." "but what am i to be flogged for, mr. l.?" i asked. "not a word," said he, "but 'light at once, and take off your jacket." i saw there was nothing else to be done, and slipped off the horse on the opposite side from him. "now take off your shirt," cried he; and as i demurred at this, he lifted a stick he had in his hand to strike me, but so suddenly and violently that he frightened the horse, which broke away from him and ran home. i was thus left without means of escape, to sustain the attacks of four men, as well as i might. in avoiding mr. l.'s blow, i had accidentally got into a corner of the fence, where i could not be approached except in front. the overseer called upon the negroes to seize me; but they, knowing something of my physical power, were rather slow to obey. at length they did their best, and as they brought themselves within my reach, i knocked them down successively; and one of them trying to trip up my feet when he was down, i gave him a kick with my heavy shoe, which knocked out several teeth, and sent him howling away. meanwhile bryce litton played away on my head with a stick, not heavy enough, indeed, to knock me down, but drawing blood freely; shouting all the while, "won't you give up! won't you give up! you black son of a bitch!" exasperated at my defence, he suddenly seized a heavy fence-rail, and rushed at me to bring matters to a sudden close. the ponderous blow fell; i lifted my arm to ward it off; the bone cracked like a pipe-stem, and i fell headlong to the ground. repeated blows then rained on my back, till both shoulder-blades were broken, and the blood gushed copiously from my mouth. in vain the negroes interposed. "didn't you see the damned nigger strike me?" of course they must say "yes," although the lying coward had avoided close quarters, and fought with his stick alone. at length, his vengeance satisfied, he desisted, telling me to learn what it was to strike a white man. meanwhile an alarm had been raised at the house by the return of the horse without his rider, and my master started off with a small party to learn what the trouble was. when he first saw me he was swearing with rage. "you've been fighting, you damned nigger!" i told him bryce litton had been beating me, because i shoved him the other night at the tavern, when they had a fuss. seeing how much i was injured, he became still more fearfully mad; and after having me carried home, mounted his horse and rode over to montgomery court house, to enter a complaint. little good came of it. litton swore that when he spoke to me in the lane, i "sassed" him, jumped off my horse and made at him, and would have killed him but for the help of his negroes. of course no negro's testimony could be admitted against a white man, and he was acquitted. my master was obliged to pay all the costs of court; and although he had the satisfaction of calling litton a liar and scoundrel, and giving him a tremendous bruising, still even this partial compensation was rendered less gratifying by what followed, which was a suit for damages and a heavy fine. my sufferings after this cruel treatment were intense. besides my broken arm and the wounds on my head, i could feel and hear the pieces of my shoulder-blades grate against each other with every breath. no physician or surgeon was called to dress my wounds; and i never knew one to be called on riley's estate on any occasion whatever. "a nigger will get well anyway," was a fixed principle of faith, and facts seemed to justify it. the robust, physical health produced by a life of out-door labor, made our wounds heal up with as little inflammation as they do in the case of cattle. i was attended by my master's sister, miss patty, as we called her, the esculapius of the plantation. she was a powerful, big-boned woman, who flinched at no responsibility, from wrenching out teeth to setting bones. i have seen her go into the house and get a rifle to shoot a furious ox that the negroes were in vain trying to butcher. she splintered my arm and bound up my back as well as she knew how. alas! it was but cobbler's work. from that day to this i have been unable to raise my hands as high as my head. it was five months before i could work at all, and the first time i tried to plough, a hard knock of the colter against a stone shattered my shoulder-blades again, and gave me even greater agony than at first. and so i have gone through life maimed and mutilated. practice in time enabled me to perform many of the farm labors with considerable efficiency; but the free, vigorous play of muscle and arm was gone forever. my situation as overseer i retained, together with the especial favor of my master, who was not displeased either with saving the expense of a large salary for a white superintendent, or with the superior crops i was able to raise for him. i will not deny that i used his property more freely than he would have done himself, in supplying his people with better food; but if i cheated him in this way, in small matters, it was unequivocally for his own benefit in more important ones; and i accounted, with the strictest honesty, for every dollar i received in the sale of the property entrusted to me. gradually the disposal of everything raised on the farm,--the wheat, oats, hay, fruit, butter, and whatever else there might be,--was confided to me, as it was quite evident that i could and did sell for better prices than any one else he could employ; and he was quite incompetent to attend to the business himself. for many years i was his factotum, and supplied him with all his means for all his purposes, whether they were good or bad. i had no reason to think highly of his moral character; but it was my duty to be faithful to him in the position in which he placed me; and i can boldly declare, before god and man, that i was so. i forgave him the causeless blows and injuries he had inflicted on me in childhood and youth, and was proud of the favor he now showed me, and of the character and reputation i had earned by strenuous and persevering efforts. chapter vi. a responsible journey. my marriage.--marriage of my master.--his ruin.--comes to me for aid.--a great enterprise undertaken.--long and successful journey.--incidents by the way.--struggle between inclination and duty.--duty triumphant. when i was about twenty-two years of age, i married a very efficient, and, for a slave, a very well-taught girl, belonging to a neighboring family, reputed to be pious and kind, whom i first met at the religious meetings which i attended. she has borne me twelve children, eight of whom still survive and promise to be the comfort of my declining years. things remained in this condition for a considerable period; my occupations being to superintend the farming operations, and to sell the produce in the neighboring markets of washington and georgetown. many respectable people, yet living there, may possibly have some recollection of "siah," or "sie," (as they used to call me,) as their market-man; but if they have forgotten me, i remember them with an honest satisfaction. after passing his youth in the manner i have mentioned in a general way, and which i do not wish more particularly to describe, my master, at the age of forty-five, or upwards, married a young woman of eighteen, who had some little property, and more thrift. her economy was remarkable, and was certainly no addition to the comfort of the establishment. she had a younger brother, francis, to whom riley was appointed guardian, and who used to complain--not without reason, i am confident--of the meanness of the provision made for the household; and he would often come to me, with tears in his eyes, to tell me he could not get enough to eat. i made him my friend for life, by sympathising in his emotions and satisfying his appetite, sharing with him the food i took care to provide for my own family. he is still living, and, i understand, one of the wealthiest men in washington city. after a time, however, continual dissipation was more than a match for domestic saving. my master fell into difficulty, and from difficulty into a lawsuit with a brother-in-law, who charged him with dishonesty in the management of property confided to him in trust. the lawsuit was protracted enough to cause his ruin of itself. harsh and tyrannical as my master had been, i really pitied him in his present distress. at times he was dreadfully dejected, at others crazy with drink and rage. day after day would he ride over to montgomery court house about his business, and every day his affairs grew more desperate. he would come into my cabin to tell me how things were going, but spent the time chiefly in lamenting his misfortunes and cursing his brother-in-law. i tried to comfort him as best i could. he had confidence in my fidelity and judgment, and partly through pride, partly through that divine spirit of love i had learned to worship in jesus, i entered with interest into all his perplexities. the poor, drinking, furious, moaning creature was utterly incapable of managing his affairs. shiftlessness, licentiousness and drink had complicated them as much as actual dishonesty. one night in the month of january, long after i had fallen asleep, he came into my cabin and waked me up. i thought it strange, but for a time he said nothing and sat moodily warming himself at the fire. then he began to groan and wring his hands. "sick, massa?" said i. he made no reply but kept on moaning. "can't i help you any way, massa?" i spoke tenderly, for my heart was full of compassion at his wretched appearance. at last, collecting himself, he cried, "oh, sie! i'm ruined, ruined, ruined!" "how so, massa?" "they've got judgment against me, and in less than two weeks every nigger i've got will be put up and sold." then he burst into a storm of curses at his brother-in-law. i sat silent, powerless to utter a word. pity for him and terror at the anticipation of my own family's future fate filled my heart. "and now, sie," he continued, "there's only one way i can save anything. you can do it; won't you, won't you?" in his distress he rose and actually threw his arms around me. misery had levelled all distinctions. "if i can do it, massa, i will. what is it?" without replying he went on, "won't you, won't you? i raised you, sie; i made you overseer; i know i've abused you, sie, but i didn't mean it." still he avoided telling me what he wanted. "promise me you'll do it, boy." he seemed resolutely bent on having my promise first, well knowing from past experience that what i agreed to do i spared no pains to accomplish. solicited in this way, with urgency and tears, by the man whom i had so zealously served for over thirty years, and who now seemed absolutely dependent upon his slave,--impelled, too, by the fear which he skilfully awakened, that the sheriff would seize every one who belonged to him, and that all would be separated, or perhaps sold to go to georgia, or louisiana--an object of perpetual dread to the slave of the more northern states--i consented, and promised faithfully to do all i could to save him from the fate impending over him. at last the proposition came. "i want you to run away, sie, to your master amos in kentucky, and take all the servants along with you." i could not have been more startled had he asked me to go to the moon. master amos was his brother. "kentucky, massa? kentucky? i don't know the way." "o, it's easy enough for a smart fellow like you to find it; i'll give you a pass and tell you just what to do." perceiving that i hesitated, he endeavored to frighten me by again referring to the terrors of being sold to georgia. for two or three hours he continued to urge the undertaking, appealing to my pride, my sympathies, and my fears, and at last, appalling as it seemed, i told him i would do my best. there were eighteen negroes, besides my wife, two children and myself, to transport nearly a thousand miles, through a country about which i knew nothing, and in mid-winter--for it was the month of february, . my master proposed to follow me in a few months, and establish himself in kentucky. my mind once made up, i set earnestly about the needful preparations. they were few and easily made. a one-horse wagon, well stocked with oats, meal, bacon, for our own and the horse's support, was soon made ready. my pride was aroused in view of the importance of my responsibility, and heart and soul i became identified with my master's project of running off his negroes. the second night after the scheme was formed we were under way. fortunately for the success of the undertaking, these people had long been under my direction, and were devotedly attached to me in return for the many alleviations i had afforded to their miserable condition, the comforts i had procured them, and the consideration i had always manifested for them. under these circumstances no difficulty arose from want of submission to my authority. the dread of being separated, and sold away down south, should they remain on the old estate, united them as one man, and kept them patient and alert. we started from home about eleven o'clock at night, and till the following noon made no permanent halt. the men trudged on foot, the children were put into the wagon, and now and then my wife rode for a while. on we went through alexandria, culpepper, fauquier, harper's ferry, cumberland, over the mountains on the national turnpike, to wheeling. in all the taverns along the road were regular places for the droves of negroes continually passing along under the system of the internal slave trade. in these we lodged, and our lodging constituted our only expense, for our food we carried with us. to all who asked questions i showed my master's pass, authorizing me to conduct his negroes to kentucky, and often was the encomium of "smart nigger" bestowed on me, to my immense gratification. at the places where we stopped for the night, we often met negro-drivers with their droves, who were almost uniformly kept chained to prevent them from running away. the inquiry was often propounded to me by the drivers, "whose niggers are those?" on being informed, the next inquiry usually was, "where are they going?" "to kentucky." "who drives them?" "well, i have charge of them," was my reply. "what a smart nigger!" was the usual exclamation, with an oath. "will your master sell you? come in and stop with us." in this way i was often invited to pass the evening with them in the bar-room; their negroes, in the meantime, lying chained in the pen, while mine were scattered around at liberty. arriving at wheeling, in pursuance of the plan laid down by my master, i sold the horse and wagon, and purchased a large boat, called in that region a yawl. our mode of locomotion was now decidedly more agreeable than tramping along day after day, at the rate we had kept up ever since leaving home. very little labor at the oars was necessary. the tide floated us steadily along, and we had ample leisure to sleep and recruit our strength. a new and unexpected trouble now assailed me. on passing along the ohio shore, we were repeatedly told by persons conversing with us, that we were no longer slaves, but free men, if we chose to be so. at cincinnati, especially, crowds of colored people gathered round us, and insisted on our remaining with them. they told us we were fools to think of going on and surrendering ourselves up to a new owner; that now we could be our own masters, and put ourselves out of all reach of pursuit. i saw the people under me were getting much excited. divided counsels and signs of insubordination began to manifest themselves. i began, too, to feel my own resolution giving way. freedom had ever been an object of my ambition, though no other means of obtaining it had occurred to me but purchasing myself. i had never dreamed of running away. i had a sentiment of honor on the subject. the duties of the slave to his master as appointed over him in the lord, i had ever heard urged by ministers and religious men. it seemed like outright stealing. and now i felt the devil was getting the upper hand of me. strange as all this may seem, i really felt it then. entrancing as the idea was, that the coast was clear for a run for freedom, that i might liberate my companions, might carry off my wife and children, and some day own a house and land, and be no longer despised and abused--still my notions of right were against it. i had promised my master to take his property to kentucky, and deposit it with his brother amos. pride, too, came in to confirm me. i had undertaken a great thing; my vanity had been flattered all along the road by hearing myself praised; i thought it would be a feather in my cap to carry it through thoroughly; and had often painted the scene in my imagination of the final surrender of my charge to master amos, and the immense admiration and respect with which he would regard me. under the influence of these impressions, and seeing that the allurements of the crowd were producing a manifest effect, i sternly assumed the captain, and ordered the boat to be pushed off into the stream. a shower of curses followed me from the shore; but the negroes under me, accustomed to obey, and, alas! too degraded and ignorant of the advantages of liberty to know what they were forfeiting, offered no resistance to my command. often since that day has my soul been pierced with bitter anguish at the thought of having been thus instrumental in consigning to the infernal bondage of slavery so many of my fellow-beings. i have wrestled in prayer with god for forgiveness. having experienced myself the sweetness of liberty, and knowing too well the after misery of numbers of many of them, my infatuation has seemed to me the unpardonable sin. but i console myself with the thought that i acted according to my best light, though the light that was in me was darkness. those were my days of ignorance. i knew not the glory of free manhood. i knew not that the title-deed of the slave-owner is robbery and outrage. what advantages i may have personally lost by thus throwing away an opportunity of obtaining freedom, i know not; but the perception of my own strength of character, the feeling of integrity, the sentiment of high honor, i thus gained by obedience to what i believed right, these advantages i do know and prize. he that is faithful over a little, will alone be faithful over much. before god, i tried to do my best, and the error of judgment lies at the door of the degrading system under which i had been nurtured. chapter vii. a new home. become a methodist preacher.--my poor companions sold.--my agony.--sent for again.--interview with a kind methodist preacher.--visit free soil and begin my struggle for freedom. i arrived at davis county, kentucky, about the middle of april, , and delivered myself and my companions to mr. amos riley, the brother of my owner, who had a large plantation, with from eighty to one hundred negroes. his house was situated about five miles south of the ohio river, and fifteen miles above the yellow banks, on big blackfords creek. there i remained three years, expecting my master to follow, and was employed meantime on the farm, of which i had the general management, in consequence of the recommendation for ability and honesty which i brought with me from maryland. the situation was, in many respects, more comfortable than that i had left. the farm was larger and more fertile, and there was a greater abundance of food, which is, of course, one of the principal sources of the comfort of a slave, debarred as he is from so many enjoyments which other men can obtain. sufficiency of food is a pretty important item in any man's account of life; but is tenfold more so in that of the slave, whose appetite is always stimulated by as much labor as he can perform, and whose mind is little occupied by thought on subjects of deeper interest. my post of superintendent gave me some advantages, too, of which i did not fail to avail myself; particularly with regard to those religious privileges, which, since i first heard of christ and christianity, had greatly occupied my mind. in kentucky the opportunities of attending on the preaching of whites, as well as of blacks, were more numerous; and partly by attending them, and the camp-meetings which occurred from time to time, and partly from studying carefully my own heart, and observing the developments of character around me, in all the stations of life which i could watch, i became better acquainted with those religious feelings which are deeply implanted in the breast of every human being, and learned by practice how best to arouse them, and keep them excited, how to stir up the callous and indifferent, and, in general, to produce some good religious impressions on the ignorant and thoughtless community by which i was surrounded. no great amount of theological knowledge is requisite for the purpose. if it had been, it is manifest enough that preaching never could have been my vocation; but i am persuaded that, speaking from the fulness of a heart deeply impressed with its own sinfulness and imperfection, and with the mercy of god, in christ jesus, my humble ministrations have not been entirely useless to those who have had less opportunity than myself to reflect upon these all important subjects. it is certain that i could not refrain from the endeavor to do what i saw others doing in this field; and i labored at once to improve myself and those about me in the cultivation of the harvests which ripen only in eternity. i cannot but derive some satisfaction, too, from the proofs i have had that my services have been acceptable to those to whom they have been rendered. in the course of three years, from to , i availed myself of all the opportunities of improvement which occurred, and was admitted as a preacher by a quarterly conference of the methodist episcopal church. in the spring of the year , news arrived from my master that he was unable to induce his wife to accompany him to kentucky, and that he must therefore remain where he was. he sent out an agent to sell all his slaves, except me and my family, and to carry back the proceeds to him. and now another of those heart-rending scenes was to be witnessed, which had impressed itself so deeply on my childish soul. husbands and wives, parents and children, were to be separated forever. affections, which are as strong in the african as in the european, were to be cruelly disregarded; and the iron selfishness generated by the hateful "institution," was to be exhibited in its most odious and naked deformity. i was exempted from a personal share in the dreadful calamity; but i could not see, without the deepest grief, the agony which i recollected in my own mother, and which was again brought before my eyes in the persons with whom i had been long associated; nor could i refrain from the bitterest feeling of hatred of the system, and those who sustain it. what else, indeed, can be the feeling of the slave, liable at every moment of his life to these frightful and unnecessary calamities, which may be caused by the caprice of the abandoned, or the supposed necessities of the better part of the slaveholders, and inflicted upon him without sympathy or redress, under the sanction of the laws which uphold the institution? as i surveyed this scene, and listened to the groans and outcries of my afflicted companions, the torments of hell seized upon me. my eyes were opened, and the guilty madness of my conduct in preventing them from availing themselves of the opportunity for acquiring freedom, which offered itself at cincinnati, overwhelmed me. this, then, was the reward and end of all my faithfulness to my master. i had thought of him only and his interests, not of them or their welfare. oh! what would i not have given to have had the chance offered once more! and now, through me, were they doomed to wear out life miserably in the hot and pestilential climate of the far south. death would have been welcome to me in my agony. from that hour i saw through, hated, and cursed the whole system of slavery. one absorbing purpose occupied my soul--freedom, self-assertion, deliverance from the cruel caprices and fortunes of dissolute tyrants. once to get away, with my wife and children, to some spot where i could feel that they were indeed _mine_--where no grasping master could stand between me and them, as arbiter of their destiny--was a heaven yearned after with insatiable longing. for it i stood ready to pray, toil, dissemble, plot like a fox, and fight like a tiger. all the noble instincts of my soul, and all the ferocious passions of my animal nature, were aroused and quickened into vigorous action. the object of my old master riley in directing that i and my family should be exempted from the sale, was a desire on his part to get me back to maryland, and employ me in his own service. his best farms had been taken away from him, and but a few tracts of poor land remained. after his slaves had been run off, he cultivated these with hired labor, and month by month grew poorer and more desperate. he had written to his brother amos to give me a pass and let me travel back; but this his brother was reluctant to do, as i saved him the expense of an overseer, and he moreover knew that no legal steps could be taken to force him to comply. i knew of all this, but dared not seem anxious to return, for fear of exciting suspicion. in the course of the summer of , a methodist preacher, a most excellent white man, visited our neighborhood, and i became acquainted with him. he was soon interested in me, and visited me frequently, and one day talked to me in a confidential manner about my position. he said i ought to be free; that i had too much capacity to be confined to the limited and comparatively useless sphere of a slave; "and though," said he, "i must not be known to have spoken to you on this subject, yet if you will obtain mr. amos's consent to go to see your old master in maryland, i will try and put you in a way by which i think you may succeed in buying yourself." he said this to me more than once; and as it was in harmony with all my aspirations and wishes, was flattering to my self-esteem, and gratified my impatience to bring matters to a direct issue, i now resolved to make the attempt to get the necessary leave. the autumn work was over, i was no longer needed in the fields, and a better chance would never offer itself. still i dreaded to make the proposal. so much hung on it, such fond hopes were bound up with it, that i trembled for the result. i opened the subject one sunday morning while shaving mr. amos, and adroitly managed, by bringing the shaving brush close into his mouth whenever he was disposed to interrupt me, to "get a good say" first. of course i made no allusion to my plan of buying myself; but urged my request on the sole ground of a desire to see my old master. to my surprise he made little objection. i had been faithful to him, and gained, in his rude way of showing it, his regard. long before spring i would be back again. he even told me i had earned such a privilege. the certificate he gave me allowed me to pass and repass between kentucky and maryland as servant of amos riley. furnished with this, and with a letter of recommendation from my methodist friend to a brother preacher in cincinnati, i started about the middle of september, , for the east. a new era in my history now opened upon me. a letter i carried with me to a kind-hearted man in cincinnati procured me a number of invaluable friends, who entered heart and soul into my plans. they procured me an opportunity to preach in two or three of the pulpits of the city, and i made my appeal with that eloquence which spontaneously breaks forth from a breast all alive and fanned into a glow by an inspiring project. contact with those who were free themselves, and a proud sense of exultation in taking my destiny into my own hands, gave me the sacred "gift of tongues." i was pleading an issue of life and death, of heaven and hell, and such as heard me felt this in their hearts. in three or four days i left the city with no less a sum than one hundred and sixty dollars in my pockets, and with a soul jubilant with thanksgiving, and high in hope, directed my steps towards chillicothe, to attend the session of the ohio conference of the methodist episcopal church. my kind friend accompanied me, and by his influence and exertions still further success attended me. by his advice i then purchased a decent suit of clothes and an excellent horse, and travelled from town to town preaching as i went. everywhere i met with kindness. the contrast between the respect with which i was treated and the ordinary abuse, or at best insolent familiarity, of plantation life, gratified me in the extreme, as it must any one who has within him one spark of personal dignity as a man. the sweet enjoyment of sympathy, moreover, and the hearty "god speed you, brother!" which accompanied every dollar i received, were to my long starved heart a celestial repast, and angels' food. liberty was a glorious hope in my mind; not as an escape from toil, for i rejoiced in toil when my heart was in it, but as the avenue to a sense of self-respect, to ennobling occupation, and to association with superior minds. still, dear as was the thought of liberty, i still clung to my determination to gain it in one way only--by purchase. the cup of my affliction was not yet full enough to lead me to disregard all terms with my master. chapter viii. return to maryland. reception from my old master.--a slave again.--appeal to an old friend.--buy my freedom.--cheated and betrayed.--back to kentucky, and a slave again. before i left ohio and set my face towards montgomery county, i was master of two hundred and seventy-five dollars, besides my horse and clothes. proud of my success, i enjoyed the thought of showing myself once more in the place where i had been known simply as "riley's head nigger;" and it was with no little satisfaction that about christmas i rode up to the old house. my master gave me a boisterous reception, and expressed great delight at seeing me. "why, what in the devil have you been doing, sie? you've turned into a regular black gentleman." my horse and dress sorely puzzled him, and i soon saw it began to irritate him. the clothes i wore were certainly better than his. and already the workings of that tyrannical hate with which the coarse and brutal, who have no inherent superiority, ever regard the least sign of equality in their dependents, were visible in his manner. his face seemed to say, "i'll take the gentleman out of you pretty soon." i gave him such an account of my preaching as, while it was consistent with the truth, and explained my appearance, did not betray to him my principal purpose. he soon asked to see my pass, and when he found it authorized me to return to kentucky, handed it to his wife, and desired her to put it into his desk. the manoeuvre was cool and startling. i heard the old prison gate clang, and the bolt shoot into the socket once more. but i said nothing, and resolved to manoeuvre also. after putting my horse in the stable i retired to the kitchen, where my master told me i was to sleep for the night. o, how different from my accommodations in the free states, for the last three months, was the crowded room, with its dirt floor, and filth, and stench! i looked around me with a sensation of disgust. the negroes present were strangers to me, being slaves that mrs. riley had brought to her husband. "fool that i was to come back!" i found my mother had died during my absence, and every tie which had ever connected me with the place was broken. the idea of lying down with my nice clothes in this nasty sty was insufferable. full of gloomy reflections at my loneliness, and the poverty-stricken aspect of the whole farm, i sat down; and while my companions were snoring in unconsciousness, i kept awake, thinking how i should escape from the accursed spot. i knew of but one friend to whom i could appeal--"master frank," the brother of riley's wife, before mentioned, who was now of age, and had established himself in business in washington. i knew he would take an interest in me, for i had done much to lighten his sorrows when he was an abused and harshly-treated boy in the house. to him i resolved to go, and as soon as i thought it time to start, i saddled my horse and rode up to the house. it was early in the morning, and my master had already gone to the tavern on his usual business, when mrs. riley came out to look at my horse and equipments. "where are you going, 'siah?" was the natural question. i replied, "i am going to washington, mistress, to see mr. frank, and i must take my pass with me, if you please." "o, everybody knows you here; you won't need your pass." "but i can't go to washington without it. i may be met by some surly stranger, who will stop me and plague me, if he can't do anything worse." "well, i'll get it for you," she answered; and glad was i to see her return with it in her hand, and to have her give it to me, while she little imagined its importance to my plan. my reception by master frank was all i expected, as kind and hearty as possible. he was delighted at my appearance, and i immediately told him all my plans and hopes. he entered cordially into them, and expressed, as he felt, i doubt not, a strong sympathy for me. i found that he thoroughly detested riley, whom he charged with having defrauded him of a large proportion of his property which he had held as guardian, though, as he was not at warfare with him, he readily agreed to negotiate for my freedom, and bring him to the most favorable terms. accordingly, in a few days he rode over to the house, and had a long conversation with him on the subject of my emancipation. he disclosed to him the facts that i had got some money, and _my pass_, and urged that i was a smart fellow, who was bent upon getting his freedom, and had served the family faithfully for many years; that i had really paid for myself a hundred times over, in the increased amount of produce i had raised by my skill and influence; and that if he did not take care, and accept a fair offer when i made it to him, he would find some day that i had the means to do without his help, and that he would see neither me nor my money; that with my horse and my pass i was pretty independent of him already, and he had better make up his mind to do what was really inevitable, and do it with a good grace. by such arguments as these, mr. frank not only induced him to think of the thing, but before long brought him to an actual bargain, by which he agreed to give me my manumission papers for four hundred and fifty dollars, of which three hundred and fifty dollars were to be in cash, and the remainder in my note. my money and my horse enabled me to pay the cash at once, and thus my great hope seemed in a fair way of being realized. some time was spent in the negotiation of this affair, and it was not until the ninth of march, , that i received my manumission papers in due form of law. i prepared to start at once on my return to kentucky; and on the tenth, as i was getting ready, in the morning, for my journey, my master accosted me in the most friendly manner, and entered into conversation with me about my plans. he asked me what i was going to do with my certificate of freedom; whether i was going to show it if questioned on the road. i told him, "yes." "you'll be a fool if you do," he rejoined. "some slave-trader will get hold of it and tear it up, and the first thing you know, you'll be thrown into prison, sold for your jail fees, and be in his possession before any of your friends can help you. don't show it at all. your pass is enough. let me enclose your papers for you under cover to my brother. nobody will dare to break a seal, for that is a state-prison matter; and when you arrive in kentucky you will have it with you all safe and sound." for this friendly advice, as i thought it, i felt extremely grateful. secure in my happiness, i cherished no suspicion of others. i accordingly permitted him to enclose my precious papers in an envelope composed of several wrappers, and after he had sealed it with three seals, and directed it to his brother in davies county, kentucky, in my care, i carefully stowed it in my carpet bag. leaving immediately for wheeling, to which place i was obliged to travel on foot, i there took boat, and in due time reached my destination. i was arrested repeatedly on the way; but by insisting always on being carried before a magistrate, i succeeded in escaping all serious impediments by means of my pass, which was quite regular, and could not be set aside by any responsible authority. the boat which took me down from louisville, landed me about dark, and my walk of five miles brought me to the plantation at bed-time. i went directly to my own cabin, and found my wife and little ones well. of course we had enough to communicate to each other. i soon found that i had something to learn as well as to tell. letters had reached the "great house,"--as the master's was always called,--long before i arrived, telling them what i had been doing. the children of the family had eagerly communicated the good news to my wife--how i had been preaching, and raising money, and making a bargain for my freedom. it was not long before charlotte began to question me, with much excitement, about how i raised the money. she evidently thought i had stolen it. her opinion of my powers as a preacher was not exalted enough to permit her to believe i had gained it as i really did. it was the old story of the prophet without honor in his own place. i contrived however to quiet her fears on this score. "but how are you going to raise enough to pay the remainder of the thousand dollars?" "what thousand dollars?" "the thousand dollars you were to give for your freedom." o, how those words smote me! at once i suspected treachery. again and again i questioned her as to what she had heard. she persisted in repeating the same story as the substance of my master's letters. master amos said i had paid three hundred and fifty dollars down, and when i had made up six hundred and fifty more i was to have my free papers. i now began to perceive the trick that had been played upon me, and to see the management by which riley had contrived that the only evidence of my freedom should be kept from every eye but that of his brother amos, who was requested to retain it until i had made up the balance i was reported to have agreed to pay. indignation is a faint word to express my deep sense of such villainy. i was alternately beside myself with rage, and paralyzed with despair. my dream of bliss was over. what could i do to set myself right? the only witness to the truth, master frank, was a thousand miles away. i could neither write to him, or get any one else to write. every man about me who could write was a slaveholder. i dared not go before a magistrate with my papers, for fear i should be seized and sold down the river before anything could be done. i felt that every man's hand would be against me. "my god! my god! why hast thou forsaken me?" was my bitter cry. one thing only seemed clear. my papers must never be surrendered to master amos. i told my wife i had not seen them since i left louisville. they might be in my bag, or they might be lost. at all events i did not wish to look myself. if she found them there, and hid them away, out of my knowledge, it would be the best disposition to make of them. the next morning, at the blowing of the horn, i went out to find master amos. i found him sitting on a stile, and as i drew near enough for him to recognize me, he shouted out a hearty welcome in his usual chaste style. "why, halloa, sie! is that you? got back, eh! why, you old son of a bitch, i'm glad to see you! drot your blood, drot your blood, why, you're a regular black gentleman!" and he surveyed my dress with an appreciative grin. "well, boy, how's your master? isaac says you want to be free. want to be free, eh! i think your master treats you pretty hard, though. six hundred and fifty dollars don't come so easy in old kentuck. how does he ever expect you to raise all that. it's too much, boy, it's too much." in the conversation that followed i found my wife was right. riley had no idea of letting me off, and supposed i could contrive to raise six hundred and fifty as easily as one hundred dollars. master amos soon asked me if i had not a paper for him. i told him i had had one, but the last i saw of it was at louisville, and now it was not in my bag, and i did not know what had become of it. he sent me back to the landing to see if it had been dropped on the way. of course i did not find it. he made, however, little stir about it, for he had intentions of his own to keep me working for him, and regarded the whole as a trick of his brother's to get money out of me. all he said about the loss was, "well, boy, bad luck happens to everybody, sometimes." all this was very smooth and pleasant to a man who was in a frenzy of grief at the base and apparently irremediable trick that had been played upon him. i had supposed that i should now be free to start out and gain the other hundred dollars which would discharge my obligation to my master. but i soon saw that i was to begin again with my old labors. it was useless to give expression to my feelings, and i went about my work with as quiet a mind as i could, resolved to trust in god, and never despair. chapter ix. taken south, away from wife and children. start for new orleans.--study navigation on the mississippi.--the captain struck blind.--find some of my old companions.--the lower depths. things went on in this way about a year. from time to time master amos joked me about the six hundred and fifty dollars, and said his brother kept writing to know why i did not send something. it was "diamond cut diamond" with the two brothers. mr. amos had no desire to play into the hands of mr. isaac. he was glad enough to secure my services to take care of his stock and his people. one day my master suddenly informed me that his son amos, a young man about twenty-one years of age, was going down the river to new orleans, with a flat-boat loaded with produce, and that i was to go with him. he was to start the next day, and i was to accompany him and help him dispose of his cargo to the best advantage. this intimation was enough. though it was not distinctly stated, yet i well knew what was intended, and my heart sunk within me at the near prospect of this fatal blight to all my long-cherished hopes. there was no alternative but death itself; and i thought that there was hope as long as there was life, and i would not despair even yet. the expectation of my fate, however, produced the degree of misery nearest to that of despair; and it is in vain for me to attempt to describe the wretchedness i experienced as i made ready to go on board the flat-boat. i had little preparation to make, to be sure; and there was but one thing that seemed to me important. i asked my wife to sew up my manumission paper securely in a piece of cloth, and to sew that again round my person. i thought that having possession of it might be the means of saving me yet, and i would not neglect anything that offered the smallest chance of escape from the frightful servitude that threatened me. the immediate cause of this movement on the part of master amos i never fully understood. it grew out of a frequent exchange of letters, which had been kept up between him and his brother in maryland. whether as a compromise between their rival claims it was agreed to sell me and divide the proceeds, or that master amos, in fear of my running away, had resolved to turn me into riches without wings, for his own profit, i never knew. the fact of his intention, however, was clear enough; and god knows it was a fearful blow. my wife and children accompanied me to the landing, where i bade them an adieu which might be for life, and then stepped into the boat, which i found manned by three white men, who had been hired for the trip. mr. amos and myself were the only other persons on board. the load consisted of beef-cattle, pigs, poultry, corn, whisky, and other articles from the farm, and from some of the neighboring estates, which were to be sold as we dropped down the river, wherever they could be disposed of to the greatest advantage. it was a common trading voyage to new orleans, in which i was embarked, the interest of which consisted not in the incidents that occurred, not in storms, or shipwreck, or external disaster of any sort; but in the storm of passions contending within me, and the imminent risk of the shipwreck of my soul, which was impending over me nearly the whole period of the voyage. one circumstance, only, i will mention, illustrating, as other events in my life have often done, the counsel of the saviour, "he that will be chief among you, let him be your servant." we were, of course, all bound to take our trick at the helm in turn, sometimes under direction of the captain, and sometimes on our own responsibility, as he could not be always awake. in the daytime there was less difficulty than at night, when it required some one who knew the river, to avoid sand-bars and snags, and the captain was the only person on board who had this knowledge. but whether by day or by night, as i was the only negro in the boat, i was made to stand at least three tricks (white men are very fond of such tricks) to any other person's one; so that, from being much with the captain, and frequently thrown upon my own exertions, i learned the art of steering and managing the boat far better than the rest. i watched the manoeuvres necessary to shoot by a sawyer, to land on a bank, or avoid a snag, or a steamboat, in the rapid current of the mississippi, till i could do it as well as the captain. after a while he was attacked by a disease of the eyes; they became very much inflamed and swollen. he was soon rendered totally blind, and unable to perform his share of duty. this disorder is not an unfrequent consequence of exposure to the light of the sun, doubled in intensity as it is by the reflection from the river. i was the person who could best take his place, and i was in fact master of the boat from that time till our arrival at new orleans. after the captain became blind we were obliged to lie by at night, as none of the rest of us had been down the river before; and it was necessary to keep watch all night, to prevent depredations by the negroes on shore, who used frequently to attack such boats as ours, for the sake of the provisions on board. on our way down the river we stopped at vicksburg, and i got permission to visit a plantation a few miles from the town, where some of my old companions whom i had brought from kentucky were living. it was the saddest visit i ever made. four years in an unhealthy climate and under a hard master had done the ordinary work of twenty. their cheeks were literally caved in with starvation and disease, and their bodies infested with vermin. no hell could equal the misery they described as their daily portion. toiling half naked in malarious marshes, under a burning, maddening sun, and poisoned by swarms of musquitoes and black gnats, they looked forward to death as their only deliverance. some of them fairly cried at seeing me there, and at thought of the fate which they felt awaited me. their worst fears of being sold down south had been more than realized. i went away sick at heart, and to this day the sight of that wretched group haunts me. chapter x. a terrible temptation. sigh for death.--a murder in my heart.--the axe raised.--conscience speaks and i am saved.--god be praised! now all outward nature seemed to feed my gloomy thoughts. i know not what most men see in voyaging down the mississippi. if gay and hopeful, probably much of beauty and interest. if eager merchants, probably a golden river, freighted with the wealth of nations. i saw nothing but portents of woe and despair. wretched slave-pens; a smell of stagnant waters; half-putrid carcasses of horses or oxen floating along, covered with turkey buzzards and swarms of green flies,--these are the images with which memory crowds my mind. my faith in god utterly gave way. i could no longer pray or trust. he had abandoned me and cast me off forever. i looked not to him for help. i saw only the foul miasmas, the emaciated frames of my negro companions; and in them saw the sure, swift, loving intervention of the one unfailing friend of the wretched,--death! yes; death and the grave! "there the wicked cease from troubling, and the weary are at rest. there the prisoners rest together; they hear not the voice of the oppressor." two years of this would kill me. i dwelt on the thought with melancholy yet sweet satisfaction. two years! and then i should be free. free! ever my cherished hope, though not as i had thought it would come. as i paced backwards and forwards on the deck, during my watch, it may well be believed i revolved in my mind many a painful and passionate thought. after all that i had done for isaac and amos riley, after all the regard they had professed for me, such a return as this for my services, such an evidence of their utter disregard of my claims upon them, and the intense selfishness with which they were ready to sacrifice me, at any moment, to their supposed interest, turned my blood to gall, and changed me from a lively, and, i will say, a pleasant-tempered fellow, into a savage, morose, dangerous slave. i was going not at all as a lamb to the slaughter; but i felt myself becoming more ferocious every day; and as we approached the place where this iniquity was to be consummated, i became more and more agitated with an almost uncontrollable fury. i said to myself, "if this is to be my lot, i cannot survive it long. i am not so young as those whose wretched condition i have but just now seen, and if it has brought them to such a condition, it will soon kill me. i am to be taken by my masters and owners, who ought to be my grateful friends, to a place and a condition where my life is to be shortened, as well as made more wretched. why should i not prevent this wrong if i can, by shortening their lives, or those of their agents, in accomplishing such detestable injustice? i can do the last easily enough. they have no suspicion of me, and they are at this moment under my control, and in my power. there are many ways in which i can dispatch them and escape; and i feel that i should be justified in availing myself of the first good opportunity." these were not thoughts which just flitted across my mind's eye and then disappeared. they fashioned themselves into shapes which grew larger and seemed firmer every time they presented themselves; and at length my mind was made up to convert the phantom shadow into a positive reality. i resolved to kill my four companions, take what money there was in the boat, then to scuttle the craft, and escape to the north. it was a poor plan, maybe, and would very likely have failed; but it was as well contrived, under the circumstances, as the plans of murderers usually are; and blinded by passion, and stung to madness as i was, i could not see any difficulty about it. one dark, rainy night, within a few days' sail of new orleans, my hour seemed to have come. i was alone on the deck; master amos and the hands were all asleep below, and i crept down noiselessly, got hold of an axe, entered the cabin, and looking by the aid of the dim light there for my victims, my eye fell upon master amos, who was nearest to me; my hand slid along the axe-handle; i raised it to strike the fatal blow,--when suddenly the thought came to me, "what! commit _murder_! and you a christian?" i had not called it murder before. it was self-defence,--it was preventing others from murdering me,--it was justifiable, it was even praiseworthy. but now, all at once, the truth burst upon me that it was a crime. i was going to kill a young man who had done nothing to injure me, but was only obeying commands which he could not resist; i was about to lose the fruit of all my efforts at self-improvement, the character i had acquired, and the peace of mind that had never deserted me. all this came upon me instantly, and with a distinctness which almost made me think i heard it whispered in my ear; and i believe i even turned my head to listen. i shrunk back, laid down the axe, and thanked god, as i have done every day since, that i had not committed murder. my feelings were still agitated, but they were changed. i was filled with shame and remorse for the design i had entertained, and with the fear that my companions would detect it in my face, or that a careless word would betray my guilty thoughts. i remained on deck all night, instead of rousing one of the men to relieve; and nothing brought composure to my mind but the solemn resolution i then made, to resign myself to the will of god, and take with thankfulness, if i could, but with submission, at all events, whatever he might decide should be my lot. i reflected that if my life were reduced to a brief term, i should have less to suffer; and that it was better to die with a christian's hope, and a quiet conscience, than to live with the incessant recollection of a crime that would destroy the value of life, and under the weight of a secret that would crush out the satisfaction that might be expected from freedom and every other blessing. it was long before i recovered my self-control and serenity; but i believe that no one but those to whom i have told the story myself, ever suspected me of having entertained such thoughts for a moment. chapter xi. providential deliverance. offered for sale.--examined by purchasers.--plead with my young master in vain.--man's extremity, god's opportunity.--good for evil.--return north.--my increased value.--resolve to be a slave no longer. in a few days after this trying crisis in my life, we arrived at new orleans. the little that remained of our cargo was soon sold, the men were discharged, and nothing was left but to dispose of me, and break up the boat, and then master amos would take passage on a steamboat, and go home. there was no longer any disguise about the disposition which was to be made of me. master amos acknowledged that such were his instructions, and he set about fulfilling them. several planters came to the boat to look at me; i was sent on some hasty errand that they might see how i could run; my points were canvassed as those of a horse would have been; and, doubtless, some account of my various faculties entered into the discussion of the bargain, that my value as a domestic animal might be enhanced. master amos had talked, with apparent kindness, about getting me a good master, who would employ me as a coachman, or as a house-servant; but as time passed on i could discern no particular effort of the kind. in our intervals of leisure i tried every possible means to move his heart. with tears and groans i besought him not to sell me away from my wife and children. i dwelt on my past services to his father, and called to his remembrance a thousand things i had done for him personally. i told him about the wretched condition of the slaves i had seen near vicksburg. sometimes he would shed tears himself, and say he was sorry for me. but still i saw his purpose was unchanged. he now kept out of my way as much as possible, and forestalled every effort i made to talk with him. his conscience evidently troubled him. he knew he was doing a cruel and wicked thing, and wanted to escape from thinking about it. i followed him up hard, for i was supplicating for my life. i fell down and clung to his knees in entreaties. sometimes when too closely pressed, he would curse and strike me. may god forgive him. and yet it was not all his fault. he was made so by the accursed relation of slavemaster and slave. i was property,--not a man, not a father, not a husband. and the laws of property and self-interest, not of humanity and love, bore sway. at length everything was wound up but this single affair. i was to be sold the next day, and master amos was to set off on his return, in a steamboat, at six o'clock in the afternoon. i could not sleep that night; its hours seemed interminably long, though it was one of the shortest of the year. the slow way in which we had come down had brought us to the long days and heats of june; and everybody knows what the climate of new orleans is at that period of the year. and now occurred one of those sudden, marked interpositions of providence, by which in a moment the whole current of a human being's life is changed; one of those slight and, at first, unappreciated contingencies, by which the faith that man's extremity is god's opportunity is kept alive. little did i think, when a little before daylight master amos called me and told me he felt sick, how much my future was bound up in those few words. his stomach was disordered, and i advised him to lie down again, thinking it would soon pass off. before long he felt worse, and it was soon evident that the river fever was upon him. he became rapidly ill, and by eight o'clock in the morning was utterly prostrate. the tables were now turned. i was no longer property, no longer a brute beast to be bought and sold, but his only friend in the midst of strangers. oh, how different was his tone from what it had been the day before! he was now the supplicant. a poor, terrified object, afraid of death, and writhing with pain, there lay the late arbiter of my destiny. how he besought me to forgive him. "stick to me, sie! stick to me, sie! don't leave me, don't leave me. i'm sorry i was going to sell you." sometimes he would say he had only been joking, and never intended to part with me. yes, the tables were utterly turned. he entreated me to dispatch matters, sell the flat-boat in which we had been living, and get him and his trunk, containing the proceeds of the trip, on board the steamer as quick as possible. i attended to all his requests, and by twelve o'clock that day he was in one of the cabins of the steamer appropriated to sick passengers. o, my god! how my heart sang jubilees of praise to thee, as the steamboat swung loose from the levee and breasted the mighty tide of the mississippi! away from this land of bondage and death! away from misery and despair! once more exulting hope possessed me. this time if i do not open my way to freedom, may god never give me chance again! before we had proceeded many hours on our voyage, a change for the better appeared in my young master. the change of air in a measure revived him; and well it was for him that such was the case. short as his illness had been, the fever had raged like a fire, and he was already near death. i watched and nursed him like a mother; for all remembrance of personal wrong was obliterated at sight of his peril. his eyes followed me in entreaty wherever i went. his strength was so entirely gone that he could neither speak nor move a limb, and could only indicate his wish for a teaspoonful of gruel, or something to moisten his throat, by a feeble motion of his lips. i nursed him carefully and constantly. nothing else could have saved his life. it hung by a thread for a long time. we were as much as twelve days in reaching home, for the water was low at that season, particularly in the ohio river; and when we arrived at our landing he was still unable to speak, and could only be moved on a sheet or a litter. something of this sort was soon fixed up at the landing, on which he could be carried to the house, which was five miles off; and i got a party of the slaves belonging to the estate to form relays for the purpose. as we approached the house, the surprise at seeing me back again, and the perplexity to imagine what i was bringing along, with such a party, were extreme; but the discovery was soon made which explained the strange appearance; and the grief of father and mother, and brothers and sisters, made itself seen and heard. loud and long were the lamentations over poor amos; and when the family came a little to themselves, great were the commendations bestowed upon me for my care of him and of the property. although we reached home by the tenth of july, it was not until the middle of august that master amos was well enough to leave his chamber. to do him justice, he manifested strong gratitude towards me. almost his first words after recovering his strength sufficiently to talk, were in commendation of my conduct. "if i had sold him i should have died." on the rest of the family no permanent impression seemed to have been made. the first few words of praise were all i ever received. i was set at my old work. my merits, whatever they were, instead of exciting sympathy or any feeling of attachment to me, seemed only to enhance my market value in their eyes. i saw that my master's only thought was to render me profitable to himself. from him i had nothing to hope, and i turned my thoughts to myself and my own energies. before long i felt assured another attempt would be made to dispose of me. providence seemed to have interfered once to defeat the scheme, but i could not expect such extraordinary circumstances to be repeated; and i was bound to do everything in my power to secure myself and my family from the wicked conspiracy of isaac and amos riley against my life, as well as against my natural rights, and those which i had acquired, under even the barbarous laws of slavery, by the money i had paid for myself. if isaac would only have been honest enough to adhere to his bargain, i would have adhered to mine, and paid him all i had promised. but his attempt to kidnap me again, after having pocketed three-fourths of my market value, in my opinion absolved me from all obligation to pay him any more, or to continue in a position which exposed me to his machinations. chapter xii. escape from bondage. solitary musings.--preparations for flight.--a long good night to master.--a dark night on the river.--night journeys in indiana.--on the brink of starvation.--a kind woman.--a new style of drinking cup.--reach cincinnati. during the bright and hopeful days i spent in ohio, while away on my preaching tour, i had heard much of the course pursued by fugitives from slavery, and became acquainted with a number of benevolent men engaged in helping them on their way. canada was often spoken of as the only sure refuge from pursuit, and that blessed land was now the desire of my longing heart. infinite toils and perils lay between me and that haven of promise; enough to daunt the stoutest heart; but the fire behind me was too hot and fierce to let me pause to consider them. i knew the north star--blessed be god for setting it in the heavens! like the star of bethlehem, it announced where my salvation lay. could i follow it through forest, and stream, and field, it would guide my feet in the way of hope. i thought of it as my god-given guide to the land of promise far away beneath its light. i knew that it had led thousands of my poor, hunted brethren to freedom and blessedness. i felt energy enough in my own breast to contend with privation and danger; and had i been a free, untrammeled man, knowing no tie of father or husband, and concerned for my own safety only, i would have felt all difficulties light in view of the hope that was set before me. but, alas! i had a wife and four dear children; how should i provide for them? abandon them i could not; no! not even for the blessed boon of freedom. they, too, must go. they, too, must share with me the life of liberty. it was not without long thought upon the subject that i devised a plan of escape. but at last i matured it. my mind fully made up, i communicated the intention to my wife. she was overwhelmed with terror. with a woman's instinct she clung to hearth and home. she knew nothing of the wide world beyond, and her imagination peopled it with unseen horrors. we should die in the wilderness,--we should be hunted down with blood-hounds,--we should be brought back and whipped to death. with tears and supplications she besought me to remain at home, contented. in vain i explained to her our liability to be torn asunder at any moment; the horrors of the slavery i had lately seen; the happiness we should enjoy together in a land of freedom, safe from all pursuing harm. she had not suffered the bitterness of my lot, nor felt the same longing for deliverance. she was a poor, ignorant, unreasoning slave-woman. i argued the matter with her at various times, till i was satisfied that argument alone would not prevail. i then told her deliberately, that though it would be a cruel trial for me to part with her, i would nevertheless do it, and take all the children with me except the youngest, rather than remain at home, only to be forcibly torn from her, and sent down to linger out a wretched existence in the hell i had lately visited. again she wept and entreated, but i was sternly resolute. the whole night long she fruitlessly urged me to relent; exhausted and maddened, i left her, in the morning, to go to my work for the day. before i had gone far, i heard her voice calling me, and waiting till i came up, she said, at last, she would go with me. blessed relief! my tears of joy flowed faster than had hers of grief. our cabin, at this time, was near the landing. the plantation itself extended the whole five miles from the house to the river. there were several distinct farms, all of which i was over-seeing, and therefore i was riding about from one to another every day. our oldest boy was at the house with master amos; the rest of the children were with my wife. the chief practical difficulty that had weighed upon my mind, was connected with the youngest two of the children. they were of three and two years, respectively, and of course would have to be carried. both stout and healthy, they were a heavy burden, and my wife had declared that i should break down under it before i had got five miles from home. sometime previously i had directed her to make me a large knapsack of tow cloth, large enough to hold them both, and arranged with strong straps to go round my shoulders. this done, i had practised carrying them night after night, both to test my own strength and accustom them to submit to it. to them it was fine fun, and to my great joy i found i could manage them successfully. my wife's consent was given on thursday morning, and i resolved to start on the night of the following saturday. sunday was a holiday; on monday and tuesday i was to be away on farms distant from the house; thus several days would elapse before i should be missed, and by that time i should have got a good start. at length the eventful night arrived. all things were ready, with the single exception that i had not yet obtained my master's permission for little tom to visit his mother. about sundown i went up to the great house to report my work, and after talking for a time, started off, as usual, for home; when, suddenly appearing to recollect something i had forgotten, i turned carelessly back, and said, "o, master amos, i most forgot. tom's mother wants to know if you won't let him come down a few days; she wants to mend his clothes and fix him up a little." "yes, boy, yes; he can go." "thankee, master amos; good night, good night. the lord bless you!" in spite of myself i threw a good deal of emphasis into my farewell. i could not refrain from an inward chuckle at the thought--how long a good night that will be! the coast was all clear now, and, as i trudged along home, i took an affectionate look at the well-known objects on my way. strange to say, sorrow mingled with my joy; but no man can live anywhere long without feeling some attachment to the soil on which he labors. it was about the middle of september, and by nine o'clock all was ready. it was a dark, moonless night, when we got into the little skiff, in which i had induced a fellow slave to set us across the river. it was an anxious moment. we sat still as death. in the middle of the stream the good fellow said to me, "it will be the end of me if this is ever found out; but you won't be brought back alive, sie, will you?" "not if i can help it," i replied; and i thought of the pistols and knife i had bought some time before of a poor white. "and if they're too many for you, and you get seized, you'll never tell my part in this business?" "not if i'm shot through like a sieve." "that's all," said he, "and god help you." heaven reward him. he, too, has since followed in my steps; and many a time in a land of freedom have we talked over that dark night on the river. in due time we landed on the indiana shore. a hearty, grateful farewell, such as none but companions in danger can know, and i heard the oars of the skiff propelling him home. there i stood in the darkness, my dear ones with me, and the all unknown future before us. but there was little time for reflection. before daylight should come on, we must put as many miles behind us as possible, and be safely hidden in the woods. we had no friends to look to for assistance, for the population in that section of the country was then bitterly hostile to the fugitive. if discovered, we should be seized and lodged in jail. in god was our only hope. fervently did i pray to him as we trudged on cautiously and steadily, and as fast as the darkness and the feebleness of my wife and boys would allow. to her, indeed, i was compelled to talk sternly; she trembled like a leaf, and even then implored me to return. for a fortnight we pressed steadily on, keeping to the road during the night, hiding whenever a chance vehicle or horseman was heard, and during the day burying ourselves in the woods. our provisions were rapidly giving out. two days before reaching cincinnati they were utterly exhausted. all night long the children cried with hunger, and my poor wife loaded me with reproaches for bringing them into such misery. it was a bitter thing to hear them cry, and god knows i needed encouragement myself. my limbs were weary, and my back and shoulders raw with the burden i carried. a fearful dread of detection ever pursued me, and i would start out of my sleep in terror, my heart beating against my ribs, expecting to find the dogs and slave-hunters after me. had i been alone i would have borne starvation, even to exhaustion, before i would have ventured in sight of a house in quest of food. but now something must be done; it was necessary to run the risk of exposure by daylight upon the road. the only way to proceed was to adopt a bold course. accordingly, i left our hiding-place, took to the road, and turned towards the south, to lull any suspicion that might be aroused were i to be seen going the other way. before long i came to a house. a furious dog rushed out at me, and his master following to quiet him, i asked if he would sell me a little bread and meat. he was a surly fellow. "no, he had nothing for niggers!" at the next i succeeded no better, at first. the man of the house met me in the same style; but his wife, hearing our conversation, said to her husband, "how can you treat any human being so? if a dog was hungry i would give him something to eat." she then added, "we have children, and who knows but they may some day need the help of a friend." the man laughed, and told her that she might take care of niggers, he wouldn't. she asked me to come in, loaded a plate with venison and bread, and, when i laid it into my handkerchief, and put a quarter of a dollar on the table, she quietly took it up and put it in my handkerchief, with an additional quantity of venison. i felt the hot tears roll down my cheeks as she said "god bless you;" and i hurried away to bless my starving wife and little ones. a little while after eating the venison, which was quite salt, the children become very thirsty, and groaned and sighed so that i went off stealthily, breaking the bushes to keep my path, to find water. i found a little rill, and drank a large draught. then i tried to carry some in my hat; but, alas! it leaked. finally, i took off both shoes, which luckily had no holes in them, rinsed them out, filled them with water, and carried it to my family. they drank it with great delight. i have since then sat at splendidly furnished tables in canada, the united states, and england; but never did i see any human beings relish anything more than my poor famishing little ones did that refreshing draught out of their father's shoes. that night we made a long run, and two days afterward we reached cincinnati. chapter xiii. journey to canada. good samaritans.--alone in the wilderness.--meet some indians.--reach sandusky.--another friend.--all aboard.--buffalo.--a "free nigger."--frenzy of joy on reaching canada. i now felt comparatively at home. before entering the town i hid my wife and children in the woods, and then walked on alone in search of my friends. they welcomed me warmly, and just after dusk my wife and children were brought in, and we found ourselves hospitably cheered and refreshed. two weeks of exposure to incessant fatigue, anxiety, rain, and chill, made it indescribably sweet to enjoy once more the comfort of rest and shelter. since i have lived in a land of freedom, i have heard harsh and bitter words spoken of those devoted men who are banded together to succor and bid god speed the hunted fugitive; men who, through pity for the suffering, have voluntarily exposed themselves to hatred, fines, and imprisonment. if there be a god who will have mercy on the merciful, great shall be their reward. in the great day when men shall stand in judgment before the divine master, crowds of the outcast and forsaken of earth shall gather around them, and in joyful tones bear witness, "we were hungry and ye gave us meat, thirsty and ye gave us drink, naked and ye clothed us, sick and ye visited us." and he who has declared that, "inasmuch as ye have done it unto the least of these my brethren, ye have done it unto me," shall accept the attestation, and hail them with his welcome, "come ye blessed of my father." they can afford to bide their time. their glory shall yet be proclaimed from the house-tops. meanwhile may that "peace of god which the world can neither give nor take away" dwell richly in their hearts. among such as these--good samaritans, of whom the lord would say, "go ye and do likewise,"--our lot was now cast. carefully they provided for our welfare until our strength was recruited, and then they set us thirty miles on our way by wagon. we followed the same course as before--travelling by night and resting by day--till we arrived at the scioto, where we had been told we should strike the military road of general hull, in the last war with great britain, and might then safely travel by day. we found the road, accordingly, by the large sycamore and elms which marked its beginning, and entered upon it with fresh spirits early in the day. nobody had told us that it was cut through the wilderness, and i had neglected to provide any food, thinking we should soon come to some habitation, where we could be supplied. but we travelled on all day without seeing one, and lay down at night, hungry and weary enough. the wolves were howling around us, and though too cowardly to approach, their noise terrified my poor wife and children. nothing remained to us in the morning but a little piece of dried beef, too little, indeed, to satisfy our cravings, but enough to afflict us with intolerable thirst. i divided most of this among us, and then we started for a second day's tramp in the wilderness. a painful day it was to us. the road was rough, the underbrush tore our clothes and exhausted our strength; trees that had been blown down blocked the way; we were faint with hunger; and no prospect of relief opened up before us. we spoke little, but steadily struggled along; i with my babes on my back, my wife aiding the two other children to climb over the fallen trunks and force themselves through the briers. suddenly, as i was plodding along a little ahead of my wife and the boys, i heard them call me, and turning round saw my wife prostrate on the ground. "mother's dying," cried tom; and when i reached her it seemed really so. from sheer exhaustion she had fallen in surmounting a log. distracted with anxiety, i feared she was gone. for some minutes no sign of life was manifest; but after a time she opened her eyes, and finally recovering enough to take a few mouthfuls of the beef, her strength returned, and we once more went bravely on our way. i cheered the sad group with hopes i was far from sharing myself. for the first time i was nearly ready to abandon myself to despair. starvation in the wilderness was the doom that stared me and mine in the face. but again, "man's extremity was god's opportunity." we had not gone far, and i suppose it was about three o'clock in the afternoon, when we discerned some persons approaching us at no great distance. we were instantly on the alert, as we could hardly expect them to be friends. the advance of a few paces showed me they were indians, with packs on their shoulders; and they were so near that if they were hostile it would be useless to try to escape. so i walked along boldly, till we came close upon them. they were bent down with their burdens, and had not raised their eyes till now; and when they did so, and saw me coming towards them, they looked at me in a frightened sort of way for a moment, and then, setting up a peculiar howl, turned round, and ran as fast as they could. there were three or four of them, and what they were afraid of i could not imagine, unless they supposed i was the devil, whom they had perhaps heard of as black. but, even then, one would have thought my wife and children might have reassured them. however, there was no doubt they were well frightened, and we heard their wild and prolonged howl, as they ran, for a mile or more. my wife was alarmed, too, and thought they were merely running back to collect more of a party, and then to come and murder us; and she wanted to turn back. i told her they were numerous enough to do that, if they wanted to, without help; and that as for turning back, i had had quite too much of the road behind us, and that it would be a ridiculous thing that both parties should run away. if they were disposed to run, i would follow. we did follow, and the noise soon ceased. as we advanced, we could discover indians peeping at us from behind the trees, and dodging out of sight if they thought we were looking at them. presently we came upon their wigwams, and saw a fine-looking, stately indian, with his arms folded, waiting for us to approach. he was, apparently, the chief; and, saluting us civilly, he soon discovered we were human beings, and spoke to his young men, who were scattered about, and made them come in and give up their foolish fears. and now curiosity seemed to prevail. each one wanted to touch the children, who were as shy as partridges with their long life in the woods; and as they shrunk away, and uttered a little cry of alarm, the indian would jump back too, as if he thought they would bite him. however, a little while sufficed to make them understand what we were, and whither we were going, and what we needed; and as little to set them about supplying our wants, feeding us bountifully, and giving us a comfortable wigwam for our night's rest. the next day we resumed our march, having ascertained from the indians that we were only about twenty-five miles from the lake. they sent some of their young men to point out the place where we were to turn off, and parted from us with as much kindness as possible. in passing over the part of ohio near the lake, where such an extensive plain is found, we came to a spot overflowed by a stream, across which the road passed. i forded it first, with the help of a sounding-pole, and then taking the children on my back, first the two little ones, and then the others, one at a time, and, lastly, my wife, i succeeded in getting them safely across. at this time the skin was worn from my back to an extent almost equal to the size of the knapsack. one night more was passed in the woods, and in the course of the next forenoon we came out upon the wide plain, without trees, which lies south and west of sandusky city. the houses of the village were in plain sight. about a mile from the lake i hid my wife and children in the bushes, and pushed forward. i was attracted by a house on the left, between which and a small coasting vessel a number of men were passing and repassing with great activity. promptly deciding to approach them, i drew near, and scarcely had i come within hailing distance, when the captain of the schooner cried out, "hollo there, man! you want to work?" "yes, sir!" shouted i. "come along, come along; i'll give you a shilling an hour. must get off with this wind." as i came near, he said, "o, you can't work; you're crippled." "can't i?" said i; and in a minute i had hold of a bag of corn, and followed the gang in emptying it into the hold. i took my place in the line of laborers next to a colored man, and soon got into conversation with him. "how far is it to canada?" he gave me a peculiar look, and in a minute i saw he knew all. "want to go to canada? come along with us, then. our captain's a fine fellow. we're going to buffalo." "buffalo; how far is that from canada?" "don't you know, man? just across the river." i now opened my mind frankly to him, and told him about my wife and children. "i'll speak to the captain," said he. he did so, and in a moment the captain took me aside, and said, "the doctor says you want to go to buffalo with your family." "yes, sir." "well, why not go with me!" was his frank reply. "doctor says you've got a family." "yes sir." "where do you stop?" "about a mile back." "how long have you been here?" "no time," i answered, after a moment's hesitation. "come, my good fellow, tell us all about it. you're running away, ain't you?" i saw he was a friend, and opened my heart to him. "how long will it take you to get ready?" "be here in half an hour, sir." "well, go along and get them." off i started; but, before i had run fifty feet, he called me back. "stop," says he; "you go on getting the grain in. when we get off, i'll lay to over opposite that island, and send a boat back. there's a lot of regular nigger-catchers in the town below, and they might suspect if you brought your party out of the bush by daylight." i worked away with a will. soon the two or three hundred bushels of corn were aboard, the hatches fastened down, the anchor raised, and the sails hoisted. i watched the vessel with intense interest as she left her moorings. away she went before the free breeze. already she seemed beyond the spot at which the captain agreed to lay to, and still she flew along. my heart sunk within me; so near deliverance, and again to have my hopes blasted, again to be cast on my own resources. i felt that they had been making a mock of my misery. the sun had sunk to rest, and the purple and gold of the west were fading away into grey. suddenly, however, as i gazed with weary heart, the vessel swung round into the wind, the sails flapped, and she stood motionless. a moment more, and a boat was lowered from her stern, and with steady stroke made for the point at which i stood. i felt that my hour of release had come. on she came, and in ten minutes she rode up handsomely on to the beach. my black friend and two sailors jumped out, and we started off at once for my wife and children. to my horror, they were gone from the place where i left them. overpowered with fear, i supposed they had been found and carried off. there was no time to lose, and the men told me i would have to go alone. just at the point of despair, however, i stumbled on one of the children. my wife, it seemed, alarmed at my long absence, had given up all for lost, and supposed i had fallen into the hands of the enemy. when she heard my voice, mingled with those of the others, she thought my captors were leading me back to make me discover my family, and in the extremity of her terror she had tried to hide herself. i had hard work to satisfy her. our long habits of concealment and anxiety had rendered her suspicious of every one; and her agitation was so great that for a time she was incapable of understanding what i said, and went on in a sort of paroxysm of distress and fear. this, however, was soon over, and the kindness of my companions did much to facilitate the matter. and now we were off for the boat. it required little time to embark our baggage--one convenience, at least, of having nothing. the men bent their backs with a will, and headed steadily for a light hung from the vessel's mast. i was praising god in my soul. three hearty cheers welcomed us as we reached the schooner, and never till my dying day shall i forget the shout of the captain--he was a scotchman--"coom up on deck, and clop your wings and craw like a rooster; you're a free nigger as sure as the devil." round went the vessel, the wind plunged into her sails as though innoculated with the common feeling--the water seethed and hissed passed her sides. man and nature, and, more than all, i felt the god of man and nature, who breathes love into the heart and maketh the winds his ministers, were with us. my happiness, that night, rose at times to positive pain. unnerved by so sudden a change from destitution and danger to such kindness and blessed security, i wept like a child. the next evening we reached buffalo, but it was too late to cross the river that night. "you see those trees," said the noble hearted captain next morning, pointing to a group in the distance; "they grow on free soil, and as soon as your feet touch that you're a _mon_. i want to see you go and be a freeman. i'm poor myself, and have nothing to give you; i only sail the boat for wages; but i'll see you across. here green," said he to a ferryman; "what will you take this man and his family over for--he's got no money?" "three shillings." he then took a dollar out of his pocket and gave it to me. never shall i forget the spirit in which he spoke. he put his hand on my head and said, "be a good fellow, won't you?" i felt streams of emotion running down in electric courses from head to foot. "yes," said i; "i'll use my freedom well; i'll give my soul to god." he stood waving his hat as we pushed off for the opposite shore. god bless him! god bless him eternally! amen! it was the th of october, , in the morning, when my feet first touched the canada shore. i threw myself on the ground, rolled in the sand, seized handfuls of it and kissed them, and danced round till, in the eyes of several who were present, i passed for a madman. "he's some crazy fellow," said a colonel warren, who happened to be there. "o, no, master! don't you know? i'm free!" he burst into a shout of laughter. "well, i never knew freedom make a man roll in the sand in such a fashion." still i could not control myself. i hugged and kissed my wife and children, and, until the first exuberant burst of feeling was over, went on as before. chapter xiv. new scenes and a new home. a poor man in a strange land.--begin to acquire property.--resume preaching.--boys go to school.--what gave me a desire to learn to read.--a day of prayer in the woods. there was not much time to be lost, though in frolic even, at this extraordinary moment. i was a stranger in a strange land, and had to look about me, at once, for refuge and resource. i found a lodging for the night; and the next morning set about exploring the interior for the means of support. i knew nothing about the country or the people; but kept my eyes and ears open, and made such inquiries as opportunity afforded. i heard, in the course of the day, of a mr. hibbard, who lived some six or seven miles off, and who was a rich man, as riches were counted there, with a large farm, and several small tenements on it, which he was in the habit of letting to his laborers. to him i went, immediately, though the character given him by his neighbors was not, by any means, unexceptionably good. but i thought he was not, probably, any worse than those i had been accustomed to serve, and that i could get along with him, if honest and faithful work would satisfy him. in the afternoon i found him, and soon struck a bargain with him for employment. i asked him if there was any house where he would let me live. he said "yes," and led the way to an old two-story sort of shanty, into the lower story of which the pigs had broken, and had apparently made it their resting-place for some time. still, it was a house, and i forthwith expelled the pigs, and set about cleaning it for the occupancy of a better sort of tenants. with the aid of hoe and shovel, hot water and a mop, i got the floor into a tolerable condition by midnight, and only then did i rest from my labor. the next day i brought the rest of the hensons to _my house_, and though there was nothing there but bare walls and floors, we were all in a state of great delight, and my wife laughed and acknowledged that it was worth while, and that it was better than a log cabin with an earth-floor. i begged some straw of mr. hibbard, and confining it by logs in the corners of the room, i made beds of it three feet thick, upon which we reposed luxuriously after our long fatigues. another trial awaited me which i had not anticipated. in consequence of the great exposures we had been through, my wife and all the children fell sick; and it was not without extreme peril that they escaped with their lives. my employer soon found that my labor was of more value to him than that of those he was accustomed to hire; and as i consequently gained his favor, and his wife took quite a fancy to mine, we soon procured some of the comforts of life, while the necessaries of food and fuel were abundant. i remained with mr. hibbard three years, sometimes working on shares, and sometimes for wages; and i managed in that time to procure some pigs, a cow, and a horse. thus my condition gradually improved, and i felt that my toils and sacrifices for freedom had not been in vain. nor were my labors for the improvement of myself and others, in more important things than food and clothing, without effect. it so happened that one of my maryland friends arrived in this neighborhood, and hearing of my being here, inquired if i ever preached now, and spread the reputation i had acquired elsewhere for my gifts in the pulpit. i had said nothing myself, and had not intended to say anything of my having ever officiated in that way. i went to meeting with others, when i had an opportunity, and enjoyed the quiet of the sabbath when there was no assembly. i would not refuse to labor in this field, however, when desired to do so; and i hope it is no violation of modesty to state the fact, that i was frequently called upon, not by blacks alone, but by all classes in my vicinity--the comparatively educated, as well as the lamentably ignorant--to speak to them on their duty, responsibility, and immortality, on their obligations to their maker, their saviour, and themselves. it may, nay, i am aware it must, seem strange to many, that a man so ignorant as myself, unable to read, and having heard so little as i had of religion, natural or revealed, should be able to preach acceptably to persons who had enjoyed greater advantages than myself. i can explain it only by reference to our saviour's comparison of the kingdom of heaven to a plant which may spring from a seed no bigger than a mustard-seed, and may yet reach such a size, that the birds of the air may take shelter therein. religion is not so much knowledge as wisdom; and observation upon what passes without, and reflection upon what passes within a man's heart, will give him a larger growth in grace than is imagined by the devoted adherents of creeds, or the confident followers of christ, who call him "lord, lord," but do not the things which he says. mr. hibbard was good enough to give my eldest boy, tom, two quarters' schooling, to which the schoolmaster added more, of his own kindness, so that my boy learned to read fluently and well. it was a great advantage, not only to him, but to me; for i used to get him to read much to me in the bible, especially on sunday mornings, when i was going to preach; and i could easily commit to memory a few verses, or a chapter, from hearing him read it over. one beautiful summer sabbath i rose early, and called him to come and read to me. "where shall i read, father?" "anywhere, my son," i answered, for i knew not how to direct him. he opened upon psalm ciii. "bless the lord, o my soul: and all that is within me, bless his holy name;" and as he read this beautiful outpouring of gratitude, which i now first heard, my heart melted within me. i recalled, with all the rapidity of which thought is capable, the whole current of my life; and, as i remembered the dangers and afflictions from which the lord had delivered me, and compared my present condition with what it had been, not only my heart but my eyes overflowed, and i could neither check nor conceal the emotion which overpowered me. the words, "bless the lord, o my soul," with which the psalm begins and ends, were all i needed, or could use, to express the fullness of my thankful heart. when he had finished, tom turned to me and asked, "father, who was david?" he had observed my excitement, and added, "he writes pretty, don't he?" and then repeated his question. it was a question i was utterly unable to answer. i had never heard of david, but could not bear to acknowledge my ignorance to my own child. so i answered evasively, "he was a man of god, my son." "i suppose so," said he, "but i want to know something more about him. where did he live? what did he do?" as he went on questioning me, i saw it was in vain to attempt to escape, and so i told him frankly i did not know. "why, father," said he, "can't you read?" this was a worse question than the other, and, if i had any pride in me at the moment, it took it all out of me pretty quick. it was a direct question, and must have a direct answer; so i told him at once i could not. "why not?" said he. "because i never had an opportunity to learn, nor anybody to teach me." "well, you can learn now, father." "no, my son, i am too old, and have not time enough. i must work all day, or you would not have enough to eat." "then you might do it at night." "but still there is nobody to teach me. i can't afford to pay anybody for it, and, of course, no one can do it for nothing." "why, father, _i'll teach you_. i can do it, i know. and then you'll know so much more that you can talk better, and preach better." the little fellow was so earnest, there was no resisting him; but it is hard to describe the conflicting feelings within me at such a proposition from such a quarter. i was delighted with the conviction that my children would have advantages i had never enjoyed; but it was no slight mortification to think of being instructed by a child of twelve years old. yet ambition, and a true desire to learn, for the good it would do my own mind, conquered the shame, and i agreed to try. but i did not reach this state of mind instantly. i was greatly moved by the conversation i had with tom, so much so that i could not undertake to preach that day. the congregation were disappointed, and i passed the sunday in solitary reflection in the woods. i was too much engrossed with the multitude of my thoughts within me to return home to dinner, and spent the whole day in secret meditation and prayer, trying to compose myself, and ascertain my true position. it was not difficult to see that my predicament was one of profound ignorance, and that i ought to use every opportunity of enlightening it. i began to take lessons of tom, therefore, immediately, and followed it up every evening, by the light of a pine knot, or some hickory bark, which was the only light i could afford. weeks passed, and my progress was so slow that poor tom was almost discouraged, and used to drop asleep sometimes, and whine a little over my dullness, and talk to me very much as a schoolmaster talks to a stupid boy, till i began to be afraid that my age, my want of practice in looking at such little scratches, the daily fatigue, and the dim light, would be effectual preventives of my ever acquiring the art of reading. but tom's perseverance and mine conquered at last, and in the course of the winter i did really learn to read a little. it was, and has been ever since, a great comfort to me to have made this acquisition; though it has made me comprehend better the terrible abyss of ignorance in which i had been plunged all my previous life. it made me also feel more deeply and bitterly the oppression under which i had toiled and groaned; but the crushing and cruel nature of which i had not appreciated, till i found out, in some slight degree, from what i had been debarred. at the same time it made me more anxious than before to do something for the rescue and the elevation of those who were suffering the same evils i had endured, and who did not know how degraded and ignorant they really were. chapter xv. life in canada. condition of the blacks in canada.--a tour of exploration.--appeal to the legislature.--improvements. after about three years had passed, i improved my condition again by taking service with a gentleman by the name of riseley, whose residence was only a few miles distant, and who was a man of more elevation of mind than mr. hibbard, and of superior abilities. at his place i began to reflect, more and more, upon the circumstances of the blacks, who were already somewhat numerous in this region. i was not the only one who had escaped from the states, and had settled on the first spot in canada which they had reached. several hundreds of colored persons were in the neighborhood; and, in the first joy of their deliverance, were going on in a way which, i could see, led to little or no progress in improvement. they were content to have the proceeds of their labor at their own command, and had not the ambition for, or the perception of what was within their easy reach, if they did but know it. they were generally working for hire upon the lands of others, and had not yet dreamed of becoming independent proprietors themselves. it soon became my great object to awaken them to a sense of the advantages which were within their grasp; and mr. riseley, seeing clearly the justness of my views, and willing to coöperate with me in the attempt to make them generally known among the blacks, permitted me to call meetings at his house of those who were known to be among the most intelligent and successful of our class. at these meetings we considered and discussed the subject, till we were all of one mind; and it was agreed, among the ten or twelve of us who assembled at them, that we would invest our earnings in land, and undertake the task--which, though no light one certainly would yet soon reward us for our effort--of settling upon wild lands which we could call our own; and where every tree which we felled, and every bushel of corn we raised, would be for ourselves; in other words, where we could secure all the profits of our own labor. the advantages of this course need not be dwelt upon, in a country which is every day exemplifying it, and has done so for two hundred years and more; and has, by this very means, acquired an indestructible character for energy, enterprise, and self-reliance. it was precisely the yankee spirit which i wished to instill into my fellow-slaves, if possible; and i was not deterred from the task by the perception of the immense contrast in all the habits and character generated by long ages of freedom and servitude, activity and sloth, independence and subjection. my associates agreed with me, and we resolved to select some spot among the many offered to our choice, where we could colonize, and raise our own crops, eat our own bread, and be, in short, our own masters. i was deputed to explore the country, and find a place to which i would be willing to migrate myself; and they all said they would go with me, whenever such a one should be found. i set out accordingly in the autumn of , and travelled on foot all over the extensive region between lakes ontario, erie, and huron. when i came to the territory east of lake st. clair and detroit river, i was strongly impressed with its fertility, its convenience, and, indeed, its superiority, for our purposes, to any other spot i had seen. i determined this should be the place; and so reported, on my return, to my future companions. they were wisely cautious, however, and sent me off again in the summer, that i might see it at the opposite seasons of the year, and be better able to judge of its advantages. i found no reason to change my opinion, but upon going farther towards the head of lake erie, i discovered an extensive tract of government land, which, for some years, had been granted to a mr. mccormick upon certain conditions, and which he had rented out to settlers upon such terms as he could obtain. this land being already cleared, offered some advantages for the immediate raising of crops, which were not to be overlooked by persons whose resources were so limited as ours; and we determined to go there first, for a time, and with the proceeds of what we could earn there, to make our purchases in dawn afterwards. this plan was followed, and some dozen or more of us settled upon these lands the following spring, and accumulated something by the crops of wheat and tobacco we were able to raise. i discovered, before long, that mccormick had not complied with the conditions of his grant, and was not, therefore, entitled to the rent he exacted from the settlers. i was advised by sir john cockburn, to whom i applied on the subject, to appeal to the legislature for relief. we did so; and though mccormick was able, by the aid of his friends, to defeat us for one year, yet we succeeded the next, upon a second appeal, and were freed from all rent thereafter, so long as we remained. still, this was not our own land. the government, though it demanded no rent, might set up the land for sale at any time, and then we should, probably, be driven off by wealthier purchasers, with the entire loss of all our improvements, and with no retreat provided. it was manifest that it was altogether better for us to purchase before competition was invited; and we kept this fully in mind during the time we stayed here. we remained in this position six or seven years; and all this while the colored population was increasing rapidly around us, and spreading very fast into the interior settlements and the large towns. the immigration from the united sates was incessant, and some, i am not unwilling to admit, were brought hither with my knowledge and connivance; and i will now proceed to give a short account of the plans and operations i had arranged for the liberation of some of my brethren, which i hope may prove interesting to the reader. chapter xvi. conducting slaves to canada. sympathy for the slaves.--james lightfoot.--my first mission to the south.--a kentucky company of fugitives.--safe at home. the degraded and hopeless condition of a slave, can never be properly felt by him while he remains in such a position. after i had tasted the blessings of freedom, my mind reverted to those whom i knew were groaning in captivity, and i at once proceeded to take measures to free as many as i could. i thought that, by using exertion, numbers might make their escape as i did, if they had some practical advice how to proceed. i was once attending a very large meeting at fort erie, at which a great many colored people were present. in the course of my preaching i tried to impress upon them the importance of the obligations they were under; first, to god, for their deliverance; and then, secondly, to their fellow-men, to do all that was in their power to bring others out of bondage. in the congregation was a man named james lightfoot, who was of a very active temperament, and had obtained his freedom by fleeing to canada, but had never thought of his family and friends whom he had left behind, until the time he heard me speaking, although he himself had been free for some five years. however, that day the cause was brought home to his heart. when the service was concluded he begged to have an interview with me, to which i gladly acceded, and an arrangement was made for further conversation on the same subject one week from that time. he then informed me where he came from, also to whom he belonged, and that he had left behind a dear father and mother, three sisters and four brothers; and that they lived on the ohio river, not far from the city of maysville. he said that he never saw his duty towards them to be so clear and unmistakeable as he did at that time, and professed himself ready to coöperate in any measures that might be devised for their release. during the short period of his freedom he had accumulated some little property, the whole of which, he stated, he would cheerfully devote to carrying out those measures; for he had not had any rest, night nor day, since the meeting above mentioned. i was not able at that time to propose what was best to be done, and thus we parted; but in a few days he came to see me again on the same errand. seeing the agony of his heart in behalf of his kindred, i consented to commence the painful and dangerous task of endeavoring to free those whom he so much loved. i left my own family in the hands of no other save god, and commenced the journey alone, on foot, and travelled thus about four hundred miles. but the lord furnished me with strength sufficient for the undertaking. i passed through the states of new york, pennsylvania, and ohio--free states, so called--and crossed the ohio river into kentucky, and ultimately found his friends in the place he had described. i was an entire stranger to them, but i took with me a small token of their brother who was gone, which they at once recognized; and this was to let them know that he had gone to canada, the land of freedom, and had now sent a friend to assist them in making their escape. this created no little excitement. but his parents had become so far advanced in years that they could not undertake the fatigue; his sisters had a number of children, and they could not travel; his four brothers and a nephew were young men, and sufficiently able for the journey, but the thought of leaving their father, and mother, and sisters, was too painful; and they also considered it unsafe to make the attempt then, for fear that the excitement and grief of their friends might betray them; so they declined going at that time, but promised that they would go in a year, if i would return for them. to this i assented, and then went between forty and fifty miles into the interior of kentucky, having heard that there was a large party ready to attempt their escape, if they had a leader to direct their movements. i travelled by night, resting by day, and at length reached bourbon county, the place where i expected to find these people. after a delay of about a week, spent in discussing plans, making arrangements, and other matters, i found that there were about thirty collected from different states, who were disposed to make the attempt. at length, on a saturday night, we started. the agony of parting can be better conceived than described; as, in their case, husbands were leaving their wives, mothers their children, and children their parents. this, at first sight, will appear strange, and even incredible; but, when we take into consideration the fact, that at any time they were liable to be separated, by being sold to what are termed "nigger traders," and the probability that such an event would take place, it will, i think, cease to excite any surprise. we succeeded in crossing the ohio river in safety, and arrived in cincinnati the third night after our departure. here we procured assistance; and, after stopping a short time to rest, we started for richmond, indiana. this is a town which had been settled by quakers, and there we found friends indeed, who at once helped us on our way, without loss of time; and after a difficult journey of two weeks, through the wilderness, we reached toledo, ohio, a town on the south-western shore of lake erie, and there we took passage for canada, which we reached in safety. i then went home to my family, taking with me a part of this large party, the rest finding their friends scattered in other towns, perfectly satisfied with my conduct in the matter, in being permitted to be the instrument of freeing such a number of my fellow-creatures. chapter xvii. second journey on the underground railroad. a shower of stars.--kentuckians.--a stratagem.--a providence.--conducted across the miami river by a cow.--arrival at cincinnati.--one of the party taken ill.--we leave him to die.--meet a "friend."--a poor white man.--a strange impression.--once more in canada. i remained at home, working on my farm, until the next autumn, soon after which time i had promised to assist in the restoring to liberty the friends of james lightfoot, the individual who had excited my sympathy at the meeting at fort erie. in pursuance of this promise, i again started on my long journey into kentucky. on my way, that strange occurrence happened, called the great meteoric shower. the heavens seemed broken up into streaks of light and falling stars. i reached lancaster, ohio, about three o'clock in the morning, and found the village aroused, and the bells ringing, and the people exclaiming, "the day of judgment is come!" i thought it was probably so; but felt that i was in the right business, and walked on through the village, leaving the terrified people behind. the stars continued to fall till the light of the sun appeared. on arriving at portsmouth, in the state of ohio, i had a very narrow escape from being detected. the place was frequented by a number of kentuckians, who were quite ready to suspect a colored man, if they saw anything unusual about him. i reached portsmouth in the morning, and waited until two in the afternoon for the steamboat, so that i might not arrive in maysville till after dark. while in the town i was obliged to resort to a stratagem, in order to avoid being questioned by the kentuckians i saw in the place. to this end i procured some dried leaves, put them into a cloth and bound it all round my face, reaching nearly to my eyes, and pretended to be so seriously affected in my head and teeth as not to be able to speak. i then hung around the village till time for the evening boat, so as to arrive at maysville in the night. i was accosted by several during my short stay in portsmouth, who appeared very anxious to get some particulars from me as to who i was, where i was going, and to whom i belonged. to all their numerous inquiries i merely shook my head, mumbled out indistinct answers, and acted so that they could not get anything out of me; and, by this artifice, i succeeded in avoiding any unpleasant consequences. i got on board the boat and reached maysville, kentucky, in the evening, about a fortnight from the time i had left canada. on landing a wonderful providence happened to me. the second person i met in the street was jefferson lightfoot, brother of the james lightfoot previously mentioned, and one of the party who had promised to escape if i would assist them. he stated that they were still determined to make the attempt, and the following saturday night was named to put it into execution, and preparations for the journey were at once commenced. the reason why saturday night was chosen on this and the previous occasion was, that from not having to labor the next day, and being allowed to visit their families, they would not be missed until the time came for their usual appearance in the field, at which period they would be some eighty or a hundred miles away. during the interval i had to keep myself concealed by day, and used to meet them by night to make the necessary arrangements. for fear of being detected, they started off without bidding their father or mother farewell, and then, in order to prevent the hounds from following on our trail, we seized a skiff, a little below the city, and made our way down the river. it was not the shortest way, but it was the surest. it was sixty-five miles from maysville to cincinnati, and we thought we could reach that city before daylight, and then take the stage for sandusky. our boat sprung a leak before we had got half way, and we narrowly escaped being drowned; providentially, however, we got to the shore before the boat sunk. we then took another boat, but this detention prevented us from arriving at cincinnati in time for the stage. day broke upon us when we were about ten miles above the city, and we were compelled to leave our boat from fear of being apprehended. this was an anxious time. however, we had got so far away that we knew there was no danger of being discovered by the hounds, and we thought we would go on foot. when we got within seven miles of cincinnati, we came to the miami river, and we could not reach the city without crossing it. this was a great barrier to us, for the water appeared to be deep, and we were afraid to ask the loan of a boat, being apprehensive it might lead to our detection. we went first up and then down the river, trying to find a convenient crossing place, but failed. i then said to my company, "boys, let us go up the river and try again." we started, and after going about a mile we saw a cow coming out of a wood, and going to the river as though she intended to drink. then said i, "boys, let us go and see what that cow is about, it may be that she will tell us some news." i said this in order to cheer them up. one of them replied, in rather a peevish way, "oh that cow can't talk;" but i again urged them to come on. the cow remained until we approached her within a rod or two; she then walked into the river, and went straight across without swimming, which caused me to remark, "the lord sent that cow to show us where to cross the river!" this has always seemed to me to be a very wonderful event. having urged our way with considerable haste, we were literally saturated with perspiration, though it was snowing at the time, and my companions thought that it would be highly dangerous for us to proceed through the water, especially as there was a large quantity of ice in the river. but as it was a question of life or death with us, there was no time left for reasoning; i therefore advanced--they reluctantly following. the youngest of the lightfoots ere we had reached midway of the river, was seized with violent contraction of the limbs, which prevented further self-exertion on his part; he was, therefore, carried the remainder of the distance. after resorting to continued friction, he partially recovered, and we proceeded on our journey. we reached cincinnati about eleven on sunday morning--too late for the stage that day; but having found some friends, we hid ourselves until monday evening, when we recommenced our long and toilsome journey, through mud, rain, and snow, towards canada. we had increased our distance about miles, by going out of our road to get among the quakers. during our passage through the woods, the boy before referred to was taken alarmingly ill, and we were compelled to proceed with him on our backs; but finding this mode of conveying him exceedingly irksome, we constructed a kind of litter with our shirts and handkerchiefs laid across poles. by this time we got into the state of indiana, so that we could travel by day as long as we kept to the woods. our patient continued to get worse, and it appeared, both to himself and to us all, that death would soon release him from his sufferings. he therefore begged to be left in some secluded spot, to die alone, as he feared that the delay occasioned by his having to be carried through the bush, might lead to the capture of the whole company. with very considerable reluctance we acceded to his request, and laid him in a sheltered place, with a full expectation that death would soon put an end to his sufferings. the poor fellow expressed his readiness to meet the last struggle in hope of eternal life. sad, indeed, was the parting; and it was with difficulty we tore ourselves away. we had not, however, proceeded more than two miles on our journey, when one of the brothers of the dying man made a sudden stop, and expressed his inability to proceed whilst he had the consciousness that he had left his brother to perish, in all probability, a prey to the devouring wolves. his grief was so great that we determined to return, and at length reached the spot, where we found the poor fellow apparently dying, moaning out with every breath a prayer to heaven. words cannot describe the joyousness experienced by the lightfoots when they saw their poor afflicted brother once more; they literally danced for joy. we at once prepared to resume our journey as we best could, and once more penetrated the bush. after making some progress, we saw, at a little distance on the road, a wagon approaching, and i immediately determined to ascertain whether some assistance could not be obtained. i at length circumvented the road, so as to make it appear that i had been journeying in an opposite direction to that which the wagon was taking. when i came up with the driver, i bade him good day. he said, "where is thee going?" "to canada." i saw his coat, heard his _thee_ and _thou_, and set him down for a quaker. i therefore plainly told him our circumstances. he at once stopped his horses, and expressed his willingness to assist us. i returned to the place where my companions were in waiting for me, and soon had them in the presence of the quaker. immediately on viewing the sufferer he was moved to tears, and without delay turned his horses' heads, to proceed in the direction of his home, although he had intended to go to a distant market with a load of produce for sale. the reception we met with from the quaker's family overjoyed our hearts, and the transports with which the poor men looked upon their brother, now so favorably circumstanced, cannot be described. we remained with this happy family for the night, and received from them every kindness. it was arranged that the boy should remain behind until, through the blessing of god, he should recover. we were kindly provided by them with a sack of biscuit and a joint of meat, and once more set our faces in the direction of lake erie. after proceeding some distance on our road, we perceived a white man approaching, but as he was travelling alone, and on foot, we were not alarmed at his presence. it turned out that he had been residing for some time in the south, and although a free man, his employers had attempted to castigate him; in return for which he had used violence, which made it necessary that he should at once escape. we travelled in company, and found that his presence was of signal service to us in delivering us out of the hands of the slave-hunters who were now on our track, and eagerly grasping after their prey. we had resolved on reaching the lake, a distance of forty miles, by the following morning; we, therefore, walked all night. just as the day was breaking, we reached a wayside tavern, immediately contiguous to the lake, and our white companion having knocked up the landlord, ordered breakfast for six. whilst our breakfast was in course of preparation, we dosed off into slumber, wearied with our long-continued exertion. just as our breakfast was ready, whilst half asleep and half awake, an impression came forcibly upon me that danger was nigh, and that i must at once leave the house. i immediately urged my companions to follow me out, which they were exceedingly unwilling to do; but as they had promised me submission, they at length yielded to my request. we retired to the yard at the side of the house, and commenced washing ourselves with the snow, which was now up to our knees. presently we heard the tramping of horses, and were at once warned of the necessity of secreting ourselves. we crept beneath a pile of bushes which were lying close at hand, which permitted a full view of the road. the horsemen came to a dead stop at the door of the house, and commenced their inquiries; my companions at once recognized the parties on horseback, and whispered their names to me. this was a critical moment, and the loud beatings of their hearts testified the dreadful alarm with which they viewed the scene. had we been within doors, we should have been inevitably sacrificed. our white friend proceeded to the door in advance of the landlord, and maintained his position. he was at once interrogated by the slave-hunters whether he had seen any negroes pass that way. he said, yes, he thought he had. their number was demanded, and they were told about six, and that they were proceeding in the direction of detroit; and that they might be some few miles on the road. they at once reined their horses, which were greatly fatigued, through having been ridden all night, and were soon out of sight. we at length ventured into the house, and devoured breakfast in an incredibly short space of time. after what had transpired, the landlord became acquainted with our circumstances, and at once offered to sail us in his boat across to canada. we were happy enough to have such an offer, and soon the white sail of our little bark was laying to the wind, and we were gliding along on our way, with the land of liberty in full view. words cannot describe the feelings experienced by my companions as they neared the shore;--their bosoms were swelling with inexpressible joy as they mounted the seats of the boat, ready, eagerly, to spring forward, that they might touch the soil of the freeman. and when they reached the shore, they danced and wept for joy, and kissed the earth on which they first stepped, no longer the slave--but the free. after the lapse of a few months, on one joyous sabbath morning, i had the happiness of clasping the poor boy we had left in the kind care of the quaker, no longer attenuated in frame, but robust and healthy, and surrounded by his family. thus my joy was consummated, and superadded was the blessing of those who were ready to perish, which came upon me. it is one of the greatest sources of my happiness to know, that by similar means to those above narrated, i have been instrumental in delivering _one hundred and eighteen_ human beings out of the cruel and merciless grasp of the slaveholder. mr. frank taylor, the owner of the lightfoots, whose escape i have just narrated, soon after he missed his slaves, fell ill, and became quite deranged; but, on recovering, he was persuaded by his friends to free the remainder of the family of the lightfoots, which he at length did; and, after a short lapse of time, they all met each other in canada, where they are now living. chapter xviii. home at dawn. condition in canada.--efforts in behalf of my people.--rev. mr. wilson.--a convention of blacks.--manual-labor school. i did not find that our prosperity increased with our numbers. the mere delight the slave took in his freedom, rendered him, at first, contented with a lot far inferior to that which he might have attained. then his ignorance led him to make unprofitable bargains, and he would often hire wild land on short terms, and bind himself to clear a certain number of acres; and by the time they were clear and fitted for cultivation, his lease was out, and his landlord would come in, and raise a splendid crop on the new land; and the tenant would, very likely, start again on just such another bargain, and be no better off at the end of ten years than he was at the beginning. another way in which they lost the profits of their labor was by raising nothing but tobacco, the high price of which was very tempting, and the cultivation of which was a monopoly in their hands, as no white man understood it, or could compete with them at all. the consequence was, however, that they had nothing but tobacco to sell; there was rather too much of it in the market, and the price of wheat rose, while their commodity was depressed; and they lost all they should have saved, in the profit they gave the trader for his corn and stores. i saw the effect of these things so clearly that i could not help trying to make my friends and neighbors see it too; and i set seriously about the business of lecturing upon the subject of crops, wages, and profit, just as if i had been brought up to it. i insisted on the necessity of their raising their own crops, saving their own wages, and securing the profits of their own labor, with such plain arguments as occurred to me, and were as clear to their comprehension as to mine. i did this very openly; and, frequently, my audience consisted in part of the very traders whose inordinate profits upon individuals i was trying to diminish, but whose balance of profit would not be ultimately lessened, because they would have so many more persons to trade with, who would be able to pay them a reasonable advance in cash, or its equivalent, on all their purchases. the purse is a tender part of the system; but i handled it so gently, that the sensible portion of my natural opponents were not, i believe, offended; while those whom i wished to benefit saw, for the most part, the propriety of my advice, and took it. at least, there are now great numbers of settlers, in this region of canada, who own their farms, and are training up their children in true independence, and giving them a good elementary education, who had not taken a single step towards such a result before i began to talk to them. while i remained at colchester, i became acquainted with a congregational missionary from massachusetts, by the name of hiram wilson, who took an interest in our people, and was disposed to do what he could to promote the cause of improvement which i had so much at heart. he coöperated with me in many efforts, and i have been associated with him from to the present time. he has been a faithful friend, and still continues his important labors of love in our behalf. among other things which he did for us then, he wrote to a quaker friend of his, an englishman, by the name of james c. fuller, residing at skeneateles, new york, and endeavored to interest him in the welfare of our struggling population. he succeeded so far, that mr. fuller, who was going on a visit to england, promised to do what he could among his friends there, to induce them to aid us. he came back with fifteen hundred dollars which had been subscribed for our benefit. it was a great question how this sum, which sounded vast to many of my brethren, should be appropriated. i had my own opinion pretty decidedly as to what it was best for us all to do with it. but, in order to come to a satisfactory conclusion, the first thing to be done was to call a convention of delegates from every settlement of blacks that was within reach; that all might see that whatever was decided on, was sanctioned by the disinterested votes of those who were thought by their companions, best able to judge what was expedient. mr. wilson and myself called such a convention, therefore, to meet in london, upper canada, and it was held in june, . i urged the appropriation of the money to the establishment of a manual-labor school, where our children could be taught those elements of knowledge which are usually the occupations of a grammar-school; and where the boys could be taught, in addition, the practice of some mechanic art, and the girls could be instructed in those domestic arts which are the proper occupation and ornament of their sex. such an establishment would train up those who would afterwards instruct others; and we should thus gradually become independent of the white man for our intellectual progress, as we might be also for our physical prosperity. it was the more necessary, as in many districts, owing to the insurmountable prejudices of the inhabitants, the children of the blacks were not allowed to share the advantages of the common school. there was some opposition to this plan in the convention; but in the course of the discussion, which continued for three days, it appeared so obviously for the advantage of all to husband this donation, so as to preserve it for a purpose of permanent utility, that the proposal was, at last, unanimously adopted; and a committee of three was appointed to select and purchase a sight for the establishment. mr. wilson and myself were the active members of this committee, and after traversing the country for several months, we could find no place more suitable than that upon which i had had my eye for three or four years, for a permanent settlement, in the town of dawn. we therefore bought two hundred acres of fine rich land, on the river sydenham, covered with a heavy growth of black walnut and white wood, at four dollars the acre. i had made a bargain for two hundred acres adjoining this lot, on my own account; and circumstances favored me so, that the man of whom i purchased was glad to let me have them at a large discount from the price i had agreed to pay, if i would give him cash for the balance i owed him. i transferred a portion of the advantage of this bargain to the institution, by selling to it one hundred acres more, at the low price at which i obtained them. in i removed with my family to dawn, and as a considerable number of my friends are there about me, and the school is permanently fixed there, the future importance of this settlement seems to be decided. there are many other settlements which are considerable; and, indeed, the colored population is scattered over a territory which does not fall far short of three hundred miles in extent, in each direction, and probably numbers not less than twenty thousand persons in all. we look to the school, and the possession of landed property by individuals, as two great means of the elevation of our oppressed and degraded race to a participation in the blessings, as they have hitherto been permitted to share only the miseries and vices, of civilization. my efforts to aid them, in every way in my power, and to procure the aid of others for them, have been constant. i have made many journeys into new york, connecticut, massachusetts, and maine, in all of which states i have found or made some friends to the cause, and, i hope, some personal friends. i have received many liberal gifts, and experienced much kindness of treatment; but i must be allowed to allude particularly to the donations received from boston--by which we have been enabled to erect a saw-mill, and thus to begin in good earnest the clearing of our lands, and to secure a profitable return for the support of our school--as among those which have been most welcome and valuable to us. some of the trips i have made, have led to some incidents and observations which must be the theme of a future chapter. chapter xix. lumbering operations. industrial project.--find some able friends in boston.--procure funds and construct a saw-mill.--sales of lumber in boston.--incident in the custom house. the land on which we settled in canada was covered with a beautiful forest of noble trees of various kinds. our people were accustomed to cut them down and burn them on the ground, simply to get rid of them. often as i roamed through the forest, i was afflicted at seeing such waste, and longed to devise some means of converting this abundant natural wealth into money, so as to improve the condition of the people. full of this subject, i left my home on a journey of observation through the state of new york, and new england. i kept my purposes to myself, not breathing a word of my intentions to any mortal. i found in new york, mills where precisely such logs as those in canada were sawed into lumber, which i learned commanded large prices. in new england i found a ready market for the black walnut, white wood, and other lumber, such as abounded and was wasted in canada. on reaching boston, mass. i made known these facts and my feelings to some philanthropic gentlemen with whom i had become acquainted. it cannot be improper for me to mention the names of these gentlemen, who lent so ready an ear to my representations, and placed so much confidence in my judgment, as to furnish me with the means of starting what has since proved a very profitable enterprise. rev. ephraim peabody introduced me to samuel eliot, esq., who was kind enough to examine carefully into all my representations, and to draw up a sketch of them, which was afterwards presented to amos lawrence, esq., and others. by means of this a collection of money to aid me was made, to which many of the leading gentleman of boston contributed, amounting to about fourteen hundred dollars. with this money i returned to canada, and immediately set myself about building a saw-mill in camden (then dawn). the improvement in the surrounding section was astonishing. the people began to labor, and the progress in clearing up and cultivating the land was quite cheering. but after the frame-work of my mill was completed and covered, my scanty funds were exhausted. this was a trying time. i had begun the work in faith, i had expended the money honestly, and to the best of my judgment, and now should the whole enterprise fail? i immediately returned to my boston friends. amos lawrence, h. ingersoll bowditch, and samuel a. elliot, esqs., listened to me again, and gave me to understand that they deemed me an honest man. they encouraged me in my business enterprise, and the approval of such men was like balm to my soul. they endorsed a note for me and put it into the bank, by which i was enabled to borrow, on my own responsibility, about eighteen hundred dollars more. with this i soon completed the mill, stocked it with machinery, and had the pleasure of seeing it in successful operation. i ought here to add, that the mill was not my own private property, but belonged to an association, which established an excellent manual-labor school, where many children and youth of both sexes have been educated. the school was well attended by both colored children, whites, and some indians. this enterprise having been completed to a great extent by my own labor and the labor of my own sons, who took charge of the mill, i immediately began to consider how i could discharge my pecuniary obligations. i chartered a vessel, and loaded it with eighty thousand feet of good prime black walnut lumber, sawed in our mill, and contracted with the captain to deliver it for me at oswego, n. y. i entered into a contract there with a party to have it delivered at boston, but the party having forwarded it to new york, failed to carry it any farther. there great efforts were made to cheat me out of the lumber, but, by the good friendship of mr. lawrence, of boston, who furnished me the means of having it re-shipped, i succeeded in bringing the whole eighty thousand feet safe to boston, where i sold it to mr. jonas chickering for forty-five dollars per thousand feet. the proceeds paid all expenses, and would have cancelled all the debts i had incurred; but my friends insisted that i should retain a part of the funds for future use. after that, i brought another large load of lumber by the same route. the next season i brought a large cargo by the river st. lawrence, which came direct to boston, where, without the aid of any agent or third party whatever, i paid my own duties, got the lumber through the custom house, and sold it at a handsome profit. a little incident occurred when paying the duties, which has often since afforded me a great deal of amusement. the fugitive slave law had just been passed in the united states, which made it quite an offence to harbor or render aid to a fugitive slave. when the custom house officer presented his bill to me for the duties on my lumber, i jokingly remarked to him that perhaps he would render himself liable to trouble if he should have dealings with a fugitive slave, and if so i would relieve him of the trouble of taking my money. "are you a fugitive slave, sir?" "yes, sir," said i; "and perhaps you had better not have any dealings with me." "i have nothing to do with that," said the official; "there is your bill. you have acted like a man, and i deal with you as a man." i enjoyed the scene, and the bystanders seemed to relish it, and i paid him the money. i look back upon the enterprise related in this chapter with a great deal of pleasure, for the mill which was then built introduced an entire change in the appearance of that section of the country, and in the habits of the people. chapter xx. visit to england. debt on the institution.--a new pecuniary enterprise.--letters of recommendation to england.--personal difficulties.--called an imposter.--triumphant victory over these troubles. my interest in the manual labor school in dawn, was the means of my visiting england. no one who has never engaged in such business can have any idea of the many difficulties connected with so great an enterprise. in spite of all the efforts of the association, a debt of about seven thousand five hundred dollars rested upon it. a meeting of its trustees and friends, in the year , was called to consider its condition, and to devise, if possible, some means for its relief. after a long discussion of the matter, it was finally determined to separate the concern into two departments, and put it under the charge of two parties, the one to take the mill and a certain portion of the land for four years, and to pay all the debts of the institution in that time; and the other party to take the other buildings and land, and to conduct the school. a certain party was found willing to assume the school. but who would be enterprising enough to take the mill for four years encumbered with a debt of seven thousand five hundred dollars was a very important question. on consideration, having a secret project in my own mind, i concluded to do it, provided that mr. peter b. smith would assume an equal share of the responsibility, and attend to the business of the mill. he readily consented. my project was to go to england, carrying with me some of the best specimens of black walnut boards our farm would produce, and to exhibit them in the great world's industrial exhibition, then in session at london, and perhaps negotiate for the sale of lumber. i accordingly left for england, being readily furnished with very complimentary letters of introduction to such men as thomas binney, samuel gurney, lord brougham, hon. abbot lawrence, then american minister to england, from rev. john rolfe, of toronto, chief justice robinson, sir allen mcnab, col. john prince, rev. dr. duffield, of detroit, michigan, judge conant, of the same city, hon. ross wilkinson, u. s. judge, residing also in detroit, hon. charles sumner and amos lawrence, esq., of massachusetts. from the gentlemen above mentioned i had in england a most cordial reception, and was immediately introduced to the very best society in the kingdom. i regret exceedingly to make any allusions to personal difficulties, or to individuals that have pursued an unjust and unchristian course towards me or others, but i cannot give anything like a correct view of this part of my history without, at least, a brief allusion, which shall be as delicate as i can make it, to some difficulties. it was undoubtedly the plan of certain individuals of the party who assumed the care of the school, probably from unworthy sectarian feelings, to obtain entire possession of the property of the association, or certainly, completely to destroy my influence over it, and connection with it. much to my astonishment, therefore, when i had arrived in england, and had been cordially received by the men above mentioned, and had preached in the pulpits of such men as rev. messrs. thomas binney, baptist noel, william brock, james sherman, george smith, dr. burns, in london, and had already introduced my enterprise before a portion of the british public, i was confronted by a printed and published circular, to the following effect: "that one styling himself rev. josiah henson was an impostor, obtaining money under false pretences; that he could exhibit no good credentials; that whatever money he might obtain would not be appropriated according to the wish of the donors, and that the said josiah henson was an artful, skilful, and eloquent man, and would probably deceive the public." this was a severe blow, but fortunately i had already requested my friends to appoint a committee of twelve persons to examine carefully into the merits of my enterprise, which committee should appoint a sub-committee of three, and a treasurer, to receive every farthing contributed to me by the public, and to appropriate it only as they should deem proper. this committee had been appointed, and consisted of samuel gurney, samuel gurney, junior, samuel marley, esq., george hitchcock, esq., rev. james sherman, rev. thomas binney, rev. john branch, eusebius smith, esq., john scobell, secretary of the british and foreign anti-slavery society, lord ashley (now earl of shaftsbury), george sturge, and thomas sturge. the sub-committee of three were, john scobell, rev. john branch, and eusebius smith, who appointed samuel gurney, junior, treasurer. many of the above names are known throughout the world. when the above attack was made upon me, a meeting of those interested in my cause was called, and my accuser, who was in the country, was requested to meet me face to face. i forbear to mention his name, or to describe particularly the sources of this trouble, because i do not wish to injure the feelings of any person. the name, however, i can at any time give. i believe all the difficulty arose from little petty jealousies, fostered, perhaps, by the unworthy influences of slavery, over the misguided people who were for a time misled by false representations. we met before a company of english gentlemen, who heard all that my accuser had to say. they asked me for a reply. i simply re-stated to them all the facts i had previously made known. i reminded them that a man who devotes himself to do good, must and will be misunderstood and have enemies. i called their attention to the misinterpretation of their own motives made by their enemies. i then related to them the parable of christ about the wheat and the tares. my recommendatory letters were re-read--a sufficient reply to the allegation that i was an impostor. they were pleased to assure me of their entire satisfaction; but to give perfect quiet to the public they determined, at their own expense, to send an agent to canada, to make a full inquiry into the matter, and advised me to accompany him. accordingly john scobell and myself started for canada immediately. i had already collected nearly seventeen hundred dollars, which, of course, remained in the hands of the treasurer. a mass meeting, of all interested in the matter, was called in the institution on the premises. a large assemblage met, and rev. john rolfe of toronto, presided. a thorough examination into the records of the institution was made. the originator of the slander against me denied having made it; it was proved upon him, and the whole convention unanimously repudiated the false charges. mr. scobell remained in canada about three months, and before leaving, sent me a letter, informing me that whenever i should see fit to return to england, i should find in the hands of amos lawrence, esq., of boston, a draft to defray the expenses of the journey. accordingly, in the latter part of , i returned. the ground was now prepared for me, and i reaped an abundant harvest. the whole debt of the institution was cancelled in a few months, when i was recalled to canada by the fatal illness of my wife. several very interesting occurrences happened during my stay in england, which i must relate in another chapter. chapter xxi. the world's fair in london. my contribution to the great exhibition.--difficulty with the american superintendent.--happy release.--the great crowd.--a call from the queen.--medal awarded to me. i have already mentioned that the first idea which suggested to me the plan of going to england, was to exhibit, at the great world's fair, in london, some of the best specimens of our black walnut lumber, in the hope that it might lead to some sales in england. for this purpose i selected some of the best boards out of the cargo which i had brought to boston, which mr. chickering was kind enough to have properly packed in boxes, and sent to england in the american ship which carried the american products for exhibition. the boards which i selected were four in number, excellent specimens, about seven feet in length and four feet in width, of beautiful grain and texture. on their arrival in england, i had them planed and perfectly polished, in french style, so that they actually shone like a mirror. the history of my connection with the world's fair is a little amusing. because my boards happened to be carried over in the american ship, the superintendent of the american department, who was from boston, (i think his name was riddle), insisted that my lumber should be exhibited in the american department. to this i objected. i was a citizen of canada, and my boards were from canada, and there was an apartment of the building appropriated to canadian products. i therefore insisted that my boards should be removed from the american department, to the canadian. but, said the american, "you cannot do it. all these things are under my control. you can exhibit what belongs to you if you please, but not a single thing here must be moved an inch without my consent." this was rather a damper to me. i thought his position was rather absurd, but how to move him or my boards seemed just then beyond my control. a happy thought, however, occurred to me. thought i, if this yankee wants to retain my furniture, the world shall know who it belongs to. i accordingly hired a painter to paint in good large white letters on the tops of my boards: "this is the product of the industry of a fugitive slave from the united states, whose residence is dawn, canada." this was done early in the morning. in due time the american superintendent came around, and found me at my post. the gaze of astonishment with which he read my inscription, was laughable to witness. his face was black as a thunder-cloud. "look here, sir," said he; "what, under heaven, have you got up there?"--"o, that is only a little information to let the people know who i am."--"but don't you know better than that. do you suppose i am going to have that insult up there?" the english gentlemen began to gather around, chuckling with half-suppressed delight, to see the wrath of the yankee. this only added fuel to the fire. "well, sir," said he, "do you suppose i am going to bring that stuff across the atlantic for nothing?"--"i have never asked you to bring it for nothing. i am ready to pay you, and have been from the beginning."--"well, sir, you may take it away, and carry it where you please."--"o," said i, "i think, as you wanted it very much, i will not disturb it. you can have it now."--"no, sir; take it away!"--"i beg your pardon, sir," said i, "when i wanted to remove it you would not allow it, and now, for all me, it shall remain." in the meantime the crowd enjoyed it and so did i. the result was, that by the next day the boards were removed to their proper place at no expense to me, and no bill was ever presented against me for carrying the lumber across the atlantic. i may be permitted to say that in that immense exhibition, my humble contribution received its due share of attention. many conversations did i have with individuals of that almost innumerable multitude from every nation under heaven. perhaps my complexion attracted attention, but nearly all who passed, paused to look at me, and at themselves as reflected in my large black walnut mirrors. among others the queen of england, victoria, preceded by her guide, and attended by her cortége, paused to view me and my property. i uncovered my head and saluted her as respectfully as i could, and she was pleased with perfect grace to return my salutation. "is he indeed a fugitive slave?" i heard her inquire; and the answer was, "he is indeed, and that is his work." but notwithstanding such pleasant occurrences, the time wore heavily away. the immense crowd, kept in as perfect order as a single family, became wearisome to me, and i was not sorry, as related in a preceding chapter, to return to canada, leaving my boards on exhibition. on going again to england the exhibition was still in progress. there seemed no diminution of the crowd. like the waters of the great mississippi, the channel was still full, though the individuals were changed. but among all the exhibitors from every nation in europe, and from asia, and america, and the isles of the sea, there was not a single black man but myself. there were negroes there from africa, brought to be exhibited, but no exhibitors but myself. though my condition was wonderfully changed from what it was in my childhood and youth, yet it was a little saddening to reflect that my people were not more largely represented there. the time will yet come, i trust, when such a state of things will no longer exist. at the close of the exhibition, on my return to canada, i received from england a large quarto bound volume containing a full description of all the objects presented at the exhibition, the names of officers of all the committees, juries, exhibitors, prizes, etc., etc. among others i found my own name recorded; and there were in addition awarded to me a bronze medal, a beautiful picture of the queen and royal family, of the size of life, and several other objects of interest. these things i greatly prize. after having fully succeeded in my mission to england, having released myself from the voluntarily-assumed debt in behalf of the manual-labor school, and having received these testimonials of honor, i returned home to canada, contented and happy. while in england i was permitted to enjoy some excellent opportunities to witness its best society, which i propose to relate in the following chapter. chapter xxii. visits to the ragged schools. speech at sunday school anniversary.--interview with lord grey.--interview with the archbishop of canterbury, and dinner with lord john russell, the great events of my life. while in england i was frequently called upon to speak at public meetings of various kinds. i was deeply interested in the ragged school enterprise, and frequently addressed the schools, and also public meetings held in their behalf. i spent two, months of may, in that country, and attended many of the great anniversaries, and was called upon to speak at many of them. on several occasions i did what i could to make known the true condition of slaves, in exeter hall and other places. on one occasion, i recollect, an eminent man from pennsylvania, was addressing the anniversary of a sabbath school union, who boasted of the great benefits of sunday schools in the united states, and asserted that all classes indiscriminately enjoyed their blessings. i felt bound to contradict him, and after putting to the speaker a few questions which he stammeringly answered, i told the immense meeting that in the southern states, the great body of the colored people were almost entirely neglected, and in many places they were excluded altogether; and that even in the most of the northern states, the great mass of the colored children were not sought out and gathered into sunday schools. this created some little storm, but my own personal observation and experience carried conviction to the people. being thus introduced to the public, i became well acquainted with many of the leading men of england. lord grey made a proposition to me, which, if circumstances had permitted, i should have been glad to attempt. it was to go to india and there superintend some great efforts made by the government to introduce the culture of cotton on the american plan. he promised to me an appointment to an office, and a good salary. had it not been for my warm interest in my canadian enterprise, i should have accepted his proposal. one of the most pleasing incidents for me now to look back upon, was a long interview which i was permitted to enjoy with the archbishop of canterbury. the elevated social position of this man, the highest beneath the crown, is well known to all those acquainted with english society. samuel gurney, the noted philanthropist, introduced me, by a note and his family card, to his grace, the archbishop. he received me kindly in his palace. i immediately entered upon a conversation with him, upon the condition of my people, and the plans i had in view. he expressed the strongest interest in me, and after about a half hour's conversation he inquired, "at what university, sir, did you graduate?" "i graduated, your grace," said i in reply, "at the university of adversity." "the university of adversity," said he, looking up with astonishment; "where is that?" i saw his surprise, and explained. "it was my lot, your grace," said i, "to be born a slave, and to pass my boyhood and all the former part of my life as a slave. i never entered a school, never read the bible in my youth, and received all of my training under the most adverse circumstances. this is what i meant by graduating in the university of adversity." "i understand you, sir," said he. "but is it possible that you are not a scholar?" "i am not," said i. "but i should never have suspected that you were not a liberally educated man. i have heard many negroes talk, but have never seen one that could use such language as you. will you tell me, sir, how you learned our language?" i then explained to him, as well as i could, my early life; that it had always been my custom to observe good speakers, and to imitate only those who seemed to speak most correctly. "it is astonishing," said the archbishop. "and is it possible that you were brought up ignorant of religion? how did you attain to the knowledge of christ?" i explained to him, in reply, that a poor ignorant slave mother had taught me to say the lord's prayer, though i did not know then how, truly, to pray. "and how were you led to a better knowledge of the saviour?" i answered that it was by the hearing of the gospel preached. he then asked me to repeat the text, and to explain all the circumstances. i told him of the first sermon i heard, of the text, "he, by the grace of god, tasted death for every man." "a beautiful text was that," said the archbishop, and so affected was he by my simple story that he shed tears freely. i had been told by samuel gurney that perhaps the archbishop would give me an interview of a quarter of an hour; i glanced at the clock and found that i had already been there an hour and a half, and arose to depart. he followed me to the door, and begged of me if ever i came to england to call and see him again; and shaking hands affectionately with me, while the tears trembled in his eyes, he put into my hands graciously five golden sovereigns, (about twenty-five dollars,) and bade me adieu. i have always esteemed him as a warm-hearted christian. thus ended the interview with the venerable archbishop of england. on my second visit to england, i had an invitation, in company with a large number of sabbath school teachers, to spend a day on the beautiful grounds of lord john russell, then prime minister of england. his magnificent park, filled with deer, of all colors, and from all climes, and sleek hares, which the poet cowper would have envied, with numberless birds, whose plumage rivalled the rainbow in gorgeous colors, together with the choicest specimens of the finny tribe, sporting in their native element, drew from me the involuntary exclamation: "o, how different the condition of these happy, sportive, joyful, creatures, from what was once my own condition, and what is now the lot of millions of my colored brethren in america!" this occupancy of the elegant grounds of england's prime minister, for the day, by a party of sabbath school teachers, was what we should call, in america, a pic-nic, with this difference, that, instead of each teacher providing his own cakes, and pies, and fruit, they were furnished by men and women, who were allowed to come on to the grounds, with every variety of choice eatables for sale. after strolling over these charming grounds, enjoying the beautiful scenery, and the happy gambols of the brute creation, and the conversation of the many intelligent men and women, with whom we came in contact, we were most unexpectedly, at five o'clock, sent for to visit the elegant mansion of the proprietor. there we found what i will call a surprise party, or at any rate, we were taken by surprise, for we were ushered, three hundred of us at least, into a spacious dining hall, whose dimensions could not have been less than one hundred feet by sixty, and here were tables, groaning under every article of luxury for the palate, which england could supply, and to this bountiful repast we were all made welcome. i was invited to take the head of the table; i never felt so highly honored. the blessing was invoked by singing the two following verses. "be present at our table, lord, be here and everywhere adored: these creatures bless, and grant that we may feast in paradise with thee!" after dinner, various toasts were proposed, on various subjects, and in my humble way i offered the following: "first to england. honor to the brave, freedom to the slave, success to british emancipation. god bless the queen!" cheers and laughter followed the reading of this toast, succeeded by the usual english exclamations, "_up, up, up again!_" i again arose and gave, to our most sovereign lady, the queen: "may she have a long life, and a happy death. may she reign in righteousness, and rule in love!" and to her illustrious consort, prince albert: "may he have peace at home, pleasure abroad, love his queen, and serve the lord!" among the distinguished persons who made speeches on this joyous occasion, i will mention the names of rev. william brock, hon. samuel m. peto, and a mr. bess, brother-in-law of mr. peto, with his accomplished and beautiful lady. thus ended one of the pleasantest days of my life. chapter xxiii. closing up my london agency. my narrative published.--letter from home apprising me of the sickness of my wife.--departure from london.--arrival at home.--meeting with my family.--the great sorrow of my life, the death of my wife. the dinner at lord john russell's, as detailed in the previous chapter, was in the month of june, ; from that time to the first of august i was busily employed in finishing up all matters connected with my agency, in which i was very successful, having accomplished the objects of my mission. during the month of august, i was engaged in publishing a narrative of incidents in my slave-life, which i had been urgently requested to do by some of the noblest men and women in england. just as i had completed the work, and issued an edition of two thousand copies, i received, on the third of september, a letter from my family in canada, stating that my beloved wife, the companion of my life, the sharer of my joys and sorrows, lay at the point of death, and that she earnestly desired me to return immediately, that she might see me once more before she bid adieu to earth. this was a trying hour for me. i was in england, four thousand miles from my home. i had just embarked in an enterprise which i had every reason to suppose would be a very profitable undertaking. the first edition of my book was ready for sale, and now what shall i do? was the question which i asked myself. shall i remain here and sell ten thousand copies of my book, and make a handsome sum of money for myself and family, or shall i leave all and hasten to the bedside of my dying wife? i was not long in deciding the question. i will leave my books and stereotype plates, and all my property behind, and go. and on the morning of the fourth of september, having received the letter from home at four o'clock on the afternoon of the third, i was on my way from london to liverpool, and embarked from liverpool on the fifth, in the steamer canada, bound for boston. on the twentieth of the same month i arrived at my own canadian home. those who have been placed in similar situations, can realize what must have been my feelings as i drew near my humble dwelling. i had heard nothing since the information contained in the letter which reached me at liverpool. i knew not whether my dear wife, the mother of my children, she who had travelled with me, sad and solitary, and foot-sore, from the land of bondage; who had been to me a kind, and affectionate, and dutiful wife, for forty years, i knew not whether she was still alive, or whether she had entered into rest. a merciful father had, however, kindly prolonged her life, and we were permitted once more to meet. and oh! such a meeting; it was worth more to me than all the fancied gains from my english book. i was met in the yard by four of my daughters, who rushed to my arms, delighted at my unexpected return. they begged me not to go in to see mother, until they should first go and prepare her for it, thinking very wisely that the shock would be too great for her poor shattered nerves to bear. i consented that they should precede me. they immediately repaired to her sick room, and by gradual stages prepared her mind for our meeting. when i went to her bedside, she received and embraced me with the calmness and fortitude of a christian, and even chided me for the strong emotions of sorrow which i found it utterly impossible to suppress. i found her perfectly calm and resigned to the will of god, awaiting with christian firmness the hour for her summons. she was rejoiced to see me once more, while at the same time she said that perhaps she had done wrong in allowing me to be sent for to return, leaving my business behind, with all its flattering prospects. i told her that i was more than satisfied, that i was truly thankful to my heavenly father for granting us this interview, no matter what the pecuniary sacrifice might be. we talked over our whole past life as far as her strength would permit, reviewing the many scenes of sorrow and trouble, as well as the many bright and happy days of our pilgrimage, until exhausted nature sought repose, and she sunk into a quiet sleep. the day following she revived; my return seeming to inspire her with the hope that possibly she might again be restored to health. it was not, however, so to be; but god in his mercy granted her a reprieve, and her life was prolonged a few weeks. i thus had the melancholy satisfaction of watching day and night by her bed of languishing and pain, and was permitted to close her eyes when the final summons came. she blessed me, and blessed her children, commending us to the ever watchful care of that saviour who had sustained her in so many hours of trial; and finally, after kissing me and each one of the children, she passed from earth to heaven without a pang or a groan, as gently as the falling to sleep of an infant on its mother's breast. "who would not wish to die like those whom god's own spirit deigns to bless? to sink into that soft repose, then wake to perfect happiness?" i can truly and from an overflowing heart say, that she was a sincere and devoted christian, and a faithful and kind wife to me, even up to the day of her death arranging all our domestic matters in such a manner as to contribute as largely as possible to my comfort and happiness. rest in peace, dear wife. if i am faithful to the end, as thou wert, we shall ere long meet again in that world where the sorrows of life shall not be remembered or brought into mind. chapter xxiv. closing chapter. containing an accurate account of the past and present condition of the fugitive slaves in canada, with some remarks on their future prospects. i have been requested by many friends in this country to devote a chapter of my book to the fugitive slaves in canada; to a statement of their present numbers, condition, prospects for the future, etc. at the time of my first visit to canada, in the year , there were but a few hundred fugitive slaves in both canadas; there are now not less than thirty-five thousand. at that time they were scattered in all directions, and for the most part miserably poor, subsisting not unfrequently on the roots and herbs of the fields; now many of them own large and valuable farms, and but few can be found in circumstances of destitution or want. in there were no schools among them, and no churches, and only occasional preaching. we have now numerous churches, and they are well filled from sabbath to sabbath with attentive listeners; our children attend the sabbath school, and are being trained as we trust for heaven. we depend principally upon our farms for subsistence, but some of our number are good mechanics--blacksmiths, carpenters, masons, shoemakers, etc., etc. we have found the raising of stock very profitable, and can show some of the finest specimens of horse-flesh to be found on this continent, and we find a ready market for all our products. the soil is fertile and yields an abundant return for the husbandman's labor; and, although the season is short, yet ordinarily it is long enough to ripen corn, wheat, rye, oats, and the various productions of a northern new england or new york farm. of late considerable attention has been paid to the cultivation of fruit trees, apples, cherries, plums, peaches, quinces, currants, gooseberries, strawberries, etc., and they are doing well, and in a few years we doubt not will be quite profitable. it is a mistaken idea that many have, that fruit trees and vines cannot be cultivated to advantage on account of the severity of the climate; i have raised as delicious sweet potatoes on my farm as i ever saw in kentucky, and as good a crop of tobacco and hemp. we have at the present time a large number of settlements, and connected with these are schools at which our children are being taught the ordinary branches of an english education. we are a peaceable people, living at peace among ourselves and with our white neighbors, and i believe the day is not far distant when we shall take a very respectable rank among the subjects of her majesty, the excellent and most gracious queen of england and the canadas. even now, the condition and prospects of a majority of the fugitive slaves in canada is vastly superior to that of most of the free people of color in the northern states; and if thousands who are hanging about at the corners of streets waiting for a job, or who are mending old clothes, or blacking boots in damp cellars in boston, new york, and other large cities, would but come among us and bring their little ones and settle down upon our fine lands, it would be but a few years before they would find themselves surrounded by a pleasant and profitable home, and their children growing up around them with every advantage for a good education, and fitting themselves for lives of usefulness and happiness. the climate is good, the soil is good, the laws protect us from molestation; each and all may sit under their own vine and fig tree with none to molest or make them afraid. we are a temperate people; it is a rare sight to see an intoxicated colored man in canada. my task is done, if what i have written shall inspire a deeper interest in my race, and shall lead to corresponding activity in their behalf i shall feel amply repaid. * * * * * transcriber's notes minor punctuation typos have been silently corrected. retained author's spelling preferences except for the following changes: page : removed duplicate "of." (orig: behind the trees, and dodging out of of sight if they) page : switched "to" and "too." (orig: it was to late too cross the river that night.) page : changed "massachusets" to "massachusetts." (orig: from massachusets, by the name of hiram wilson,) page : changed "settlememt" to "settlement." (orig: delegates from every settlememt of blacks) the perils and adventures of harry skipwith, by w.h.g. kingston. ________________________________________________________________________ ________________________________________________________________________ the perils and adventures of harry skipwith, by w.h.g. kingston. chapter one. my first adventure--programme of travel--off across the atlantic--the mississippi--how we got snagged--i save peter roberts--the cayman's company--the island refuge. the love of travel was a family instinct, and was born with me. my maternal grandfather went to central africa--at least, he left us intending to do so, but never came back again. i had a great uncle who voyaged three times round the world, and one sailor uncle who, half a century ago, spent a winter at the north pole along with parry and franklin. then i had a cousin who was very ambitious of reaching the moon, and spent his life in studying its maps and making preparations for the journey, which, however, he never accomplished. when asked when he was going to start, he always replied that he had deferred his journey for six months--circumstances requiring his longer sojourn on this planet tellus; but he never expressed the slightest doubt about his being able ultimately to accomplish his proposed journey. i held him in great respect (which was more than any of the rest of the family did); but as my ambition never soared beyond an expedition round this sublunary globe, i resolved as soon as possible to commence my travels in the hopes of having the start of him. my voluntary studies were of a character to feed my taste. the travels of the famed baron munchausen, "gulliver's travels," those of sir john mandeville and marco polo, were read by me over and over again. i procured others of a more modern date, and calculated to give more correct information regarding the present state of the world; but i stuck to my old friends, and pictured the globe to myself much in the condition in which they described it. not having the patience to wait till i grew up, i resolved at the commencement of my summer holidays to start by myself, hoping to come back before their termination, having a full supply of adventures to narrate. i was some days maturing my plans and making preparations for my journey. i had denied myself such luxuries as had been brought to our school by the pieman, and had saved up my pocket-money--an exercise of self-denial which proved the earnestness of my resolve. i had had too several presents made to me by relations and friends who happened to be in the house. i paid a visit also to my cousin, booby skipwith, as he was called. i did not confide to him all my plans; but i hinted that i had one of great importance in hand, and, to my great delight, he presented me with a five-pound note, observing that he believed that such things were not current in the moon, and that, therefore, he could dispense with them. i hinted that if such was the case he might hand me out a few more, for that where i was going they would be greatly in demand; but it proved that this was the only one of which he was possessed. i had got a small portmanteau, into which i packed all my best clothes and valuables, with a few glass beads and knives which i had purchased to bestow on any savages i might encounter. i had a lance-head brought home by my great uncle. with this i purposed manufacturing a lance for my defence. i knew that, as england is an island, i must cross the water. my idea, when on the other side, whether north, south, east, or west i did not care, was to purchase two steeds--one for myself and another for my luggage and a squire, whom i intended to find. i was certain that he would turn up somewhere, and be very faithful and brave. the first, thing, however, was to get away from home. i wrote an affectionate letter to my father, telling him that i was going on my travels as my ancestor had done, and that i should be back, i hoped, by the end of the holidays; that if i was not, it could not much signify, as i should be gaining more information from my intercourse with the great world than i could possibly hope to reap from the instruction of dr bumpus. this done, one very fine morning i crept out of the house with my portmanteau on my shoulders, and getting over the park palings, so as not to be seen by the lodge-keeper, i stood ready for a coach that would pass by, i had ascertained, about that time. i waited anxiously, thinking that it must have already passed. at last i saw it coming along the road in a cloud of dust. i hailed it in a knowing way, handed up my portmanteau to be placed by the coachman in the boot under his feet, and climbing up behind in a twinkling before any questions were asked, away we bowled at a famous rate. "all right," i thought; "i am now fairly off on my travels." we had twenty miles to get to the railway station. once in the train, i should be beyond pursuit. i had no fear of that, however. i should not be missed for some hours, and then no one would know in what direction i had gone. we approached the station near burton. my heart throbbed with eagerness. in a few minutes the train would be starting. the coach stopped before the hotel. at that a moment a gentleman on horseback was passing. he saw me before i had time to hide my face. "why, harry, where are you going?" he exclaimed. it was my uncle, roland skipwith, the arctic voyager. he looked into the coach, expecting to see some one. "what, are you all alone? where are you going, boy?" "on my travels, uncle," i answered, boldly, hoping that he might approve of my purpose, seeing that he was himself a great traveller. "you will not stop me, i know." "we'll see about that," he answered, in a tone i did not quite like. "get down, youngster. i'll give you a little advice on the subject. you can't go by this train, that's certain." while i reluctantly obeyed, he inquired of tomkins, the coachman, how he came to bring me away from home. tomkins apologised--thought that i was going on a visit to my aunt, miss rebecca skipwith, who lived at burton, and finished by handing out my portmanteau, and receiving my fare to burton in exchange. i was sold, that was clear enough. the portmanteau was deposited in the bar till the coach would return soon after noon. "come along," said my uncle, who had given his horse to the hostler. "i have ridden over to breakfast with your aunt rebecca, so we'll hear what she has to say on the matter." i felt rather foolish as he took my hand and led me away. we soon reached aunt becky's neat trim mansion. my uncle had time to say a few words to her before she saw me. she received me with her usual cordiality, for i was somewhat of a pet of hers. i was desperately hungry, and was soon seated at a table well spread with all sorts of appetising luxuries. my uncle, after a little time, when i had taken the edge off my hunger, began to question me as to my proposed plans, to an account of which he and aunt becky listened with profound gravity. i began to hope that he was going to approve of them, till suddenly he burst out laughing heartily. aunt becky joined him. i found that they had been hoaxing me. i was sold again. this was the last attempt i made during that period of my existence to commence my travels. on arriving at manhood, and having just quitted college and had an independence left me, the desire once more came strongly on me to see the world--not the fashionable world, as an infinitesimal portion of the human race delight to call themselves, but the great big round globe, covered with our fellow-creatures of varied colours, languages, customs, and religions. "good-bye, aunt becky! i really and truly am off this time," i exclaimed, as i rushed into my dear, good old aunt's drawing-room at burton, she looking as neat and trim as ever, being the perfection of nice old-maidenism, not a whit older than when, some thirteen years before, i had been brought there a prisoner by my uncle. "where are you going to, my dear?" asked aunt becky, lifting up her spectacles from her nose with a look of surprise. "oh, only just across the atlantic, to take a run up and down north and south america, as a kind of experiment before i attempt a tour, by land and water, to china and japan, and home again by way of australia, new zealand, and tahiti, by the panama route, which i mean to do some of these days." "well, well," said aunt becky, "you are a true skipwith, and if that captain grant hadn't got the start of you, i suppose you would have discovered the source of the nile and the snow mountains under the equator, and, like hercules, in that gem on my finger, which i wear for the sake of an old friend, have come home with a lion's skin across your shoulder, or dressed up like an ape, as monsieur de chaillu did sometime ago. however, i shall wish, harry, if you ever want an additional hundred pounds or so, draw on me; i have always some spare cash at the banker's. but you'll never came back if you attempt half you talk of doing. you'll be scalped by indians, or roasted and eaten by other savages; or be tossed by buffaloes, or lost in the snow; or be blown up in one of those dreadful american steamers, which seem to do nothing else; or you'll catch a fever, or be cast away on a desolate island, and we shall never hear anything more of you; or something else dreadful will happen to you, i am certain." "never mind, aunt becky; i shall be embalmed in your memory, at all events," i answered; "and besides, i am going to have a companion to look after me." "who can he be who would venture to accompany such a harum-scarum fellow as you are, harry?" said my aunt, looking more satisfied. "one who has ever proved faithful, aunt: his name is ready." "why, he's your dog, harry!" she exclaimed, disappointed. "could i have a more trustworthy and, at the same time, active and intelligent follower?" i asked. "i had thought of taking bunbry," (he was my father's old butler, and remarkable for his obesity and laziness); "but you see, aunt, in the first place, my father could not spare him; and, in the second, he could not exactly keep up with me on a day's march of thirty or forty miles, and would certainly be nowhere when chasing wild buffaloes, or hunting panthers or grizzly bears. so i gave up the idea of having a servant at all; and as for a friend, i don't happen to be supplied with one ready to go, and i hope to find plenty on the way." having at length consoled aunt becky, by assuring her that i would take very good care of myself, and promising to bring her home trophies from all the lands i should visit, i gave her a parting kiss, in return for her blessing, and a few days afterwards i found myself, with liverpool astern, sailing down the mersey on board the good ship _liberty_, bound for new orleans, which the people on board pronounced new orle-e-ens. the striped and starry banner waved over our heads. "there, now, that's the flag of flags," said the skipper, pointing to it. "you britishers talk of your flag which has `braved a thousand years the battle and the breeze,' but i guess that flag of ours will be flying proudly in every quarter of the globe when your old obsolete government will have come to a consummate smash." he looked so savage at me, that ready would have flown at his leg, had i not held him back. i was determined not to be put out of temper, so i answered quietly-- "now, captain, i should be very happy to suppose that your stars and stripes will fly to the end of the world; but i do not see why the banner of old england should not be allowed to wave as long. there's room for both of us, surely. it's my principle to live and let live." "why, stranger, because you are not a nation of free men, you don't know what true liberty is," he replied, gnashing his teeth in a way which made ready show his in return. "our old obsolete government showed that it appreciated liberty when, at a vast cost, it knocked off the shackles from every slave owned by a briton," i observed, calmly. "i guess you'd better not touch on that there subject, stranger, when you get to new orle-e-ens, or judge lynch may have a word to say to you," croaked out the skipper, curling his nose, and giving a malicious wink at me while he squirted a stream of tobacco juice into the eye of poor ready, who went howling round the deck with pain. i took the hint, and held my tongue on the dark subject. it's ill to talk of the gallows to a man whose father has been hung, and none but a knight of la mancha runs a tilt against windmills when travelling in foreign lands. still, i say, do not do at rome as rome does, but protest, if not loudly, silently--by your conduct--against vice and immorality, and all the abominations you may meet with. we had a large number of emigrants on board, who were fully persuaded that they were going to enjoy not only the most perfect government under the sun, but every blessing this world can supply. poor people! how different did they find the reality. we kept to the southward of that mighty stream which, coming out of the gulf of mexico, sweeps away north, across the atlantic, and, with its well-heated waters, adds considerably to the warmth of our shores at home. we saw neither floating icebergs, whales, nor sea serpents, but had several births and deaths, and at last made the island of st. thomas, which appeared floating like a blue cloud on the ocean. as we drew nearer, a vast mountain rose before us, seemingly, directly out of the water, having a sterile summit, sprinkled round with spots of refreshing verdure. the harbour is in the form of an amphitheatre, and the land round, with its glittering white town on three hills, its old fort advancing into the sea, its green valleys, groves of cocoa-nuts, and fields of sugar-cane, is a highly picturesque spot. we put in to get a supply of water, fruit, vegetables, and fresh provisions; but, as the yellow fever was at the time carrying off about twenty of the inhabitants a day, negroes and mulattoes as well as white people, i was satisfied with admiring its beauties at a distance. putting to sea again as fast as we could, we weathered the north-western point of cuba, and entered the gulf of mexico, between that island and florida. about a week afterwards vast numbers of logs of wood, floating in yellow water, indicated that we were at the mouths of the mississippi, for, of course, a mighty stream a thousand miles long, would not be content with one mouth, like our poor little humble thames. the scenery, consisting of mud-banks and swamps, as far as the eye can reach, is not very attractive. it is curious to look back after making numerous windings, and to observe the sea over the mud-banks, considerably lower than the water on which the ship is floating. with a fair wind stemming the stream for a hundred and thirty miles, we found ourselves amid a crowd of vessels of all nations off new orleans, the capital of louisiana. it is a large handsome looking city, but, as the ground on which it stands is lower than the surface of the river, i could not help feeling, while i was there, that some night i might find myself washed out of my bed by its muddy waters. intending to return to new orleans, i left my traps at my hotel, and embarked with ready on board a huge steamer bound up the mississippi. a cockney might describe her as like a thames wherry with an omnibus on the top of it, and vast paddles outside all. i found that passengers could only ascend to the upper saloon, which ran the whole length of the vessel, the roof being of necessity sacred to the officers and crew. there were numerous galleries, however, on each side of the paddle-boxes, and forward and aft, whence i could observe the scenery. it was not very attractive, consisting chiefly of low swamps--the habitations of alligators and rattlesnakes. here and there were more elevated spots, on which villages were perched, and patches where once the forest grew, but which were now covered with fields of sugar-cane, maize, and cotton bushes. we were dashing on at a prodigious rate--i fancy the engineer must have been sitting on the safety-valve--when, feeling a dreadful concussion, and being thrown forward with my nose on the deck, i heard those around me exclaim, "snagged!" "we are sinking!" a snag is a log of timber stuck sloping in the mud. against one of these snags we had run. down, down sank the huge machine. "aunt becky forgot to mention this, among the other modes of losing my life which she enumerated," i thought to myself. "she forgot that mississippi steamers could sink as well as blow up." however, i had no intention of going out of the world just then, if i could help it. the river was at that part very wide and shallow; but i observed an island not far off, and i hoped to reach it. if there were any boats round the vessel, there was no time to lower them. the awful plunge came. some hundred human beings were hurled amid the turbid waters. many were carried down with the vessel; others were shrieking piteously, and struggling for life. the weather was intensely hot. i had on but little clothing. i struck out towards the island. as i did so, the thought occurred to me, "for what purpose was my great strength given me? surely to be of use to my fellow-creatures. i can save one of these poor people at all events." i turned back. the first person i saw was a poor lad, who had been my fellow-passenger on board the _liberty_. i had more than once spoken to him. his name was peter. "help, help!" he shrieked out. "oh, mr skipwith, save me." i caught him by the collar, and threw him on to my back. "there, peter," said i, "cling on, but don't touch my arms, and, with heaven's support, i'll carry you on shore." the lad made no answer, but did as i bade him, and away ready and i swam towards the island. i cannot forget the shrieks and cries for help of the unfortunate beings drowning round me. now an arm was lifted up; now two hands in the attitude of supplication. now the countenance of some strong man full of horror and despair came into view. women and children were floating about, held up for a while by their clothes, and others were clinging to chairs, and stools, and bits of the wreck, which had risen to the surface. i felt many clutch at me. a sad necessity compelled me to shake them off. i should have endangered peter's life, as well as my own, had i attempted to help them. it was no easy work. the current was strong, and there were eddies which whirled me round and round, while mississippi's muddy waters were less buoyant than those of the ocean. the island for which i was making was lower down than where the steamer had struck, or i doubt if i should have been saved. as i approached the bank, i saw that there were numerous reeds flinging it, which i doubted if i could penetrate. still the attempt must be made. i looked about, till i saw a space which appeared more clear, and i swam at it to force my way through. the reeds seemed to grow thicker and thicker. it became very heavy work, and i feared that i should get my legs entangled, and be held fast. at last i saw a thick log of wood floating a little way on. "i will let peter rest on it while i make my way to the shore, and, after recovering my strength, i will go off and tow him in," i thought to myself: and then i told him what i proposed doing. i swam up to the log, lifted peter off with my left hand, and had placed him on it, while i kept myself afloat with my right, when ready began to bark furiously, turning round his head at the log, and swimming off in an opposite direction. i thought this odd, when suddenly the log began to move. a vast pair of jaws, with long rows of formidable teeth, opened, but instead of snapping at me, the alligator (for such it was, and of prodigious size) swam away after my faithful ready. i eased poor peter, who, terror-stricken, was about to take a most uncomfortable ride on the alligator's back, and dragging him off before the creature had towed us many yards, i succeeded, by efforts which the greatest alarm alone could have enabled me to make, in reaching the shore. i climbed up the bank myself, and was dragging up poor peter, when the alligator, disappointed in catching the sagacious ready, who was safe on land, furiously barking at him, made a dash towards us. i had just time to draw the boy up by a violent jerk, when the monster's long jaws closed with a loud clack close to his heels. peter shrieked out, believing that he was caught, but i soon reassured him, and, by setting him on his legs, proved that he had retained them. the alligator, or cayman, was, however, not to be baulked of his prey, and, not being aware of the number of people floating away helplessly down the stream, he began to climb up the bank with the intention of catching one of us at least. the island was of about twenty acres in extent, with a clump of cypress trees and a palm or two in the centre; but the ground of the greater portion was soft and boggy, and covered with reeds, and long grass springing up among logs of timber, in all stages of decay, which had been washed up during the floods of spring. this was not very convenient ground for active operations; yet still the alligator took care that we should be actively employed. as we had no arms with which to assail him, we could only act on the defensive. the alligator soon got up the bank, and then stopped and eyed us all three, meditating, apparently, which he should first devour. i had made peter move a little way off on one side of me, while ready ran about on the other. the brute was hungry, and, seeing that i was the largest animal, he made up his mind to have me first; so on he waddled through the grass, at so rapid a rate, that the consequences, had i tumbled, would have been very serious. ready played his part admirably, and directly he saw that the cayman was running at me, he began to bark more furiously than ever, so as to distract the monster's attention. he succeeded, for the alligator stopped several times to look at him, but his mouth was watering with the anticipation of the _bonne bouche_ my substantial carcass would prove, and he again made chase after me. i shouted to the lad to run for the clump of trees. he obeyed my directions as well as he could, but twice he fell and disappeared between some logs, and i was afraid he was lost, but he scrambled out and ran on. i had to keep my eyes about me, as i leaped from log to log, watching the alligator, and looking to see where i was going. i had got more than half way to the clump of trees, when i heard a loud hissing, and looking down, i found that i was about to leap into a nest of snakes. mrs snake put up her head, of flat, venomous form, and i thought would have flown at me, but i sprang on one side with more agility than ever. i had not much fear of the cayman, but no courage, strength, or activity would avail against a single serpent, and the island, i suspected, swarmed with them. it would not, however, have done to stop, as the alligator, having no dread of the snakes, did not. peter had reached the clump, and had wisely begun to climb a tree. i dashed after him, kicking up several rattlesnakes who had not time to bite me, ready running by my side, and our pursuer, as the ground was smoother, following faster than ever. i seized ready in my arms, and threw him up to peter, who caught him, and placed him safely on a branch, while i sprang up after him, and the alligator, who darted on, snapped his jaws within a foot of my legs as i swung them up out of his way. a pretty predicament we were in, perched on the branch of a cypress tree with the monster cayman leering up at us from below, and thinking it very hard, after all the trouble he had taken, that we should have escaped his jaws. still i felt how much better off we were than the several hundred human beings who had so suddenly met a watery grave. i looked out from our perch towards the spot where the steamer had gone down. not a creature could i see: the pieces of wreck, with people floating on them, had been carried out of sight down the stream, but whether any were likely to reach the shore i could not tell. i thought that some might; but i pictured them roaming about through those vast swamps, without food, far from human habitations, till at length they fell a prey to alligators, or were killed by serpents, or sank down and died from hunger and fatigue. our position was not very pleasant either, for the river was so wide that i was not at all certain that we should be seen by vessels passing up and down; and i dreaded that we might be starved before we could get off. i grew very hungry, for i had been waiting to rush into dinner when the vessel sank. peter had scarcely spoken; indeed, i was uncertain whether or not he was grateful to me for saving him; but he was evidently not a lad of words. i remarked that i had had nothing to eat since breakfast. "what, haven't you had your dinner, sir?" he exclaimed, in a tone of surprise. "well, things always turn out lucky with me. here, sir." diving into his coat-pockets, he produced some meat and cheese, and two large lumps of bread, which, however, were rather mashed by the soaking they had got. "there, take that; it will do you good; you want something after that long swim," said he. "thank you, i will take a piece of bread and meat gladly," i answered. "you, peter, keep the rest for yourself." "no, no, it's yours, sir. i'll not touch it," he replied in a determined, steady tone. i ate a small portion, and begged him to keep the rest. "there's another friend wants something," he remarked, cutting off a piece of the cheese rind and some gristle from the meat, and giving them to ready, who had looked up wistfully at him as he was handing me the food. "there, old fellow, you deserve it, i am sure you do," said he, patting the dog's head. i had little doubt after this that peter's heart was in the right place. night, was coming on, and the danger of our position increased. when the sun went down, the mosquitoes attacked us furiously, and ran their huge probosces into our skins, till there was scarcely a spot without a wound. the only satisfaction was that they kept us awake; for had we gone to sleep, we might have fallen off the bough; and had we fallen off the bough, we should have tumbled into the jaws of the alligator, waiting anxiously below to devour us. such were the not over-pleasant prospects for the approaching night. chapter two. mosquitoes--a runaway slave--i am wounded--the struggle, and ready and peter come to the rescue--peace negotiatons--treaty of alliance, defensive and offensive--the canoe voyage--marcus's story. we sat up in the tree, wishing that the alligator would betake himself to the waters of the mississippi; but he seemed resolved to make his supper off one of us, and in this neither of us was willing to indulge him. peter made no remarks, but ready, every now and then, gave a growl of disapprobation; indeed, i believe, had i allowed him, he would have jumped down and done battle with the monster. i did not suppose that the cayman would catch him; but i knew that he could not by any possibility hurt the cayman, so i kept him safe up on the branch beside me. the mosquitoes continued as active as ever, and as peter and i had only each of us a hand at liberty, we could but partially defend ourselves from their attacks. hour after hour passed by. "i wonder whether it will ever be morning!" observed the poor lad, giving himself, for the thousandth time, a slap on the cheek. "we are not the first people who have wished for the return of day, my boy," said i. "but hark--" there was a slight sound as of an oar dipped in the water. it approached the island. it ceased, and i felt sure that the person or persons in the boat had landed. i listened. i could hear the sound of a canoe or boat being hauled up, and soon a light bursting forth showed me that a fire had been kindled, for the purpose probably of cooking. the alligator heard the sounds also, i suspect; for finding that we were not likely to come down to satisfy his appetite, he wheeled round and began to crawl back to the other spot whence the sounds proceeded. i suspected that he had not seen the fire, which, from our higher position we had observed, and i knew that he was not likely to approach it. i should otherwise have shouted out to warn whoever might be there of the approach of the monster. as soon as the brute had moved off, peter, ready, and i jumped down to the ground and advanced towards the spot where we had seen the fire. it had now burnt up brightly, and between us and it i observed the huge form of the alligator crawling on. he must have suddenly become aware of the fire, for i saw him, much to my satisfaction, scramble off as fast as he could on one side, and the sound of a heavy plunge assured me that he had once more taken to the water. peter and ready followed at my heels. i slowly advanced, and in a short time i saw a man sitting down on his hams before the fire, at which he was cooking a fish. he was a negro, a big athletic-looking fellow, with a bare woolly head, and naked to the waist, round which he wore a belt, and in it were stuck a brace of pistols and a long bowie-knife. the noise of the river rushing by and the crackling of the burning sticks had prevented him from hearing our approach. he turned his head--the glance of the fire fell on us. in a moment he was on his feet, and, drawing a pistol from his belt, he levelled it at my head. "i am a friend," i shouted out as rapidly as i could, but the black had not time to change the impulse given to his finger. there was a flash, a report, and a sharp stinging sensation in my neck told me that the bullet had taken effect. to save my life i sprang forward, and throwing myself with all my might on the stranger, i grasped his arm as he was drawing a second pistol, and bearing him down we both rolled over together to the ground and very nearly into the water. he was as strong as i was, and being naked i had great difficulty in holding his arms and preventing him from drawing his knife, which he made strenuous efforts to do, while at the same time he was evidently endeavouring to roll off the bank into the river, and to drag me with him. i could not help thinking of my friend, the cayman, who would probably have most largely benefited by the success of his attempt. when people go to fisty-cuffs, there are seldom wanting alligators to profit by their quarrels. had i been alone, strong and active as i was, i scarcely know what would have been the result; but i had two trusty friends at hand. we had not been struggling many moments, when ready, having laid his plans for the campaign, flew at the negro's legs, one of which he gripped so firmly that the poor fellow roared out with pain; while peter, after hesitating an instant, caught him by his woolly head and tugged away manfully in an opposite direction. in our struggles we all rolled into the fire-- black, boy, dog, and i; and had not our clothes been still somewhat damp, we should have been quickly in flames, and, had the alligator come back, all ready cooked for his supper. as it was, we kicked about the burning ashes, tossing them into the air, when they came down in showers upon us, till, what with the singeing he was undergoing, the biting of the dog, and the pulling of his hair, the negro cried out lustily for mercy. "well, i have no wish to hurt you," said i, still holding down his arms. "don't attempt again to shoot me, and i will very gladly be your friend. off, ready! let go dog! don't pull the man's hair any more, boy." peter and the dog obeyed me, and the man, getting up and shaking himself, began to scrape the ashes together, and then, looking for his fish, stuck it on a stick to roast as if nothing particular had occurred. "you are a cool hand, my friend," said i, sitting down opposite to him. "you might have killed me just now." "of course; i took you for an enemy," he answered. "what enemies have you to fear?" i asked. "slave-hunters," he answered, grinding his teeth and uttering a fearful oath. "but how do you know that we are not searching for a runaway slave?" i asked. "because you are an englishman," he replied. "why do you fancy that?" said i. "from the way you spoke to your boy and dog," he observed with a fierce laugh. "there would have been a kick and a curse had you belonged to this country; but, though you gripped me hard, and well-nigh squeezed the breath out of me, i know you to be a man, and i trust you." "i am obliged to you for your confidence, and i will not betray it; though, as it may be better, i will ask no questions." "that's wise; but i must ask you one," said the negro. "how came you here?" i told him. he was silent for some time, turning his fish on the spit, while my companions, imitating my example, seated themselves beside me. peter sat gaping with mute astonishment, ready's lips and eye showed that he still looked on the big negro rather as an enemy than a friend. the excitement had hitherto prevented me from feeling the wound in my neck. the pain and a sensation of blood flowing down my shoulder reminded me of it, and i was about to call peter to my aid, when the negro looked up and said-- "stranger, you believe that all men have sprung from the same parents?" "certainly, my friend," i replied. "i have not the slightest doubt about the matter." "then, do you think that one portion has the right to keep another in bondage, to spit upon them, to beat and abuse them, and to treat them as brute beasts without souls?" he ground his teeth as he continued speaking. i saw that he was working himself up into a fury, so i interrupted him: "assuredly not, my friend," i said. "no man has a right to keep another in slavery; but slavery is a fact, and facts are stubborn things, not to be got rid of." "i don't quite understand you, stranger," he replied. "but, from what you say, i believe that you would help a slave to escape from his bonds, if you had the opportunity?" this was a most disagreeable question. i had resolved, when i entered the slave states, not to interfere in the slightest way with the subject of slavery, and now i was asked to commit the most atrocious crime against the white community of which i could possibly be guilty. "do you ask me to help you?" said i. "i do," was the answer. "what claim have you on me?" i demanded. "that of one man on another," said the negro, rising unconsciously, and stretching out his hand over the fire. "that of one immortal soul on its fellow, who must both stand, some day, before the judgment-seat of heaven, to be judged of the deeds done in the flesh. if you have the feelings of a true man, the conscience of a living soul, you dare not refuse my appeal." "i will not," i exclaimed, rising also and taking the negro's hand. "i will aid you at every risk, to the best of my power." "stranger," said the black, wringing my hand, while his voice trembled with emotion, "your words may prevent me from doing many a fierce deed, which i otherwise should have committed; from turning my hand against every man's; from believing that every man with a white skin is a demon in human shape." he came round to me, and sat himself down by my side. "but you are hurt," he observed, in a tone of concern, "and i, in my fear, did it. you have a handkerchief. it is only a flesh wound; i will bind it up. i wish i could do more." ready growled when he saw my late antagonist touching me, but proceeded no further in his hostilities. peter brought some water in a pannikin, which the negro had with him, and my wound, being bathed freely, was bound up: and we sat down to discuss the fish, and another brought from the canoe, of which the negro insisted that we should partake, ready coming in for the heads and bones. no one would have supposed that we and our entertainer had just before been engaged in a deadly struggle. i observed that the black man yawned and appeared very weary. "i should like to sleep for a short time," he said. "you took something away from my strength. i have had also a long row, and have a longer before me. i know not when the chase after me may begin; but i do know that the blood-hounds will not give it up till they run me to earth, or till they are sure i have escaped them." "i will gladly watch over you while you sleep," said i. "how long do you wish to rest?" "half-an-hour will be enough. that tussle with you wearied me more than all my previous exertions. just keep the fire alight, or we may have more snakes and alligators visiting us than would be pleasant." i promised to follow his wishes, and having reloaded the pistol he had fired at me, stretching himself on the ground, in an instant he showed me by his heavy breathing that he was fast asleep. what surprised me most about the man was the way in which he spoke. the remarks he made caused me to suspect that he possessed a higher amount of education than i should have expected to find in a negro. i felt gratified, too, at the perfect confidence he placed in me. he was, at all events, evidently a man far above the common order, and i hoped to learn more about him before we separated. i employed peter in collecting drift-wood, of which there was a plentiful supply on the island. the fire kept the mosquitoes off, and from the quiet i thus obtained i had the greatest difficulty in not going to sleep. the moment peter sat down he fell off, and even ready shut his eyes, though, if i moved in the slightest degree, he was awake again in an instant. i knew that i could depend on him for giving me timely notice of the approach of an enemy of any description; but still i did my utmost to keep my senses alive. by degrees, however, i began to see all sorts of curious shapes in the fire, and to hear strange noises; and wild unearthly shrieks struck on my ear, and snakes seemed to be crawling in and out among the embers, and then i suddenly found myself at the dear old hall, my home, with my feet on the parlour fender, while bunbry's voice informed me that tea was in the drawing-room. i started up, and saw the negro watching me across the expiring embers of the fire. "pardon me, friend," said i. "most unintentionally i went to sleep." "i could not expect aught else," he answered, in a tone which made me feel rather ashamed of myself. "it is time for me to be moving. what do you wish to do?" "to get away from this island. we shall be starved if we remain here," was my answer. "i will take you," said the negro. "step into the canoe--quick--all of you. stay! i will put out the fire. it might betray me, should i be pursued." he threw some water on the ashes, and scattered them about. the canoe was what is called a "dug-out"--a hollowed trunk of a tree fashioned into a boat shape. though narrow and light, it was long, and capable of carrying three or four people. peter and i stepped in, followed by ready. the negro, taking his seat in the centre, turned to me and asked if i could row. i told him that i could. "then i will thank you to take one of the paddles and help me. i have a long voyage before me. we will go up the stream." we paddled rapidly along. the negro steered, keeping out of the strength of the current. he seemed to know the river well. i was curious to ascertain something about the man. that he was a common plantation negro i did not think possible. "you have travelled, friend?" i observed. "i have. i have visited your country. i have trod a free soil. i have read much. i know the rights of man, and i resolved no longer to be a slave," he answered, with a rapid utterance. "i remembered, too, the days of my childhood, when i roamed free in my native woods on the shores of africa, the son of a powerful chief. indistinctly at first, but afterwards clearly as i dwelt upon them, those times came back upon me, and i could bear my chains and degradation no longer. you are surprised at my telling you that i have read much. in my youth i accompanied my master to england. he was a kind man. he allowed me to be instructed in reading. i learned rapidly. my master, on leaving england, persuaded me to accompany him, promising legally to manumit me on our arrival in the states. in england i had become a free man. i had almost forgotten what slavery was. my master died on the voyage. i apprehended no danger, though, for prudence sake, i contemplated returning to england; but scarcely had i set foot on shore, than i was seized by the captain of the ship which brought me, and claimed as a slave. i was carried off to my master's heir. he has taken care to make me feel what slavery is. i will not tell you what i have borne-- how my purest and best feelings have been outraged--how one i loved was torn from me--how--but to go on would unman me; and i have need of all my coolness and self-possession. about four miles from this there is a village. i will land you there, and we must part. i shall not tell you what course i intend to pursue: it may be better for you not to know." i agreed with him in this, but at the same time i had become so interested in the fate of the poor fellow, that i was willing to run any risk to assist him. i told him so. he thanked me, but said that he would not allow me. "and by what name shall i remember you?" i asked. "i have been called marcus--marcus the slave. i do not boast of any other," he answered bitterly. "dogs and negroes have seldom more than one name." "marcus, i shall never forget you. i hope we may meet again," said i. "our first introduction was somewhat unpleasant, but we part as friends." he leaned forward, and grasped my hand. "hark!" he whispered, suddenly. "there is the sound of paddles in the water." his quick ear had detected the sound before i had done so. i could hear nothing. "i am certain of it," he exclaimed, with a groan. he was right. "here, take my paddle, and let the boy use yours; it is my only chance should my pursuers be at hand. i will lay down at the bottom of the canoe. now, round with her; and pull down the stream to meet them. the best way to escape danger is boldly to face it. i may be supposed to be a wounded or a dead man." the change of places was quickly effected, and turning round the canoe, peter and i paddled down the stream, with ready standing in the bows, looking out ahead. i could now hear the sound of paddles in the water. already the first streaks of dawn had appeared in the eastern sky. our only chance of escape was to pass the strangers before the light should show them the canoe, or, should they discover us, before they could see that there was any one in her besides peter, ready, and me. we paddled on steadily. the men in the approaching canoe were talking, and, from the words which reached my ears, i could have little doubt that they were in search of the fugitive slave. chapter three. the pursuit--the fight and victory--we dispose of our prisoners--the black dwarf--the city of themistocles--we part company--i go with peter and ready aboard the wondrous highflier. happily, i was well accustomed to the use of a paddle; peter was not. i therefore told him to lay his down, while i steered the canoe with as little noise as possible, inclining towards the opposite bank near which i fancied the slave-hunters were working their way up the stream. the light was increasing,--the voices grew louder. i guessed that the other canoe must be about abreast of us. "a few minutes more, and we shall be free of her," i thought to myself, when i observed that ready was throwing up his nose and stretching out his neck. i tried by a low whisper to tranquillise him. in vain. he ran to the side nearest the other canoe and gave a furious bark. it was immediately responded to by another dog, and a vehement exchange of fierce growls and barkings ensued. "who goes there?" shouted some one in a surly voice. "answer, or i'll fire." "don't do that same, friend," i replied in as calm a tone as i could command. "i've just escaped drowning, and i've no fancy to be shot. you haven't heard, then, that the mighty go-ahead has gone down, and to the best of my knowledge every soul has perished, except a boy i picked up, and two or three people i saw floating down the stream, and who may possibly have reached the shore in safety." "not very likely that," observed another man, with a savage laugh. "the mississippi isn't famous for helping people to swim ashore." the first speaker now inquired how the accident had happened, and how i had escaped. i told him. "then it was daylight when the mighty go-ahead went down," remarked another man. "what have you been doing with yourself ever since, stranger?" i replied that i had spent part of the night up a tree, till, coming down, i had discovered the canoe in which i had embarked, and was on my way back to new orleans. by this time i could see the other canoe and the people in her. there were three of them. their dog, a large bloodhound, and mine continued to exchange fierce barks and growls, in spite of our mutual endeavours to silence them. this was an advantage to me. it gave me time to consider what i should say. i was very anxious, not on my own account, but for the sake of marcus. still should it come to a tussle, in which our antagonists might not have the advantage of their firearms, i thought very probably marcus, peter, and i might come off victorious, and i felt sure that ready would give some account of the other dog. it was, however, more than possible, should we begin to fight, that our canoes would be upset, and that we might all be drowned together. i did not wish to show the slightest unwillingness to approach the other canoe, lest i might raise the suspicions of the men in her, so we gradually dropped nearer together. the closer we got, the more furiously did our dogs bark. the other dog seemed scarcely able to keep himself in the canoe, as he ran backwards and forwards in an ungovernable rage. i was in hopes that the men had finished questioning me, and would allow me to proceed. i gave a flourish with my paddle, and had made a stroke with it which sent the canoe ahead, when one of the men cried out-- "you don't happen to have seen a darkie, as you came along, stranger, have you?" "not very likely that i should have seen one in the dark. his colour would not be favourable for that," i replied, evasively. "but sharpfangs smells him, though," exclaimed one of the other men, with a terrible oath. "seize him!" what else was said i scarcely heard. i thought that it was all over with marcus, and probably with myself. to attempt escaping a conflict seemed hopeless. marcus did not stir; but i heard the click of a pistol. the other canoe, the bloodhound standing ready for a spring, dashed alongside ours. i had no time for considering how i should act. still marcus did not move. as the sides of the two canoes touched, up he rose with his gleaming dagger in his hand. the furious dog flew at him; but he was prepared, and, striking the brute full in the chest, he hurled it from him overboard, and in another instant a bullet from his pistol had gone through the head of one of the men, who fell backward into the stream. another of the men was lifting his rifle to fire; but the negro, quick as lightning, sprang on board the canoe, and wrenching it from him, he cast it into the water. on this the man drew a long bowie-knife from his belt; but before he could strike with it, marcus had seized him by the wrist, and the two closed in a deadly struggle. i had wished not to interfere; but when i saw the other white man draw his knife, evidently with the intention of striking marcus, i could not resist springing into the canoe, when, grasping his arm, i bore him down to the bottom of it. it is surprising that we did not upset the canoe, which was, however, a large and broad one. peter, with much forethought, before attempting to come to my assistance, lashed the two canoes together. ready, however, the instant the man fell, springing into the canoe, seized his left arm, and held him down so tightly that he could make no effectual resistance. he struggled, however, and endeavoured, as we rolled about in the bottom of the canoe, to strike his knife into me. as soon, therefore, as peter was at liberty, i told him to try and wrench the knife out of the man's hand. this he did, and then he gave me a piece of rope, which, with his help, i passed rapidly round my antagonist's wrists, while i kept him down by kneeling on his chest, and very nearly squeezing the breath out of his body. all this time the canoe was rocking so violently from side to side that i expected every instant to find myself struggling in the water. the same idea probably occurred to my antagonist, and this, as very likely he could not swim, paralysed his efforts more than it did mine. at all events, in a few minutes i found myself the victor, and, leaving peter and ready in charge of my conquered foe, i was able to go to the assistance of marcus, at the other end of the canoe. the man with whom he was struggling was little less inferior in strength to himself, and, had i not been able to help him, the issue might have been doubtful. by stepping into our canoe i got at the man's arms, and held them down, while marcus, still kneeling on his body, lashed them securely together, and prevented him from making any further resistance. "you'll not let that damned darkie murder me, stranger?" said the man, in a humbled tone. "do you think the scars of your merciless lash have yet disappeared from my shoulders?" said the negro, grinding his teeth. "can you restore those you tore from me and delivered over to worse than death? am i to forget the curses, the insults, you have heaped on me?" he seized the man and shook him, as a savage dog does an animal he has conquered. i dreaded that he was about to throw the overseer--for such i supposed the man to be--into the water. "hold, marcus!" i exclaimed. "i cannot stand by and allow murder to be committed. these men are now in our power, and we may dispose of them as may be necessary for our safety; but we must not take their lives." "to kill them will be the only safe way of disposing of them," he answered, in a hoarse voice. "what else but death can such vermin expect at my hands?" i was in hopes that he said this to frighten the men, rather than with an intention of murdering them. at the same time i well knew that, even had he not killed their companion, he could expect no mercy at their hands. i remembered, also, that, having participated, as it would be called, in the crime, though my conscience was free from guilt, i should certainly share the consequences. probably, if caught, we should both of us, and very likely peter and ready also, be hung up from the nearest tree. how to dispose of our prisoners was therefore the question. of course the tempter, ever ready to instigate men to do evil, whispered, "kill them;" and the cowardice in our hearts added, "it will be the safest course." but i had been taught some maxims, when i was a boy, which i did not forget. they were, "do right, whatever comes of it;" "never do wrong in the hopes of avoiding a possible evil." accordingly i entreated marcus to refrain from injuring the men, and to come into our canoe, and talk the matter over. having thrown all the arms overboard, except a rifle which lay loaded at the bottom of the boat, we stepped back into our canoe, followed by peter and ready, and paddled away out of earshot of our prisoners. marcus suggested various plans for their disposal. although but a few minutes had elapsed since i caught the first glimpse of the other canoe, the dawn had increased so much that we could already see the shore on either hand. marcus stood up and looked about him. "i see where we are," he whispered as he sat down. "i have a friend who lives not far off. we will blindfold the eyes of the men, and leave them under his charge. he will take good care that they do not escape till we have had time to get out of their reach." the plan seemed good; so dropping alongside the canoe, we took the men's handkerchiefs from their pockets and secured them over their eyes. i observed that marcus went to the man whose eyes i had bound, and tightened the handkerchief. the man groaned. "ah! it is not pleasant, but you might be seeing things you should not, if it slipped," said the black, between his teeth. "be silent; we are not going to kill you, as you deserve." we now took the smaller canoe in tow, and paddled rapidly on. we had need of haste, for the steamers and other craft might be moving up and down the river, and we might be discovered. we crossed to the opposite or west side of the river, to a spot where a wide stream ran into it. we pulled up a little way, with dark woods on either side of us, till we came to a small island, on which marcus ran the canoe on shore. putting his finger to his lips to enjoin silence on peter and me, he stepped on shore, and disappeared amidst the tangled underwood. i sat watching our captives, and wondering what was to be done with them. one of them was working his head about, evidently with the hopes of loosening the handkerchief. i gave him a touch with the paddle, and ready, who seemed to consider that he was to keep watch and ward over the vanquished, uttered a fierce growl, which made the man keep perfectly still, though he groaned in his rage and fear. in a short time marcus returned with a companion, another negro, but very unlike himself. the new-comer was short, and out of all proportion broad; indeed he was a dwarf hercules, for the appearance of his head and shoulders showed that he possessed immense muscular power. he soon gave proof of his strength, for, looking into the canoe, he stooped down, and lifting one of the men up, he carried him off on his back, with as much ease as if he had been an infant. the man shrieked out with pain, for the cords cut his wrists; but the dwarf only uttered a hoarse peal of laughter and walked on, more than once striking the unfortunate wretch against the trees as he passed. he soon returned for the other, whom he treated in the same way. i observed that marcus removed everything from the larger canoe into ours. by the time this was done, the dwarf came back again, and, nodding to his companion, lifted the canoe bodily up out of the water, and carried it off on his shoulders among the bushes. "come, it is time that we were away," said marcus. once more we all three resumed our seats in our canoe. ready took his place in the bow, and away we paddled as before. i could scarcely persuade myself that the fierce tragedy in which i had just taken a part had really occurred. all seemed like some dreadful dream. i said nothing; i could not speak. marcus was silent. we paddled on out of the river, and into the mississippi, nearly to the middle of it. there he looked around him, and then dropped the articles he had taken out of the other canoe, one after the other, into the water. the rifle and other heavy things sank; the rest floated down the stream. "if they are seen, so much the better," observed marcus. "it will be supposed that the canoe was upset, and the men were drowned." "but surely their lives are safe?" i observed, with some doubt in my tone, for i could not help thinking of the ferocious countenance of the man in whose power we had left them. "safe enough, but not agreeable," he answered. "ah! if you knew all i have suffered from those men, you would own that i have treated them mildly. i spared their lives for your sake, and partly that i did not wish to have more blood on my hands than i have already; and yet, to effect my purpose, how much deeper may i have to dye them! every man's hand is against me, and mine must be against every man. alas, alas! hard is my lot! oh! stranger, be thankful to heaven that you have a white skin and are a free man!" he spoke in a tone of the bitterest anguish. i tried to console him. too true, every man's hand in that country would be against him; not because he had killed a fellow-creature, but because he was attempting to escape from bondage and degradation. we continued paddling on for some time without speaking, till we came in sight of a collection of log-huts and a landing-place. it was a city, he told me--or at least a city that was to be--with a very fine name-- the city of themistocles, if i recollect rightly. "i'll put you on shore there, stranger," he observed. "there is no one on the quay. they are not early-risers in that place. you can expect no better opportunity of being free of me. there, leap on shore. say that a negro, in a canoe, took you off an island to which you had swum when the steamer went down, and that after he had landed you here he went on his way. be wise; say nothing more. the boy understands me?" peter nodded. "farewell!" marcus put out his hand. i shook it warmly. we exchanged no other words. i sprang on shore, followed by peter and ready, and the canoe glided away down the stream, and was soon out of sight. we sat down on some logs piled up ready for the steamers, and ready, conceiving that he had for the present done his duty, coiled himself at my feet, and went to sleep. i was too anxious to do the same, though i leaned back against the logs to rest my weary frame. it must be remembered that, since the steamer went down, the only rest i had enjoyed was while sitting over the fire with marcus. i had had a fatiguing swim, a run from an alligator, a climb up a tree, to the branches of which i had had to hang on for some hours, a desperate struggle for life, a long paddle, a second fierce conflict, and another paddle, not to speak of the anxiety to which i had all the time been subject. i had not rested long, when ready started up and uttered a warning bark, and i saw a couple of men lazily sauntering down from the huts towards the quay, and rubbing their eyes as if just awoke out of sleep. "well, and where do you come from, stranger?" was the very natural question they put to me, and which i willingly answered by telling them of the loss of the _mighty go-ahead_, and of most, if not all, of her crew and passengers. "then that's the shouts we heard last night," observed one of the men to the other. the men, i found, were overseers of some gangs of negroes, a number of whom soon appeared, some loaded with bales of merchandise, and others with logs of wood. they came stumbling along, laughing and chattering in spite of their burdens. several, however, relaxing in their efforts, when their taskmasters' whips descended on their shoulders, howled with pain, but they were very speedily again shouting and talking as merrily as before. the overseers were evidently not satisfied with my account of myself. i looked anxiously up the river for the steamer coming down on her passage to new orleans, but i found that she was not expected for another hour. i would have tried to obtain some refreshment, but i knew that if i went to the huts i should be subjected to more inquiries, so i told my companion that we would wait till we got on board the steamer for breakfast. while waiting, i gathered from the conversation of the overseers that marcus's pursuers had actually touched there on their way up, and had left a full description of him. i felt thankful that no one had been about when he put us on shore. as it was, i could not help fancying that the overseers associated us in some way with him. it was a great relief to my mind when i caught sight of the huge steamer afar off, gliding rapidly along over the bosom of the mighty stream, her white paint glistening in the beams of the morning sun, and contrasting with the dark foliage of the trees which lined the bank. the negroes stood marshalled ready with their loads to rush on board. her tinkling bell gave notice to the engineers to stop. she came alongside the quay. peter, ready, and i sprang into her vast interior, among casks and chests and bales, and soon found our way into the saloon above, and on to the platform abaft, where i hoped ready would be allowed to remain. once more the bell tinkled. the huge wheels of the _wondrous highflier_ began to revolve, and away she glided down the mississippi. chapter four. arrive at new orleans, and off to galveston in texas--a hurricane and worse--the pirate--a fight for it--we are lost--an unexpected friend-- the black fins--marcus has charge of the pirates' prize, and lands us at galveston. the quay was still in sight, and i saw several men rushing along it, waving their hands, and apparently shouting at the top of their voices; but the paddles made too much noise to allow of their being heard, while, as the master and crew of the steamer were looking ahead, they were not seen. i had an idea that they wanted to say something about me, and i was very glad when the _wondrous highflier_ had run the city of themistocles out of sight. we reached new orleans without any adventure, and i was not sorry to get a shave and to change my clothes, which were not improved by the adventures i had gone through. i took peter regularly into my service, for, poor fellow, he had no one else on whom to depend, and i thus obtained an attendant on whose fidelity i could perfectly rely. i had now to consider in which direction i should next bend my steps. it was a question with me whether i should make another attempt to ascend the mississippi or steer my course to the westward. i was, i found, more knocked up than i had at first supposed, and required some days' rest. a week or more passed before i again went out. the second or third day after this, i was sauntering along, when i encountered a negro staggering under what seemed a very heavy load. presently he came directly against me, and as his white eyes rolled round, i heard him say-- "massa, you harry skipwith? den cut away from here, or you no live to-morrow. you know marcus. dat's 'nough!" on went the negro, staggering as before under his load, and i soon lost sight of him among the motley crowd of that capital of the south. after all i had heard it would have been madness to have neglected the warning, so on my way to my hotel i inquired at a ship-broker's if any vessel was ready to sail for galveston, the chief port of texas. "the steamer goes in three days," was the answer. "yes, but i have a fancy to go by a sailing vessel." "oh, if that's it, there's a fine brig, the _shaddock_, captain buckwheat, sails this evening. if you can be ready, i will ask the captain if he can give you a berth." i did not wish to appear too eager, so i said i would try to get ready, and, if i succeeded, i would take a passage in the _shaddock_. i had never shrank from danger when i could meet it face to face, but the uncertain character of that which now threatened me made me unusually nervous. i hurried back to my hotel, and, after packing up my luggage, i ordered some negro porters to convey it down to the wharf where the schooner was lying, telling peter to accompany them, while ready and i followed at a distance. i had a notion that the men whom marcus and i had encountered on the river had escaped, and in each white man i met i expected to recognise one of them. of course i knew their features better than they could know mine, for it was still dusk when our struggle took place; but then i had told them that i had escaped from the _mighty go-ahead_. that was a sufficient clue for them to trace me; and that they would attempt to do so, and not rest till they had wreaked a bitter vengeance on my head, i felt very sure. i was walking leisurely along, when i felt some one brush by. a voice said, "quick, massa, quick!" it was the same black who had in the morning given me the friendly warning. i hurried on, and reached the _shaddock_ without interruption. "you're just in time; we should have sailed without you, if you hadn't come," said captain buckwheat, as i stepped on board. "we were all ready ten minutes ago; the wind is fair, and we can't afford to lose time in this country, whatever's your fashion in the old world." i heartily agreed with my friend in this instance, and was not sorry to see that the last warp was being cast off, and that the topsails were loosed. i recognised the friendly negro watching the brig at a distance, as she slowly glided out from among the other vessels. once free of them, aided by the current, we made rapid progress down the river. i could not help frequently looking astern, to ascertain if we were followed; and though i had done nothing of which my conscience accused me, i had a pretty vivid notion of the feelings which must animate a culprit endeavouring to escape from the hands of justice. when clear of the yellow-mouthed mississippi, the wind fell, and the brig lay rolling on, the glassy yet undulating surface of the ocean. the sun, casting a blood-red hue on the water, was just sinking behind a dark mound of vapour to the west, while in the east vast masses of ensanguined clouds floated slowly across the sky. i had never felt the air so hot and oppressive. even ready lay gasping at my feet, looking up inquiringly into my countenance, with his tongue out. "there's something coming," observed the skipper, and he ordered every stitch of canvas to be furled, and the topmasts to be struck. there was indeed something coming. scarcely was the vessel made snug, than down came the hurricane on us with terrific violence. away we drove helplessly before it, like a mere straw on the water. happily it was from the westward, or we should have driven on shore. away we scudded, out of our course, but that could not be helped. when the hurricane ceased, we found that we had been whisked off some two or three hundred miles nearer cuba than we were when it began. the wind subsided towards evening, and though the little vessel tumbled about a good deal, we were once more able to make sail. two days after that, i was awoke soon after daybreak, by a loud exclamation uttered by the captain, who had entered the cabin. i saw him busily employed in stowing away some papers and bags, which he had taken out of a chest, in a hole under his bed-place. "what is the matter?" i asked. "matter! why that a pirate is close aboard us, and that the chances are we all have our throats cut before ten minutes are over. that's something the matter, i guess." i agreed with him, and slipping into my clothes, hurried on deck. there, about two hundred yards off, on our quarter, coming fast up with us, was a long, low, black schooner, the very beau-ideal of a pirate. her decks were crowded with men, all black, and a very villainous-looking crew they appeared to be. at that moment, that we might have no doubt as to her character, up went a black flag at her peak, and a shot from a gun in her bows came whizzing between our masts. while the black schooner approached, the crew of the _shaddock_ were employed in making sail, but i saw at a glance that we had not the slightest chance of escaping; still i have always held that while there is life we should never despair, so i lent a hand with all my might at pulling and hauling. peter followed my example. ready took the end of the ropes in his mouth and hauled too, but i cannot say that he did much good. "will those black chaps aboard there really cut all our throats, as the captain says?" asked peter, looking up at me. "we'll stand up and fight them before we give in, i hope, sir!" "i hope so too, peter," i answered. "but our two guns cannot do much against the six or eight they carry, besides that long fellow amidships." "hip, hurrah! there is the captain casting loose our little barkers--we are not to yield without a blow." by this time all sail was set--the guns were manned, and the captain now served out arms to all on board. the pirates, however, on seeing that notwithstanding all our efforts we could not escape them, did not again fire. our two guns could do very little harm to them till they got nearer. they were run over on the starboard side, on which the schooner was approaching. "aim high, lads," said the captain to his two mates who had charge of them. "our best chance will be to knock away some of his spars." "ay, aye, sir," was the answer, given in a cheerful voice, which, at all events, betrayed no fear. it was satisfactory to feel that we were to have a stroke for life, and yet, as the schooner drew near, and i observed through my glass the villainous-looking, well-armed fellows who crowded her decks, and saw the size of her guns, i felt that we had but little chance of escaping. "now, lads, see what you can do," cried the captain, who was narrowly watching the schooner. our two pop-guns gave out their puffs of smoke, and a couple of holes in the enemy's sails showed that the aim had not been bad, but no other damage was done. still the schooner did not fire, but came silently and stealthily gliding on in a way which was much more calculated to try our courage than if her crew had been shouting and gesticulating. it showed that they had perfect confidence in their own power. the mates loaded and fired their guns again. an after mainbrace aboard the schooner was shot away, and it made her head incline a little more towards us. we were now almost within pistol-shot of each other, when i saw some thirty muskets levelled at us, and the next instant a rattling shower of bullets came whistling round our heads. several of our poor fellows fell: the rest fired in return, but before the smoke cleared away, with a loud crash the pirate ran us aboard, and fifty fierce-looking desperadoes sprang shouting on our deck. i had armed myself with a cutlass, resolving to fight to the last, though fully expecting to be cut to pieces. ready stood barking furiously on one side of me; peter kept on the other. captain buckwheat proved that he was a man, but he was cut down by a pirate's sword, as was one of the mates close to me, and in less than a minute half our crew lay bleeding on the deck. our opponents were mostly blacks--though there were brown fellows also--and as they were shouting in english, i concluded that they were either runaway american slaves or vagabond negroes from the west india islands. not that i thought much about what they were at the time; indeed, the grinding of the two vessels together, the cries and shrieks of the combatants, the smoke and rattle of firearms, and the fall of spars and blocks from aloft completely bewildered me, besides which all my energies were required for my own defence. scarcely an instant after the pirates had reached our decks, i found myself set on by a huge brown fellow, who had led the boarders, and was apparently an officer among them. he was a good swordsman, and had not ready flown at his legs, and peter kept poking at him with a boarding-pike, he would soon have put me _hors de combat_. with their aid i managed to defend myself till several other fellows set upon me, and, overmatched, the big pirate had his sword uplifted to cut me down, when a black man sprang forward and interposed his own weapon between it and my head, shouting at the same time-- "back, all of you. that man's life is sacred, and the lad's too. you'll own it when i tell you." it was a thoroughly melodramatic position. though he was now dressed as an officer, i instantly recognised in my deliverer, marcus, the slave, whose life i had assisted to save. the pirates, who were about to hack me to pieces, now surrounded me with friendly gestures, and i felt that i was safe. when, however, i looked about me, i saw with regret that not a single man of the crew had escaped: a few were gasping out their heart's blood on deck; the rest were dead. i should by that time have been in the same condition had not marcus interposed to save me. ready recognised him immediately, but he snapped and growled at the other blacks as they passed. poor peter kept close to my side; though so ready at first to fight, he was unaccustomed to scenes of slaughter, and was terror-stricken with the horrors he had witnessed. marcus kept near us, sword in hand, evidently uncertain how the pirates might treat us, and prepared, if necessary, to do battle in our cause. i wished to address him--i scarcely knew how. "marcus," i said at length, "i am grateful to you for saving my life, but i little expected to find you in such company." "`misfortune introduces us to strange bedfellows' is an old saying," he answered. "and most decidedly my misfortunes have given me some roughish companions; but you see i have already gained some influence over them; and of one thing be assured, your life and that of the lad are safe. when i tell them what you have done for me, there is not a man of all this lawless band who would not be ready to die for you. one hideous monster, slavery, has made them all what they are; and when they know how you hate it, they will love you." while marcus was speaking, the pirates were unceremoniously pitching the dead bodies of my shipmates overboard--all of them yet warm--some who had scarcely ceased to breathe. two or three, though badly wounded, were yet fully capable of comprehending their position. they begged-- they entreated for life. "what are you--englishmen or americans?" two owned that they were americans from the northern states. "then overboard with them," shouted the captain. "we'll not deprive the sharks of their share of the booty." one man declared that he was an englishman, but a tin case was found on him, containing a certificate of his being a citizen of the united states. i was certain, from some remarks which he had let fall, that the man had run from a british man-of-war. in vain he protested that he hated slavery and the people of the states, that he was a true-born briton--in vain he shrieked out and entreated for mercy. in spite of his desperate struggles, he was lifted up and thrown among the shoal of black-finned monsters which surrounded the vessel. i cannot dwell longer on these horrors--i would gladly shut them out from my thoughts as i would then have done from my sight. the schooner's crew were sufficiently numerous to man the brig more strongly than before; some more guns were sent on board her, that part of her cargo which seemed useless thrown overboard, and the two vessels then made sail together. i was allowed to retain my cabin, and peter had one awarded him aft, that he might be near me. marcus came on board as one of the officers of the prize. i asked him how he came to know enough of nautical affairs to take a command among the pirates. "i picked up my knowledge on my voyage to england," he answered. "besides, a very small amount of knowledge makes me superior to most of my companions. only two or three know anything of navigation, and that very imperfectly. the captain knows most, and he is jealous of any equal. if he were to be killed, the rest would scarcely find their way into a port; but for that he does not care." "but, marcus," said i, "how can you, a man capable of better things, endure such a life?" "i hate it," he answered bitterly. "recollect, though, what drove me to it. to escape from the lash and chains, from indignities and insults, what will not a man endure?" "will you leave it?" i asked. "yes, certainly, if i have the means," he answered. "i will afford them if i have the power," i answered. "trust to me; think on the subject, but do not allow your comrades to suspect your intentions, nor to observe that we have any secrets between us." marcus walked forward. the two vessels made sail to the westward. a mulatto acted as captain of the brig. he seemed to be a smart seaman, but knew very little of navigation. i now had practical experience of the advantage of never losing an opportunity of gaining knowledge. whenever i had been at sea i had always endeavoured to pick up as much nautical information as possible, and had learnt to take an observation and to work a day's work with perfect ease. i therefore offered my services to navigate the brig to any port to which the pirates wished to proceed, intimating that i should prefer being set on shore on the mainland. "you were bound for galveston, and we will go there," said marcus. "we will put you on shore on the island; and should the truth be suspected, we can be far away before any vessel is sent in pursuit of us." marcus afterwards told me that he arranged with his shipmates to do as i wished. it was wonderful what influence he had in a short time gained over those lawless characters. it was the triumph of mind over brute strength. he had, i learned, however, known several of his present comrades before, and they had spoken in his praise to the rest. cruel wretches as the pirates had become, they treated me with every consideration, and supplied me with all the luxuries at their command. light and contrary winds delayed our progress, so that ten days passed before we made the low sandy shore of galveston island. the sky was of intense blue, the ocean, smooth as glass, shone with brilliant lustre, and the sun's rays darted down on our deck, making the pitch in the seams bubble and hiss, while a line of white sand was the only soil on which i could hope to land--terra-firma it certainly was not. the atmosphere sparkled with heat--the sand almost blinded me, and i expected to be thoroughly cooked before i reached galveston. still my desire to be free of the pirates overcame every other consideration. the two vessels stood in. there was nothing suspicious about the brig, and the schooner was made to look as innocent as possible. how my followers and i were to get on shore was now the question. at length we made out some canoes with indians in them fishing. we made a signal, and one of them paddled towards us. the people in her held up the fish they had caught and offered them for sale, thinking that was what we wanted. they seemed rather astonished when they saw that peter and i were the only white people on board. the captain took the fish, paid them liberally, and then told them that they must take some passengers, who wanted to land at galveston, as he was bound elsewhere. after some bargaining, the indians agreed to do as we desired. i took the opportunity, while the captain was bargaining with the indians, to ask marcus how he purposed to quit the pirate band. "if you remain willingly among evil companions, you cannot avoid being responsible for their crimes," i observed. "i must bide my time," he answered. "i have promised you that i will do my best to quit them, and i never break my word." i knew that i could trust him. my parting with the pirates was brief. marcus was the only man on board with whom i could bring myself to shake hands. scarcely had i and peter and ready taken our seats in the narrow canoe, with my very moderate amount of luggage between my knees, than, a breeze springing up, the two vessels stood away from the land. the canoe's head was put towards the north end of the island on which galveston stands. our crew were of a peculiarly unhealthy-looking olive-colour, their faces being covered with wrinkled parchment-like skin. a straw hat and a shirt and belt formed their costume. they understood a little english, but i judged it better not to enter into conversation with them, lest they should ask inconvenient questions; and so almost in silence, except when they exchanged a few remarks with each other in their native tongue, we glided over the sparkling water. at length, when we had rounded the north end of the island, they ran the canoe on to the beach, and told me to get out, as they were going no further. i expostulated, but they said that they had performed their contract, and had their reasons for not going to the town with such suspicious people as we were. against this i had nothing to say. i thus had practical experience of the inconvenience of having been seen in bad company. though a reason, it is the lowest for avoiding it. how to get my baggage into the town was a puzzle, till i bethought me of slinging it on a long pole, one end of which peter carried on his shoulder, and the other i placed under my arm, and thus we began our march towards the town. chapter five. off by steamer to houston--ants, and how to avoid them--by waggon through forests--silas slag, our kentuckian driver--i buy horses and engage an indian guide--the prairie--two human skulls--the comanches. the founders of galveston must have been very fond of sand. it stands on sand, is surrounded by sand, and in high winds almost covered with sand. we could scarcely get along: we sank over our ankles at every step. i heard peter groan frequently, and poor ready dragged his weary legs after my heels with his tongue out, till i began to be afraid that he would go mad with the heat. as to fresh water, that seemed an impossibility, and there was nothing cooling in the appearance of the bright shining surface of the surrounding ocean. still to stop would positively have been death, so on we trudged, i doing my best to keep up the spirits of my two-legged as well as four-legged companion. at last, in no very dignified guise, we entered among the streets of wooden houses, bordered by odoriferous and flowering trees, which compose galveston. two white people carrying a load was a sight rarely seen, and when we reached the door of an hotel the clerk and waiters looked at me with so supercilious an air, that i saw it would be necessary to assume an authoritative manner. "here, some of you lend a hand," i exclaimed. "a pretty country this of yours, where a gentleman on landing can find neither porter nor carriage to convey his baggage! all i can hope is that your hotel will make some amends for the inconvenience i have suffered." the people, as i knew they would, began to defend their country, to assert that there was not a finer in the world; and then, to prove that their hotel was a good one, gave me one of the best rooms. galveston struck me as remarkable for the pungent sting of the mosquitoes, the undrinkable nature of the water, and the number of vociferating negroes, though there were some tolerable buildings and broadish streets. perhaps i was prejudiced, for, not feeling very comfortable as to my safety, i was anxious to get out of the place again. having got a bill cashed at a somewhat high discount, and written home an account of my adventures to aunt becky, with a request that my epistle might be sent the round of the family, i put myself, with peter and ready, on board a steamer bound for houston, the capital of texas. we crossed the straits which separate galveston from the mainland, and entering the buffalo river found ourselves between lofty banks, covered in the richest profusion with magnolias and other flowering shrubs, and groves of lofty trees, among which flitted birds of the gayest plumage, while squirrels sported and leaped from branch to branch. houston is picturesquely situated, and will, i have no doubt, become an important place, as it already shows signs of the enterprise of its anglo-saxon inhabitants. i slept there only one night. my room was on the ground floor. i found the four legs of my bed placed in as many basins of water. i inquired the reason, and was informed that it was to prevent the ants, which are not nautically inclined, from getting into it and devouring the inhabitant in his sleep. peter's bed, which was in the corner of the room, was similarly guarded, and ready very wisely jumped up and slept on the foot of it. the next morning peter got up to procure water for me for washing, and to perform other duties of a valet; but scarcely had he donned his clothes than i saw him jumping and twisting about, and slapping himself in the most eccentric manner. "oh dear! oh dear! i shall be eaten, i shall be eaten!" he exclaimed, slapping himself harder and harder. ready barked, not knowing what to make of it, and jumped back on the bed again. peter set to work to tear off his clothes, which he had placed on a chair, and of which a colony of ants had taken possession. he shook them out by hundreds, and then rushing out, he returned with a broom, with which he cleared the boards. the people of the house were rather astonished at my insisting on having a tub of cold water, which peter at length brought me, and i managed to dress without being devoured by the ants. two hours after this we were rattling away along the corduroy road in a mail waggon, with a kentuckian driver, through the forests of texas. it was not altogether a pleasant style of locomotion, for we were bumped about terribly, our vehicle being innocent of springs; but it had the advantage of novelty. we stopped at nights at settlers' huts, and slept on the roughest of rough beds, and sometimes without any beds at all except the bare boards and our cloaks; but i had made up my mind to grumble at nothing short of being scalped or positively starved. i had brought a saddle with me from england, and had procured another at galveston for peter, with the intention of purchasing at the first opportunity horses for riding and for carrying the luggage and tent, and starting away across country. i mentioned my intention to my kentuckian driver, silas slag by name. "then i guess, stranger, that you don't care very much about your scalp," he observed, with a wink of his eye, as he made a significant gesture round his head. "why, who do you suppose would venture to take my scalp?" i asked, thinking that he was quizzing me, and wishing to turn the tables on him. "don't you know that if any one injures an englishman, the british government will hunt him out, in whatever part of the world he may be, and make him pay dearly for his folly?" "i guess, stranger, that the comanches, or any other redskin varmint, care no more for your british government than i do, and that is about as much as that panther there does for your dog." as silas spoke, he pointed to a huge creature, which, half concealed by the tangled underwood of a tropical forest, lay crouching down about twenty yards ahead of us, and apparently prepared to spring out as we passed. i had turned ready out to stretch his legs, and he, unconscious of danger, was running on in high glee, abreast of the horses. in another instant he would have been in the jaws of the wild beast. i called to him to come to me, and at the same time lifted my rifle from the bottom of the waggon to be ready to fire. silas whipped on his horses in the hopes of passing the creature before he could make his spring, but the animals, aware of the approach of an enemy, began to plunge and kick, and drove the waggon against some stumps of trees amid which the road wound, with a force which sent peter sprawling at the bottom of it, and at the same instant the panther, with a tremendous bound, sprang on one of the leaders. the poor brute struggled so violently, that i was afraid of wounding it instead of killing the panther if i fired. at last i got a fair aim at the wild beast's head, and to my infinite satisfaction over he rolled dead. the horses stood trembling in every limb, but i was afraid that they would dash on, before we could put the harness to rights, and leave us in the lurch. once more, however, we were on the road, through a forest composed of oaks, maples, acacias, sycamores, and other trees with which i was familiar, and many others to be found in the tropics alone, interlaced with all sorts of creepers. on either side were a vast variety of flowers of every bright hue, but the most attractive were the red and white blossoms of the cotton trees, which, waving to and fro in the breeze, were dazzling to look at, while humming-birds, butterflies, and insects innumerable made the air appear as if filled with the most gorgeous gems. all this sort of scenery was very interesting, but i was not sorry when we reached the town of billyville, i think it was called, bordering the prairies, where i was told that i could purchase horses, and find a trustworthy guide for my farther progress. the name of billyville was not significant of a very important place, nor had the town any great pretension of any sort, as it consisted of a few rough huts, while the surrounding fields were full of the stumps of the trees which had been cut down. i bought the horses required, and on the evening of my arrival a thin wiry little fellow presented himself, saying that his occupation was that of a hunter, and that he could guide me safely through any part of the north american continent. whether he considered himself a white man or a redskin i could not tell, while he spoke english, spanish, and french with great volubility, though absurd as to correctness, and asserted that there was not an indian dialect with which he was not acquainted. his garments were of fine tanned leather and ornamented with coloured threads and beads, while a straw hat covered his head. i inquired of silas slag if he knew anything of him. he said that he believed that he was honest, and that he had the character of being a very brave fellow and a successful hunter. he was the sort of man i wanted, so i engaged mr jack lion, as he called himself in english, with an indian to assist in taking care of the horses. an old man and a young one now joined our party, and took our vacated places in the waggon. we were to accompany the mail another day's journey before we turned off to the north, where mr lion informed me i should find numbers of buffaloes and other large game. "well, i shall be sorry to part from you, stranger," said silas slag, as i rode alongside him on my trusty little steed. "i hope you'll come to no harm, but you'll just remember that while you're shooting buffaloes there'll be people maybe looking out to shoot you. those comanches are terrible wild chaps, and you never know where they may turn up." we had now entered a most desolate-looking prairie country. we had lost sight of the forest through which we had been travelling, and there appeared before us only one uniform level of dry waving grass. as we rode on, i saw some white objects glittering in the sun ahead. getting up to them, i found that they were two human skulls and other bones. there they lay grinning at each other. near one was the barrel and look of a gun. close to the other was a hatchet and a scalping-knife, and several tips of arrows. a tale was thus told me of how a white man and an indian had met, and fought, and died on that spot. i had dismounted to examine these miserable relics, speaking of human sin and folly, when silas cried out-- "look there, stranger; look there jack lion! what do you say to those black spots out there? are they birds, buffaloes, or redskins?" the hunter stood up in his stirrups and took a long steady gaze in the direction silas pointed, just as a sailor does when he is looking out for an enemy's cruiser at sea. suddenly dropping into his saddle, he exclaimed, "comanches! and they are coming this way." "then they'll scalp every mother's son of us," cried silas, lashing on his horses. "keep together, my men, at all events," i exclaimed, as my companions began to move on; and away we dashed at a rapid rate. we had not gone far, however, when, on turning my head, i discovered that we were pursued, and that the strangers were coming up with us. i desired lion to take another look at them, and to tell me what he thought they were. "comanches," he answered, "comanches, there's no doubt about it." "is there any place we can hope to reach where we can defend ourselves better than in the open plain?" i asked. "none, none that i know of," was the answer. "then let us halt at once, before we have exhausted our strength, and fight it out like men," said i. my companions listened to my appeal. silas stopped his horses, and unharnessing them, placed them at one end of the waggon, while we secured our steeds at the other end. a few boxes and bales which the waggon contained, with some stout poles ready in case of necessity to repair it, were tumbled out, and with them we formed a very imperfect barricade for our defence. scarcely were our fortifications finished than the hoarse voices of the indians uttering their war-whoops were borne down to our ears on the breeze. they approached. there could be no doubt about their intentions. they were in their war-paint. brandishing their gaily ornamented spears with horrible shrieks, which i own, in spite of my resolution, made me feel very uncomfortable, on they came on their mustangs at full tilt towards us. we cocked our rifles and stood ready to receive them, resolving if they wanted our scalps to make them pay dearly before they got them. chapter six. on they come--order of battle--numbers prevail--ready and peter save my scalp--unlooked-for aid--our wounds are dressed--shelter on the verge of civilisation. the two skulls were still in view, as the shrieks of the comanches grew louder and louder, and the sight of these mouldering relics determined our party to conquer or to perish in the attempt. on came the comanches, their mustangs at full gallop, and their gay trappings fluttering in the breeze. their object was, apparently, to alarm and unnerve us before they approached. i looked round at the countenances of my companions, to judge how far i could depend on them. ready was the most pugnacious, as he stood up with his front paws on a chest, growling and snarling. there was a dogged resolution in peter's face, which satisfied me that he would fight to the death; while silas slag and senior jack lion were sufficiently cool and determined to make me feel i could depend on them. the other men looked as if they wished that they were anywhere else, but at the same time would stand to their colours if their comrades did. "now, lads, reserve your fire till i give the word," i exclaimed. "let each of you select his man. fire one after the other, not all together on any account, and it will be hard if each of us don't hit his man. load again as fast as you can, and be ready for the rest who may venture to come on." what i said encouraged my companions, and the plan which had at that moment suggested itself to me gave me a confidence i had not before felt. "now, all steady," i cried. "you, silas slag, will fire first, jack lion next, i will take the third and fourth shots with my double-barrel. peter, you follow me, sam noakes next, and, paul, don't fire till your father has shot his man." the indians had got within fifty yards of us, imagining that they would make us on easy prey. i gave the word. silas looked calmly along his rifle. he fired, and as the smoke cleared away, an indian was seen to fall from his horse. jack lion's trigger was pulled an instant afterwards, with the same success. i felt terribly cool; not at all as if i was about to take the life of one or more human beings. i have been far more flurried when a pheasant has got up close under my nose. two of our enemies had fallen. i fired both my barrels, and two more mustangs were galloping away without riders. still the indians came on. peter showed that my instructions had not been thrown away on him. he fired with steadiness, and though the indian at whom he aimed still sat his horse, the lance he held fell from his hand. one of our party missed altogether, but the rest hit, if they did not kill, the indians they had picked out. silas, lion, and i had our pieces reloaded before our enemies were upon us. with terrific shrieks they came close up to us, when we each knocked over another of the yelping band. this was more than they expected, and having endeavoured in vain to leap their steeds over the barricade which protected us, they wheeled round and galloped off to a distance. our party shouted with satisfaction, but we soon perceived that our foes had not retreated. after hovering about for some time, and apparently consulting together, they again formed a dense body and advanced at full speed towards us. hoping that the same plan we had before adopted would succeed, we were waiting to fire, when the horsemen, separating, swept round to the right and left with the evident intention of taking us in the rear. though there was no barricade on that side, we had the waggon to protect us; but then our horses were exposed, and might either be killed or carried off. "we are in a fix, i guess," exclaimed silas slag; "but never say die, lads; i have been in a worse one than this, and am still alive." this address infused new courage into the rest of the men. the indians, finding that our small band was far more formidable than they expected, had become very wary, and kept hovering around on every side, just beyond reach of our rifles. bound and round they swept, making various feints, for the purpose of wearing out our courage, i suppose. this, however, gave us time to make further preparations for their reception. by cutting some holes in the awning of the waggon, and replacing a few chests and bags on one side of it, we turned it into a little fortress, likely to prove of service against enemies on horseback, armed only with spears and bows and arrows. our chief cause for fear was, that some of them might dismount, when they would be much more formidable at close quarters. they did not, however, seem inclined to attempt such a proceeding. now with loud shrieks they advanced, and then wheeling round, off they went as if in fall flight, but in another moment they were again advancing towards us with threatening gestures. i thought they would turn, but no; on they came from each quarter of the compass, shouting, shrieking, and flourishing their spears. the next instant a flight of arrows came flying among us, compelling us to sink down under our barricade to avoid them. this was no easy matter. one grazed my shoulder, and another went through peter's hat, and for a moment i thought he was wounded. "fire, lads!" i shouted, "steady as before." i, with two of the men, sprang into the waggon to receive our enemies, and as they approached, we fired in quick succession; but, very naturally, our aim was not so steady as before, and still on they came, shrieking terrifically. as the indians got within thirty paces of us, without stopping the speed of their mustangs, they for an instant dropped their lances, and grasping their bows, let fly another shower of arrows. then on they came more rapidly than before. i did not look round to see who was struck. i felt a sharp pang in my side where an arrow was quivering. i trusted that it was not poisoned; it had come through the tilt of the waggon. i had no time to draw it out, for the point of a red warrior's spear was close to me. i had fired one barrel, but i had the second loaded. i pulled the trigger. the indian sprang forward, the spear passed on one side, and he fell dead at my feet, while his horse, turning aside, galloped off. our men had all fired, and three indians lay dead in front of us. but though the front rank had wheeled round, the rest were coming on with furious gestures of vengeance. our little band was also sadly diminished. for an instant, not hearing silas slag's voice, i turned my head. he lay writhing on the ground, with an arrow through his breast, which he was in vain attempting to drag out, while another man, though he still stood at his post, seemed badly wounded with a spear-thrust in his neck. the pain in my side was increasing so much, that i every instant expected to drop fainting to the ground. i got out of the waggon, for in a hand-to-hand encounter i could fight longest in an open space. i knew that it would be destruction to yield, so i instantly began reloading my rifle, while i shouted to my companions to struggle to the last. they were doing their best to keep the indians at bay while i reloaded. again i fired; my aim was unsteady; and i killed the horse instead of the rider. the animal fell directly in front of me, and served as a barricade, but the indian, disengaging himself, drew his scalping-knife from his girdle and sprang towards me. weak, and suffering intense pain, i could do little to help myself, and thought that my last moments had come when, just as the redskin was about to plunge his weapon in my breast, ready, who had been watching by my side, with a fierce growl flew at his throat, and compelled him to turn the intended blow on one side, and the next moment the butt of peter's musket came crashing down on his head and stunned him. the rest of the party, still able to stand up, were engaged in single combat with the more daring of our adversaries, while other indians were flocking round, either thrusting at us with their spears, or with arrows in the string, standing ready to shoot as opportunity might offer. now, indeed, i had lost all hope of escaping. more indians were galloping up, when, through a gap in their ranks, as i stood with one foot on the dead horse, i caught sight in the distance of another body of horsemen moving at full speed across the prairie. had i till now entertained even the slightest hopes of resisting our foes, this circumstance made me feel that such hopes were vain; still "the never-say-die principle" made me resolve to fight to the last, and my companions, i saw, were resolved to do the same. we were, indeed, in a desperate plight. one man was killed outright, silas appeared to be mortally wounded, and i expected every instant to drop. i heard the indians shouting to each other--i thought probably to make short work of us. suddenly they wheeled round and galloped off, as i concluded, to wait till they were joined by the fresh band we saw approaching, when they would again come on and crush us at once. again i loaded and fired, but it was a last effort; overcome with pain and loss of blood, i fell fainting behind the dead horse, which had served as a barricade. in vain i tried to rise. i heard the men about me shouting and firing; then there was a loud tramping of horses; the shouts grew louder. in another instant i expected to feel my scalp whipped off my head. in that moment i lived an age. i should have been glad to have lost all consciousness. had i been able to fight bravely, even against odds so fearful, i should have been content; but to lie helpless at the mercy of savages was terrible. i had heard of the tortures they were wont to inflict on their captives, and i expected to have to endure some such ordeal to try my courage. on came the horsemen. voices struck my ear, but they were familiar sounds. the words were mostly english. i opened my eyes. they fell not on redskin savages, but on a party of white men, well aimed with rifles and pistols, and broadswords or cutlasses. "on after the varmint!" shouted one, who seemed to be the leader. "some of you lads stay by these people. doctor, there's work for you, i guess." while most of the horsemen, to the number of fifty at least, galloped after the flying indians, some few dismounted and came within our camp. "why, lads, you seem to be in a bad way," observed one of them. "i guess if you hadn't come, we shouldn't have had a scalp on the top of our heads," was the answer. "there's the captain dead, and silas slag, the next best man, no better off; for, if he isn't dead, he'll be before many minutes are over." "we'll see," said a stranger, whom i guessed to be a surgeon, approaching the spot where poor silas lay groaning with agony. "take your hands off the arrow, boy. you'll not get it out that way. many a man has lived with a worse wound than that through him. here, some of you, lend a hand." i just lifted myself on my side, and saw the young surgeon engaged with his instrument in cutting out the arrow from silas's body. the poor fellow groaned, but did his utmost to refrain from giving fall expression to the agony he was undergoing. "it will be my turn next," i thought to myself. "i must nerve myself for the suffering i must endure." i waited till the wounds of all the men had been attended to. "there's the dead captain on the other side," said one. i had been dubbed captain by my companions. the surgeon came up to me. "i'm not quite dead yet," i murmured. "just pull this ugly stick out of me, and i hope to do well." "no fear of that, captain," said the stranger. "here, lads, some of you hold him down. it's an unpleasant operation, but it's necessary." the surgeon was skilful, but i own that my nerves got such a twinge that i would rather not dwell on the subject. our new friends now set to work to get us into marching order. one of our party had been killed, and another wounded, besides silas slag, who was in a very precarious condition, and i was very considerably hurt. the indians had carried off four of our horses, but as six of their number lay dead on the field, and others were badly wounded, they had paid dearly for their success. fortunately none of the waggon horses were missing. they were harnessed, and we began to move. silas slag and another man who had been hurt were placed in the waggon with me. some spirits was poured down my throat, and after a time i recovered sufficiently to ask questions. i found that the horsemen who had arrived so opportunely to our rescue were in search of the very band of comanches that had attacked us. those predatory redskins had attacked a party of texians travelling across the prairie, and were said to have killed all the men, and to have carried off a white girl as prisoner. she was the daughter of one of the murdered men, an old officer of the united states army, and, i was told, was possessed of great personal attractions. on hearing this, all the romance in my composition was instantly aroused. i regretted my wound more because it kept me a prisoner than on any other account, and longed to be in the saddle and in pursuit of the savages to aid in rescuing the poor girl. we were on our way back to the settlement to which she belonged, but of those who had come to our rescue, the doctor and the greater number were pushing forward after their companions. they had vowed vengeance on the marauders, and were likely to execute it in a terrible manner if they succeeded in overtaking them. it was dark before we reached the nearest shelter. it was a farm-house on the very verge of civilisation, surrounded with stockades to guard against a sudden attack of indians. the inhabitants, who were of german descent, though speaking english, received us with kind expressions, and had silas and me and the other wounded man carried into their largest sleeping-room, where beds were placed for us, into which we were put at once. the mistress of the house then came with ointments, and with the greatest tenderness dressed our wounds, and afterwards brought us some light and nourishing food, of which we stood in great need. "i can feel for you, stranger," she remarked to me, as she sat watching like a mother by my bedside. "i had a son wounded by the redskins many years ago. he came home, poor boy, to die. the young girl, too, carried off by the savages, is a relation. i tremble to think what her fate may be. all the men of our family, even my husband, old as he is, and my sons and grandsons, are gone in pursuit of the enemy. altogether there are twenty of them from this farm alone. ah me! i shall rejoice when they come book. it is anxious work waiting for them. i have lost in my time so many kindred and acquaintance through the treachery of these redskins, that i always dread what may happen." i did my best to comfort the kind old lady, and told her that as our small party had been able to keep them so long at bay, there could be little doubt that a well-armed band, such as her friends formed, would have little difficulty in conquering them. the night, however, passed away, and nothing was heard of the party. neither the following day were any tidings received. the anxiety of the poor women, of whom there were a considerable number in and about the farm, became very great. people from various other locations also came crowding in, chiefly women, whose husbands and sons had gone on the expedition, to make inquiries. some, indeed, began to express their fears that the party had fallen into an ambush and been cut off. such things had occurred before. i was already better, and only wanted strength. i offered, if men could be found, to head a party to go out in search of the missing band. "they will be here by nightfall," said the old lady, trying to comfort herself. i felt, from the remarks i had heard made, considerable doubt about this, and could not help fearing that some catastrophe had occurred. two whole days passed away, and still there was no tidings of the missing ones. chapter seven. our deliverers pursue the comanches, but fail to return--i am convalescent and head a party in search--there is a lady in the case-- stores for camp--tony flack's tale of the "injuns." day after day passed away, and no tidings of the expedition. under the care of my kind hostess i quickly recovered from the effects of my wound, from which i suffered wonderfully little, and i began to hope that in another day or two i might be fit to mount a horse, and set off to the assistance of the settlers. while i lay on my bed i had plenty of time for thinking. among other things, i began to regret that i had been turned aside from my original purpose of ascending the mississippi. i never like to be thwarted in anything i undertake, and on this occasion i felt that i had allowed fear to influence me. i thought this so unworthy of me that, "so soon as i have brought my present adventure to a conclusion," i said to myself, "i will go back and steam up the mighty river; and any slave-owner or slave-dealer who dares to stop me shall pay dear for his temerity." i told peter and ready of my determination. the latter wagged his tail and seemed highly pleased, though i suspect he thought i was speaking of going home. the former said that he was willing to go wherever i wished, and, if needs be, would fight by my side as long as he could stand up. "i know you would, peter," said i. "indeed we shall probably have something to try your courage before then." i was right in this conjecture. the party which had gone in pursuit of the comanches did not return, and their friends becoming anxious about them, began to assemble from all directions on horseback, and well-armed. by this time i was able to leave my room, and when they heard that an englishman was ready to take the command of the party, they all expressed a wish to have me at their head, and to set out immediately. weak as i was i determined to go. my kind hostess showered blessings on my head when i told her so. i could only reply that i should better merit them if i returned successful. we were to set off the next morning. another night's rest would increase my strength, or might perhaps see the return of the former expedition. i went to see. silas slag before starting. "well, you britishers can sometimes put the best leg foremost, i see," he observed as he took my hand, and pressed it with a warmth i did not expect. "you ain't far behind us free and independent americans, i guess. i wish i could go with you; and so i would, if it wasn't for the big hole which that comanche made between my ribs. i'd like to go for your sake, and to help to find the young gal those varmint have carried off." i thanked silas heartily for his friendly feelings, and assured him that i shouldn't wish to have a better man by my side. in truth, i have seldom found americans wanting in bravery or generosity. daybreak found me in the saddle, surrounded by fifty well-armed men; young and old, white, brown, and black; with peter mounted on a raw-boned steed at my side, and ready--looking as if he well knew what was in the wind--at my heels. my army was somewhat variously armed: some had muskets, others rifles, others blunderbusses, and others only spears and pistols; while the swords were of all shapes, from spanish toledos, to english cutlasses and broadswords. the costumes of my followers were of the same diversified character, as were the accoutrements of the horses and the steeds themselves, but as the men mostly looked ready for work i was satisfied. we had secured a half-caste indian for a guide, whose parents had been killed and scalped by the comanches; so he was anxious that we should fall in with them. i must own that i chiefly thought about the young woman who had been carried off, and i hoped that no disaster might have happened to the brave men who had preserved my life and that of my companions at the moment we were almost overpowered. each of us carried his provisions and cooking utensils at his saddle-bow, as well as a cloak or blanket in which to sleep at night. every man had his axe in his belt, and a long knife for cutting grass, so that we were provided for a campaign even should it take a month or more. we pushed on as fast as we could move, making, through the open prairie, full thirty miles each day. we thus travelled a hundred miles; but still there was no sign of our friends or the comanches. our guides assured us that the former must be ahead, but, as to the indians, it was impossible to say where they were. any moment they might appear on our flanks or rear, and, unless we were well prepared, overwhelm us by their numbers. we, of course, kept a careful watch at night, and sent out scouts as we advanced. we were soon completely in the desert, and might at any moment be attacked by our enemies. had our animals been capable of pushing on without stopping, i believe that we should have done so, from the intense eagerness all felt to ascertain what had become of their friends; but my companions were too practical to attempt this. they well knew that "the more haste the less speed." we therefore camped regularly, and only travelled at stated hours, as if we were in no way in a hurry. this somewhat slow progress was very trying to my temper, although, had we attempted to go faster, we should have knocked up our steeds, and been unable to progress at all. the time, however, spent while camping, was not occupied unpleasantly. most of the party had led wild, roving lives, had followed various vocations, and gone through strange adventures, which they were not prevented by bashfulness from recounting. they were not in a mood to sing, but one after the other narrated the most wonderful events, in which, as a rule, they were the chief actors,--grizzly bears, panthers, buffaloes, and rattlesnakes being part of the _dramatis persona_. we had several articles of food which were new to me, all as little bulky as possible, and qualified to keep a long time. we had some dried meat, procured from the mexicans. they prepare it by cutting the meat while fresh into long strips, when it is hung on a line to dry in the sun and wind until it becomes thoroughly hardened. sometimes it is smoked and dried, with a slow fire underneath, as are dry fish in england. it will, when prepared in either of these ways, keep for a long time. we had another article of food called _penole_, which is made by parching indian corn, then grinding it, and mixing it with cinnamon and sugar. a third, called _atole_, is also worthy of mention. it is a kind of meat which, when prepared in a peculiar way, appears and tastes very like what the americans call mush. mush, again, is simply maize, or indian corn, boiled in water. penole is especially valuable for travellers, as it requires no fire to cook it, being prepared in a minute by simply mixing it with cold water. in proportion to its weight it occupies very little space, but when prepared for use, swells to twice its former bulk. a very small quantity at a time is therefore sufficient to satisfy hunger. we had, besides, coffee and brown sugar as our chief beverage. i mention these things to show that some forethought had been exercised before starting. as i said, we were attired in a variety of costumes, but the most common dress was a check or "hickory" shirt, buck-skin pants, a fringed hunting-shirt of the same material, gaily lined with red flannel, and ornamented with brass buttons. a coarse broad-brimmed straw hat covered the head, while the feet and legs were cased in strong cow-hide boots, reaching to the knee. each man carried at his saddle-bow a porous leathern water-bottle. when hung up in the sun just enough of the liquid exuded deliciously to cool the rest, and in that climate this was a great luxury. our progress was in part directed by the places at which water could be procured. before nightfall we prepared to camp. we first turned our horses out to feed, but as soon as it grew dark they were brought in and picketed in the centre, while we, with our saddles as pillows, lay down in the form of a square outside them, eight or ten men on each side, while the rest watched as scouts in advance. thus several nights passed away. our chief apprehension arose from the possibility that the comanches, discovering our camp, might make an attack during the night on it with overwhelming numbers, and ride over us before we were prepared to receive them. an old hunter who accompanied us gave me a vivid description of such a scene, when he was one of the few of his party who had escaped. he went by the name of tony flack. he was a gaunt, parchment-skinned, wizened individual, with a most lachrymose expression of countenance, which, however, did not exhibit his real character, for he was rather a merry fellow at bottom, but his jollity took some time in appearing. as a yankee remarked, "i guess he takes a long time to pump it up." he, in fact, did not begin to laugh till the subject of the conversation had been changed. "i guess that was an awful time," he began. "we'd just got into the big sandy desert, not far off from here; there was fifty of us at least, and we were all a-lying down, having no more fear of injuns than of so many heffers, when there was a whirl and a rush just as if the falls of niagara and st. anthony was running a race. "`it's a stampede!' shouted one. i looked up. there i saw in the moonlight a thousand warriors, their white shields and spears glistening in the moonbeams, as they galloped right down upon us. some of our men sprang to their feet, and attempted to defend themselves; but the savages darted on and cut them down, and ran them through in a moment. i was so much astonished that i rolled over with my saddle above my head, and this, i guess, saved my scalp, for most of my companions lost theirs. i thought the mass of warriors would never have done passing. not one of their horses touched my body, but the loud trampling continued, and the shrieks and cries of my companions rang in my ears as the spears of our assailants went through them, or they were trampled on by their mustangs. at last the noise of the tramping ceased, though i could hear the shouts of the indians in the distance as they drove off our horses. i knew their ways, and that some of them would certainly return before long to take our scalps. i lifted my head up from under my saddle, and seeing no one moving, i crept away towards some rocks which i had observed before night closed in at a little distance from the camp. i was afraid of speaking, lest any indians might have remained near--indeed, i thought that all my companions were killed. on i crept, scarcely daring to lift my head above the ground, lest i should be seen. i endeavoured also not to move a stone, or a bush, for fear of being heard. more than once i stopped to listen, fancying that some one was approaching. i did, however, reach the rock, and scarcely had i got behind it, than i again heard the trampling of horses, and then once more arose the fearful shrieks of some of my companions who had remained alive, and whom the savages had now returned to scalp. i wasn't much given to fainting, even in those days, but i nearly lost my senses as i heard the dreadful cries of my friends, and thought how narrowly i had escaped from the same fate, and that even now it might overtake me. i dared scarcely to breathe till i heard the indians once more retreating. at daylight i crept out cautiously from my shelter; no one was moving. i advanced towards our camp. i have seen many dreadful sights, but never one more horrid than i then gazed upon. there lay the bodies of my companions; the heads of all of them had been robbed of their hair scalps, while the ground was stained with blood from their wounds. most of the arms and property had been carried off, but there was food enough and to spare. i loaded myself with as much as i could carry, and, to my great satisfaction, i found a rifle with ammunition, which had been dropped. i must now, i concluded, find my way back to the states as best i could. i had begun my march eastward, when i heard a foot-fall. i started, expecting to see a scalping-knife whirling over my head. my heart leaped with joy when i saw one of my friends. he, like me, had escaped and hid himself before the return of the indians. we trudged on together across the desert, often thinking that we should never get back to our friends; but we succeeded at last. for some months i fancied that i should never again set my face to go westward, but in time i got tired of a quiet life, and have lived out in these parts pretty well ever since." just as the speaker ceased a cloud of dust was seen in the distance, and out of it emerged our scouts galloping at headlong speed. the perils and adventures of harry skipwith--by w.h.g. kingston chapter eight. our friends besieged--we surprise the comanches--our victory, and our friends relieved--what they had suffered--the young girl restored to her home. "forward!" was the word, and our whole troop galloped on, eager for the information the scouts could give us. we pulled up as they drew near. at first all we could make out were the words, "the comanches are there; on, on! our friends are well-nigh done for." i ordered a halt, that we might hear more exactly the information they had obtained, and have time to form a plan, of operation with calmness and judgment. they had found themselves, from indubitable signs, in the presence of a numerous band of indians. soon the sound of firing reached their ears. two of them, leaving their horses with the rest, crept forward on foot, till they caught sight of a rocky mound partly covered with trees. the indians surrounded this mound, and on the top of it some sort of fortification had been thrown up, which they had no doubt was held by our missing friends. from the slow way, however, in which they were firing, it was very evident that their ammunition was almost exhausted, and that in a short time longer their fate would be sealed. the indians seemed aware of this, for, though completely besetting the hill, they kept close under shelter at a distance, only showing themselves when they had to advance to get a shot at the besieged. one thing was certain--there was not a moment to be lost; for, even while we were advancing, the savages might make one of their fierce onslaughts, and destroy our friends. still, the very greatest caution was necessary. the enemy far outnumbered us, and were brave and wary. it was advisable, if possible, to take them by surprise, an undertaking of no ordinary difficulty, as tony flack observed, in his peculiar way, when i proposed it: "cap'n, did you ever catch a weasel asleep? no, i guess; then you'll not catch these here red-skinned varmints, when they know an enemy's not far off." however, there was nothing like trying. i first ascertained from our guides and the scouts the line of country which afforded most shelter, and then directed them to lead us along it. though speed was important, concealment, till we could make a rush at the indians, was still more so; and i therefore ordered, as we got nearer, all the men to dismount, and to lead their horses, one following another, in single file, so that there would be less risk of our being perceived. i threw out scouts at the same time, that we might not ourselves be surprised. as we advanced, we listened anxiously for the sound of firing, to assure us that our friends were still holding out. not hearing any shots, i was considering whether we ought not to mount and dash on all risks, when one of my companions assured me that there was no hurry, that the indians were too wary to attack the fort till long after our friends had ceased firing, and that very likely they would attempt to starve them out. thus reassured, we cautiously continued our progress as before. our well-trained hones seemed to understand the necessity for silence, and, it appeared to me, trod as cautiously as any of the party. at last, emerging from a valley, the report of a musket-shot reached our ears; another and another followed; they sounded louder and louder; we knew that at all events our friends were still holding out, and, what was of infinite consequence, that the indians would be so engaged in front, that they would probably not discover our approach in their rear. but a thin belt of wood intervened between us and the enemy. i called a halt. every man looked to the priming of his rifle and pistols, and felt that his sword drew easily from the scabbard. at a word they sprang into their saddles. still i was unwilling to order a charge till we had got so close that we could not fail to be discovered. ready, indeed, very nearly betrayed us, by barking at an indian dog which strayed up to us, and i had to call him off, to prevent a combat, but not without difficulty, as he seemed highly delighted at having found an antagonist worthy of his prowess. we now pushed steadily on; not a shot was fired from the fort. we guessed, and rightly, that our friends' powder was expended. the indians redoubled their fire, and with terrific yells were pushing on in dense masses towards the fort. "they have calculated to a nicety the quantity of ammunition used, and they know that it is all expended," observed the person who rode next me. the indians were, apparently, not much better supplied with powder and shot. we could see our friends springing to the ramparts to receive the savages, who were rushing up the hill-side in overwhelming numbers, intent on taking the scalps of those who had so long resisted their attacks. in a few minutes more, there could be little doubt that none of our friends would have been left alive. we had reached the very edge of the wood, and as we were full in view of the savages, we should have been perceived by them, had they not been so intent on the attack as not to turn their heads towards us. our friends might have seen us, but they took us, we guessed, for a fresh body of their foes. the time was come agreeably to undeceive them. forming my party by signs in close ranks, i led them slowly on, so as to get still nearer, if possible, before we commenced our charge. the frightful yells of the savages prevented their usually quick ears from detecting the footfall of our horses. i looked round at my men. their knees were pressed tight to their saddles; their teeth were firm set; their heads, with their eyes wide open, were bent forward: their hands grasped their swords. already, in anticipation, the onslaught had commenced. there was no necessity for longer holding them in. i shook my reins, and waved my sword. we should be among the foe while our horses were fresh and vigorous. on we dashed. we could no longer restrain from giving way to a loud shout. the redskins heard it and turned their heads. our friends heard it too, and, recognising us, returned it with a will; but their voices sounded weak and faint. the indians who were climbing the hill sprang down to join their companions, who hurried together in a mass to oppose us; but they seemed to be a mob without a leader, and, unaccustomed to fight except on horseback, they were utterly unprepared to withstand a charge of horsemen. we galloped towards them on their front; our friends rushing down from the hill, attacked them furiously in flank. in another instant we were upon them. the front ranks stood bravely, and seizing our horses' reins, endeavoured to grapple with us; but we shook them off, and cut them down, and went on riding through and through them, till the greater number fled on every side. some fought to the last, trying to wound us and our horses; with most of these our friends on foot settled; we disposed of the rest, and then galloped on in pursuit of the flying multitude. i shouted to my men to keep together, for i caught sight of a group of horses, held by indians, in the distance; and i knew that if we could capture them, we should have little difficulty in overtaking the men on foot. unfortunately several of my party, unaccustomed to discipline, had scattered on either side in pursuit of the flying foe. some of the indians had turned to bay, and were fighting furiously with them, and more than one man was wounded or unhorsed by the savages. in the meantime, the indians who held the horses seeing us coming, mounted and galloped off at full speed, the whole stud following them at a rate which precluded all hopes of their being overtaken. our victory was complete, but an important object would be lost unless we could make prisoners of some chiefs or leading men, whom we might hold as hostages for the delivery of the people who had been first carried off. we were by this time at some distance from the hill, at the foot of which our friends were assembled. i shouted to all my followers, who were considerably scattered, to assemble round me, and directed them, having fixed on three or four of the fugitives, who by their costume we supposed might be chiefs, to ride after them and to take them prisoners. all were, however, by this time at a considerable distance. three of the indians we pursued managed to catch some of the horses galloping round, and leaping on their backs were soon out of sight. one tall chief alone, who seemed to be wounded, did not attempt to fly, but leaning on his spear calmly awaited our coming. i was in great hopes of taking him without resistance, but as we got close up to him he sprang forward in a defensive attitude, thrusting his spear at us, and evidently resolved to fight to the last. he had already wounded one of our men and two of our horses, when a spaniard, whom he was attacking, drew his pistol and fired at him. with a ferocious grin on his countenance he sprang into the air, and fell forward on his face, dead. we now rode back to join our friends, anxious to hear an account of their adventures. the field was strewed on every side with dead bodies of indians. we had killed nearly thirty, while two of our own men had fallen and four had been wounded. on reaching the hill we were warmly greeted by our friends, whose haggard looks told the sufferings they had endured, even before they had time to describe them. they had, it appeared, day after day, perseveringly pursued the enemy, whose traces they were on, but with whom they could not manage to come up. at length they got within four or five miles of them, and began to entertain hopes of surprising their camp. preparations were made, and they were actually advancing to the attack when the scouts brought in word that the indians had disappeared. they were now well into the indian territory, and it was necessary to advance with the greatest caution. they were in the neighbourhood of the hill where we found them, when the scouts brought word that, at a short distance off, there was a large camp of indians containing a number of warriors, quite capable of overwhelming them. it might have been wiser to retreat, but instead of doing that they at once rode up to the top of the hill, and began throwing up fortifications from such materials as were at hand. while some were thus employed, others remained in the plain to cut forage for their horses. they themselves had but food sufficient, on reduced rations, for a week or ten days. their scouts meantime were watching the camp of the enemy, in case any opportunity might occur for rescuing the prisoners. they soon ascertained that their hopes on this score were vain, for preparations were seen to be making for the usual mode by which the indians torture and then execute their prisoners. two unfortunate men were thus destroyed the next day, and on the following two more were killed. it was proposed by some of the more daring of the party to attack the camp at this period, and i think that the attempt might have been successful, but the counsels of the timid prevailed. the consequence was that two of their scouts were caught and scalped, and they found themselves closely beset by the enemy. in this condition they had remained day after day, surrounded by such overwhelming numbers that they had no hopes of cutting their way out. the forage collected for the horses was soon consumed, and, one after the other, most of the animals died. they soon, too, had to kill more for the sake of supplying themselves with food. they had now no means of escaping, and they had made up their minds to fight to the last, and to sell their lives dearly unless relieved. several of their number had fallen, but fewer than might have been expected. attacked day and night, their provisions entirely expended, with the exception of a little putrid horse-flesh, our friends were on the point of rushing out against the enemy to perish in the fight, when we were seen charging down on the enemy. never did succour more opportunely reach a hard-pressed garrison. what was next to be done was now the question. a number of the indian horses were still scampering about, and fortunately the greater portion were captured. we were thus able to mount all the heavier men of the party, while the stronger horses were made to carry two men each. as the day was drawing to a close before all our arrangements were made, we resolved to camp on the hill, where we could defend ourselves, rather than risk a march at night, when we might be attacked to disadvantage. having lighted our fires, attended to our wounded, cooked our provisions, and made ourselves as comfortable as circumstances would allow, we sent our scouts as usual to give notice of the approach of an enemy. though the indians had been signally defeated, they still mustered we knew in the neighbourhood in numbers so overwhelming, that we could scarcely expect they would not make another attack on us. i felt the responsibilities of my office, and could not rest, in spite of the fatigue i had gone through, more than a few minutes at a time. i rose several times during the night, and, accompanied by ready, climbed to the top of a rock on the brow of a hill, whence i could look out on the wide extent of open country, which, with the exception of small spaces covered by woods, stretched around. not a sound, however, was to be heard: there was not a sign, that i could discover, of a foe near us. i regretted that our expedition had not proved more successful. we had relieved our friends and gained a victory, but another important object was not attained. we had not recovered any prisoners, and the poor young girl, in whose fate i had become interested, was still a captive in the hands of the savages. again i awoke and went to the rock. a few streaks of light were appearing in the east, and grey dawn was stealing over the landscape. it was time to arouse the camp, and to commence our journey, unless our scouts brought in such information as might lead us to hope that we might recover any survivors among the prisoners, either by force or negotiation. i was about to utter the usual shout to awaken the sleepers, when my eye was attracted by an object moving in the distance over the plain. what it was i could not tell, till it resolved itself into a horseman galloping at full speed towards us. presently, as the light increased, i observed some other objects still further off, moving at like speed, and which i took to be other horsemen, very probably pursuing the first. the first was seeking us--of that there could be little doubt. not a moment was to be lost; i shouted loudly to my companions, ordering them to mount their steeds, and follow me. peter had run for my horse, which was picketed near. i dashed down the hill; about a dozen men followed me closely. i galloped on. the long locks of the seeming horseman, streaming in the wind, told me that a woman was approaching, while almost close behind her came eight or ten savages with their lances in rest, intent on her destruction. this made me the more eager to place myself between the lady and her pursuers. my men came on in good order, while others were hastening down the hill to their support. the stranger was fair and young. we opened our ranks to let her pass, pointing to our friends behind, and then spurred on against the indians. seeing that their prey had escaped them, they turned and galloped off. we sent some shots after them, and two fell dead from their saddles. the rest we pursued for some distance; but, unwilling to tire our horses, and aware of the danger of getting far from our main body, we allowed them to escape, and returned towards the hill. we found a group at the foot of it. they were surrounding the fugitive, who was no other than the young girl of whom we were in search. she had fainted when she found herself in safety among her friends. after a little time, however, she recovered, and was able to give an account of the fate of her companions. every one of them had been tortured and murdered. she had stolen out of the tent of the chiefs in which she had been confined, and, mounting the fleetest mustang of his stud, had made her escape. there was now no reason for our remaining in the neighbourhood. we reached the settlement without any further adventure, when i had the satisfaction of restoring the young girl to her friends, and receiving their thanks. chapter nine. i determine to return to new orleans--a drunken captain--sam snag, the mulatto mate--a hurricane and wreck--a night of horrors. i had seen enough of life in the outskirts of texas to satisfy me for the present, and as i had gone there, not from choice, but because it was the country i could most easily reach when it was necessary to run away from new orleans, i felt that i could beat a retreat without loss of self-respect. therefore, accompanied by peter and ready, i returned by the way i had come, without any adventure worthy of note, to galveston. i found a vessel, the _weathercock_, captain parsons, sailing immediately for new orleans, and, in an unfortunate moment, as it proved, took my passage in her. i supposed that after the lapse of so many months i should no longer be recognised in new orleans, and having purposed to push up the mississippi to its sources, i did not like to be baulked, and so determined to chance it. ready was evidently pleased at finding himself again on salt water, but poor peter was very uncomfortable. "i hope we shan't fall in with them black fellows as cut all our throats afore," he remarked, as he gazed on the fast-receding land. "i do wish, sir, you'd tramp it back overland to old england." peter's knowledge of geography was very limited, and i thought it scarcely worth while to explain to him that he proposed an impossibility. "it would be a long tramp, even if there were a bridge; but as there is no bridge just now, nor likely to be for some time, we must e'en go back as we came," said i. "but as we've a good many more places to see first, i cannot promise you a sight of the white cliffs of old england for some long time to come, peter. however, if you are afraid to go on, i will either find you employment in america, or put you on board the first homeward-bound ship we fall in with." peter looked up at me with a half-reproachful glance as he answered-- "no, no, sir. you wouldn't wish me to go and take service with any strangers in these foreign parts; and in the old country there's no home for me now--all those who made it home are gone. no, no, sir, you'd not wish me to leave you." "certainly not, my lad; but i thought that you might be afraid of going on," i remarked. "afraid when i am with you, sir!" he exclaimed, in a tone which showed how much his feelings were hurt at the supposition. "no, no, sir; i'll stick by you through thick and thin, now and ever, till you turn me away." i was sure that peter felt what he said, and setting as i do a high value on a faithful friend, however humble he may be, i assured him that he need be under no apprehension that i should part with him without his consent. this tranquillised him, and he seemed at once to become reconciled to his life on the heaving wave. i soon discovered that the _weathercock_ was far from deserving the character which her agents gave her of a fine clipper sea-boat, and that captain parsons was a different sort of person to what he had been described. he was not drunk when he came on board, but he very soon got so; and if he turned out sober in the morning, he took care very quickly to reduce himself to a condition of utter indifference to all sublunary affairs. as may be supposed, therefore, he did not make a very direct course for his destination. while the weather remained fine, this did not so much signify, as a day or two more at sea was of little consequence to me, and i knew that we could not well miss the yellow water at the mouth of the mississippi; but should it come on to blow--no impossible contingency--we should, i saw, be placed in a very unpleasant predicament. still there was no help for it; the skipper would not have put back had i asked him, but very likely, in a drunken fit, might have blown my brains out, or pitched peter overboard. the mate was likely to prove a more formidable opponent. he was a huge mulatto, with a villainous expression of countenance. from my first stepping on board, he seemed to have taken a dislike to me. it might have been because he saw that i was a man not likely to stand nonsense. he dared not show it to me, however; but whenever he had an opportunity, i saw that he gave peter a cuff and ready a kick, which, as may be supposed, secured the latter as an enemy, though poor peter was too kind-hearted to indulge in ill-feeling towards any human being. sam snag, the fellow was called, and he tyrannised over the crew, who dared not disobey his least command, and even the captain held him in awe, and disliked him; but they were necessary to each other. sam snag, though a good seaman, knew nothing of navigation, and therefore could not get the command of a vessel, and so he had to ship as mate, and preferred serving with a man like parsons, whom he could govern, rather than with one who would govern him. why the mate had allowed the captain to get as drunk as he was puzzled me. i could not help suspecting that he had some sinister object in view. three days had passed since we left galveston, and the only notable fact with regard to our navigation was, that, though we had lost sight of the land, we had made very little progress. there lay the vessel on the glassy shining sea, her sails flapping idly, but with now and then loud reports, against the masts. the captain was perfectly contented, and rather amiably-disposed towards me; for, as he sat in his little hot, stifling cabin--the atmosphere of which could not have been much under a hundred degrees--he sent his boy to ask me to come and liquor with him, and began to be very abusive when i declined the honour. "that sneaking, white-haired, milksop of a britisher--what business has he to refuse my civilities, i should like to know? it's his natural pride, i guess, but i'll pull it down a peg or two before i've done with him, i guess," i heard him muttering as i sat reading on deck near the skylight under the shade of the mainsail. he continued to drink and growl on, and as he got more and more drunk, he confused me with snag, and abused both of us. from the language he occasionally used, and one or two expressions he let fall, i suspected that the unhappy man had fallen from a higher position in society to that which he now occupied. now he quoted a line of latin or greek, and now he spoke in some oriental language, hindostanee or arabic, i fancied, and swore in it fiercely, and then gave way to fits of idiotic laughter. yes, i was certain that man had ranked as a gentleman, and now in appearance and manners he was the veriest brute under the sun. "that's what drink has done for him," i said to myself: "or crime, and then drink to drown conscience; or probably drink produced the crime, and then, instead of repentance, came the more drink, that he might try and forget the crime. i am not in a pleasant position with the companionship of a set of ruffians. however, i have been in many a scrape before, and have got out of them. i hope that i may get out of this as well as i have done out of others." as the day grew on, however, i became more anxious. the heat increased until it became almost unnatural and utterly insupportable, and the sky assumed a lurid, brazen hue, which struck me as indicative of an approaching hurricane, or a gale of some sort. i observed the seamen casting anxious glances every now and then at the horizon, but no move was made among them to do anything; the mate was below asleep, and the master was too drunk by this time to know whether the sky was copper-colour, black, or blue, or to care what might become of the ship and all on board. at last, having thought over all the descriptions i had read of hurricanes, i myself began to grow uneasy, and resolved to summon the mate, though i knew that i ran the risk of a quarrel in consequence. i put my head down the companion-hatch, and called out his name two or three times. the stifling air which came up from below made me unwilling to descend. the mate did not reply. he must be sleeping very soundly, i thought, or else he does not choose to answer. peter, finding he did not appear, without my leave sprang down below, saying, as he did so, "i'll rouse him up a bit, sir." "i say, mate--mister snag--wake up, will you? wake up, mister snag," i heard him sing out. there was no reply for a minute, and then came a cry of pain and terror, and poor peter reappeared faster than he had gone down, with an expression of alarm on his countenance, followed by the mate, who had a thick colt in his hand, with which he was accustomed to belabour any of the crew who offended him. "for what you make all dat row?" he exclaimed fiercely, turning to me with a threatening gesture. "to wake you up, and remind you of your duty," i answered, in as calm a tone as i could command. "look out there; what do you say to that sky?" the mate gave a hurried glance round the horizon. he did not answer me, but he shouted-- "aloft, all of ye! furl the topsails. let fly topgallants sheets. here, you--britisher, go to the helm, and do as i bid you. you, white boy, stand by those ropes." there was no time for further orders. the men flew aloft. they knew what ought to be done; but before they could do it the hurricane burst us. with desperate energy they attempted to gather in the furiously flapping canvas. as snag directed i turned round the spokes of the wheel, and as the ship's head was providentially pointing in the direction towards which the hurricane blew, away she flew before it, like a bird just escaping from the nets of the fowler. had this not been the case, she would probably have instantly been thrown on her beam-ends. i had to exert all my strength to turn the wheel. i kept my eye on snag, for not a word could i hear, as he rushed from rope to rope, hauling away with peter on some, and letting go others. the sails flapped and struggled with claps like thunder, as the blast caught them, till the vexed canvas tore itself out of the bolt-ropes. the masts bent and trembled, the yards strained and cracked. i looked up for a moment; i knew that the poor fellows aloft were in instant peril of their lives. they clung desperately to the yielding yards-- clung for their lives--for the rent sails lashed furiously round them, and they scarcely dared to loose their hold for an instant to move in towards the masts. most of them had lost their hats or caps, their hair was streaming out, their eyeballs starting from their heads. a wild shriek reached my ears, even through the terrific din of the tempest. i caught a glimpse of the outer man on the fore-topsail-yard as the leech of the sail, torn to ribbons, coiled itself like some huge serpent round him, and tore him from his hold. in vain he tried to regain his hold, in vain to extricate himself--no human power could avail him. helplessly he stretched out his arms; the fierce wind unloosened the coil of canvas, and, though grasping at a rope which eluded his hand, he was flung into the seething waters through which the brig was rushing onwards. for one instant i caught a sight of his countenance, as, still desperately struggling for life, he dropped astern, while the vessel flew by him. the mate saw what had happened, but took not the slightest notice. i thought peter would have jumped overboard in his eagerness to try and save the man. he threw a rope, but it was utterly useless. even had the poor wretch caught it, it would have been torn out of his hands. when peter was certain that the man was hopelessly lost, i saw him wring his hands in sorrow, and he was evidently giving utterance to his feelings in words, though what he said of course i could not hear. even the gale did not bring the wretched master to his senses, but i fancied that i could hear him singing, or rather howling away in his drunken madness, keeping up a wild concert with the creaking of the bulkheads, the rattling of the blocks, the whistling of the wind through the rigging, and the loud roar of the rising seas, as they dashed against the sides of the vessel. the mate, to do him justice, was the only man of the whole crew who remained calm and collected. how he might have behaved aloft i do not know; still i think he would have been the same. he soon saw that it was impossible for the men to furl the canvas--or, rather, that there was no canvas left for them to furl. he made a signal to them to come down off the yards. it was not given too soon. some obeyed, and slid down on deck, but before the last two on the main topsail-yard were off it, the main-top mast, which had already been bending ready to crack, gave way and went over the side, carrying the rigging, and the yard, and the two men on it, overboard. they were not shaken off, but still they clung with all the energy of despair to the spar. it was but for a moment. there were several loud cracks, some ropes gave way, the bolts which secured the shrouds to the side were drawn, and the whole mass of rigging, parting from the side, floated astern. in vain the men shrieked for help; in vain they held out their hands to us imploringly; no help could be given them, their fate might presently be ours. the next minute the fore-topmasts went over the side, and the fore-yard came down with a crash on deck, carrying away the bulwarks, and crushing a man who had just descended from aloft, and thought he was in safety. there he lay writhing under it, and unable to extricate himself. i would have hurried to his assistance, but i dared not leave the helm, and snag and the other men were so engaged in clearing the rest of the wreck, that they could make no attempt to lift up the yard so as to release him. it was dreadful to watch the poor fellow, as, with the movement of the ship, the heavy yard rolled on his broken limbs, inflicting the most excruciating torture. he shrieked out in his agony, entreating his companions either to release him or to put an end to his sufferings with a crowbar--so peter told me, for his voice was borne far away from me on the wings of the hurricane. peter, as soon as he saw what had occurred, in spite of the gestures of the mate ordering him to remain where he was, hurried forward. still his whole strength could not, of course, move the spar; but getting hold of a handspike, he was able to prevent it from rolling over the man as often as before. every moment the sea was rising, and as the vessel pitched more and more, the difficulty of keeping the yard off the man became greater. at last the wreck, by means of axes and knives was cleared, and the mate had no longer on excuse for neglecting the seaman who lay under the yard. with careless indifference he directed the other men how to lift the spar so as to drag out the sufferer. "he's of no further use," he exclaimed (so peter told me) when he saw the injury the man had received. "may as well heave him overboard at once. we can't mend broken legs here." "oh, no; no, don't now!" shrieked the poor wretch, who was probably not aware of the extent to which he was hurt. "i shall soon be well. i'll work; i'll work. oh spare me!--spare! i am not fit to die! i'll get well and work. will nobody save me? i can't die; i mustn't die!" "that's what many more say, but it's of no use," growled out the mate. peter told me that on hearing this he could not help saying: "well, if you throw that poor fellow overboard while he's got life in him, you may as well throw me and my master; for as sure as ever we get into port, we'll go and tell the magistrate of you." the mate, with a look of surprise, gave a scornful laugh, but allowed peter to draw the wounded man on one side, while he and the crew secured the spar, and passed life-lines forward where the bulwarks had been carried away. i witnessed all that was taking place from my post aft, and as the mate saw that i could steer the vessel properly, he did not think fit to relieve me. i shouted to him over and over again to send a hand to the helm, but he either did not, or would not, hear me. as to where i was steering i had little conception. all i knew was that i was keeping the ship's head away from the wind, for i had not thought of looking at the compass at first, and a block had fallen from aloft and broken in the binnacle. the mate, i knew, was as ignorant as i was, and should the master not recover his senses, i suspected that we should have some difficulty in finding our way to new orleans. there was a vast deal still to be done in getting the ship as much to rights as circumstances would allow, and, to do the mate justice, he worked himself, and made all under him work also. on the ship flew under the bare stumps of the masts--they, i expected, would go next, as there were no shrouds to support them. the tortured, foaming waters rose higher and higher as the hurricane increased in strength and had longer time to affect them; and the higher the seas rose, the more the ship laboured, and the more difficult it was to steer, till my arms ached with the exertion, and i felt that if not relieved i must leave my post. i shouted--i beckoned--to snag, but though i was certain he saw me, he took no notice of my signs. at last peter found his way to me, not without difficulty, and i sent him forward to summon one of the crew. the mate guessed his errand, and received him with a kick, and an order to tell me to remain where i was and make myself useful. life is sweet, and we cling to it as long as we can; or otherwise, under the belief that the ship was hurrying to destruction, i should have thrown myself on deck, and let her broach to, which would probably at once have brought about the catastrophe. i was directing peter to go back and help the poor wounded man, to drag him aft, if possible, and to get him down below, when there was a cry from forward. a huge sea came rolling up alongside, and (whether or not from my bad steering, i do not know) it broke on board, and, sweeping across the fore part of the deck, carried in its grasp all it reached. two of the crew could be seen for an instant battling with the foaming seas, as if there was a possibility of their regaining the ship. when once more the deck was free of water, the poor wounded man had disappeared. "he was surely taken in mercy, for his sufferings would otherwise have been fearful," i said to myself. i was now glad to get peter's assistance, which he willingly gave; while honest ready lay at my feet, looking up every now and then into my face, and saying in his own peculiar language, "master, i wish that i could help you; but i couldn't, i know--not if i was to try ever so much." but ready could be of use, even on board ship. another huge sea came up, and this time, striking the quarters, it deluged the whole after-part of the vessel. i clung to the wheel, but peter, less prepared, lost his hold of the wheel, and was carried away. ready, instantly comprehending his danger, dashed after him, and seizing on the leg of his trousers as he lay thrown on his back, with the certainty of either being washed overboard or drowned in the lee-scuppers, dragged him up out of the water, and held him tight, till at length the mate, if not for my sake, for that of the ship, came aft to the wheel, and i was able to go to the rescue of my faithful follower. snag, though unconcerned for the loss of our companions, could not conceal from himself the danger we were in, and the probability that before long their fate would overtake him. he was as fierce and sulky-looking as before; but he said nothing, and i made no mark calculated to provoke his anger. the crew had done all that was possible for the safety of the ship, and the remnant now gathered under the after-bulwarks, awaiting what was next to happen. the hatches had been put on, or they might possibly have gone below and turned into their berths--there to await their fate, as i have known seamen do. night was coming on; but even that could scarcely add to the horrors of our position, except that perhaps darkness might render steering more difficult. as the mate stood alone at the helm in the gloom of evening, his hair, which was long, streaming in the wind, his neck bare, his dark countenance expressive of fierce and bad passions, his tall figure, the upper part of which was scarcely hid by the shirt-- the only garment he wore besides his loose trousers--i thought that i had never seen a more perfect impersonification of some evil spirit. i scarcely, even now, like to recall the horrors of that night: the last sight on which my eyes rested was that demon-looking man steering the shattered vessel--amid the howling of the winds, the roaring of the seas--as it appeared, to inevitable destruction. peter, ready, and i crouched together under the bulwarks, holding on by lines secured to ring-bolts in the deck, and drenched by the seas which were constantly breaking over us. the darkness increased till it was impossible to see across the deck; nor could i even distinguish those nearest to me. the roaring waters continued sounding in my ears: frequently i felt myself under them as they broke over the ship; again i felt as if i could not possibly hold on longer, but with desperation i clutched the rope as the seas washed by, and had to be thankful that i had for the moment escaped the death which threatened me. peter's shout, close to my ear, of "all right, sir," assured me that he and ready had also escaped; for both were hanging on to the same rope, the latter holding it by his teeth with might and main, evidently as sensible as we were of the perilous position in which we were placed. hour after hour passed by, and no change occurred in the dreary monotony of that night of horror. i think that i must have dropped asleep for an instant, strange as that may seem; for a feeling of indifference as to what might happen had stolen over me, and unconsciousness of the present, when i was startled by the cry of "she's sprung a leak!--she's sinking! we are lost--we are lost!" the voice of the mate was heard, even above the hurricane. "lost! who says we're lost?" he shouted. "we shall not be lost if you'll work like men. all hands to the pumps!" the dismasted vessel flew on as rapidly as before through the foaming, tossing seas. the crew laboured at the pumps, the mate swearing furiously at them, when, as at times, they stopped to rest. then again they pumped away till one of them cried out, in a tone of obstinate despair: "the leak is gaining on us; we can pump no more." again the mate swore, and threatened them with death if they did not persist. suddenly, while the mate and the crew together were shouting and swearing at each other, there came a fearful crash; the ship trembled in every timber; another and another crash followed; the roaring sea washed over the vessel; now she lifted, and then down she came with yet more fearful force than before, and every plank and timber seemed rent asunder. chapter ten. i cling to a part of the wreck, and am tossed in the sea--peter and ready are also saved--i improvise a raft, and get peter and ready aboard--we reach an uninhabited island--sam snag and another also reach land--friends or foes?--water! water!--we land a cask and find it claret--ready discovers a spring--the mate wants meat, and means to eat us. my impulse--and i followed it--was to cling fast to the ring-bolt to which i was holding on when the ship struck. i heard a few piercing shrieks, some faint cries followed, and then all was silent. i felt that the vessel was breaking up, and plank after plank was torn away, till i judged that but a small portion of the wreck remained for me to hold to. i urged poor peter to hold on tight to the last, and scarcely had i uttered the words than the remainder of the vessel was rent asunder, and i found myself floating alone on the plank through which the ring-bolt was run. i shouted to peter--there was no answer; i called ready, but, for the first time since his puppyhood, he did not reply. i felt very forlorn as i was tossed up and down in the darkness amid that raging sea, with a sensation of down-heartedness which i had never before experienced. the planks forming the part of the deck to which i clung seemed to hold well together, so that i was under no expectation of immediate destruction, and that fact gave me time to think more of the loss of my two faithful companions. i was convinced that daylight must soon come, and i hoped then to be able to ascertain how near to land i was. i supposed that the vessel had struck on a coral reef, and that it formed a barrier or outside reef to some island, or islet, such as is common in those seas. i was confirmed in this belief from finding the sea so much calmer than it had been, judging by the comparatively easy movements of my raft. i wished and wished for day, and though the wishing did not bring it, it came at last--a grey, cold dawn at first; but as the sun rose, the wind fell, the black vapours cleared away, the blue sky appeared, and now--the raft floating so calmly that i was able to stand up on it--i saw, rising at no great distance above, a yellow sandy beach, a grove of cocoa-nut palms, bananas, and other trees of the tropics. on the opposite side, a line of breakers, showing the position of the reef, outside which the sea still tossed and tumbled from the effects of the hurricane. portions of the wreck, too, were floating about in the smooth water, and as i looked i saw that something was moving on one of them. i waved and shouted to draw attention to myself. a figure rose up and waved in return, and a faint bark reached my ear. even at that distance my faithful ready recognised me. i was indeed thankful that peter and he had been thus far saved, though, as we were still some distance from the shore, we might both be starved before we could reach it. i could have swam to it with perfect ease, but i knew too much of the black fins of those seas to risk myself in the water, especially as i suspected that the monsters must have had their thirst for blood freshened by the meal they must have had off some of my late shipmates. i longed to be able to communicate with poor peter, but it seemed impossible that i could reach him. as the sun rose the hurricane completely ceased, and the water inside the reef became so perfectly smooth, that i could not only stand upright but could walk about. as i was doing so i saw, not far off, a boat's oar, and a little beyond it what i took to be a mast, with other spars, and a sail and cordage hanging to it. i was contemplating swimming towards the oar, at all events, when, as i was about to plunge in, the fin of a shark slowly gliding by, warned me of my danger. i looked at the oar with a longing eye, and tried if i could by running on the piece of wreck urge it forward. while thus employed without any effect, i felt the breeze, which had completely fallen, fan my cheek, and as it increased i saw that my body was acting as a sail, and the raft was approaching the oar, though very slowly. at length i was able to seize it, and giving it a flourish above my head in my satisfaction, i began to paddle towards the broken mast with the spars and sail. as the breeze increased, my fear was that i should be driven past it on one side, and i had to paddle with all my might to steer for it. i shouted with satisfaction when i got up to it, and had hauled it upon the raft. by forcing out a bull's-eye in the deck i found a stop for the mast, and by carrying shrouds to the ring-bolts and to the splintered ends of the planks, i was able to secure it. i next hoisted my sail, and, infinitely to my satisfaction, found that i could direct my course for the part of the wreck to which peter and ready were clinging. they saw me coming. peter waved his hands, and shouted and cried, and ready jumped and barked, and nearly tumbled overboard in his agitation. i saw a shark waiting to catch him had he done so, and i entreated peter to hold him down in case of an accident. they both, as i got up, sprang on to my raft at the same moment. peter could scarcely speak to express his joy at my preservation, and ready tried to lick me all over to show his love, though he could scarcely have understood how great was the danger we had run. the breeze which had carried me thus far, began to fail, and i feared that, after all, we should be unable to reach the shore. we were very hungry, and as we had nothing to eat or drink, we were anxious to reach land as soon as possible. peter suggested that we should make another paddle with one of the smaller spars i had picked up. to show that it was possible to do so he forced out some nails from the planks, and breaking off a piece of board, secured it to the spar. by this means we were able to paddle much faster than before, and, after considerable exertion, we reached the sandy beach with hearts thankful for our preservation. to show his satisfaction, ready scampered about on the sands, and then coming to lick my hands, lay down at my feet, with his tongue out, panting for water. my heart misgave me when i saw this. had there been water his instinct would have conducted him to it, i fancied. i was already suffering severely from thirst, and so, i saw, was peter, but he made no complaints. the cocoa-nuts, many of which strewed the ground, were yet too small to contain any milk, and we broke one after the other without finding one with any milk, although we allayed our thirst by chewing a little of the scarcely-formed fruit. a little refreshed, we set off in search of the much-desired water, but we had not gone many yards before the conviction forced itself on me that there was none to be procured. except the narrow belt of palm which i had at first seen, not another green thing was to be seen on the islet, the whole surface being little more than sand and coral rock. as we stood outside the belt observing the inhospitable aspect of the country, i saw two objects moving along the beach in the distance. they were men, and there could be no doubt that they were part of the crew of the unfortunate _weathercock_. i was thankful that some of the poor fellows had escaped, and we at once hurried on toward them. we had gone some distance when peter slackened his speed, and even ready hung back. "what is the matter?" i asked of the former. "don't you see that it's that ill-doing mate fellow?" he answered. "no good'll come if he's to be with us." "possibly the peril he has escaped may have improved his character," i remarked, as i advanced towards the individual named, for i saw that he was no other than sam snag, and that the man with him was one of the most ill-favoured of the crew--a fellow with a stolid, hang-dog, evil countenance, who looked capable of committing any atrocity without the slightest compunction. still, repulsive as were the two men, they were fellow-creatures, and i instinctively held out my hand to congratulate them on escaping from the terrific dangers we had gone through, when so many of our companions had perished. without either of them appearing to observe the motion they scowled fiercely at me, snag greeting me with the remark, "oh, so you've turned up, have you?" "yes, our lives have been spared as yet," i answered quietly, determined not to give any cause of offence. "but, friends, we are suffering greatly from want of water. can you tell us if any is to be found on the island?" "friends! eh--well, that's as the case may be," growled snag. "as to the water, there may or there may not be some; but as there isn't enough for all, it will be for those who have it and can keep it." the two ruffians held pieces of a spar in their hands, and assumed so menacing an attitude that i felt that it would be hopeless to obtain the water they had found by force, and equally hopeless to obtain it by persuasion. "very well, mr snag, what is your own you have a right to keep," i replied calmly. "but i thought that a common danger escaped, would have made us friends, and i certainly should not have treated you as you seem disposed to treat me." saying this i turned aside towards the belt of palm trees. i was very glad that he had no firearms in his hand, for from the look he gave me, i felt very sure that he would have shot me at that moment, and would then probably have made peter work for him as a slave, or have killed him also. i heard the ruffians giving way to shouts of hoarse laughter as i and peter and ready retired. such were the men who were to be my fellow islanders (i will not call them associates or companions), till we could make our escape from the islet. their presence would greatly increase my difficulties. it would have been bad enough had i and peter and ready been alone. all we could do was to keep away from them, and to try and find something with which to quench our thirst. after hunting about we found some young cocoa-nuts, blown down by the hurricane. the softest part of these afforded us sufficient moisture somewhat to allay our burning thirst. ready shared with us, and without this would i think have gone mad. we then felt very hungry, and hoping to find some shell-fish on the rocks we returned to the beach. we were not disappointed, and were soon able to collect as many as we could require. while thus engaged i saw an object floating some way off in the lagoon. i pointed it out to peter. he thought with me that it looked like a cask. we were seized with the hope that it might be filled with water, and therefore resolved forthwith to put off on our raft to try and obtain it. we had some difficulty in launching the raft, but at length getting it afloat we paddled out into the lagoon. i cannot describe the eagerness we felt as we neared what we hoped would prove a treasure incomparable. only those who have been suffering from thirst as we then were, or in an open boat in the tropics, or when traversing the sandy deserts, can fully comprehend our sensations. we reached the cask. as i was paddling peter ran to the fore part of the raft and seized it. "it's heavy, sir, it's heavy," he shouted. "i hope it's water by the weight." putting down my paddle i eagerly ran to help him. it was indeed heavy, but we at length got it safe up on the raft. though the cask had the appearance of a water-cask, i dared not broach it till we could get it back to the shore, as while engaged in doing it we might have drifted away from the land. parched as were our mouths and throats, we refrained, therefore, till we reached the beach. we had then to find a piece of wood to serve as a hammer, with which i knocked a nail out of our raft, and having sharpened the point, with this instrument managed to make a hole in the cask. it was frill of liquid, but not the pure fluid we wished for--it was wine. i cannot describe my disappointment. for an instant i refrained even from tasting it, till peter observed-- "well, sir, sure wine ain't so bad a thing after all, is it?" my month in a moment was at the hole. instead of the strong wine i expected, it was claret. i quickly quenched my thirst, and bid peter do the same. though we valued it far less than water i hoped that after all it might serve to prolong existence if used with moderation, and keep us in health even better than water. our next thought was to conceal it from the other men, for of course should they find it, they would take care that we should not benefit by it. i was very anxious, however, about ready--for though claret might keep us alive it would certainly not suit his taste. we were not long in digging a hole in the sand and rolling our cask into it, and we then set to work to collect shell-fish to satisfy our hunger. fortunately i had in my pocket a small article which i would advise every one travelling as i was to carry--a burning-glass--and with it we easily lighted a fire, so that we had not to eat our shell-fish raw. while we were employed as i have described, ready disappeared. he had been absent for some time, and i began to fear that he had fallen into the power of snag and the other man, who i felt sure would kill him if they could catch him. we were too hungry to wait, so we sat down to our mollusc meal. while engaged in picking a shell-fish out of the ashes i felt ready's nose poked under my arm. "you want to share our meal, and you shall, old fellow," i said, putting a full juicy mollusc into his mouth, which was, i felt, cool and moist, so that i had no doubt he had discovered some water, and taken care to avoid the villains who would not let us enjoy it. i suspected that they were either searching for food, or had fallen asleep, and that he had sagaciously taken the opportunity of approaching the spring. supposing the latter idea to be correct, i allowed peter to set off with ready to try and find it, while i kept up the fire, which when they awoke was likely to attract the two men towards me and thus draw them away from the spring. ready at once understood our wishes, and as soon as peter got up he ran on before him as if to show the way. i had on a panama straw hat, which having been secured by a lanyard had been preserved. from its thick texture, it held water completely, and so i gave it to peter to bring it back with as much as it could hold. i told him to cry out lustily should he be attacked that i might go to his assistance. i followed him a short distance till i could survey the greater part of the island through the grove of trees, but i could see nothing of the two men. having made up the fire i took my post behind a tree, that i might watch for the two men. as the rock which formed the island was very unequal, peter and ready were soon lost to sight. i waited anxiously for their return. however, as the men did not appear, i hoped that they might, as we had supposed, be fast asleep in some cave, or under the shade of some rock, and that they would not interfere with us for the present. from the spot where i stood i could command a wide extent of the ocean's surface, and i eagerly scanned it in the possibility that a sail might appear in the horizon, when i intended, should she approach the island, to signalise her, and endeavour to escape from it. my mind was greatly relieved when ready appeared with that jaunty, active air which a dog assumes when he is well satisfied, and he was followed closely by peter carrying my hat brimful of water. in an instant i had my head into it almost, and had drunk up a large portion before i asked any questions. peter had found a stream of pure water bubbling up from a deft in a rock, not thirty yards from the sea, into which it ran in a clear rivulet, in sufficient quantity to fill any number of ship's casks. the landing on the beach, as far as i could judge from the lad's description, was very good. as he had also observed the staves and hoops of some casks lying about, i had no doubt that it was a spot frequented by vessels in those seas to obtain a supply of water, when kept out by baffling winds. had it not therefore been for the presence of the mulatto mate and his associate, we should have had no great cause for anxiety, as we might hope in a short time to be rescued by some vessel visiting the spot. i must confess, however, that i dreaded what might occur before we could get away. a savage villain is the most difficult being in creation to deal with. a lion or a tiger may be seen approaching, and be destroyed, so may a bear, or even a mad dog, a snake may be avoided; but however strongly we may suspect that a fellow man is plotting against our life, we may not defend ourselves until some overt act is committed, or take his life, unless we would have the guilt of homicide or murder on our heads, till he attempts openly to take ours. such was the position in which i felt that i was placed with regard to snag and his companion. all we could do was to be on our guard, for i felt sure that if they fancied it was to their interest to kill us they would do so without the slightest scruple. we had, however, an advantage over them in having ready on our side, as we might sleep securely, depending on his awakening us on the approach of danger. then again i felt certain they would try to kill him first if they wished to destroy us. we had discovered some cocoa-nut shells, the produce of the last year, and though the fruit was dried up they were split in a way which enabled them to hold water. these we filled with the remainder of the contents of my hat, which afforded us a sufficient supply for some hours. we spent the remainder of the day in erecting a hut in which we could shelter ourselves during the night. we passed it, contrary to my expectations, undisturbed. the next day we several times saw our shipmates on the shore, but they did not come near us, and as before, peter, accompanied by ready, accomplished the journey to the spring without being seen by them. he told me that he was sure that from the marks he had before observed on the sand not being increased, that they had not been to the spring since his last visit. this, coupled with their quietness, made me suspect that they also had got hold of a cask of wine, and that as long as that lasted we might hope to escape any annoyance from them. several days thus passed, and each day i was more confirmed in my suspicious. at length, one day after we had seen them in the morning on the beach, peter proposed that he should try and discover what they were about. "i can creep, creep along, master skipwith, for all the world like a snail; do, mr skipwith, do let me go." with my permission he stole off, and ready seemed to understand that this time he was not wanted. the sun had nearly reached the horizon, so the men would probably have taken up their quarters for the night. as before, i sat down in a sheltered spot, where, should the men by chance be wandering about, they would not be likely to discover me. i waited for some time till i calculated that peter ought to have returned. then the stars came out in the dark sky, bright and clear like drops of liquid fire, but still my young follower did not make his appearance. however, ready remained perfectly quiet, and i was sure that had he fancied anything was wrong he would have shown signs of uneasiness. at length, despairing of seeing peter, though i hoped he might have gone round some other way, i returned to our hut. it was empty, and i began seriously to fear that the lad had fallen into the wretches' hands, and i regretted having let him make the expedition. i knew so little of the island that i could not venture to go in search of him, and all i could do, therefore, was to sit down and await his coming. i had fallen into an uneasy slumber when i was awoke by the sound of a voice in my ear, which i recognised as that of peter. "oh sir, isn't it just lucky i went, or we'd all have been murdered and eaten by this time to-morrow evening," he said, still trembling with fear. "i heard them from beginning to end, but i'd like to make a long story short. they said one to the other as how they'd had no food, and that starve they wouldn't, and that they'd have the dog to eat, and after him they'd have one of us; that would have been me, but that wouldn't have so much mattered, may be, but they said they'd kill you too--indeed they did--and eat you too--yes--eat you! oh, i felt my hair stand on end when i heard it, and was near crying out, but i didn't, and waiting till they were talking again to each other loudly, i crept away as i came." i should have been inclined to doubt the truth of peter's tale, but it was so circumstantial that i was compelled to believe that his fancy had not deceived him. i cross-questioned him, and found that he had heard the voices of the two men, and had crawled on hands and feet towards them, when he discovered them seated in a cave, which it was evident they had made their present abode. unfortunately he had not heard them speak of the hour they proposed to attack us. we were thus compelled to be constantly on the watch, and to be prepared for a struggle at any moment. i can answer for it from experience that it is excessively trying to the nerves to be sitting all night long in the dark, with the expectation of being attacked by a couple of villains with heavy clubs who intend to knock out one's brains. i fully believed that ready would prove faithful and watchful, but considering that my life and that of peter were at stake, i could not bring myself to trust altogether to his sagacity. sleep, of course, i could not, at least so i thought. the hours passed slowly by, the soft sighing of the wind in the trees over head, mingled with the low murmur of the ocean as it beat on the rocks, sounded in my ears, and then there came strange noises, and shrieks, and cries, and unearthly voices in the far distance, away out over the sea, and in spite of all my anxiety and intention of keeping awake till daylight, i was fast asleep. i must have slept soundly, and during more hours than i had supposed it wanted to daylight, when i was effectually aroused by a sharp bark from ready, and a loud cry from peter, and starting up i seized my staff and stood ready for action. chapter eleven. a skrimmage for life--a truce--a sail, a sail appears--marcus to the rescue--the pirate takes us off--sam snag's fearful end. the grey dawn had just broken. it was the hour when even vigilant watchers are apt to doze, and deepen to sleep most soundly. i sprang out of our hut, in front of which i found peter with his staff lifted ready to guard his head, at which the mulatto mate, sam snag, who had at that moment come up, was aiming a fierce blow, while his companion, who was a little behind, had also his stick uplifted, prepared to follow up the blow, or to inflict another on the dog, or on me. it was very evident that they had expected to find us both asleep, and to have murdered us without difficulty. so suddenly, indeed, did i appear, that i was able to turn aside the blow snag was aiming at the lad, and to give him in return so severe a one on the right arm, that he dropped his stick; and this left me at liberty to defend myself against the other ruffian, who might have given me a great deal of trouble had not ready, watching the moment that he was about to strike, seized him by the leg, which he tore away at with a fury which enabled me to gain an easy victory. peter, also, while snag, unwisely despising his young antagonist, stopped to pick up his stick, dealt him so heavy a blow on his head, that he sent him rolling over, and before he could recover himself i gave him another blow, which very nearly finished him. i had, however, to turn my attention to his companion, who, in spite of ready's jaws, was about to hit me, and while i warded off the blow snag picked himself up and retreated, calling upon the other to follow his example. this he could not have done had not ready at that moment opened his mouth to get a better grip, i fancy, when he sprang away with an agility i had not expected. had we followed them they would have had the advantage, for there were plenty of heavy pieces of coral about with which they could have settled ready. then, too, they were better prepared, for having only peter to back me, who, though he had plenty of pluck, was but a boy in strength, i thought it prudent not to push matters to extremities. there we stood, the only four human beings on that desolate island, ready to take each others' lives, and i may say, literally, that our opponents were thirsting for our blood. after all, we were only doing, on a small scale, what nations are often doing on a large one. perhaps we had more to fight about, namely, our opponents wanted to eat us, and we did not wish to be eaten. i moralised much in this strain as i waited to see what snag and his companion would next do. they probably were considering how they could execute their purpose with least risk to themselves. their eyes glared fiercely as they looked at us. they were evidently very hungry. i determined to try what pacific measures would effect. i shouted to them, and told them that we had found an abundance of shell-fish on our side of the island, and that we would not molest them if they wished to collect it. i told them, also, that they might take some fire from ours. the mate looked at me for some minutes without speaking, as if he did not exactly comprehend what i was saying. "there isn't much to thank you for that," he at length answered. "however, if you don't wish to do us harm we'll let you alone, and so that's settled." the reply was ungracious, but i only said, "very well, it is so understood between us." i did not, however, intend to trust the villains, for i was sure that, should they discover that we had the wine, they would make an attempt to possess themselves of it, and might, besides, very likely attack us again. the excitement of the fight had not taken away our appetites, and so peter and i set to work to collect shell-fish till the sun was high enough to allow of the use of the burning-glass. the two men, seeing how we were employed, followed our example; but even then, the way i saw them talking together and glancing towards us when they thought that they were not observed, convinced me that they would set upon us should they find a favourable opportunity. i had told peter to keep near me, but he did not hear me, for, looking up, i saw that he had gone in the direction of the men, who at that moment were springing towards him with their clubs uplifted. i shouted out to him to avoid the danger, and just then, as i glanced seaward, my eyes fell on a vessel standing in under full sail towards the watering-place. i pointed her out to the men, and their attention being thus distracted, the lad escaped and got behind me, while they set off towards the watering-place, to be the first, i concluded, to welcome the strangers, and tell their own tale. this mattered very little to me. if the strangers were honest, i felt sure that i could make my story good, and if not, i could scarcely be worse off than at present, and might, at all events, get rid of my unpleasant neighbours, waiting patiently till peter and i could make our escape. therefore, with some degree of tranquillity, i watched from a rock what was taking place. the schooner stood on like a vessel well accustomed to the place, and when close in brought up and furled all sails. her crew were of a motley description; and as they approached in their boats, i was convinced of what i had before suspected--that the schooner was the very piratical vessel which had captured the _shaddock_, and on board which i had found marcus, the black. though i could have wished him now, for his own sake, to have been in better company, i was anxious to ascertain if he was still with the pirates, as in that case i had no fear as to our safety. peter also understood the state of the case. "yes, there he is; that's him standing up in the first boat," cried the lad. "he seems in an awful rage, though. if i thought he was a-threatening of me, i'd like to run away and hide myself." sure enough, there was marcus; but what could have excited his anger? i soon learned, for, looking higher up the rock, i saw the huge mulatto mate, sam snag, and his companion, on their knees with uplifted hands, in the most abject state of terror, imploring mercy, while marcus, as the boat approached, stood ready with a pistol in his hand to shoot, it appeared, one or the other of them. as the boat's keel grated on the sand, he sprang on shore, gnashing his teeth like a wild beast, and i thought would have shot snag dead at that moment, but seeing that he was really totally unarmed, he contented himself with hitting him in the face, and then kicking him over. "wretched slave-driver--overseer of your fellow-men--have i found you once again?" he exclaimed, literally foaming at the mouth, and striking him each time that he spoke. "death is too good for a wretch like you. no fear, i'll not kill you," and seizing, as he spoke, the huge powerful man by the hair, he dragged him along over the sand. i never saw a man so completely prostrated by abject fear as was this would-be murderer and bully, snag. meantime some of the pirates had espied peter and me, and with no very friendly gestures, thinking that we were of silas snag's gang, were hurrying towards us. i thought it was now time to claim the protection of marcus. the moment he heard my voice his whole manner changed. he almost took me in his arms in the excess of his affectionate feelings, as he inquired by what wonderful circumstance i had come there. i told him of the shipwreck and the cause of it. "ah, and that villain unhung was at the bottom of the mischief! however, we shall settle accounts ere long. i would have killed him to-day but that death would be too happy a fate for a wretch like him." i entreated marcus not to stain his hands with the blood of the man, though i acknowledged that i had little reason for wishing to save him from punishment, as he had just before attempted to take my life and that of my companion. "well, i will promise to let him live on as long as he can on this islet," said marcus, casting a glance of hatred and contempt at the mulatto mate, who stood literally trembling before him. "he knows that it's out of the track of most vessels, and that only those who are engaged as we are come off here occasionally for water, when they cannot venture elsewhere, so that his chance of escape is very small. if he wishes to prolong his life he must kill his companion, or his companion will kill him. such things have been done on this island before now, and that is one of the reasons why it is so generally avoided." to this mode of treating snag i had no objection to make. i could scarcely propose that he should be taken away in the pirate vessel, and he certainly had brought his fate upon himself. i was glad to get away from him and from a spot of such ill-repute; at the same time i doubted whether i should not be leaping out of the frying-pan into the fire. how might i be treated should the pirate be captured by a man-of-war, either english or american, and i be found on board? i could not say that i did not know her character before i went on board, and it was a question whether the plea would hold good that i did so in preference to remaining on a desert island. still i saw that i had no choice. if i remained with snag and did not kill him, he would if he had the opportunity kill me, and peter and ready into the bargain; whereas if i embarked i might very possibly get safe on shore, and if we were captured i felt very sure that marcus would give evidence in my favour, and i hoped that the other pirates would do so likewise. i told marcus, therefore, that i accepted his offer, hinting, however, at the predicament in which i should be placed should the schooner be captured. "she will never be captured," he answered fiercely. "sooner than that i would blow up the vessel, and all on board." a pleasant prospect for me, i thought to myself; however, as i said, i had no choice. accordingly, i and peter and ready embarked with marcus in the first boat returning with water to the schooner. the crew received us without any questions, and we were soon discussing in the cabin such a meal as we had not eaten for many a day. i said nothing about the wine we had left on shore, as i thought that it would do the pirates no good, and might do harm. great despatch was made in getting water aboard, and in a short time all that was required was obtained. marcus did not return to the shore, but i heard him giving directions to the officer of one of the boats which went back for water. meantime i was watching what was taking place on the beach. snag, who had concealed himself from marcus, now made his appearance, and was evidently exerting his powers of persuasion on the crew of the remaining boat, probably forgetting that though his words could not reach the schooner his gestures could be seen from her. judging from his and his companion's manner, he appeared to have been successful; some flasks were produced from the boat, and they and the crew were seen to sit down, and to smoke and drink in a friendly manner. the officer sent by marcus, and several of his men, went heavily armed. on their reaching the beach the crew of the other boat were ordered into her, and then seizing the white man they carried him into their boat. snag rushed after him but was driven back by the officer, who held a pistol towards his head as he approached the boat. in vain he pleaded with the very men with whom he had so lately been on friendly terms. the horror of his position burst upon him. he was to be left on the desert islet to die alone, without even the companionship of his former shipmate and associate in crime. in vain he pleaded. the pirates laughed at his terror and rage. he stamped--he gnashed with his teeth-- he shook his clenched fist. he was unarmed and helpless. the boats pushed off and were already some distance from the beach. he waved and shouted to them. for a minute he stood irresolute, apparently hoping that those he had seemed to gain over would take him on board. again he waved; some signal was made from the boat. he plunged headlong into the sea, and swam towards her. still she pulled slowly towards the schooner, though, it seemed, he thought that he could overtake her. too late he discovered that a barbarous trick had been played him, worthy of the wretches who were guilty of it. he might still have returned to the shore, but just then a dark fin, which had been hovering about the schooner, was seen to dash off in the direction of the boats. an instant after the mulatto mate threw up his arms--a fearful shriek was heard, and he disappeared beneath the water, an ensanguined circle on the surface marking the spot where he had gone down. directly after the boats were hoisted in, the breeze sprang up, and the schooner made sail to the northward. "now, my friend, at which port do you wish to be landed?" asked marcus. "i was bound to new orleans, and still wish to return there," i answered. "it is not the place i would counsel you to go to," he observed. "some of the people there have long memories, and they would treat you with lynch law, and a scant allowance of that, if they caught you." i told him that i was aware that there was some danger, but that i had resolved to push north up the mississippi; besides which, as i had letters of credit on a mercantile house at new orleans, i must go there for the sake of replenishing my purse and wardrobe. he replied that he must consult with the captain about it, as he had strong doubts as to the policy of the proceeding. some hours afterwards marcus told me that it was impossible to land me at new orleans, but that they would put me on shore at havanna, from whence i could easily get across to that city if i still desired to go. "but can you venture into the havanna? will not your schooner run a great risk of being recognised?" i asked. "oh no, our papers are all correct. we have powerful friends there who would get us out of trouble, if we got into it, and we depend much on our boldness to escape suspicions," he answered. "you shall see. with regard to you we shall only have the truth to tell. we found you cast away on an island, took you off, and wish to land you. we must depend on your discretion for the rest. for anything you know to the contrary, as far as you have seen, this vessel is perfectly honest. you understand me." chapter twelve. the pirate and the man-of-war--the chase--a calm--fatal security--the pirate blown up--we are captured--in lieutenant trevor of the spitfire i find a dear old friend, and a way of serving marcus, who regains his liberty--we arrive at havannah. poor peter was very unhappy when he found that we were to go to an island, instead of to the mainland. "oh dear, oh dear, or, when shall we ever go to a country where we can get along on our feet away from the sight of this ugly sea?" he exclaimed, wringing his hands, and well-nigh blabbering outright. my chief anxiety was to get away from the schooner as soon as possible, as i feared that the pirates might be tempted to attack some other vessel, and that peter and i might be brought in as participators in the crime. i had no doubt that our innocence would ultimately be triumphantly established, but that might be only after we had been hung, in which there would not be much satisfaction to ourselves. a very unattractive recollection of the picture of a row of pirates hanging in chains on the banks of the thames, which i had seen in my boyhood, would intrude itself on my memory, as i walked the deck in solitude, thinking it wise to speak as little as possible to any one, when the look-out man from aloft hailed to say that a sail was in sight to windward. to my concern, i found that the schooner's course was altered to meet her. we stood on, nearing her fast, when an officer who had gone aloft hailed that she was a large vessel with a wide spread of very white canvas. on this there was a consultation, glasses were directed towards the stranger, the schooner's head once more put before the wind, while all sail that could be packed on her was set, and away we went, with the stranger, which was pronounced to be either a british or american man-of-war, in full chase after us. i must own that i felt very uncomfortable. my worst fears were about to be realised. this termination to my career was one i had not anticipated when i left home. kind aunt becky! how horrified she would be to hear that her favourite nephew had been hung as a pirate by mistake. it would be enough to break the good old creature's heart. from what i had seen and heard of the miscreants with whom i was at present associated, i felt that they would be a good riddance if captured and hung, with the exception of marcus, who was, i was sure, fitted for a far different life to that into which circumstances had plunged him. i watched the countenances of the pirates to judge what they thought of the prospect of their escape. they had been so accustomed, it seemed, however, to consider their craft the fastest in those seas that they had no fears about the matter, but laughed and joked as if there was not an enemy who could sink their craft with a broadside close at their heels. the schooner sailed well, but so did the man of war, and as it appeared in the course of time, even better. as her courses rose gradually out of the water, the pirates became less and less loquacious, and finally many of them began to make very long faces. the officers held earnest consultations, they looked anxiously round at the sky, they carefully examined the compass, and then trimmed and re-trimmed the sails. still the big ship was gaining on us. at length there appeared to be little doubt that we should be overtaken if the wind held as it then was. marcus was as cool and undaunted as ever, indeed from the unconcerned manner in which he paced the deck, it was difficult to believe that he apprehended the slightest danger. i asked him at last what he thought of the state of things. "that we shall be taken, and if taken, unless we can effect our escape, or die beforehand, we shall be hung," he answered calmly. "i had heard that a very fast english man-of-war was expected out here expressly to look after us. that must be her." i did not like to ask more, still i had a strong wish to entreat him not to blow up the vessel, as he had threatened to do, should her capture be inevitable. he seemed to divine my thoughts. "you know what i would do if we are hard pressed rather than be taken and hung," he said to me. "should the vessel in chase of us prove to be an american, my fate is sealed if we are taken. still, i will do nothing to destroy your life if i can help it; but for my companions i cannot be answerable." "should she be american my chance of escape will, i suspect, too, be very small, especially if i am accused of having assisted at your escape," said i. "however, we will hope for the best." i must confess, that though i endeavoured to appear calm and unconcerned, i began to feel most uncomfortable as the stranger drew nearer and nearer, and wished more than once that i had remained on the desert island, even with snag as a companion. still, a stern chase is a long chase. the day was drawing to a close, and, should the night prove dark, we might have a chance of escaping. as the sun sunk towards the horizon the wind fell, and by night there was a perfect calm. the stranger, supposed to be a frigate, lay about eight or nine miles off, also, when last seen, perfectly becalmed. our escape depended on our getting the breeze first. if the frigate got the wind before us, our capture was inevitable. the pirates, i observed, as sailors often do when expecting to be shipwrecked, went below and put on two suits of their best clothes, and stowed away round their waists and in their pockets as much money as they could carry. i have known instances of men being drowned who might, had they not have been thus overloaded, have been able to swim on shore. had it not been for this circumstance i should not have supposed that the men had any great apprehension of being captured. among the officers, however, there were earnest consultations, and it was even suggested by some that they should take to the boats and desert the vessel; but this proposal was overruled by the majority. the opinion seemed to be that the calm would last for some time, and that, as we were as likely as the frigate to get the breeze first, we had a good chance of escaping. most of the crew, indeed, were so satisfied with the state of affairs, that they turned into their berths and went to sleep, the usual watch only being left on deck. though marcus had provided a berth for me, it was so hot below that i preferred remaining on deck with peter and ready by my side, under a boat's sail, between two guns. after walking the deck till i was weary, admiring the bright constellations overhead, the calm, star-lit ocean, and enjoying the air so cool and refreshing after the heat of the day, i lay down, and was soon fast asleep, as was peter too, and as ready appeared to be, but the faithful fellow always slept with one eye open. i had slept for some time, when i heard him give a low warning bark close to my ear. i jumped up and looked about me, though still only half awake. a thick mist so closely surrounded the vessel that i could not see beyond the heel of the bowsprit, and could only just distinguish the calm silvery water alongside, though, at the same time, overhead i could still make out a few stars shining down out of the heavens on this ill-disposed world. once more ready gave a low bark, and stretched his neck out through a port over the water, but the watch took no notice. they were either asleep or drowsy and stupid. i felt sure from ready's behaviour that something was approaching. i listened very attentively. the sound of a boat's keel gliding through the water and that of muffled oars pulled rapidly reached my ears. it was not for me to warn the pirates of the approach of danger, nor did i wish ready to warn them, so i patted him on the head and put my hand on his mouth, to show him that i had understood his previous bark, and that i wished him to be quiet. meantime i was considering how i should act if the approaching boats, for there were several i was sure, proved to be, as i suspected they were, belonging to the man-of-war. i was not kept long in suspense. on a sudden, the watch on deck, at length hearing the sound of the boats, shouted out, "keep off! keep off! or we'll fire." the pirates below jumped out of their berths, but before they could get their heads above the coamings several boats dashed alongside. dark forms were seen climbing over the bulwarks, and a loud voice shouted out, "yield, whoever you are, to her britannic majesty's frigate, _spitfire_." before the words were well out of the mouth of the officer who uttered them, the pirates had rushed to their guns or seized their arms, and, instead of yielding, were desperately attempting to defend themselves and their vessel, the character of which it was very clear the assailants knew before they made the attack. on every side, instead of the silence which had before reigned, pistols were flashing, cutlasses were clashing, men were shouting and cursing, and thrusting boarding-pikes at each other, and big guns and muskets were going off as in the confusion they could be loaded. though constitutionally fearless, i had no fancy to have my travels stopped by a stray bullet, or by a slash from a cutlass, so when the english seamen climbed up out of one of the boats, calling to peter and ready, who followed me, i tumbled into her, when without more ado we stowed ourselves away under the thwarts, where bullets were not likely to reach us. so completely had the _spitfire's_ crew taken the pirates by surprise that they gained an easy victory. some were driven overboard, others below, and many more were cut down even before i had made my escape out of the schooner. i saw marcus defending himself bravely, and would gladly have gone to his assistance had i had the power. i had not long taken up my quarters in the boat, when i heard a loud shout of, "back! back! all of you." and men came leaping into the boat--combatants of both sides--tumbling over and almost suffocating me; and there was a loud roar, then a bright glare, and shrieks and groans, and fearful cries, and the boat rocked to and fro, and, i thought, was sinking. human beings, and burning fragments of wood, and rope, and canvas rained thickly down over us; and when i managed to scramble up and look around me the schooner was not to be seen, and the british crew were throwing the burning wood and the mangled bodies of the dead pirates overboard, and securing the living ones. "light a lantern," i heard an officer sing out. "we shall better see what we are about." peter and i were very soon afterwards seized on, when ready set up a true english bark of indignation, and had i not calmed him would have bitten right and left at our captors, and probably have been knocked on the head and thrown overboard for his pains. "halloo, who have we here?" exclaimed the officer, holding the lantern to my face. "a renegade englishman, a perfect villain by his countenance." "thank you for the compliment, though concealed under a somewhat dubious turn of expression," i answered ironically. "i am an englishman, but one who had no wish to be on board the vessel out of which i have just escaped. i will explain matters when we get on board the frigate." "very likely, my fine fellow," observed the officer, an old salt who had seen much service, and had been disappointed in not obtaining his promotion. "and who are you, friend?" he asked next, coming to peter. "a true englishman, like my master; and, sir, i'd just advise you to be treating mister skipwith here civilly, for he's an englishman, and a gentleman born and bred into the bargain," he answered; boldly adding, "and i'll tell you what, sir,--he's not the man to tell a lie to you, nor to any man." peter's remarks had considerable effect on the officer, who immediately addressed me in a more civil tone, and desired the men to let me come aft and sit in the stern sheets, where i should be more comfortable. as i was about to move i heard a groan, and just then the light of the lantern fell on the countenance of poor marcus, who lay near me badly wounded. i entreated that i might be allowed to attend to him, explaining that by his means my life, and that of my attendant, had been preserved. the officer, who was naturally humane, not only permitted this but gave every assistance in his power. the other boats had been rowing about picking up the survivors of the pirates, and looking for some of the english seamen who were missing. i was glad to hear that the greater number of the latter had escaped in time to the boats, a small warning explosion having taken place before the magazine itself blew up. the order was now given to return to the frigate, the commanding officer's boat leading the way. as he passed the boat in which i was, he asked the old officer in ours how many prisoners he had got. the reply was "six; but one of them says he is a gentleman, and the other is his servant, captured by the pirates, and that their lives have been saved by a black man whom we have also on board." "a likely story indeed," observed the officer in command of the expedition. "however, look to them, mr mudge, and `treat them as men should men, and not as rome treats britain.'" "that's my old friend, dick trevor, to the life," i exclaimed. "i am right, am i not?" "yes," he said. "i thought i must be!" said i. "oh! dick, dick! is that the way you would treat your friends when you find them out all desolate and alone on the wide ocean?" "who can that be?" i heard him exclaim. "`speak, i charge thee, speak!'" "still stage-struck as of yore," i answered. "is my voice so strangely changed then?" "yes! it must be harry skipwith, turned up out here in the gulf of mexico," he exclaimed. "come on board my boat, harry, and tell me all about it as we pull back to our ocean-home on the briny wave. that's not the right quotation, but never mind." the next instant i was shaking hands with my old school-fellow, the eccentric but gallant second lieutenant of h.m.s. _spitfire_. i need hardly say that i was most hospitably and kindly received on board the frigate, which was going to put into the havanna to gain further evidence for the conviction of the pirates; and, what was of no little importance to me, the captain offered to endorse any bill i might wish to draw at that city for the replenishment of my wardrobe. i enjoyed the luxury of a wash and shave in trevor's cabin, and a clean shirt, which i had not obtained on board the pirate, and more than all, the pleasant conversation of men of my own rank and education, of which i had been deprived for many a long day. i got the surgeon of the ship to look to marcus, who rapidly recovered from his wounds, and when i told the captain his history, he declared that it would be a shame to let him be hung as a pirate, which it was plain that he was not of his own free will. "you must arrange some plan to allow him to escape, only take care that he does not join any fresh band of pirates." i thanked the captain for his kind feeling towards my brave preserver, and promised that he should not be found on board another pirate vessel. a week after the scenes i have described we entered the picturesque harbour of havanna. while the frigate remained there i lived on board her, because i had many friends who pressed me to do so, and because the sleeping accommodations in the hotels in that capital of cuba are far from satisfactory. at length the time arrived for the frigate to proceed to jamaica, where the pirates were to be tried. i was thankful to find that all the evidence procured against them related to a period anterior to the time that marcus had joined them, when i could prove that i had met him in the character of a slave in the united states. i bade farewell to trevor and my other friends, and took up my quarters at one of the hotels. though the best in the place it was far from comfortable; for though the provisions and public rooms were tolerable, the bed-rooms were much the contrary. in mine there were five beds; one occupied by a man who walked in his sleep, and who if he had not committed a murder, by his gestures looked as if he would. in another, the sleeper snored like a rhinoceros; and in the third lay an irishman, who would talk, awake or asleep, generally to me and at the rest of the party. nothing could make him keep silent; a boot-jack flung at his head had no effect; he seemed to know what was coming and bobbed under the bed-clothes. the fourth was occupied by a portuguese dying of consumption, far away from his kindred and friends. nothing could be done for him. i have but a word or two to say of havanna as a city. the streets are numerous, but narrow and dirty; there is a tolerably large palace for the governor, a good opera-house for the people on the evenings of most days in the week, and a very ugly big cathedral for the sunday mornings, and a _paseo_, or public drive, for the afternoons. on this paseo are seen various antique vehicles, called _volantes_, each carrying two or three dames in full dress. a volante is built like a cabriolet on two wheels, with very long shafts, the points resting in a sort of saddle on a horse's back,--which horse is ridden by a huge negro in vast leather leg coverings reaching, as he sits, almost up to his ears, and no feet to them, though with silver spurs, white breeches, a gold-laced red jacket, and a broad-brimmed straw hat. everybody knows that cigars are manufactured in havanna, that the slave trade is winked at, if not encouraged, by the authorities, who find it not altogether unprofitable to their own pockets, and that piracy, for the same reason, is not held in absolute disrepute by the same respectable gentlemen. i had gone down to see the last of the frigate as she sailed out of the harbour, when, as i was about to return hotel-wards, i saw a black head rise slowly out of the fore-peak of a spanish brig lying near, and soon the whole figure of marcus appeared in view. he saw me, and as the vessels in that harbour are moored stem on to the quays, side by side, he came along over the bowsprit and swung himself down close to me. he congratulated himself on being once more at liberty, though he thought it best not to tell me how he had obtained his freedom. i told him that i was very glad to see him at liberty, and offered to supply him with funds, slender as mine were, to enable him to undertake some honest calling. he replied that he had ample means for his support, a thick roll of gold round his waist, besides a purse full of coin. "indeed," he added, "i hope that i shall not offend you, sir, when i tell you that i purposed offering you money, to enable you to proceed on your travels till you could reach some place where you may replenish your purse." i thanked marcus for his generous offer, but i felt doubly obliged to my friend the captain, who had enabled me to supply myself with funds, lest i should have been tempted to accept it; for i could not help reflecting how that money must have been obtained. "we may, i hope," said marcus, "meet again, though in what part of the world i know not; but i have one favour to ask,--it is that you will give me your address in england, and that should i ever again reach that country of true freedom, i may be allowed to visit you." i need scarcely say that i agreed to what marcus proposed. there was something about him which strangely attracted me, and with regret i bid him farewell, scarcely expecting ever to see him again. havanna had no charms for me, and i was therefore glad once more to embark on the fickle ocean in an attempt to reach new orleans. chapter thirteen. from cuba to new orleans, and hence up the mississippi on to st. louis-- our voyage up the ohio--kentucky shots--cincinnati--away to toronto--the hudson's bay company's territory described. after we had lost sight of cuba i could scarcely help expecting to see some rakish-looking craft hearing down on us, and i must own that it was with inward satisfaction that i remembered the fact that the black schooner and most of the scoundrels on board her were blown up, and unable any more to trouble voyagers over the deep sea. poor peter was continually on the look-out for an enemy, and if he saw a sail in the horizon he would come up to me and ask if we hadn't better get ready to fight, lest it should be "another on them cut-throat gentlemen a-coming to look for us." notwithstanding all the lad's prognostications of evil, we reached, without any misadventure, the crescent city, as new orleans is not inappropriately called, on account of the shape it presents, built along the curving shore of the river. i hastened at once on landing, followed by peter and ready, to the office of the merchant on whom i had letters of credit, fortunately forwarded originally in duplicate by post, and having obtained a supply of cash, and such necessaries as i required, i was in a few hours on my way up the mississippi, earnestly hoping that on this voyage i should escape being snagged, and not be blown up, as aunt becky had predicted would be my fate. i have not been complimentary to new orleans, but i must say that it is a very grand city. it is divided into two parts by canal street--the old and the new--the old, built by original french and spanish founders, contains narrow and dirty streets and the worst class of the population, while in the new are numerous fine buildings, broad streets, and wealthy and respectable inhabitants. it is not nearly so unhealthy as is supposed when once a person is acclimatised,--but to be sure a good many die in the process. and so i make my bow to new orli_ee_ns, as the natives call it. although i had not many fears on the subject, i was glad to get away without being recognised, nor did anyone on board the steamer take especial notice of me, that i could discover. it was curious to go paddling on day after day, and night after night, and still to find oneself floating on the same broad stream, sometimes with rich level land on either side, and at others with light bluffs, or towns, or villages; also to pass the mouths of large rivers, and to be told that one was navigable eight hundred or a thousand miles up, and that five or six tributaries, each also navigable for six hundred miles or so, while others fell into it. truly the eastern, southern, and northern parts of north america present a wonderful river system, suited for internal navigation. we had a curious collection of passengers on board--five hundred at least in the main cabin--some of them, i judged by their physiognomies, not the most respectable portion of the human race. a party of them got round me, and in the most insinuating manner invited me to join them in a friendly game of cards, or dice, or dominoes, indeed they were not particular, anything that would enable me to pass the time agreeably. in spite of all their arguments i persevered in declining their polite invitations, and at length, in reply to no very polite remarks on my manners and appearance, and a strong expression of doubt as to whether i had anything to lose-- "you've hit it, gentlemen," i remarked, quietly looking up at them. "it's dull work to skin a flint, and i did not wish to give you the trouble." "you did well to keep clear of those fellows," observed a gentleman to me shortly afterwards. "if they could catch you on a dark night near the side of the vessel, they wouldn't scruple to rob you and heave you overboard." in many places the banks of the mississippi exhibit high bluffs of an earthy nature, sometimes broken into the most fantastic forms, representing castles, towers, church steeples, and ruins of every description. on the morning of the sixth day we were off the mouth of the ohio, which river can be ascended for nine hundred miles to pittsburg, and it must be remembered that i had already come upwards of a thousand miles from new orleans. the next day, after paddling against stream two hundred miles farther, i landed at st. louis, in the state of missouri. it is a handsome city, built on ground sloping up from the mississippi, about twenty miles distant from the mouths of the two mighty streams of the missouri and illinois, while the mississippi itself has there already pursued a course of nearly seventeen hundred miles. it is a very busy place, and vessels of every description crowd its quays. proceeding up the ohio, i landed at louisville, the chief town in kentucky. everyone has heard what kentucky riflemen can do with their weapons. understanding that a match was going forward outside the town i went to see it. to my disappointment it was over, but i saw two men shooting away as fast as they could load, at two cocks in a sort of enclosure, with an open space towards us, through which they kept constantly coming into view. nearly a dozen shots had been tired, and the birds ran about as lively as at first. "well, sir, i think with uncle's old fowling-piece i could knock over them barn-doors a precious sight faster than that," observed peter, eyeing the marksmen with a glance of contempt. "now i guess, stranger, if you was to look closer you wouldn't be quite so ready to boast of what you could do," observed a stout, good-natured looking man near us. "understand, just what you say you could do, they don't want to do. their business is to knock the feathers out of them birds' tails, and do them no mortal injury. there's a chalked line on their tails, inside of which a shot mustn't go, or the man who fires it loses the match. each man, too, has his bird and it requires a sharp eye to know which is which." such i found to be the case. one man had shot all but one short feather away, and he was afraid of killing his bird; the other had shot all but two very long thin ones away, and his bullets constantly flew between them. the next day we stopped at cincinnati, a very handsome, civilised-looking city, and one of the most important west of the alleganies. here we embarked on board a much smaller steamer than any which had before carried us, though we had still four hundred miles farther to go up the stream to pittsburg, from whence it was my intention to proceed to toronto, and so find my way into the hudson's bay territory, in the best way i could. the boat drew very little water, for we had rapids and shallows to pass over; not so little, however, as a builder on board boasted was the case with one he had constructed--"six inches, sir! why you know well enough, i guess, that if you was to attempt to send a craft drawing six inches of water up some of our streams, she'd be grounding every day in the week, and ten times in the day," i heard him exclaim, in a tone of contempt, to a fellow-passenger. "talk of inches, sir--what do you say to one i built, sir--why, she'd go along right slick across the prairie, provided the dew was thick enough on the grass in the morning. why, sir, nothing could stop that craft if she could but get a taste of water." whether or not his assertion was believed i do not know, but as he was a big strapping fellow, and carried a formidable-looking bowie-knife in his waistcoat pocket, with which he used to pick his teeth and carve his meat, or indeed, what was not so pleasant, any dish intended for the public before him, nobody chose to call his assertion in question. the country in which i was now about to seek for adventures, is a region which must before long become of importance on account of the great highway between the atlantic and pacific oceans passing over it. through that region indeed will be found the true and only practicable north-west passage, but it will be across the rolling prairie instead of the rolling ocean, and over rocky mountains instead of mountainous billows. the land i speak of is central british america, also known as "rupert's land," "the north west territory," and the "hudson's bay company's territory." the earlier french settlers in canada believed, and not without reason, that the high road to china would be found along the course of the mighty river on the banks of which they had located themselves. their idea was ridiculed, and the name of la chine was given to a village to the west of montreal by those who believed that the explorers would never get farther in that direction, little supposing that ere long a rich province, full of wealthy cities, would have its eastern limits beyond the point in question; while only of late years the truth has dawned on a few far-sighted individuals that in that direction will be found the shortest and safest high road not only to china, but to provinces fast rising into importance, to british columbia and vancouver's island, to the wide-spreading shores of the pacific, and to the numberless islands which stud its bosom; that it will afford a western outlet to the commercial enterprise of the british north american confederation, which will raise it to a position of great wealth and power. let me try and map-down this great country. following up the course of the st. lawrence across lake ontario, and passing over a broad isthmus, where a deep canal is to be formed, we reach lake huron. still going west some two thousand miles distant from the month of the st. lawrence, we arrive at the saulte st. marie, where the waters of the great lake superior fall into that of huron. here is a free port, and a free settlement has been formed; but we have yet lake superior to cross, when we shall reach fort william, in thunder bay, where the most western british american settlement has lately been established. from thunder bay, a spot of great picturesque beauty, a good map will show us a succession of lakes, joined by rivers, and known as dog lake, lac des milles lacs, rainy lake, and lake of the woods, the chain, extending till the extensive lake winnipeg is reached, having again numberless other lakes and rivers farther west. a journey of about eighty miles beyond the extreme west of the lovely lake of the woods carries us to a settlement of british people; not of people who have cast off their allegiance to the british crown, but true subjects, who desire to live under british laws and institutions, and to enjoy all the privileges which britons justly value as their birthright; yet it is not too much to say that no community of the british race is more completely debarred from the advantages possessed by englishmen at large than are the inhabitants of the settlement in question. a glance at our map will show us a river rising in the state of minnesota, and running nearly due north, entering the british territory at the forty-ninth parallel of latitude, and finally falling into lake winnipeg. this is the red river, and the british settlements on its banks are known as the selkirk, or red river settlements. here are located about six thousand white inhabitants. the spiritual wants of the people have not been neglected, and a bishop, called the bishop of rupert's land, and about eight protestant clergymen are placed there, besides a roman catholic bishop and several priests. the productions of the district are valuable and numerous, and the climate, though cold enough in winter to ensure a supply of snow, and very warm in summer, is healthy in the extreme, and admirably adapted to british constitutions. the red river is navigable from the states to the settlements, and again thence to lake winnipeg, from which there is a ramification of water communication by lakes and rivers, navigable for steamers for many hundred miles. the hudson's bay company have a strongly-fortified post at the junction of the assiniboine and red rivers, called fort garry, which serves as the citadel or capital of the settlements, for town or village there is not. the general aspect of the country here is that of a rich level prairie, with the river cutting its way tortuously through it towards lake winnipeg, forming steep or cliff-like banks. belts of trees, however, are to be seen near the river, and woods scattered about, and to the east ranges of hills, while along the sides of both rivers are homesteads, substantial farm-houses, mills, stores, churches, parsonages, and school buildings. these settlements are about four hundred miles west of thunder bay, in lake superior, and the country for this distance must be the first opened up, and about three hundred miles of it is by far the most difficult part of the undertaking; yet the engineering difficulties for forming such a road as is required are trifling compared to those which have been overcome in numerous works in canada. it is a country peculiarly of lakes, and rivers, and forests, the timber being very fine. the timber, by means of the lakes and rivers, can be carried to the settlements, while it is most valuable for the formation of the roads, dams, canals, and villages about to be constructed. i am speaking of the first three hundred miles of road to be formed, whether that road is by lake, river, canal, or on the firm earth. the great object is to get a way opened up with the greatest expedition and at the least expense. now let us turn our eyes west of the settlements, and we shall see a belt of fertile land, in some places one hundred, in others fifty miles wide, extending for eight hundred miles, to the very base of the rocky mountains. this magnificent belt of land has already been traversed from one end to the other by exploring expeditions, and emigrant parties with carts, dragged by oxen travelling at the rate of twenty miles a day. it is intersected by many rivers. the carts were unladen, formed into rafts, and towed across; the cattle swam or waded. the once declared impassable rocky mountains were passed with perfect ease, in several places, and british columbia entered. to understand clearly the nature of the country, let us suppose ourselves standing on the banks of the red river, looking west. in front we have the fertile belt stretching out before, us, consisting chiefly of rich level prairie land, ascending gradually towards the rocky mountains. rivers and streams run directly across it at intervals, invariably lined with trees, and here and there are forests of considerable extent, though generally trees are found in small clumps or copses, covering a few acres, having escaped the ravages of the fires which destroyed the primeval forests. on the left, running from west to east, there is the assiniboine river, connected by the calling river with the south branch of the saskatchewan. on the right, extending in a north-easterly direction, is a range of wood-covered mountains known as the riding, duck, and porcupine mountains, and on the other side of these are three large lakes, the winnipeg, manitobah, and winnepegosis. into the northern end of the first falls the important river saskatchewan, navigable by steamers for two or more hundred miles, and, with certain breaks, up to the very; foot of the rocky mountains. the saskatchewan gives its name to the greater portion of the fertile territory, which is known as the valley of the saskatchewan. this wonderful chain of rivers and lakes abounds in a great variety of excellent fish, on which once numerous tribes of natives entirely subsisted--so that they thus afford a never-failing supply of food, abundant irrigation, and extensive water inter-communication. compared with the latitude of the british north american provinces, the climate may be supposed to be severe, but it should be understood that as the west is approached the climate improves, and the fact is that near the rocky mountains, farther north, and at a far greater elevation, the climate is not more severe than at the red river. thus there is uniformity of temperature and natural productions throughout the territory. the cold is great, but not greater than in lower canada, and sometimes the winters are so mild that, as mr ross, an old settler, states, he has known ploughs at work at christmas. when spring begins, the heat becomes considerable; thus all the productions of the earth ripen with wonderful rapidity, and from sowing to harvest time is often but three months. professor hind, of the university of toronto, stated some years ago that the valley of the saskatchewan, or rather the basin of lake winnipeg, contains an area available for cultivation of eighty thousand square miles--a territory very nearly as large as england--and that it is capable of supporting an agricultural population exceeding fifteen millions of souls. "the outlying patches of fertile land lying within the limits of the great plains, together with the deep, narrow valleys of the rivers which run through those arid regions (that is, to the south of the fertile belt), the east flanks of the rocky mountains, and the low lands in the region of the great lakes, might support another ten millions, so that the present available area of arable soil--the greater portion of which is susceptible of being at once turned up by the plough--would sustain an agricultural population equal to that of prussia." indeed, vast as is canada, the professor's calculations show an excess of land fitted for the permanent abode of man, in favour of the basin of lake winnipeg over prussia, before its recent accessions of territory, of five million five hundred thousand acres. if the whole quantity of land fit for cultivation in canada were occupied, it would sustain a population of eighteen millions, while in the same proportion the territory under discussion would sustain nineteen millions of people. including the red-men, who slaughter the buffaloes which roam over its rich pastures for the sake of their skins alone, it scarcely now supports twenty thousand souls. as to the natural productions of this region, it may briefly be stated to contain abundance of wood, stone, and clay for building; lignite in many districts, and coal in others; iron of excellent quality, in the neighbourhood of coal; salt, which has long been in use, the springs being easy of access; and grasses, which afford rich fodder in abundance throughout the winter season to large numbers of horses, and to many cattle. "within the limits of the fertile belt vast herds of buffalo come in winter to feed and fatten on the rich natural grasses, which the early frosts in autumn convert into nutritious hay." to sum up the capabilities of the territory: it is an admirable grazing country, and cattle and horses can remain out all the winter. sheep thrive and multiply. pigs, where there are oak woods, if turned out, require no looking after. it must be understood that agricultural operations have for many years been carried on at the red river, and round the mission-stations and trading-posts, and that the statements made are the results of actual experience. wheat is the staple produce. the ordinary yield is thirty bushels to the acre, and oftentimes forty bushels. it is cut three months from the date of sowing. indian corn is very fine, and never fails on dry lands. root crops, especially potatoes, turnips, and beet, yield abundantly, and attain large dimensions. the potato disease is unknown. garden vegetables grow luxuriantly, and equal those of canada. barley and oats, when cultivated with care, yield as abundantly as wheat. of hay from the natural grasses an abundance can be made. tobacco is successfully cultivated. hops, in great luxuriance, grow wild. ale is brewed with them at red river. hemp and flax have also been successfully cultivated. a variety of fruits grow wild, such as strawberries, raspberries, currants, and gooseberries; so does rice. melons grown in the open air are very fine, and sugar, as in canada, is abundantly obtained from the maple-tree. again, considering the abundant supply of fish, and the various sorts of game, large and small, from the buffalo and deer to the hare and rabbit, it will be understood how amply the territory is provided by nature for the support of a large population. of the indians, there are scarcely forty thousand in the fertile belt and wood and lake regions together, who chiefly subsist on buffalo flesh and fish, and live in skin or birch-bark tents. the prairie indians have large numbers of hones, while only some tribes of the wood indians possess those animals. some few have been converted to christianity, but the larger proportion retain all their heathen customs, though generally they do not show any hostility to the whites. the sioux indians, however, across the boundary line, from the treatment they have received from the people of the united states, are determined enemies of the white men and half-breeds. but how, it may be asked, can this vast territory be peopled? by a simple and easily carried out system. the object, in the first place, is to establish a direct communication across it. a railroad is out of the question for many years to come, and even a regular macadamised road can scarcely be expected for some time, but we may well be content if we can obtain a road over which a wheeled vehicle may travel some forty miles in the day, and horsemen at still greater speed. in the first instance, there must be settlements, and it is proposed to establish them at about twenty-five miles apart, in a direct line from lake superior to the rocky mountains. grants of land with freedom from taxation, and the certainty of obtaining ample employment, will quickly attract settlers. in the first place, in each settlement a wheelwright and cart-builder, a blacksmith, two or more carpenters, a painter and glazier, a baker, a butcher, an innkeeper, and other artisans obviously required on a great highway, would find employment. several farmers and agricultural labourers, and a market-gardener, would be wanted to supply food. stable-keepers, and grooms, and postilions may be named, and all these would, of course, attract storekeepers, tailors, and shoemakers. a police force, with small bodies of military pensioners, and perhaps a few troops, might be stationed at intervals in the settlements along the line. to these communities, with the aid of some navvies, might be confided the duty of improving the road at first roughly marked out. bridges might be required over small streams, and ferries would certainly be required over broad ones, and here boat-builders and ferrymen would be called for. it will thus be seen in what way the settlements can first be formed; but before they are placed along the whole line, the more difficult part of the country between lake superior and the lake of the woods must be pierced through. trees have to be cut down, rough places smoothed, and bridges erected; and where the line is by water, dams have to be constructed, landing-places formed, and steamers launched. scarcely one summer, however, would be required for the work; and it must be remembered that the route in question has been traversed for years back, and that, although heavy luggage cannot at present be carried that way, passengers and light goods may be transported by canoes through the lakes and rivers which have been described. the first settlement has already been formed by the colonial government at fort william, on thunder bay. about forty miles to the west is the boundary line between the british north american confederation, which is destined ere long to include the whole of british north america, and the hudson's bay company's territory. chapter fourteen. from toronto to the pacific--jack trevor, an old chum, for fellow-traveller--from collingwood by steamer--birch-bark canoes--lake superior and thunder bay--fort william to lake winnipeg--the kaministiquia--swiftfoot, our indian guide, and half-caste crew--a portage--our camp and progress--missionaries and settlers--fort garry and selkirk settlements. there is nothing that i need relate excepting that after my arrival at toronto i immediately set to work in right earnest about preparations for a journey of fifteen hundred miles or so across the continent to the pacific. i had become intensely british during my stay in the states, and resolved that my journey should he, if possible, entirely through british territory, and remote as possible from the united states boundary. some of my friends advised me to go by railway to la cross, and from thence up the upper waters of the mississippi to st. paul, in minnesota, then, by a stage to georgetown, on the red river, down which stream i could proceed by a steamer to the selkirk settlement, in the centre of which fort garry is situated, at the point where the assiniboine and red river meet. when travelling i seldom fail to find a companion, and my disposition being somewhat of a malleable nature, i generally manage so to work his and mine together that we are able to rub on socially till called upon to separate. in the present instance i was more fortunate than usual, for, while i was in the midst of my preparations, who should turn up one day--or rather roll into the office of my cousin, john brown--but my old school-fellow, and strong-fisted, stout-hearted friend, jack trevor, brother of lieutenant trevor of the _spitfire_! he was a capital shot, could handle oar and scull right well, throw a fly skilfully, run like a deer, walk thirty miles on a stretch without fatigue, and woe betide the man who felt the strength of his arm! i told jack what i was about to undertake. "just suit me," he exclaimed. "i was wondering what i should do. i've a year or so to spare, some cash to throw away, am in good training, and should amazingly like to have a scamper after buffalo." the ice of winter having sufficiently disappeared from the upper lakes to render navigation possible we started by the northern railway, passing lake simcoe to collingwood, on the shores of the georgian bay, and then embarked on board a steamer named after the same heroic admiral. paddling away north, we were soon out of sight of the generally low shore, and then the wind began to blow and the waves to roll furiously, making the big vessel tumble about in a most uncomfortable manner, till i thought it more than possible that she would go down then and there to the bottom of the lake. peter looked at me reproachfully, remarking-- "i thought when we got into this country we were to have no more tossing about on the salt ocean?" "nor have we. this is but a pool, peter; the water is fresh, and the land is on every side of us, only we don't see it," i answered, but i doubt if he was satisfied. we managed, however, to tumble on till we got under the lee of a wooded island, where we remained as quietly as in a mill-pond till the next morning, when we continued our voyage between the manitoulin islands and the north shore of lake huron till we came to the bruce mines. along this north shore a road has been surveyed and settlements laid out. proceeding up the st. mary river, we reached the villages of that name--one on the british, the other on the states' side. between the two lake superior sends its waters in a fierce rapid into the river on their course to the ocean. we avoided them by stealing through a canal on the american side. on our way we took on board two birch-bark canoes which my indefatigable cousin, john brown, had caused to be provided, as, also, a supply of gum to stick over the seams, wattap, which is the root of the tamarack, used to sew the pieces of birch-bark together, cod-lines, and other indispensables for canoe navigation. here, also, an indian guide and a crew joined us--dark-skinned individuals descended from french canadians and indians, a class which is employed by the hudson's bay company--in their canoes. i will describe them as we go on. we purposed picking up, afterwards, a few indians to increase our strength. away we steamed along the northern shore of lake superior, occasionally sighting some lofty bluff, said to contain a vast supply of iron, copper, and other mineral wealth, till we neared the fine headland of thunder cape and found ourselves amid the magnificent scenery of thunder bay. here the steamer anchored; and we, launching our canoes, went on shore at fort william, an important port standing at the mouth of the river kaministiquia. we found that surveyors had already laid out a settlement on the banks of this stream, which is navigable for large vessels for a good many miles from its mouth. while preparing for our long inland voyage of something not much under five hundred miles to the red river, we were entertained by the surveyor, who showed us the plans proposed for opening up the country for general traffic. trevor had become very eager on the subject, and declared that he should be ready to devote his life to the undertaking. we therefore agreed to follow the same route. sending our canoes with the _voyageurs_ up the kaministiquia river, we were to proceed north along the shore of thunder bay till we reached a harbour abreast of dog lake, where we were to land and push our way for twenty-eight miles across the country, along the line where a good road was soon to be formed to dog lake. here we were to embark in our canoes, as we should have a clear navigation of thirty-five miles across the lake and up dog river till it became shoal; then, landing, we were to ascend to the height of land forming the boundary between canada and the north west territory, and make a portage of five miles to the savanna river. a portage is literally a carrying. the canoes and cargo are carried on men's shoulders over the land, either to avoid a rapid, or from one lake or stream to another; thus, these intervening spaces of land come to be called also portages. after launching our canoes in the savanna river we were to obtain a free navigation of sixty-five miles, the lake des mille lacs, and the river seine to the little falls. we were, from this place, to be prepared for numerous portages, amounting altogether to seven miles, and fifty-nine and a half of navigation. after the last of these portages we were to get a run of two hundred and eight miles down the river seine into rainy lake, and from thence into the lake of the woods, which we were to cross at its western extremity either to a small lake known as lac flat, ninety-one and a half miles across an easy country to fort garry, or to descend the winnipeg river into lake winnipeg, and along its northern shore to the mouth of the red river. we decided on the latter route for ourselves, as we wished for our canoes to navigate the lakes and rivers to the westward, and, not being expected, we should have had no horses sent over by the selkirk people to meet us. it must be remembered that the selkirk settlement and the red river settlement are different names for the same district, and that fort garry is in the midst of it. trevor, who had an especial taste for engineering projects, was delighted with the account, and made out that by means of good steamers, short railroads, or even roads for coaches, and tramways over which loaded boats could be drawn, the distance between fort william and fort garry might be accomplished in six days. "you see," he observed, "the greater portion of the distance would be performed by steamers; though, on the sixty miles of broken navigation on the river seine, large boats to be dragged up inclined planes and along tramways over the portages would be more suitable. then the red river people would make the short road necessary between this place and lac plat, and supply the conveyances, greatly to their profit. why, the whole route, if people had energy, might be open by next summer, and as we all know that the distance between the red river and the top of the rocky mountains offers no impediments, if the inhabitants of british columbia would open up a communication on this side, we should, in a year or two, be sending our letters across the continent from the atlantic to the pacific in a couple of weeks or so; and fellows like you or me, harry, would be able to accomplish it by railway, steam-boat, and on horseback, in about the same time." having sent the canoes on two days before, we supplied ourselves with packs, blankets, and provisions for a couple of days, and engaged an indian guide, and landing at the mouth of current river, on the northern shore of thunder bay, we worked our way along the line of the proposed road to dog lake. we just saved our daylight to the shore of the lake, where we prepared to camp. our guide first cut off a quantity of the young shoots of the spruce-fir, which he strewed on a dry spot to form our beds, while, at his suggestion, we collected a large supply of dry wood for a fire. our kettle for tea was soon boiling, and by the aid of our frying-pan, the most useful of all cooking utensils, the dried provisions we had brought with us were converted into a savoury stew, seasoned with garlic, salt, and pepper, and thoroughly enjoyed by us. trevor pronounced it jolly fun, and declared that he should never grow tired of living as we then were doing. never go across wild countries without a portable frying-pan, you can boil water in it, cool, boil, stew, fry, and even bake, without any other appliance than a frying-pan and a little fire and water. our indian guide, whose name was swiftfoot, was so pleased with the way we treated him that he begged he might accompany us, and as he bore a good character for honesty and good temper and for being an expert and daring hunter and canoe paddler, we accepted his services. as he understood english fairly, and had already been a considerable distance up the saskatchewan, we considered him a valuable acquisition to our party. the next morning the canoes appeared. having camped at no great distance from where we were, and having taken a hurried breakfast, we embarked. "take care," cried swiftfoot, as we stepped on board; and not without reason, for though accustomed to university eight-oars, we as nearly as possible pitched head foremost out on the other side of our frail barks, to the great risk of capsizing them and spoiling our goods. trevor and swiftfoot went in one canoe, i with peter and ready in the other; and the crews, with stores and provisions, were evenly divided between us. away we paddled across the lake, our indians striking up a song of the character of "row, brothers! row!" but not so melodious. all day we paddled, and camped at night. when we came to a portage we jumped out. two men carried each canoe; the rest loaded themselves with her cargo and bore it on their shoulders half a mile, or perhaps two or three, or more, till smooth water was again reached. on those occasions we sighed for tramways over which we could run swiftly with cargo and canoes. every portage has its name, and so, indeed, has every point, stream, and isle, for ages the fur traders' canoes have been traversing this country, and to these people every mile is known. we indulged in small tents for sleeping; but our beds were the hard rocks sprinkled with spruce-fir-tops and covered with rugs. i have not described our canoes. they were formed of the bark of the white birch-tree, peeled off in large sheets and bent over a slender frame of cedar ribs confined by gunwales, which are kept apart by slender bars of the same wood. a thread called called wattap, made out of the flexible roots of the young larch-tree, is used to sew the sheets of bark together and to secure them to the gunwales, which have thus the appearance of an indian basket. the joinings are made water-tight by a coating of tamarack gum put on hot, or by the pitch of the yellow pine. the seats are suspended from the gunwales so as not to press against the sides. the stem and stern are alike, the sheets of bark being cut into a graceful curve, and are frequently ornamented with beads or coloured moose hair. ours carried six men each, and our baggage and provisions, and were so light that a couple of men lifted them out of the water and ran along with them over the roughest ground with the greatest ease. they are urged on by light paddles with broad blades, and are steered by another of the same shape. for several days we paddled on--making no great speed, however, for across lakes in calm weather we seldom did more than four miles an hour--when trevor used to sing out, "oh, for an eight-oar; oh, for an eight-oar! how we would make her spin along." however, i persuaded him that we were better as we were--because, in case of being snagged, not having a boat-builder at hand, we should have been puzzled to repair her. for several days we paddled on without meeting with any actual adventure, although objects of interest were not wanting during every hour of the day. we passed through the lake of the thousand lakes and camped on its shores before beginning our descent of the river seine. the night passed calmly. i awoke early: the stars were slightly paling, a cold yellow light had begun to show itself in the east, on the lake rested a screen of dense fog, through which a host of indians bent on our destruction might have been approaching without my being able to discover them; landward was a forest equally impenetrable. walking a step or two from the camp i heard a sudden rush. i started, and cocked my smooth-bore, but nothing appeared, and i guessed that it was a fox, minx, or marten, prowling close by, attracted by the remains of last night's supper. from the expiring camp-fires a thin volume of smoke rose up above the trees and then spread lakewards, to join the damp misty veil which hid the quiet waters from view. round the fires were the silent forms of the indians lying motionless on their backs, wrapped in their blankets, like shrouded corpses stretched at full length. two or three were under the canoes, and swiftfoot had taken post in front of trevor's tent. as dawn advanced an indian awoke, uncovered his face, and sitting upon his haunches, looked round from beneath the folds of his blanket, which he had drawn over his head. after a few minutes a low "waugh" from his throat made some of the others unroll themselves and begin blowing at the fire and adding fresh fuel. a few minutes were spent by the french _voyageurs_ in prayer, and then the rest of the party being roused, the tents were struck, and our early meal, consisting of fried dampers and fish, biscuits, with hot coffee and tea, sweetened, but without milk, enjoyed. the canoes were then launched. "no frying-pans, hatchets, or other valuables left behind?" sang out trevor, who acted as commander-in-chief. each man examined the property committed to his charge, and all being found right, we paddled down the stream as usual. here let me advise those engaged in similar expeditions to be careful about such trifles, for a party may be brought to a standstill, and lives endangered, by the loss of articles which may appear, at the moment, of little value. now and then we came to rapids which it was deemed tolerably safe to shoot. we had performed this feat twice when we came to another. we had got through the greater part when, as we were dashing on amid the foam, the stern swiftly turning round, we grazed a rock. "a narrow shave!" i exclaimed, thinking we were safe, but peter's cry of-- "oh, sir! oh, sir! the water is a running in, and we shall all be drowned!" "stick your thumb into it," cried trevor, from the other canoe, which was just ahead, and had escaped all danger. this the lad did literally, but the water spouted up all round his arm. "never mind," exclaimed "longshot," the chief of my canoe, "we shall go on till the next portage." but the water kept rising and rising till we had three inches of it inside the canoe. this was more than i bargained for, and as the cargo would be injured even if we did not sink, i insisted on landing. the chief trouble was unlading the canoe; for a piece of bark sewed on with wattap, and covered over with gum melted with a burning stick, soon repaired the damage. thus we made good three hundred and eighty-one miles, counting the sinuosities of the course, and found ourselves encamped on the north-west corner of the beautiful lake of the woods. i say beautiful, for no part of north america presents more lovely and picturesque lake scenery--here bare precipitous rocks, there abrupt timbered hills of every form, and gentle wooded slopes and open grassy areas, while islands of every variety of form and size dot the blue expanse. there was the usual fog resting on the surface of the lake as i turned out in the morning before the rest of the party, whom i was about to rouse up, when my ear caught the sound of paddles approaching the camp. that they were indians there could be no doubt, and i thought that they were probably on a journey and would pass by without observing us. swiftfoot had not given the wood indians of this district the best of characters, yet, as they had always shown a friendly disposition towards the english, we heard, we had no cause to apprehend danger from them. still, i knew that it was necessary when travelling in those regions to be on our guard, and i therefore stood still, expecting to hear the sound of the paddles gradually decrease as they passed by. suddenly, however, a light puff of wind lifted the veil of mist, and exposed to view nearly a dozen large canoes filled with painted and feather-bedecked indians, evidently a war-party, and coming directly for our camp. "indians! quick, to your feet!" i shouted out, having no fancy to be murdered through too much ceremony, or by putting over-confidence in a band of savages. in an instant trevor stood with his revolver in one hand and his fowling-piece in the other, ready to do battle. peter, with his fists doubled, and the rest with their different weapons prepared for use, while ready showed his teeth and barked furiously to make amends for his previous carelessness. on seeing our preparations a young chief stood up in the bow of the leading canoe, and waving his hand, stated that he was coming on a peaceable errand. "my father, the chief, will be here anon--he sent me on to announce his coming." finding that resistance would be almost hopeless if they meant evil, putting the best face we could on matters, we begged the young chief to land and sit down and smoke the calumet of peace, or, as trevor expressed it, "take his pipe and make himself at home." he was a talkative youngster, and seemed very proud of having killed two or three men in a war expedition against the sioux, from which he had just returned, exhibiting to our unpleased eyes the fresh scalps he had taken. we found that he had brought them all down at long shots. indeed, red-men, notwithstanding all that has been said in their praise by novel writers, have a very unheroic notion of fighting. trevor called it an "unsportsmanlike way of bagging their game." our blood-thirsty young acquaintance smoked several pipes, drank a quart of tea, and talked of affairs in general, but left us as much in the dark as ever as to the reason of his coming, though he informed us that our fire had been seen in the evening; but that, unwilling to disturb us, he had postponed his visit till daylight. his followers had, meantime, landed and squatted round us in the most amicable manner--my dog ready being the only one of the party who exhibited any hostile feeling, and he was in no way satisfied with the appearance of the ill-looking war-begrimed strangers. our principal annoyance arose from being unable to proceed, which we could not venture to do till the appearance of the chief. at length his fleet of nearly twenty canoes hove in sight, and he soon landed, and with all the pomp and dignity he could assume, demanded the reason of our passing through his country. we replied, through swiftfoot, that we were on a journey of pleasure, desiring to pass on to the big sea in the far-west, to hunt the buffalo, and shoot a grizzly if we could; in fact, to inspect the country and kill time. after listening attentively, he gave a significant "ugh!" observing that we might or might not be speaking the truth, but that certainly we were more likely to meet pain than pleasure, that too many buffalo were hunted already, but that was no business of his, and that as to grizzlies, he knew nothing of them in his part of the country, nor of a big lake in the far-west, and that we could kill time far better at home; but there was one thing he did know, that the white people had deceived the red-men so often, and had occupied their lands, so that with his will no one should pass through his country, which lay between the lake of the woods and the red river. we took a few minutes to deliberate what to say, and then instructed swiftfoot to inform the chief that he was a very wise man, but that he was labouring under one slight error, the fact being that the whole country belonged to the queen of england, that he and his people were her subjects, and that so were we; that she desired all her subjects to be friendly to each other; that she was very angry with those who were not, and made presents to those who were; that we should set a good example by not passing through the country he claimed, though we were afraid she might be very much vexed at hearing of his want of courtesy, still to show him of our friendly disposition we proposed presenting him with some tobacco, hatchets, and blankets, although we had not come provided with presents. he looked completely taken aback on hearing this, and ended by sending two of his young men as guides down the winnipeg river, the course we had intended to pursue. we visited an island in the lake, a large portion of which was cultivated, and produced indian corn, potatoes, squashes, and pumpkins; pigeons and a variety of birds flew over our heads, and fish swarmed in the lakes and streams we passed through. we stopped on our way at two or three hudson's bay company's trading-posts. they are generally situated on commanding positions, surrounded by stockades which would serve to keep out a predatory party of indians. we also visited a missionary station, that of islington, established by an english lady, mrs sandon, of bath. the missionary, mr macdonald, has long laboured among the red-men, instructing them in the truths of the gospel, teaching them agriculture, and educating their children in his schools with more success generally than the adults. it took us nearly three weeks to voyage from fort william to the mouth of the red river, which we reached by a traverse across lake winnipeg. we ascended that river to a settlement of christian indians, presided over by an english clergyman, where we left our canoes and boatmen till we should again require them, and proceeded up, on horseback, to the main settlements, some rapids impeding this part of the navigation of the red river. in contrast to the wild scenery through which we had so long been travelling, the selkirk settlements presented an aspect of civilisation and advancement which we had not expected. there were good roads, houses, churches, schools, mills, stores, large farms and small farms, and a cathedral and nunnery belonging to the roman catholics. there is no town in the settlement, but there is a large, tolerably strong fort, that of fort garry, on the point of land where the assiniboine river falls into the red river, and for twenty miles or so, on the banks of the two streams, the buildings i have described have been raised in groups or knots, forming separate hamlets, with, in most instances, a church and school-house for each. i might give a long and interesting account of the settlement, but such is not my aim. i will merely remark that the farms were well-stocked, and showed a variety and an abundance of produce; that horses and cattle lived out and grew fat on the native grasses throughout the winter, that so too did pigs in the woods on acorns and roots; and that all the inhabitants required to become wealthy and prosperous, was a regular market for their produce. chapter fifteen. we get up a buffalo hunt--we engage stalker and garoupe, two half-caste hunters--pemmican--the hunt--i get floored by a huge bison, but am carried to camp in his skin--hostile sioux, and a brush with them--we cross the assiniboine--la prairie portage. trevor and i now formed our first hunting expedition. buffalo, or rather bison-hunting, had long been our day-dream, and had formed the chief subject of our conversation as we paddled along in our canoes, or when seated round our camp-fires at night, so now we determined to make a beginning. we engaged a couple of half-breeds as guides and hunters, one was of english, the other of french parentage. one was called john stalker, the other pierre garoupe. they were both bold, active fellows, and each amusingly tenacious of the honour of the country from which his father came. there was no want of good horses in the settlement, courageous, hardy animals, trained to hunt the buffalo, and taught to stand still should their rider be thrown, or any accident happen to him. the carts of the country are built entirely of wood, without a nail, and consequently float across rivers, and if broken, are easily repaired. we bought four of these carts to carry our tent, provisions, ammunition, and clothing. a large body of half-breed hunters, with their wives and children, had gone on before, towards the south-west, where the buffalo were said to have appeared in great numbers, on their way to the northward, and we hoped, by pushing on, to overtake the band in time to see some of the sport. john stalker gave us much information about these hunting expeditions. great regularity is observed. each man has his own cart or carts and horses. the band is divided into companies, with a chief to each, and constables, and a leader over the whole, whose word is supreme both in camp and on the hunting field. we found ourselves in a new kind of scenery. here, and there were separate woods, but our course chiefly lay over the open prairie, a boundless expanse of waving grass. the greatest risk in dry weather in such a country is from fire; should it once become ignited no human power can arrest its progress, and heaven have mercy on the hapless hunter whom it overtakes. the fleetest steed will scarcely escape if flying before it. we found from the fresh tracks that we were near the hunters, and at length we came upon them encamped, the women making pemmican, and the men cleaning their arms, or doing nothing. pemmican is the staple food of all the hunters and travellers throughout the country. in the cree tongue _pemmi_ means meat, and _kon_ fat. the flesh of the buffalo is cut up in strips and hung on poles to dry. then it is pounded between two stones till the fibres separate. about fifty pounds of this meat are put into a bag of buffalo skin with forty pounds of hot melted fat, thoroughly mixed with it. a nicer sort contains berries and sugar, and is highly prized. it keeps for years, subject to wet, cold, or damp. one pound is considered equal to three of ordinary meat. having introduced ourselves to the leader of the party, and invited him to come and sup with us, we encamped in a position he assigned to us, and made preparations for the next day's hunt. by early dawn, trevor and i, followed by peter, were in the saddle--the latter from his childhood had been accustomed to horses, and was now perfectly at home on horseback. i spoke of the crees. they inhabit the country to the south and east of lake winnipeg, and the half-breeds are chiefly related to them on the mothers' side. it was a fine sight to see the band of hunters marshalled in order, advance towards the spot where the buffaloes, as the bisons are here called, were said to be feeding. i could not help thinking, as i watched them, what splendid light cavalry they would make, for the defence of the country against their encroaching neighbours, or mounted police, or irregular cavalry for any purpose. trevor, too, was much struck with the scene. "we try to civilise the red-men," he remarked; "very good, and i don't see any impossibility; but i do see the bungling manner in which we set about it. we try to make men who have been all their lives on horseback, or, with rifle in hand, have hunted buffaloes, deer, or grizzlies, or been accustomed to the trapping of small game, sit quietly down as farmers, gardeners, or carpenters, and attend school and church, sundays and week days, without any approach to amusement, or what is still more absurd, without finding them any market for the produce of their industry when they are industrious. teach them christianity, and civilise them by all means, but introduce canoe races, horse races, foot races, shooting matches, foot-ball, cricket, all sorts of games,--anything, in fact, suitable to their bodily and mental powers, and open up the country; send people to buy their produce, and employ them as postillions, mail carriers, ostlers, cattle drovers, ferrymen; and at the same time keep them as much as possible separate from white men, under good guidance and instruction, and i have some hope that they will not decrease in numbers, and that they will become civilised in reality as well as nominally." trevor had got thus far when the advanced guard made a signal for silence to be kept. we each of us stood up in our stirrups, and looking out ahead caught sight of numberless dark objects covering the prairie, far as the eye could reach, from north to south. the wind blew from them, so that we might hope to get near without being perceived. the hunters now examined their saddle-girths, loaded their guns, and looked to their primings or percussion caps, and filled their mouths with bullets that they might drop them into their guns, without wadding, while at full gallop. the elder we heard cautioning the less experienced, and with good reason, not to shoot each other--a contingency i thought very likely to occur. cautiously at first we approached the herd, clutching our weapons and bending forward eagerly, ready to dash on at a moment's notice. before us was a very large herd of buffaloes. on we went still unperceived--even the sagacious horses seemed to tread cautiously. at length some of the nearest animals lifted up their shaggy bearded heads. our leader gave the signal--we were discovered. no further need now for silence. our steeds sprang forward--off we dashed, and, scampering along at full speed, were soon in the midst of the more tardy-moving animals, each hunter firing right and left into the animal nearest him on either hand. it was like a naval engagement in days of yore, when a british fleet got among the enemy. in this instance, each hunter was widely separated from his companions, and only now and then the unfortunate chase turned to show fight. even that was hopeless, for the well-trained horse, wheeling or leaping aside, knew as well as his rider how to avoid the charge of the furious buffalo, which was certain in the course of a few seconds to be brought low. as each hunter killed an animal he dropped some article of his property to denote his prey, a handkerchief, tobacco box, knife, steel, and then galloped on, slaughtering right and left. i had told peter to keep near me, lest any accident should happen to the lad; but carried away by the excitement of the chase, he separated from me, and trevor very quickly disappeared. i was in high glee, for i had rolled over two buffaloes in succession. on i galloped, and brought down a third. i fired at a fourth, a huge bull, but though i hit him he did not fall, and before i could check the speed of my horse to load, the animal put his foot in a badger's hole, and down he came, throwing me over his head. as i was on my way to the ground it seemed i looked up and beheld the huge buffalo, with his hairy head bent down, dashing towards me. i had no power of defending myself. i saw his red, fiery eyes close to me, felt his hot breath on my cheek, and gave myself up for lost. i remembered nothing more but a most horrible sensation of suffocation. i had remained some time in that condition, when i heard voices near me, and recognised peter's tones. "yes, yes, that is my dear master," he exclaimed. "yes, master stalker, and he be coming to life again, i do believe. hurra! hurra!" on this i felt myself lifted up and carried to a little distance, when i was again put down. in a few minutes i was placed in a litter formed, i afterwards found, of the skin of the very buffalo which had so nearly finished me. the shots i had put into him, though not instantaneously fatal, had produced his death at the moment he was about to gore me, and his huge body had fallen over, completely above me. poor peter, when the hunt was over, and the hunters were returning to camp, had searched about for me in every direction, till he was in perfect despair. at length a buffalo i had killed was discovered, and my course tracked till i was found under the body of my fourth victim. the lad had killed a buffalo, and trevor boasted of knocking over six, so that he was well content with this result of his first hunt in british north america. a considerable number of animals had been killed, and now the carts came up to carry off the flesh to be converted forthwith into pemmican, in the manner already described. there was a terrible waste of food even in this instance. i was for several days unable to mount my horse, but had recovered completely by the time the pemmican was prepared and the camp broken up. it had been arranged that we were to begin the homeward march the next day, when the scouts, always kept actively employed on such occasions, brought in word that they had discovered the trail of a band of sioux, their hereditary foes, and had followed it up till they found them encamped not more than a day's journey from where we were--in american territory. a council of war was held immediately. it was agreed by the hunters that if they did not attack the sioux, the sioux would follow and attack them and take them unawares. trevor and i at once came to the opinion that it was our duty to be non-combatants; and, indeed, we counselled our friends to retreat without attacking the sioux, and to trust to their own vigilance not to be taken by surprise. this advice was very unpalatable to the tastes of the hunters, and was totally disregarded. as far as the principles of the half-breeds are concerned we found them very little in advance of the indians, though they pique themselves, as a mark of their civilisation, on not taking scalps. trevor even offered to visit the camp of the sioux, and to try and negotiate terms of peace. to this proposal, however, they would not a moment listen, declaring that he would lose his life in the attempt. the council broke up, and a war-party having been arranged, forthwith set out. they advanced with caution, with scouts thrown out to examine any ground which could possibly afford a spot for an ambush. we rode on with them for some distance, and in vain again urged them to abandon so utterly profitless an expedition--certain as it was also, even should they be victorious in the present instance, to make their enemies retaliate on some future occasion. i believe that the women of the party regarded us with a considerable amount of contempt when we returned to the camp in consequence of our interference. peter, however, explained to the fair dames that although we refused to attack men who had never injured us, we would fight for them like heroes if they were attacked. this assurance seemed to restore us to their good opinion. two days passed, and the war-party returned, looking haggard and travel-stained. they boasted of having killed sixteen of the enemy, but as they had certainly lost five of their own men and had no trophies to show, we questioned this statement. there were also, we pointed out to them, as the result of their exploit, three widows in the camp and a dozen fatherless children whom they were bound to support. we immediately began our return homewards. the camp remained quiet all night, but the next morning several horses were missing, and two scouts, at no great distance, were found killed and scalped. the following day a cree hunter lost his life, but our friends showed no inclination to turn back on the enemy. they were, i found, so completely down-hearted at the loss they had sustained in consequence of their own folly, that they exhibited none of that courage and daring which they undoubtedly possess. still i am convinced that, well led, they are men capable of performing the most daring exploits. as we did not wish to return to fort garry, while they kept to the right, we crossed the assiniboine river and went on to la prairie portage, a settlement of christian indians, presided over by archdeacon cochrane, who has devoted the whole of his life to the service of these children of the wilderness. the settlement appeared in a flourishing condition. there are two churches, a number of neat cottages, and many well-cultivated and well-stocked farms. chapter sixteen. animals of the wilderness--the sioux again--an encampment of cree indians--buffalo pounds--to the red river. we remained here a couple of days to rest our cattle and put our carts in order, and then pushed on by the back trail due west across the prairie towards fort ellis. we encountered wonderfully few difficulties in our progress, though we met with not a few adventures. everywhere rabbits were plentiful, as were all sorts of wild fowl, so that we fared sumptuously. we noticed hamming birds and locusts or grasshoppers, as they are here called, innumerable. vast flights passed over our heads, appearing like silvery clouds in the sky. so voracious are they that they destroyed every article of clothing left on the grass. saddles, girths, leather bags, and clothes were devoured without distinction. ten minutes sufficed them, as some of our men found to their cost, to destroy several garments which had been carelessly left on the ground. looking upwards at the sun as near as the light would permit, we saw the sky continually changing colour, according to the numbers in the passing clouds of insects. opposite the sun the prevailing hue was a silver white, continually flashing. the hum produced by so many millions of wings is indescribable, sounding something like a singing in our ears. these locusts are, as may be supposed, the great enemies to the farmers of these regions--their greatest, even before early and late frosts. fortunately they do not come every year. we fell in with a few black bears and wolves, and with red deer and elks, buffaloes, and other wild animals, so that we had plenty of fresh meat for the table, besides wild fowl and fish, amongst which is a delicious variety of pike, named by the original french canadians, from the peculiar formation of its mouth and head, _masque-alonge_, long-face. beavers have become almost extinct, and so have panthers; but in our fishing expeditions we found that otters were still plentiful. our plan of encamping was somewhat different from that we adopted when voyaging in canoes. at night, our fires being lit, we assembled round them, to cook our provisions, and to escape the breeze-fly and mosquitoes and other insects which the smoke keeps away. sending out scouts to ascertain that no redskins were in the neighbourhood, who would steal our animals if they could, we turned them loose, knowing that they would not stray far. one night, however, one of our scouts reported that he had seen something approach the brow of the hill about two hundred yards off, and that after gazing at the encampment it had disappeared; but whether it was a two-legged or four-legged creature he could not say. the next night, as i was going my rounds, i distinctly heard a horse neigh. this, when i reported it, with the occurrence of the previous night, made our guides sure that we were watched by sioux, and that they would attempt to steal our horses. our camp-fires were therefore put out, the carts placed close together, the animals brought in and tethered, and a watch set. the general opinion was, however, that no attack would be made till near dawn. still, it would be unwise to trust to that. the horses, after a time, became restless. ready also showed, by his low growls, that he fancied enemies were in the neighbourhood. our half-breeds, accordingly, crawling through the grass, arranged themselves in a half-circle about seventy yards from the carts, each with his gun loaded with buck-shot. the night was dark, and not a word was spoken above a whisper. towards morning a scout came in to report that he had heard a person or animal crossing the river--that it came near him and then passed on near the camp. on this he judged it time to follow--that it had come within thirty yards of the tents, when ready had growled, and that then turning off it had recrossed the river. on hearing this, we became still more anxious than ever, expecting every moment an attack. when morning dawned we discovered that we had been completely surrounded by indians; who, however, perceiving that we were on the alert and that the horses were tethered, abandoned the attempt to steal them. this circumstance taught us the necessity for constant caution, at the same time it showed us that the redskins could not be very desperate or blood-thirsty characters, or they would have attacked us in a far bolder manner. some days after this our leading scout galloped in, announcing that he had come upon a large encampment of crees near which we must pass. we closed up immediately and stood to our arms, not knowing whether the strangers would prove to be friends or foes. in the meantime we sent stalker forward as an ambassador to announce our arrival, and to express a wish on our part to have an interview with their chief. our envoy had not been long absent when a band of sixty cree horsemen appeared in sight, galloping rapidly towards us-- wild-looking fellows, many of them naked with the exception of the cloth and belts, and armed with bows and spears, while a few with more garments had firearms. they were headed by a gaily-dressed youth, with a spangled coat, and feathers in his hair, who announced himself as the son of the chief, and stated that he was sent forward to conduct us to their camp. we accordingly begged him and his followers to dismount, and made them welcome with the never-failing calumet. he informed us that his tribe was engaged in buffalo hunting or rather trapping, and that they were about to construct a new pound, having filled the present one with buffalo, but had been compelled to abandon it on account of the stench which arose from the putrefying bodies; and he expressed a wish that we would watch them filling the new pound. after the young chief, whose name sounded and might i believe have been literally rendered fistycuff, had sat smoking an hour he proposed setting out for the camp. we accordingly ordered an advance, and rode on talking pleasantly without the slightest fear of treachery. as we neared the cree camp we saw the women employed in moving their goods, being assisted in this operation by large numbers of dogs, each dog having two poles harnessed to him, on which a load of meat, pemmican, or camp furniture was laid. having pitched our camp and enjoyed another official smoke, young fistycuff invited us to see the old buffalo pound, in which during the past week they had been entrapping buffalo. we accepted the offer, and with as much dignity as if he was about to show us some delightful pleasure-grounds, he led us to a little valley, through a lane of branches of trees which are called "dead men," to the gate or trap of the pound. the branches are called "dead," or "silent men" rather, from the office they perform of keeping the buffalo in a straight line as they are driven towards the pound. a most horrible and disgusting sight broke upon us as we ascended the hill overlooking the pound. within a circular fence of a hundred and twenty feet in diameter, constructed of the trunks of trees laced together with withies, and braced by outside supports, lay, tossed in every conceivable position, upwards of two hundred dead buffaloes. from old bulls to calves, animals of every description were huddled together in all the forced attitudes of a violent death. some lay on their backs with their eyes starting from their heads, and their tongues thrust out through clotted gore. others were impaled on the horns of the old and strong bulls, others again which had been tossed were lying with broken backs, two and three deep. the young chief and his people looked upon the dreadful and sickening scene with evident delight, and described how such and such a bull or cow had exhibited feats of wonderful strength in the death-struggle. the flesh of many of the cows had been taken off, and was drying in the sun on stages near the tents to make pemmican. the odour was almost overpowering, and millions of large blue flesh-flies were humming and buzzing over the putrefying bodies. after we had refreshed ourselves--as fistycuff expressed a hope that we had done--with this spectacle, he begged that we would ride on to the new pound. it was formed in the same way. from it two lines of trees were placed, extending to a distance of four miles into the prairie, each tree being about fifty feet from the others, forming a road about two miles wide, all the mouths gradually narrowing towards the pound. men had concealed themselves behind the trees, and the hunters having succeeded in driving a herd into the road, they rose and shook their robes on any attempt being made to break away from it. now on came the herd rushing forward at headlong speed. now an indian would dart out from behind a tree and shake his robe as an animal showed an inclination to break out of the line, and as quietly again retreat. at the entrance of the pound there was a strong trunk of a tree about a foot from the ground, and on the inner side an excavation sufficiently deep to prevent the buffalo from leaping back when once in the pound. the buffaloes closed in one on the other, the space they occupied narrowing till they became one dense mass, and then, ignorant of the trap prepared for them, they leaped madly over the horizontal trunk. as soon as they had taken the fatal spring, they began to gallop round and round the ring fence, looking for a chance of escape; but with the utmost silence, the men, women, and children who stood close together surrounding the fence, held out their robes before every orifice until the whole herd was brought in. they then climbed to the top of the fence, and joined by the hunters who had closely followed the helpless buffalo, darted their spears or shot with bows or firearms at the bewildered animals, now frantic with rage and terror on finding themselves unable to escape from the narrow limits of the pound. a great number had thus been driven in and killed, and we were about retiring from the horrid spectacle, at the risk of bringing on ourselves the contempt of our hosts, when one wary old bull espying a narrow crevice which had not been closed by the robes of those on the outside, made a furious dash and broke through the fence. in spite of the frantic efforts of the indians to close it up again, the half-maddened survivors followed their leader, and before their impetuous career could be stopped they were galloping helter-skelter among the sand hills, with the exception of a dozen or so which were shot down by arrows or bullets as they passed along in their furious course. in consequence of the wholesale and wanton destruction of the buffalo, an example of which we witnessed, they have greatly diminished. we were not surprised afterwards to hear the old chief say, that he remembered the time when his people were as numerous as the buffalo now are, and the buffalo were as thick as the trees of the forest. we spent two very interesting days with him, and then turned our horses' heads towards the red river, that we might prepare for a canoe voyage on the lakes and up the saskatchewan, which we had resolved to make. chapter seventeen. high state of cultivation of settlements--rupert's land--the rapids-- lake winnipeg--our bivouac--peter nearly "drowned and dead"--how we caught fish--the swampies, and their mode of fishing--an ojibway missionary station--the salt springs--pas mission--fort a la carne. as our object was to see as much as possible of central british america, we sent john stalker with two of our carts laden with stores and provisions, on to fort a la carne, situated near the junction of the two branches of the saskatchewan river, there to await our arrival, while we travelled back to red river, there to embark in our canoes, and to voyage in them through lake winnipeg and up the north saskatchewan. travelling as we did with an abundance of food, and without any fear of knocking up our animals, we made rapid journeys, and were soon again at red river. i will not stop to describe the really comfortable dwellings, the wheat-producing farms, the herds of fat cattle, and the droves of pigs we met as we approached the settlement. neither trevor nor i had any idea that a spot existed, so remote from the atlantic on one side, and the pacific on the other, containing a community possessed of so many sources of wealth. all the farmers we spoke to explained to us that they only wanted one thing, and that was a market, or in other words, settlers who would come and buy their produce. "but if settlers come they will produce food for themselves," remarked trevor. "so a few of them will," answered the farmer. "but there will also come butchers, and bakers, and carpenters, and masons, and magistrates, and policemen, and soldiers, and numbers of other people who will produce nothing, and they will gladly buy what we have to sell. just open up the country, sir. make it easy for people to reach us from canada; establish settlements from this to the westward to british columbia, and not only we, but all who come here will be, ere long, on the fair way to wealth and prosperity." "yes, sir, sure of it, certain of it," cried trevor. "it must become known before long, and appreciated. at least i should say so, if we were not so terribly slow to move in england. the next generation will accomplish the work if not this, that's one comfort." "small comfort to us, sir, in the meantime," answered the farmer. "we shall be stagnating, growing old and rusty; or may be the yankees will be beforehand and open up communication between the atlantic and pacific, while folks in england are only talking about it." "i'll write a book as soon as i get home, and tell them all about it," cried trevor. "i'll make your case known--the case of the country i should say, i'll tell old and young--the boys of england if the men won't listen--so that the boys may take it up when they grow older and able to act." the farmer shook his head, and thought that jack was slightly cracked when he talked thus. for my own part i believe that the people of england will, before long, be made to understand the importance of the subject, though it may be said that neither jack nor i writing about it for the rising generation will do much good, and therefore i will drop the subject and go ahead with our adventures. we found swiftfoot, with the rest of our men, eager to be off, and the two canoes in perfect order. i think that i mentioned that the red river runs for two or three hundred miles, or more, from the united states territory, through rupert's land, into lake winnipeg. for the whole of this distance it is navigable, with the exception of a portion near the mouth, where some fierce rapids exist, over which even canoes cannot pass. we consequently had to embark below these rapids. we slept for the last time in a house for many a day at the indian settlement, and shoving off from the shore, soon passed through one of the reedy bank mouths of the red river, into the open lake. the wind was contrary, but as there was not much of it, we paddled boldly on through the lake. it was curious to feel ourselves traversing what looked like an arm of the sea, in fabrics of a nature so frail as was that of our birch-bark canoes. what mere specks we must have appeared on the wide waters. the shore was clothed chiefly with aspens, birch and willow, and here and there bare limestone rocks appeared, the scenery having altogether a very wild and uncultivated look. there are many islands. on one of them we landed to rest and dine, intending to paddle on afterwards till it was time to camp for the night. while some of us were lighting fires, and making other preparations for a meal, swiftfoot and three other men went out to fish, and soon returned with sufficient sturgeon, shad and bass, to feast the whole party. whether at home amidst all the comforts of civilisation, or out in the uncultivated wilds still almost untrodden by man, a good dinner is a pleasant and soothing thing, and little do i envy that person whose heart is dead to gratitude to the great giver for the gift. here in the wilderness, his oxen covering a thousand hills, and delicious fowl and fish daily furnishing our meal, we never separated from table without sending up thanks to him in simple words. refreshed in mind and body, away we went at a great rate before the breeze, with our square sail of cotton set. the indians make their sails of the same material that they do their canoes, of birch-bark. it will not stand a heavy gale, neither will their canoes, so they always keep in harbour, or rather hauled up high and dry on such occasions. lake winnipeg is like a wasp's body, very narrow in one port and broad at the ends. it runs north-west and south-east, and is about two hundred and eighty miles long, and fifty-seven broad, at its widest part. our course was along the centre of the widest part of the southern end. with a bright moon, not to lose the favourable breeze, we ran on all night, eager to reach the mouth of the saskatchewan, which it is possible to do from red river in three days, and which will be done regularly when steamers are placed on the lake. what very unromantic and common-place ideas--steamers and red indians, and the far-west and cornfields!--the truth is, that romance is disappearing before the march of civilisation; however, no fear but that we should meet with adventures before long. after passing the narrow part of the lake we were paddling on towards evening in the hopes of gaining an island, where it was proposed that we should camp. the sky had been clear but clouds began to appear in the north-east, increasing quickly in numbers till they covered the sky, and a heavy swell rolled in towards us, such as would not be thought much of by those on board the _great eastern_, but which to us, embarked in frail bark canoes, was somewhat formidable; and then foaming waves arose and tossed us about till we expected every moment that the canoes would be upset. we paddled on with all our might against the fast rising gale to reach the shelter of the island, which we saw in the far distance. the matter was growing serious, for every instant the waves were increasing in height. it seemed scarcely possible that our light canoes could float much longer. the force of the water alone was sufficient to crumple them up. peter looked very pale, but said nothing, and baled away perseveringly, while our _voyageurs_ paddled bravely on, facing the danger like men. now we rose on the top of a huge sea foaming and bubbling and curling round us, and then down we sank again in the hollow, and it appeared that the next sea which we saw rolling on fierce and angry must overwhelm us, and so it would had we stayed where we were, but our buoyant canoes rose up the watery hill, and there we were on the top ready to plunge down on the other side. it was an anxious time. an accident to one canoe would have proved the destruction of both, for unless we had deserted our companions, in attempting to save them both would probably have perished. our only chance would have been to throw all the lading out of the canoes and to cling on to them till we might be washed on shore. all we could feel was that, by dint of great exertions, we were making progress towards the island. we encouraged each other also by guessing how many yards we had made during each ten minutes. more than once i thought that we should go down, and at length a sea higher than its predecessors came rolling on, and i heard trevor's voice cry out that the canoe was filling and that they were sinking, urging us to paddle on and not to attempt to save them. i looked round--they had disappeared--my heart sank--we were leading, we could not have turned back without certain destruction--our only chance was to keep working away head to wind. i knew that, yet i longed to make an attempt to rescue my friend and his companions. i dared not look back. i thought that i should see them struggling in the waves, and yet not be able to stretch out a hand to help them. presently i heard a voice. it was jack's--in cheery tones singing out-- "all right, jolly; we've got rid of our ballast and will soon be up with you." i was thankful, indeed, to hear him, and little heeded the loss of the lading of which he spoke; though, as it consisted chiefly of our provisions, it was a serious matter. i did look round for an instant, and then he was paddling on as if nothing had been the matter. still, we had a long way to go and darkness was coming on. my motto has always been "persevere--never give in while life remains." so we paddled on. i had begun to fear, however, that we should never reach the island, when, on our port bow, as a sailor would say, appeared some low shrubs growing out of, not the water, but a sandbank which the dancing waves had before prevented us seeing. had we gone on a few minutes longer and been driven on it to windward, though we might, for the moment, have escaped with our lives, our canoes must have been dashed in pieces and all our store and provisions destroyed and lost. i pointed it out to trevor just in time; and now allowing our canoes to drop astern a little we found ourselves in comparatively smooth water, under the lee of the bank. rather than risk proceeding further, especially as the channel between the bank and the island was rougher than any part, we agreed to land. in a strong boat this is an easy matter, but a stone or a branch may drive a hole in an instant through a thin birch canoe. as soon, therefore, as we neared the shore we jumped out and lifted our canoes on to firm ground. i will not call it dry, for the spray completely covered it. still we had reason to be thankful that we had escaped the great danger to which we had been exposed. we had very little light left us, but we picked out the highest and driest spot among the bushes we could find, though neither very high nor very dry, and there we managed to camp. we had no hopes of keeping our tent standing, and, indeed, before we could light a fire it was necessary to construct a screen to protect it from the wind. this we did with some sticks and birch-bark and shrubs washed on shore, and under it we all crouched down to try and dry our wet garments--when we had, after no little trouble, lighted our fire. the only wood we could get to burn was found under bushes and other sheltered places. our crews were greatly fatigued with their exertions, and wrapping themselves up in their buffalo robes, they were soon asleep, as was peter. trevor and i also being very tired were preparing to follow their example--indeed, in spite of the storm, we could scarcely keep awake. we made up our fire as well as we could, hoping that it would continue burning till somebody awoke to replenish it. we persuaded ourselves that it was useless to keep watch, as no hostile indians could approach us; nor could any wild beasts; our canoes were secured, and the fire was so placed that it could not injure us. "good night, old fellow," said trevor, drowsily. "wake me when the storm is over, for we shall not be able to move till then." "of course," said i. "but if you wake first rouse me up." "oh, yes. i say, har--that's it--just what--" trevor's attempt to speak more failed him--or, at all events, i did not hear him, and we were both asleep. in my sleep, however, i heard the storm raging and the water dashing against the sandbank. suddenly i was conscious that i was lifted from the ground--there was a hissing noise, and i felt very cold. i sprang to my feet, shouting out to the rest of the party, who were soon spluttering and jumping and crying out, not knowing what had happened or was going to happen. i very quickly guessed; a wave had broken over the bank, and as yet we could not discover who or what it had carried off, as it had completely extinguished the fire. i shouted out, demanding if all hands were there. trevor, swiftfoot, pierre garoupe, and the other _voyageurs_ answered; but peter made no reply. again i shouted--no one answered. we felt for the spot where he had lain, but he was not there. "poor fellow, he must be lost!" i exclaimed. just then i heard a cry, and ready, who had disappeared, gave a bark. guided by the sound, i stumbled on to the spot, and there, caught in a bush and half in the water, i found a human being whom i recognised as peter, from his exclamation-- "oh, sir, we shall all be drowned and dead!" with considerable exertion i managed to drag him up to the top of the bank again; and it was some time before he recovered. some of the party ran to the canoes--they were safe as yet--but the storm was raging more furiously than ever, and should another wave wash over our bank they might be carried bodily away, when, unless seen by passing indians, we should be left to starve. to light another fire was impossible, as by this time all the wood around was thoroughly saturated. so there we sat or stood the livelong night, holding on to bushes or to paddles or other pieces of wood stuck in the ground to enable us to resist any other wave which should be driven over the bank. i have passed several disagreeable nights in my life, but that was one of the most disagreeable. all i can say is that it might have been worse. i would rather have been there than racked with pain on a bed of sickness--or on an iceberg--or in an open boat in the south pacific, parched with thirst--or in a dungeon, or in many other disagreeable places. so we sat quiet, and tried to amuse ourselves by talking. wet damps the pipes, i have observed, of the most determined songster or whistler; so that although two or three of us began a tune, it speedily stopped. the storm raged as furiously as ever, the waves coming one after the other rolling up the bank; and, as we watched them, it appeared as if each successive one must advance beyond its predecessors and sweep us away. poor peter, after his former experience, was very much alarmed. "here it comes again, sir; here it comes. 'twill be all over with us!" he cried out, as a huge roller capped with foam, looking vastly higher than it really was, came onwards towards the bank. it struck the solid ground, which it palpably shook. then on it came, curling over, up, up, up. the water reached us; we sprang to our feet, holding each other's hands and bending forward to resist its power united to the fury of the wind. it scarcely, however, reached to our ankles. while some of the mass rushed over the bank, the greater part flowed back, to be again hurled forward yet with diminished strength against the opposing barrier. the dawn will come in spite of the darkness of the longest night; and as this was a short one, we were agreeably surprised to find it breaking, though, in the uncertain light, the waters looked more foaming and agitated than they appeared to be when the day was more advanced. gradually, too, the wind fell, the rollers ceased to strike the bank with their former fury, and though after a storm on the ocean days pass before it becomes calm, scarcely had the wind dropped than the surface of the lake became proportionately smooth. the sun came out, and its powerful rays dried our clothes and sticks sufficient to boil our kettle. after a hearty breakfast, we repaired our canoes with fresh gum, and continued our voyage. as trevor had been compelled to throw overboard so much of our provisions, we were anxious to secure some more to prevent the necessity of sending back to red river. swiftfoot told us of a river near at hand where large quantities of fine fish can always be caught--the jack-fish river. towards it we steered, and, after proceeding up a little way, came upon a weir, or "basket," as it is called, erected across it by the indians. it was much broken; but a number of turkey buzzards hovered around, ready to pounce on any fish which might get into it. our indians immediately set to work to repair it. indians, like other savages, are very industrious when hungry, and idle in the extreme when their appetites are satisfied. our fellows were, fortunately for us, hungry, and so they worked with a will. the weir consisted of a fence of poles stretching completely across the river and doping in the direction of the current, so that the water could pass freely through. on one side there was an opening in this palisade, near the bank, about a yard in width, leading into a rectangular box with a grated bottom sloping upwards, through which the water flowed with perfect ease. the fish in the day-time see the weir, and either swim back or jump over it; but at night, hoping to avoid it, they dart through the opening, not observing the impediment beyond. swimming on, they at length find themselves high and dry on the upper part of the grated trap or pound. the fisherman sits by the side of it with a wooden mallet in his hand, with which he knocks the larger fish on the head as they appear, and then pitches them out on the bank to be in readiness for his squaw, who appears in the morning to clean and cut them up. we repaired the weir before dark, and, camping near it, after supper set to work to catch fish in this, to us, novel manner. we divided the party into watches, so that fish-catching and cleaning went on all night. i began, with swiftfoot to assist me. i knocked the fish on the head, and he threw them out, while a whole gang were employed in splitting and cleaning them. no sooner were the shades of evening cast over the river than the hapless fish began to dash into our trap. the _masque-alonge_, a huge pike, first made his appearance, his further progress being effectually stopped; and he was soon on the grass in the hands of the cleaners. five or six gold-eyes next appeared, and then a sucking-carp and three perch, or, more correctly, well-eyed pike. the _voyageurs_ had lighted a fire, and those not engaged in fishing sat up to eat the fish caught by their companions as fast as they could cook them. ready, who had been on short commons lately, especially relished his share. as we had formed two pounds, one on each bank of the river, and had relays of fish-catchers, we entrapped between three and four hundred fish of the sorts i have mentioned. had we possessed a sufficient supply of salt, we might have effectually preserved them. we pickled all we could, and dried in the sun and with smoke those we did not immediately eat. the lake being calm, the following day we continued our voyage to the mouth of the little saskatchewan river, which, it will be seen, communicates with lake manitobah, close to which there are some valuable salt works. the wind was fair up the river, but foul for proceeding to the works by the lake. setting sail, we ran merrily along under sail, overtaking a fleet of indian canoes belonging to a tribe of swampies, each with a birch-bark sail. at night we camped, and our swampy friends coming up with us, did the same near a rapid, where they immediately began to fish. this they did from their canoes. one man paddled and another stood in the bow of the canoe with a net like a landing net at the end of a long pole. as his quick eye detected a fish he dipped his net as a scoop or ladle is used, and each time brought up a fish three or four pounds weight. i may safely say that i saw an indian, in the course of a few minutes, catch twenty-five white fish. if these people better knew the method of preserving their fish they need never suffer, as they often do, from hunger. that morning, the wind being foul, the poor squaws were employed in tracking the canoes along the banks of the river. after watching them for some time as they came up towards our camp peter went forward, and in dumb show, offered to help them, whereat he was treated by the ladies with silent contempt, while his companions saluted him with shouts of hearty laughter. i cannot describe the scenery fully of this curious mixture of lake and stream through which we passed. the banks are generally low--now the water rushed through a narrow passage formed of huge boulders of rocks--now it expanded into a fine lake. once we forced our way through a vast natural rice field extending for miles, affording food for birds innumerable, and to as many indians as took the trouble to collect it. they run their canoes into the midst of a spot where the rice is the thickest, and bending down the tall stalks, shake them till they have a full cargo. at length we reached, what we little expected to find in that remote region, a large comfortable cottage in the midst of a well-cultivated and productive farm, surrounded by a number of smaller but neat dwellings. this was an indian missionary station, where upwards of a hundred and fifty indian men, women, and children, permanently reside under the superintendence of a devoted english missionary and his wife, assisted by a highly-educated young lady who had lately come out from england to join them. she has learned the ojibway language, so as to devote her attention most profitably to the education of the children. we visited the school, and it was interesting to see the way in which the little dark-skinned creatures listened to the words which came from the young lady's lips, and the intelligent answers they gave, as our interpreters translated them, to the questions she put. there was a service in ojibway, consisting of prayers, a chapter in the bible, singing, and a short address, which we attended. the congregation was most attentive, and a considerable number of heathen indians came in to listen. the service was rather short, but i have no doubt that the excellent missionary considered it wiser to send his hearers away wishing for more, and resolved to come again to listen, than with a feeling of weariness, and declaring that it should be the last time they would set foot within those walls. the missionary's own cottage was excessively neat and pretty, both inside and out, he feeling, evidently, that it must serve as a model, as he himself, in a degree, was to his converts. their abodes were, indeed, very superior to those of heathen indians, while their fields, cultivated in a much better manner than are those found generally among the indian tribes, are made to produce indian corn, potatoes, and a variety of other vegetables. there was nothing very curious or romantic in the short visit we paid to this missionary station in the wilderness, yet it was truly one of the most really interesting, thus to find a church in the wilderness performing its duty effectually of converting the heathen from their gross ignorance and sin to a knowledge and practice of the truth. not far off was a hudson's bay company's post, and, like some previous travellers we afterwards met, we had to complain of the scenes of drunkenness and vice which took place among the heathen indians encamped outside it. the company prohibits the sale of liquor to indians; but notwithstanding this large quantities are given away to induce them to sell their peltries cheap, and to gamble away their property, so that they must go forth again to hunt. thus the missionaries are unable to obtain an influence over them, and the unhappy race are dying from three causes--from drunkenness, from hardships, and from scarcity of food, which, as hunters for fur-bearing animals, they are unable to provide for themselves and families. in my opinion, by means of missionaries who can impart christian knowledge, and instruction in agricultural and other useful arts, with the opening up of markets for the result of their industry, can alone the rapid decrease of the indian race be arrested. after a pleasant stay of a couple of days at this promising station, we proceeded on our voyage to the salt springs. after passing into lake winnepegosis, we reached the springs, which are situated about four hundred yards from the lake shore, on a barren area of about ten acres of extent, but a few feet above the level of the lake. the whole shore of the lake is said to contain salt springs. at this spot there are some forty or fifty springs, though rather less than thirty wells have been dug by the manufacturers, whose works consist of three log-huts, three evaporating furnaces, and some large iron kettles or boilers. when a fresh spring is discovered a well five feet broad and five deep is excavated and a hut and furnace erected near it. the brine from the wells is ladled into the kettles, and as the salt forms it is scooped out and allowed to remain a short time to drain before it is packed in birch-bark baskets for transportation to the settlements. the brine is so strong that thirty gallons of brine produce a bushel of salt; and from each kettle, of which there are eight or nine, two bushels can be made in a day in dry weather. some freighters' boats were taking in cargo at the portage on lake manitobah for the red river as well as for other parts, and we here also took on board as much as we could carry; having purchased several bushels besides, to be brought on to the mouth of the little saskatchewan, that we might salt some white fish to serve us for future use. we might have proceeded by a more direct route--through lake winnepegosis--to the mouth of the great saskatchewan, but we wished to navigate the large lake from one end to the other. we accomplished all we proposed in five days--reached the mouth of the rapid and gold-bearing great saskatchewan. near the entrance is a long and fierce rapid, which it was necessary for us to mount, before we could again reach water on which we could navigate our canoes. it is nearly two miles in length. the water from above comes on smoothly and steadily; then, suddenly, as if stimulated to action by some sudden impulse, it begins to leap and foam and roll onward till it forms fierce and tumultuous surges, increasing in size till they appear like the rolling billows of a tempestuous sea, ready to engulf any boat venturing over them. in the one case, on the ocean, the movement is caused by the wind above; in the present instance by that of the water itself passing over an incline of rough rocks beneath. having partly unladen our canoes, leaving two men in alone, one to steer and the other to fend off the rocks, the rest of us harnessed ourselves to the end of a long tow line, with straps round our bodies, and commenced tracking them up the rapid along a path at the top of the cliffs. it was very hard work, as we had to run and leap and scramble along the slippery and jagged rocks alongside the cataract. it was curious to know that we were still in the very heart of a vast continent, and yet to be navigating a river upwards of half-a-mile in width. after proceeding twenty miles we passed through cross lake, and soon afterwards entered cedar lake, which is thirty miles long and twenty broad. we had now to proceed for some hundred miles up this hitherto little-known river, which, rising in the rocky mountains, is navigable very nearly the whole distance from their base. as we were sailing we were agreeably surprised, on turning a point, to see before us on the right bank of the river, in the midst of fields of waving corn, a somewhat imposing church, whose tall spire, gilt by the last rays of the evening sun, was mirrored in the gliding river; a comfortable looking parsonage; a large and neat school-house, and several other dwelling-houses and cottages. this proved to be the pas mission, one of the many supported by the church missionary society. here we were most liberally and hospitably received. above it is fort cumberland, a trading post of the hudson's bay company. an upward voyage of a hundred and fifty miles, aided by a strong breeze, brought us to fort a la carne, another hudson's bay company's post, where we found stalker and our carts, and were joined by pierre garoupe, who had come across the country from red river with a further supply of provisions and stores. chapter eighteen. the winter in camp--our log-house and huts--hunting and fishing--buffalo stalking--supper and a dance, and supper again--how we fared in camp-- indian stalking--winter pastime. we found that although the weather was still very warm in the day-time, that the comparatively short summer of those regions was already too far advanced to allow of our pushing our way across the rocky mountains in the present wild state of the country; a feat, however, which my friend paul kane performed some years ago; but then boats were in waiting on the upper branch of the columbia to convey him and his party to the south. we therefore agreed to employ ourselves in hunting, and in preparing our winter quarters till it was time to go into them. as i have already described a summer buffalo hunt, i will pass over those we at this time engaged in, and proceed to an account of our life in the winter. our canoes and such articles as we no longer required we exchanged for horses--such as were likely to prove of value to us in our onward journey in the spring. we had selected a beautiful spot near a lake and in the neighbourhood of a tribe of peaceably-disposed indians, for the erection of our residence, about fifty miles from the forts; and we now set out for it, with our carts, horses, stores, and cattle in the true patriarchal style, only the women and children were fortunately wanting. having reached our location we pitched our tents, and having unpacked such provisions and goods as we required for our immediate use, placed the carts together, and covered the whole with tarpaulins. our horses we turned out, as they would be able to exist through the whole winter, sheltered by the woods, and feeding on the rich grass which they could get at by digging with their noses under the snow. our first business was then to cut down the trees necessary for the erection of our abodes. we all took axes in our hands, and in the course of a couple of days had trees enough felled for our purpose. there they lay around in all directions, but it puzzled trevor and peter not a little to say how they were to be made to answer the purpose of sheltering us during a winter of almost arctic severity. john stalker was the chief builder, and i was architect; that is to say, i designed the plan of the buildings, and he directed the way in which they were to be put up, while the rest of the party lopped off the branches and dragged the logs up to the spot. i had studied the way to construct a log-house while recovering from the wounds i received in our skirmish with the comanches, and now i found an opportunity of turning my knowledge to account. the chief residence was to be oblong; so we cut two long and two short trunks, making deep scores at each end that they might fit into each other. above these were placed others also scored at the ends, till four thick walls had been erected about seven feet high, without a roof and without doors and windows. trevor looked at it with astonishment, and peter walked round and round it till, stopping short near the builder, he remarked-- "well, master stalker, that's a rum house! i'll be bold to ask, are we to be shut up all winter, so that we don't want a door to go in and out at? and is it so dark that we don't want a window to see out of?" "wait a bit, and you'll see what we'll do, lad," answered stalker, laughing. "light enough, day and night, when the snow's on the ground; and you'll be as much out of doors as in doors when the sky's clear." peter waited and wondered, for stalker insisted on getting up all the walls of the huts before proceeding to other portions of the work. besides ours, in which were to be deposited the stores for greater safety, there were to be two of smaller size for the men. the walls, when only thus far completed, looked in no way fitted to keep out the cold, as we could see through the interstices on every side. "wait a bit," was stalker's remark. "now, lads, some on you go and dig the stiffest clay you can find, and others chop up some grass." this order was speedily obeyed, and, with a mixture formed of the two, every cranny was completely stopped up; and in the inside the walls were made so perfectly smooth that the logs were almost concealed. "there!" exclaimed stalker, as he surveyed his work; "i doubt if jack frost, though he is pretty sharp in these parts, will ever get through that." with their hatchets, he and two of the other men literally chopped out a doorway and a window in each hut. the doors were formed from some boards taken from the carts, and the windows with sheets of parchment nailed tightly over the aperture, so that they served the double purpose of drums and windows. as yet there were no roofs; but the men had been set to work to cut a number of tall, thin young pine-trees, which served as rafters placed close together, while a quantity of marsh grass, over which was spread a heavy layer of clay, formed a thatch which no storm could remove. we began to talk of putting up our bedsteads, and making ourselves comfortable inside our huts. "not much comfort you'll get by-and-by, gentlemen, if you was not to do something more than you have done," observed stalker. "what can that be?" asked trevor. "i'm sure i don't know," muttered peter. "to my mind the houses are pretty comfortable for poor men, though not much for gentlemen like master and mr trevor." "i guess jack frost would pretty soon remind you when he comes," observed stalker, with a grin. "_ma foi_!" exclaimed pierre garoupe. "monsieur jaque frost make his way through de key-hole." "oh, how stupid--a fire-place!" i cried out. "that's it," cried stalker. "and now let's set about it." i suggested that, instead of the ordinary clay of which fire-places are built, that ours should be constructed of stone of which there was no lack, in the shape of boulders, near the lake. these we collected in the carts, and by cementing them by mortar supported by a frame of wood outside, we formed a substantial fire-place and chimney suited for such a fire as we expected to require. by stalker's advice we sunk the floor three feet deep, and piled the earth we dug up outside; thus adding much to the warmth of our abode. a trench was also dug outside, at some little distance, to take off any water which, during a casual thaw, might be inclined to run in. then, to keep off the wind--the primary object--any grizzlies which might be wandering our way, or any indians who might prove hostile, we surrounded our whole station with a strong palisade, so that it was almost as strong as one of the company's posts. never sleep on the ground. to obviate that necessity we stuck some short posts into the ground, and on them formed a framework, over which we stretched some buffalo hides, and so got first-rate bedsteads. trevor laughed at me for what he called my effeminacy, but i suggested that, after a hunting tramp of thirty or forty miles, we might not be sorry to turn into a comfortable bed. our lads' labour was stacking all the wood we had cut for burning, and then storing our goods and provisions. we put off making the furniture for our huts till we should be kept in by bad weather. a further supply of firewood could also be procured at any time after the snow covered the ground. writers of romances make their heroes and heroines wonderfully independent of food and rest; but we, being ordinary mortals, were aware that we could not exist in comfort without a good supply of provisions, and trevor and i therefore formed two parties of the men--one to remain in charge of the huts to fish, and to cure what they caught, besides trapping or shooting any animals; while the other was to accompany us in search of buffalo and any other game to be found. scarcely were our arrangements completed when the snow fell, and all nature assumed her wintry garb, not to be put off till the following spring. trevor and i, with john stalker, swiftfoot, and two other indians, formed the hunting party. we first constructed four horse-sleighs to carry the flesh of the buffaloes we intended to kill, each dragged by a single horse. we were all mounted, also, on small, but active and hardy steeds, with our blankets, cloaks, tin-cups, pemmican, tea and sugar, and a few other articles, strapped to our saddles. we each had our rifles, axes, and hunting-knives, while an iron pot and a frying-pan were the only articles in our camp equipage. the snow, however thick, was no impediment to our horses in finding their food, for, without difficulty, they dug down through it with their noses till they reached the rich dry grass beneath, which seems, thus, in this apparently inhospitable region, to be preserved for their especial use. we found that horses, cattle, and pigs lived out through the winter without any charge being taken of them, except towards the end of spring, when an occasional thaw melts the surface of the snow, which, freezing again at night, forms so hard a crust that even their tough mouths cannot break through it. we had no tents or covering beyond our cloaks and blankets. as night approached we camped near some copse of willow or birch, which would afford us wood for our fires--rarely even putting up a screen of birch-bark which would shelter us from the icy blast. with a fire in the centre, as large as we could keep up, we lay in a circle, our feet towards it, and our bodies, like the spokes of a wheel, wrapped in our blankets, and our heads on our saddles. this was our most luxurious style of camping. at other times we were not nearly so well off, as i shall have to recount. we had travelled about a hundred miles south of our station over a hilly, well-watered, and well-wooded country, which must, in summer, be highly picturesque, when stalker announced, from the traces he had seen in the snow, that buffalo were near. we, therefore, immediately camped, but dared not light a fire for fear of frightening the animals, so we had to make a meal off dry pemmican and biscuit, washed down with rum and water--very sustaining food, at all events. in winter the buffalo must be stalked like deer, and cannot be ridden down as in summer, when the hard ground allows the horses to approach at full gallop. we consequently left our horses and rugs and cooking utensils--and, indeed, everything that would encumber us--in camp, under charge of the two indians, and advanced on foot. we had to keep to leeward and to conceal ourselves behind any bush or inequality of ground we could find. "too many cooks spoil the broth"--too many sportsmen do the same thing, or rather lose it altogether. we advanced cautiously enough, when once we got sight of the herd, for about two miles or more, each man taking up his station properly; but it had not been arranged who should fire first, or when each person should fire. there appeared directly before me a dozen or more fine bulls, rather too far for a certain aim. i was creeping on slowly and cautiously to get a better aim, when one of the party, in his eagerness, showed himself. we all said it was peter, and scolded him accordingly, for off set the buffaloes at full gallop. then we all let fly at the ends they exposed to us; but not a shot took effect, and we soon afterwards met in the open space, where they had been, looking very foolish at each other. peter bore his scolding without complaining, and our good humour was restored when stalker assured us that we were sure to come up with the animals if we did not mind a good walk. were we not bold hunters? so of course we did not, and off we set. we trudged on for many a long mile, when stalker called a halt, and told us that we were again close to the herd, on their leeside, and that if we were cautious we should certainly bag some game. we had spent two or three hours gaining our present position; evening was coming on, and if we did not kill some beasts now, we might miss them altogether. this made us more than usually anxious, as we crept on towards the unconscious animals, which kept busily cropping their afternoon meal. now i saw one of them look up. something had startled him. he communicated his fears to the rest. i was certain that in another moment they would be off. one of them, a fine bull, turned his shoulder towards me. the opportunity was not to be lost. i fired. the animal dashed on with the rest. i thought that i must have missed him; but in a few seconds he stopped, rolled over, and his life-blood stained the pure snow. three other shots were fired in quick succession, two of them followed by the fall of an animal; at considerable distances, however, from each other. we pursued the rest, eager for more. we were hunting for the pot--indeed, our very existence might depend on what we should kill; but, after a hard run of a mile or more, the rest of the buffaloes broke from us and scampered off into the boundless prairie. we now called a bait, and came to the conclusion that, if we did not hurry back, we should find but a flemish account of the animals we had already killed, as that moment the howl of wolves struck on our ear, telling us that they had scented out the carcasses. though they are much less ferocious than are those of siberia and russia, they have equally large appetites, and we knew that they would have no respect for our requirements of winter provender. we therefore divided parties. one half to remain by the animals last killed, while the others, that is to say, peter and i, went back to the spot where i had killed the bull. we ran as fast as we could over the snow, and were only just in time to scare away a whole herd which was about to make an onslaught on our property; for so, in that region, the hunter considers every animal he kills, a point disputed only by the wolves, who believe themselves to possess an equal right to it. we now began to reflect seriously how we were to pass the night. we had left our blankets and cloaks at our camp, and the thermometer, if we had possessed one, would have sunk below zero. wood was scarce, and shelter of any sort there was none, as the snow was not deep enough to dig a hole in it, cold comfort even as that would have been. we espied a copse of arbor-vitae, the close foliage covered pretty well with snow, at a distance, near a small pond, and from it we collected dry sticks sufficient only for a small fire. having lighted it, we commenced skinning the buffalo, taking his hump and tongue for our supper, intending to broil the one and bake the other in a coat of clay. i had a little tea in my pocket, and peter had a tin mug, in which we managed to melt some snow and boil it sufficiently to infuse the fragrant herb; but, in spite of the warm beverage and hot meat, which we relished, we felt the cold bitterly. to keep off the chilling blast we scraped the snow up into a circular wall. i then bethought me of the buffalo skin, of which we soon denuded the beast, dragged it to our fire, and crept under it. how warm and cozy we found it! and all our fears for our comfort during the night vanished. having made up the fire, with our rifles by our sides, we went to sleep. i was awoke by a sensation of cold, and hearing peter exclaim-- "oh, sir, i wonder what has come over the buffalo skin?" on sitting up i found that the lately soft and warm hide had formed a frozen arch over us, as hard as iron, and that our fire was nearly out. we could do nothing but spring to our feet, make up the fire, and then jump about before it to restore the circulation. though this employment was satisfactory for a time we began, at length, to find it very irksome and fatiguing, and it seemed impossible to keep it up the whole night, yet i could think of no other way of escaping being frozen to death. peter proposed, as a variety, that we should eat some more beef and drink some more tea, a bright idea, to which i acceded; and when that midnight meal was over, we took to dancing again. we knew that trevor and his party would be as badly off, and we only hoped that they would have thought of similar means of keeping body and soul together. peter diversified the amusement by singing and playing all sorts of antics, while i contemplated the stars overhead; but instead of rest we only became more and more fatigued, and i was truly glad when at length the wolves set up a hideous chorus, announcing the approach of dawn. a superstitious man, unaccustomed to the sound, might have supposed them to be a band of evil spirits, compelled at the return of the bright luminary of the day to revisit their abodes of darkness. having eaten so many suppers we had no appetite for breakfast, and instead of taking any we cut up the carcasses ready for the sleighs which trevor was to send swiftfoot to fetch. they arrived at length, when we found that our friends had passed the night exactly as we had done. the beef being sufficient only partly to fill the sleighs, trevor and stalker set off in search of more buffalo, while we followed slowly, intending to return to the camp in the evening. the result was that we killed four more bulls, and found ourselves, as night approached, far away from our camp. as, however, we had no desire to spend another night like the previous one, we set forth in search of it. we have heard of looking for a needle in a bundle of hay, and ours seemed a very similar undertaking; still both stalker and swiftfoot asserted that they could guide us to the camp by the stars; so on we travelled hour after hour, till they called a halt, and owned that we ought to be there, but that they were at fault as to the exact spot. some thought that it was farther on, some to the right, and some to the left. the only point in which we were all agreed was that we were not at it, and that we must make up our minds to spend as disagreeable a night as the last. there was a crescent moon, but that was about to set; by its faint light we discovered a small copse not far off. on the leeside of it we lighted our fire, round which we tramped for the remainder of the night, the trees not allowing us sufficient shelter to enable us to lie down without a great risk of being frozen to death. it was a weary and uninteresting employment after a hard day's work, and while i went round and round the fire i began to consider whether i might not have been more pleasantly occupied in shooting pheasants and partridges at home, with a good night's rest in a comfortable bed at the end of each day. "begone such lazy thoughts," i, however, exclaimed; "i left home in search of adventures, and i am finding them." when daylight came, it was, i confess, rather provoking to find that the camp was only three or four hundred yards off, where we had our supply of blankets and other creature comforts. as we had now our sleighs loaded to the utmost, and three buffaloes besides _en cache_, or hidden, that is from the wolves, we turned our faces homewards. the ground was hilly, and as the sun had still considerable power the surface of the snow had been melted, and when frozen again was exceedingly slippery. the consequence of this was that, one of the horses slipping on the side of a hill, the sleigh broke away and rolled over and over to the bottom. we ran down, expecting to see the horse killed or seriously injured, and the sleigh broken to pieces, but neither was the worse for the occurrence, and the horse being set on his legs, trotted on as bravely as before. we were not sorry to get back to our winter quarters, which appeared absolutely luxurious after the nights we had spent out in the snow without shelter. how we did sleep, and how we did eat! hunter's fare, indeed, is not to be despised. we had for breakfast fried fish, buffalo tongues, tea, sugar, dampers, and _galettes_--cakes of simple water and flour, baked under the ashes, and which are very light and nice. for dinner we had, say a dish of boiled buffalo hump, a smoked and boiled buffalo calf whole, a mouffle or dry moose nose, fish, browned in buffalo marrow, loons or other wild ducks, and goose, potatoes, turnips, and abundance of bread. we had no necessity to dry the meat we had brought, as it would keep frozen through the winter. near the forts the flesh of the buffaloes killed in winter is preserved through the summer in the following way:-- an ice-pit is made, capable of containing the carcasses of six or seven hundred buffaloes. ice, from a neighbouring river, is cut into square blocks of a uniform size with saws, like the blocks sent over to england from wenham lake. with these the floor and sides of the pit are lined, and cemented together with water thrown on them, which freezes hard. each carcass, without being skinned, is divided into four quarters, and they are piled in layers in the pit till it is filled up. it is then covered with a thick coating of straw, which is again protected from the sun and rain by a shed. in this way the meat is kept perfectly good through the summer, and is more tender and of better flavour than when fresh. we entered into friendly relations with a tribe of indians, who had taken up their winter quarters in a wood five or six miles off, and from them we learned many devices for catching game, which our own people were not accustomed to practise. we had won their hearts by supplying them with meat, and as they discovered that we could kill buffalo with our rifles with more certainty than they could with their old firearms, or bows and arrows, they were anxious to get us to accompany them in any hunting expedition, knowing that their share of game would be larger than any amount they could catch alone. the three chief men were called by us, eagle-eye, quick-ear, and wide-awake. eagle-eye came to us one day to say that some buffalo had been seen very near the station, and invited us to go out and shoot them. the indians undertook to shoot too, if we would go to a distance and kill the rest as they ran off. our party was quickly ready, and off we set--the indians carrying some skins, the object of which we did not understand. after walking eight or ten miles, eagle-eye called a halt. quick-ear produced the skin of a buffalo calf, and wide-awake that of a wolf, into which they respectively got; while eagle-eye, telling us to imitate him, led away to the right. "there, you see, we make one big snake," he observed, as we prepared to follow his footsteps. "the buffalo see us long way off; think we snake among grass." what the buffalo thought i do not know, but certainly they took no notice of us--indeed we were a long way off, and perhaps they were engaged in watching the proceedings of quick-ear, who was representing the antics of an innocent little buffalo calf. nearer and nearer the little calf they drew; now they stopped, rather doubtful; then they advanced a little and stopped again. suddenly a wolf, represented by wide-awake, appeared on the scene, and the calf bellowed piteously; the wolf sprang savagely on him; the kind-hearted buffaloes could stand it no longer, but rushed forward to rescue their young fellow-creature, when quick-ear and wide-awake, jumping up with their rifles, which had been lying by their sides, in their hands, let fly, and brought down two of them. the rest scampered off towards where we were posted, nor did they appear to notice us till four more of their number had fallen, when the survivors turned, and were soon out of reach of our rifles. the indians, on seeing the success of their stratagem, sprang forward, shouting and leaping with joy, and soon had the animals cut up and ready for transportation to their lodges and our huts. our horse-sleighs soon after appeared, followed by theirs, dragged by dogs, and guided by their squaws. before moving, a feast was held by our red friends; the men eating first, and enjoying the tit bits, then the hard-worked women were fed, and lastly the dogs came in for their share. when the variety of ways employed to kill buffalo is remembered, it will not appear surprising that their numbers are rapidly decreasing. the winter seemed to pass far more speedily away than we could have expected, with a very limited supply of books, and with no society except such as our savage visitors afforded us. the fact was, however, that we were never idle, though it must be confessed that we took a very large share of sleep, and ate large amounts of meat and fat, for the sake of generating heat in our system. day after day we were out in the woods trapping, and soon became very expert trappers. we caught the fox, the wolverine, the pokan or fisher, marten, otter, and other animals, for the sake of their skins, and occasionally fell in with the loon and other wild fowl. our equipment was very simple. doubling up our blankets, and uniting the four corners, we formed a pack to contain our pemmican, frying-pan, tin kettle and cup, tea, sugar, and salt, pepper, garlic, and any other small luxury. we had also brought with us from red river some steel traps; a rifle, ammunition, axe, knife, fire bag and lucifer matches, completed the equipment of each man. indeed, these last should never be overlooked by those who have to traverse wild countries; a single tin box is easily stowed away handy, and will last a long while. we carried our blankets--as an irish woman or a gipsy does her child and other worldly goods, at our backs, with a strap across the breast. well secured from cold, with snow shoes on our feet, we sallied forth into the pathless forest, trusting to our faithful pocket-compass to find our way back again, or to the guidance of our indians. the plan was to set our traps as we went out, and to visit them on our return. the steel traps made to catch wolves are of necessity heavy and strong, so that we could only carry a few of them, and had therefore to make others on a more primitive plan. when the beaver was less scarce than now, the beaver-trap was the usual mode of taking the creature; but beavers are now all but extinct, so we spared the few which got into the traps, and let them loose again. the steel traps are like our rat traps, but have no teeth, and require a strong man to set them. they are secured by a chain to a long stick laid on the ground, and are covered over with snow, pieces of meat being scattered about to tempt the animals to the neighbourhood. the wolf, as he goes prowling about, is nearly certain to get a foot into the trap. off he goes with it, but is soon brought up by the chain and log, and they seldom had got far when we found them. the wooden trap is formed by driving a number of stakes, so as to form a palisade, in the shape of a half oval. the enclosure is large enough to allow an animal to push in half its body, but not to turn round. a heavy log is supported by a perpendicular stick, with another horizontal, having the bait at the end of it, much as the brick is in a boy's bird-trap at home. the animal, if he touches the bait--a piece of tough meat or a bird--brings the log down on his shoulder and is crushed to death. we could, after a time, construct thirty or forty of these in a morning, so there was ample interest and excitement in ascertaining, as we walked back, whether our traps had caught anything. our greatest enemy was the glutton, or wolverine, or as garoupe called him, the _carcajou_. he is rather larger than an english fox, with a shaggy coat and very broad feet, armed with sharp claws. he is the most cunning and inquisitive of animals. nothing escapes his notice as he ranges his native wilds, and he can climb a tree or dig a hole with his claws. he used to take the baits out of our traps by digging through the back, and so getting at it. he was not to be caught by poison, and he could select pieces without it, and bite in two those he suspected contained any. now and then, though, he is caught by poison, but only when very severely pressed by hunger. when he gets his foot in a steel trap he drags it off, though heavy enough to catch a wolf, and instead of biting off the limb, as the mink and fox will do, he retires to some secluded spot and there endeavours to withdraw it, in which he often succeeds. hunting and trapping in winter, though very interesting and exciting, are not to be followed without considerable hardships. often the cold was so intense that though sitting close to a blazing fire, and thickly clothed, it was impassible to keep warm. our usual dress was three flannel shirts, one of duffel, and another of leather, over all; fur caps, protecting our ears and necks, mittens of moose-skin without fingers, easily pulled off; and secured by a string round the neck, and large moccasins over numerous pairs of socks. chapter nineteen. across the rocky mountains--the saskatchewan--a coracle, and how to make it--fort edmonton--encounter with a grizzly--a banquet in the wood--we are joined by a party of seven. the winter at length came to an end. the snow began rapidly to disappear, and we commenced preparations for our journey across the rocky mountains and british columbia to vancouver's island. we busied ourselves in getting our carts and stores in order, while stalker and garoupe went out in search of the horses, which we knew had not strayed far. the following day they appeared, driving the whole mob before them, every animal looking as fat as if stall-fed, and in far better condition for travelling. our men we believed were stanch and true. our party consisted of stalker, garoupe, swiftfoot, the indian, and quick-ear, who professed to know the whole country down to the mouth of the frazer. thus we had four natives and three englishmen--trevor, myself, and peter--with our faithful four-footed follower, ready: a number not so great as to provoke attack, yet sufficient to resist wanton aggression. on the last day of march we were up before daybreak, took our last meal in our winter abode, packed our carts, and then-- carefully closing up the doorways and windows, so as to preserve the buildings for the use of future travellers who might have to spend a winter in that region--with a feeling of regret bade farewell to the spot, knowing the improbability that we should ever again revisit it. we had four carts, and each of us was mounted, having a spare horse apiece, so that we formed no inconsiderable a cavalcade. we pushed on as fast as the nature of the ground--wet from the melting snow--would allow till we came to the north bank of the saskatchewan river. for two days we continued along it till it became necessary to cross for the sake of the more beaten track on the opposite bank. how was this to be accomplished? the water was far too cold to make swimming pleasant. i bethought me of the ancient british water conveyances, still in use in wales. having seen an abundant supply of dry reeds and rushes in a creek a little way off, we unloaded a cart, and sent the men to bring it full of them. meantime, i employed myself in making a framework of green willows, and in well greasing a buffalo hide, so as to prevent the water getting through it. while i worked at the boat, trevor manufactured a pair of paddles and a third for steering. by the time the cart returned, we had done so much that all that remained was to make the reeds and rushes up into bundles and to fasten them outside the framework on which i had stretched the buffalo skin. in this somewhat frail though buoyant canoe, resembling somewhat a welsh coracle, we conveyed all our goods across the river, though with a very moderate freight; it would only carry two people at a time. the carts, which were entirely of wood, floated easily, and were towed across at the tails of the horses. all the party having got safe across, we again loaded and pushed on for another ten miles over a well-beaten track till we camped for the night. the difficulties we encountered in travelling across the country were wonderfully few, and trevor was constantly exclaiming-- "what a pity people at home don't know of this! a few thousand hardy fellows like us, who can stand cold and heat, would soon change the face of the country, and make comfortable houses for themselves into the bargain." we stopped for two days at edmonton, a large trading port or fort of the hudson's bay company. it stands on high ground above the saskatchewan, is formed of rough palisades, with flanking towers, sufficiently strong to resist an attack of indians, and contains a blacksmith's forge and carpenter's shop, and some thirty families; while attached to it is a large body of hunters, employed in collecting furs for the company, or in killing buffalo for food. bound the fort, wheat, potatoes, and vegetables of all sorts, are produced in abundance; indeed, the whole of the saskatchewan district through which we passed is capable of supporting a dense population. i can state also, once for all, that the scenery, though not grand, is highly picturesque and beautiful, with wooded slopes, green meadows, sunny uplands, lakes, streams, groves, and distant hills, yearning for an industrious population to give it life, and to fulfil the object of the beneficent creator who formed it thus. at edmonton we exchanged our carts for packs and pack horses, as with those alone could we hope to pass over the rocky mountains, or, at all events, traverse the region on the other side of them. we did not, however, travel faster, as the delay, when we had to cross rivers, in building rafts to ferry over our goods, was greater. there was no great probability of our having to encounter any formidable enemies during our journey. we might, however, meet with indians who would perhaps set envious eyes on our horses, or with grizzlies, which would dispute our progress, or wish to appropriate our provisions. of course, we should have rivers to cross, floods from melting snow to encounter, thunderstorms, or prairie fires, maybe; perhaps even avalanches and whirlwinds to battle with; or, at least, to reckon upon overturns, breakdowns, and similar incidents, to which all exploring parties are liable. indeed, i will not attempt to describe how we had to cross and recross some of the rivers, or to follow through the prairie a track which only the practised eye of an indian could distinguish. we had been travelling along the banks of a wide stream, which, with the breaking up of the ice, had become too rapid to be navigable for our canoes, and had reached a small lake, on the shore of which we resolved to camp before continuing our ascent. while supper was preparing, i took my gun and strolled on by the shore of the lake, with ready, hoping to get a shot at some wild fowl, or, if in luck, perhaps at a prong buck, a big horn, as the sheep of the mountains are called, or at a rocky mountain goat--all three most difficult to hunt. the scenery was magnificent--high mountain ranges rose on either hand, some directly out of the lake, with snow-capped peaks above standing out against the deep-blue sky, their images reflected in the mirror-like water. i strolled on; now glancing at the lake, now at the height nearest hand, where i fancied that i saw a fine mountain goat feeding. this was the first i had seen. it is the most wild, solitary, and unsocial of all animals, and seldom found but at the summit of the rocky mountains. all at once i was startled by the rustling of leaves near me, and wishing to ascertain what animal was there, i climbed to the top of the fallen trunk of a tree which lay in my path. bending aside the branch of a tree before me, i saw--what i would rather not have seen so close at hand--a huge brown creature, a monster grizzly, busily employed in tearing open the rotten trunk of a tree for the sake of the insects therein contained. i retreated, hoping that i had not disturbed the gentleman in his entomological researches. i was mistaken, however, for as the bough sprang back to its former position, he looked up, and before i could jump down, his quick eye had discerned me. to escape by flight was impossible. had i attempted to run over the rough ground he would have overtaken me, and as certainly squeezed the life out of my body; so i stood still where i was, threw up my arms, and prepared to bring my rifle down to my shoulder to fire. i had heard that the action i performed had usually the effect of making a grizzly bear stop and stand up on his hind legs, or rather sit down with his fore paws up. this, to my infinite satisfaction, my friend did; but he curled his lips, showing his teeth, and opening his huge mouth in a most unpleasant manner. my safety depended on my putting a bullet into a vital part. should i only wound him, i knew that he would be upon me in a moment. it is not surprising that i hesitated. while i did so i heard a loud rustling among the branches behind him, and from out of the brushwood two other rather smaller bears appeared, squatting down by the side of their big companion, and looking at me savagely. had there been only two of them i might, i thought, possibly kill one with one barrel, and one with the other; but how could i hope to dispose of three? even should i shoot two, the survivor would certainly pursue and attack me. all this time, ready, who had jumped upon the log, stood, like a well-trained dog, by my side. there was not a particle of fear in him. a word from me would have made him attack the bears, and proved his certain destruction. there they all three sat looking at me and grinning, and with ready alongside i stood looking at them, thinking how i could best turn them into meat fit to be eaten. at last i determined to risk a shot, or rather two shots. i levelled my rifle. the hammer came down as i pulled the trigger, but there was no report. the cap split and missed fire. the bears growled more fiercely than ever, and i thought were about to make a rush on me. i dared not attempt to fire the second barrel; for should that go off, i should have been entirely unarmed. i therefore gently lowered my rifle till i could put on a new cap. the bears did not like the movement, and showed signs of advancing. i was afraid that ready would have flown at them. it would have been all up with him and me had he done so. i stood stock still for a moment; so did the bears. then i rapidly capped my rifle-- fired first at the big fellow, with a steady aim, and then at one of his companions, and not stopping an instant to ascertain what effect my shots had taken, leaped down off the log, and ran off as fast as my legs would carry me, calling ready to follow, loading my gun as i went. a loud growl told me that i was pursued, and i then felt that i had done a very foolish thing in firing, and that i should be fortunate if i escaped with life and limb. had it not been for the tree, my escape would have been impossible. the growls grew louder and fiercer. they were answered by a sharp bark. i turned my head. two bears were following me--the large fellow and a smaller one. from the neck of the first the blood was trickling down. my faithful ready, seeing my danger, was trying to draw off their attention from me. he succeeded sufficiently, at the great risk of his life, to enable me to load one barrel of my rifle. "which of the two shall i shoot?" i asked myself. i selected the one already wounded. i fired. he stopped a second, and then came on more savagely than ever. he was close upon me--the other being only a little way behind. i must kill the big one or be destroyed. i stopped, faced him boldly--as dangers should always be faced--and fired. not another inch did he advance, but immediately rolled over--shot through the heart. still his companion remained unhurt. he continued to advance towards me, growling fiercely. in vain did ready, with wonderful activity, endeavour to distract his attention. had i attempted to fly he would have been on me in a moment. my only chance was standing still and keeping him at bay. i threw up my arms as before--made as if i would run at him--though i felt much more inclined to leap backwards--and shouted at the top of my voice, hoping to frighten him, but all to no purpose. on he came, and in another instant i should have been made into mincemeat, or into a perfect hash, at all events, when, just as the beast, having sent ready flying on one side, was about to seize me in his terrible paws, a bullet whistled past my ear, the powder almost singeing my whiskers, and over he went, shot through the heart. i was safe, but so sensible was i of the danger i had incurred, that for a time i felt my knees trembling under me. on recovering myself i looked round to see who was my deliverer. about a dozen yards behind me stood swiftfoot, leaning quietly on his rifle, with true indian calmness, as if he had been there for the last few hours, his countenance expressive of utter indifference to what had occurred. he knew the danger i might incur should my path be crossed by bear or panther, and had most considerately followed in my wake, keeping just within earshot without letting me know, and had heard my loud shouting at the grizzly. no words were spoken by either of us at the moment. a shake of the hand was all that passed; but it expressed far more than words could then have done. it took some little time to still my nerves, and with excellent tact swiftfoot set to work to cut up the game which had thus fallen to our share, going about it as if nothing had happened out of the common, in a businesslike manner carefully selecting all that was to be carried into camp. ready seemed to think the operation excellent fun; indeed, he was able practically to enjoy it till i was compelled to call him off from his banquet for fear that he would over-eat himself. all this time i kept eyeing the neighbouring thicket lest the third bear might come to look for his companions and catch us engaged in a manner which he might think fit to resent. having cut up the two bears, swiftfoot made a number of thongs out of their skins, and with these he slung as much of the bears' flesh as he could carry over his shoulders. i followed his example, and the remainder we hung up in a tree, that we believed we could again easily find when we returned to fetch it. our arrival at camp was heartily welcomed by our friends--not the less so that we brought a handsome supply of fresh meat for all the party. the announcement that there was still more made our companions hurry off, not waiting for their suppers, to bring it into camp. "if we don't make haste there'll be little else but the bones left for us to suck," observed swiftfoot. "the eagles and vultures will soon scent it out, not to speak of those cunning little critters the wolverines." he then led the party back to the spot, whilst trevor proposed that he and i should try to add some fish to the dainty banquet with which we determined to close the day. leaving, therefore, peter, assisted by ready, to guard the camp--the former being directed also to watch the pot boiling and the roast of bear's flesh--trevor and i took our rods to try and catch some fish out of the lake. so full are these lakes of fish that we soon caught a dozen fine trout and several other fish. we had time to prepare our supper before the return of swiftfoot and the others with the remainder of the bears' flesh. we had a most sumptuous supper, washed down by copious draughts of tea, added to which--"the feast of reason and the flow of soul" made the hours pass so quickly away that it was long past midnight before we went to rest. the next day we met a party of seven men, well-armed, who had wintered at the foot of the rocky mountains, some distance to the south, and were now on their way to the saskatchewan to prospect for gold, of which they had heard there was an abundance. they had been very successful in their buffalo hunting, and had also caught a large supply of fish before the stream froze over, so that they were all in good condition and high spirits. they camped with us, and as we all sat round our fire at night, and song, tale, and anecdote succeeded each other, amid hearty shouts of laughter, no one would have supposed that tea was the strongest beverage in which we were indulging, and that we all had passed through and were about to plunge again into perils and hardships of no ordinary kind. chapter twenty. habakkuk gaby is hugged by a grizzly--a rattlesnake follows suit--the rocky mountains--the frazer river--we form three exploring parties--i construct a raft, and what followed--all safe at last. we were seated round the fire discussing a hearty supper, of which bears' flesh formed a substantial part, and habakkuk gaby, a yankee, half trapper and half gold-digger, one of our new friends, who was seated a little way back on account of the heat, had got on the point of his knife a huge slice, which he was eating with evident enjoyment, though in no very refined fashion. suddenly, from behind a neighbouring tree, a huge monster, his size increased threefold in the gloom, darted out towards us. "_un ourse_! a grizzly--a bear! a bear!" shouted out our party, one after the other; but before any of us could rise to our feet the creature, seizing poor mr gaby round the waist, began to waddle off with him at great speed. he had got, indeed, nearly fifty yards before we well knew what had happened: neither, indeed, did habakkuk himself, very clearly. he kept shouting out-- "let me go, you brute!--let me go, i say, or i'll--" the bear put a stop to any further remark, and he could only shriek out "oh! oh! oh! shoo--shoo--shoot!" had anybody acted on his request he would inevitably have been hit, as the bear kept him between himself and our rifles. trevor actually lifted his gun with the intention of firing, but i drew back his arm. "our best chance of saving the poor fellow is to rush in and stab the bear," i said. fortunately, bruin's immediate object was to get hold of the luscious steak gaby had been eating. putting him down, therefore, and keeping him pinned to the ground with his hind feet, the bear seized the steak and began greedily to devour it. poor habakkuk thought this would be a good opportunity to make his escape. no sooner, however, did he begin to move than bruin stopped eating, and gave him a look which clearly meant "you'd better not try that again." gaby remained perfectly quiet for a minute, and stalker, garoupe, and the indians began moving round to either side that they might have a better chance of hitting the bear without killing the man. trevor and i stood ready to fire if we had an opportunity. again, habakkuk thought that he could do the bear, and, springing up, made a leap forward; but bruin, who had just finished his steak, was too quick for him, and seizing him round the waist, gave him a most fearful hug. poor gaby's features exhibited his very natural terror and the agony he was enduring. uttering horrible shrieks, he shouted out-- "fire! fire, friends! fire! don't mind who you hit so that you kill this infernal brute." i felt that something must be done to prevent such another hug, or poor gaby would scarcely have a chance of escape with life; so, running up, i got within a few yards of the bear's head, when, stopping, i took a steady aim and fired. as the monster rolled over on his back, poor gaby fell forward in the opposite direction. while the rest of the party quickly despatched the bear i lifted up habakkuk, whom i expected to find dead. however, to my great satisfaction, he slowly opened his eyes, and when he discovered that it was not the bear but i who was standing over him, and that bruin was killed, he drew a deep breath, as if to get back the wind which had been squeezed out of his body, and sat upright. "well, i guess that's more than i ever went through afore, or ever wish to go through again," he exclaimed. "it was mighty unpleasant--that it was!" besides this, he said very little on the subject. as to remarking that i had shot the bear and saved his life, that never entered his head. on examining the bear we found that he was wretchedly thin--all skin and bone. this was curious, as the bears we killed in the afternoon were tolerably fat. stalker was of opinion that he had either come from a distance, and had no connection with them, or that he was an outcast bear--conquered by the gentlemen, perhaps, whom we were eating. the night passed off without any further adventure. during the first part of it we cut up the bears' flesh into thin strips to dry in the sun, that we might save our pemmican and more portable food as much as possible; and then we went to sleep with our feet to the fire, for the nights were still cold--one of the party keeping watch at a time. the next day we moved forward, but the ground was hard and rough, and our way lay across forests and over fallen trees, up rocky hills and across swampy valleys, whilst the heat of the sun during the day was very oppressive. so we encamped, rather earlier than usual, in a somewhat rocky place. after we had arranged our camp, and as trevor and i were starting with our guns to kill a deer for supper, and while the rest of the men were variously occupied, as i passed mr gaby, who was fast asleep, what was my horror to see a large rattlesnake creeping slowly from his side to his bosom! i was on the point of shouting out to awaken him, but stalker, who had come up, begged me to remain quiet, and that perhaps the snake would merely crawl over the man's body and move away. the serpent, however, had no intention of doing any such thing, but quietly coiled itself under the yankee's left shoulder. had he moved in his sleep the creature would, in a moment, have stung him in the neck, and no human power could have saved his life. we looked on with horror, not knowing what course to pursue. immediately, however, that garoupe saw the state of the case he hurried off to the nearest thicket, and returning with a long thin stick, told stalker and swiftfoot to go in front and draw the attention of the snake to themselves. as soon as the creature saw the men in front it raised its head, darted out its forked tongue and shook its rattles, showing that it was highly irritated. habakkuk's danger was now greatly increased, for should the noise close to his ear awaken him, a movement of his arm might make the snake bite him. while all of us were in a state of dread for poor gaby, garoupe got behind the creature with his long stick, and, suddenly placing it under the coiled reptile, by a dexterous movement sent it flying a dozen paces off. a shout of satisfaction burst from our lips at gaby's safety. the sound awoke him, and little dreaming of the fearful danger he had escaped, he looked up, and merely said--"well, now! what's it all about? do i look so very funny?" he was serious enough, however, when garoupe, who had gone after the snake and killed it with his stick, returned and exhibited it to him. on searching about we found a number of the reptiles in holes in the rocks and under big stones. we armed ourselves with sticks and quickly despatched them. this we had no difficulty in doing, as they can only spring their own length, and a smart blow on the tail at once disables them. the first killed was three feet three inches long, and nine years old, which we knew by the number of rattles in his tail. at supper, off game which trevor and i had shot, gaby told us that he once formed one of a party in vermont which went out rattlesnake hunting, and that they found a vast number of rattlesnakes in holes with their tails sticking out; that they pulled them out by their tails, and flung them far on one side, where they quickly were despatched. it is quite as well not to repeat how many hundreds he declared were killed in the course of the hunt, for mr gaby was not wanting in that quality so conspicuous in others of his countrymen, of speaking without much regard to exactness-- which i candidly believe to be an infirmity, rather than a desire to exaggerate, which is common enough amongst the uneducated classes all over the world. the rocky mountains consist of a lofty range extending from the north of the continent to its southern end, at a distance from the pacific of from fifty to three hundred miles. the summits of the range are covered with perpetual snow, and, till lately, the generally received notion was that they formed an almost impassable barrier between the pacific and the interior. to the east the country is mostly level and easily travelled over, especially the fertile belt along which we had come; while to the west, that is, between the range and the pacific, it is mountainous in the extreme, as is also the case in british columbia, across which we were now to force our way. there are, however, numerous passes through which roads can be cut out without much difficulty. the surveyors, indeed, reported one of the passes to require only the trees to be cut down to allow waggons, if not a coach and four, to be driven through it. it is called the vermilion pass. we did not take it, because the distance through a mountainous and lake region is much greater than the pass we selected further to the north. when, however, the settlers in british columbia cut a road across parts of the country, and place steamers on certain lakes and rivers, there will be no difficulties to prevent ordinary travellers from passing from lake superior, by the way of the red river, through the fertile belt and over the rocky mountains, to new westminster, the capital of the province. we had been journeying on through forests, and should scarcely have noticed the ascent we were making, had it not been for the increased rapidity of the streams in our course flowing to the east, when reaching a small lake we found that the water which flowed from it ran to the westward, and that we were on what is called the watershed, or highest part of the pass. still, as we looked westward, we had range beyond range of rocky mountains, the peaks of many covered with snow. this region was a part of british columbia, but it must be remembered that between these mountains were valleys, and rivers, and lakes, and streams, and that it was by the side of these streams and lakes we expected to make our way across the country. i had thought, when i first planned the expedition, that all we had to do was to climb up the rocky mountains, and then to descend into well-watered plains. we found in reality that our chief difficulties had only now begun. we had certainly mountains to descend, but then we had also others to ascend; we had rivers to cross and recross, either by wading or on rafts, which we had to construct; trees to cut down, and brushwood to clear away; recumbent trees to climb over, and rotten trees to force our way through. still people had done the same thing before, and stalker and swiftfoot asserted that we could do it, and were ready to stake their credit on the success of the undertaking. we now formed fresh arrangements for crossing the country. swiftfoot and quick-ear were to devote themselves to hunting, to supply us with food. stalker and garoupe were to clear the way with their axes, while trevor, peter, and i conducted the horses. from the summit of a high mountain we reached, quick-ear pointed out the hills (he said) of cariboo, with the frazer flowing away towards them. that now far-famed river has its sources in the region in which we then were. it runs nearly north-west for a hundred and fifty miles or more, and then, sweeping round the cariboo region, flows due south for several hundred miles, down to port hope, and then on west to new westminster and the sea, there being, however, some picturesquely beautiful, but practically ugly rapids, in its course. we made good our necessary westing, but after cutting our way to the banks of the frazer we found that the country was almost impracticable towards cariboo, and that the river swept so far round to the north of it that we should have to make a very long voyage if we went that way. we therefore turned round, with our faces to the southward, determined to make our way down the thompson river to port kamloops, a trading post of the hudson's bay company, with which, and the town of lytton, then was, we knew, a constant communication. high snowy peaks appeared more or less near on every side, broken hills, and rounded hills, and rocks, and precipices, and dense forests, wherever trees could find soil for their roots. the crossing streams and small lakes caused us considerable difficulty, but it was not so great as that we encountered when we had to cut our way, foot by foot, through the forest. the river our horses could swim across with ease, though they had some difficulty in getting up the banks. our baggage was ferried over on rafts, for forming which we had plenty of materials at hand. gaby was no despicable backwoodsman, and with his sharp axe he gave us efficient help in felling trees, while he was an adept also in fastening them together. as we advanced, however, our difficulties increased, and game became scarce. we agreed to separate for a few days trevor was to take swiftfoot and to ascertain if any navigable stream ran towards lake quesnelle, as we believed that if we could once reach its waters we could easily get to cariboo. stalker and quick-ear were to continue to hunt, and to keep up a communication between us, while gaby and i, accompanied by peter and ready, were to make our way to the head waters of the thompson. a camp was to be formed in some eligible position, where pasture for the horses could be found, and here we were to leave our heavier goods and provisions, to be brought on in the direction which might prove most promising. after a hurried breakfast, at daybreak we started on our respective courses. my party of three and the dog had not got far when we came to a broad stream, which it was necessary to cross. we quickly made a small raft, on which two persons could sit with a portion of our goods; we had a long line secured to it, so that the raft could be dragged backwards and forwards, while the horses swam across. gaby and i crossed first, and i found the water deeper than i expected. not without some difficulty did we reach the opposite bank in time to help up the horses, and to keep them together till their cargoes were again ready for them. peter then drew back the raft, and embarked on it with the remainder of our provisions. he poled on the raft tolerably well till he got into the middle of the stream, when, by some means, the lad's foot slipped, and overboard he went, letting go his pole. he was but a poor swimmer, and his destruction seemed certain, unless i could manage to get him out. i was throwing off my clothes to plunge in to his rescue, when i saw that the raft had swung round and that he had happily caught hold of it. i did not, however, at first observe that the rope had snapped, or got loose from its fastening, and that the raft was drifting rapidly down the stream. after a while he got up and seated himself composedly on it, wondering apparently what next would happen. it took a good deal to put him out. as soon as i discovered that the raft was really adrift, i ran along the bank, hoping that the current would send it in either on one side or the other, but instead of that it kept steadily in the middle, and as i looked ahead, i saw that precipitous rocks formed the banks, over which it would not be possible to scramble. peter, too, turned round, and now, for the first time it seemed, comprehended his danger. he held out his hands imploringly towards me, crying out, "oh, sir, oh, sir!--pray save me, save me!" the water was icy-cold, from the rapidly melting snow, and i had some reasonable dread of cramp. still i was about to run every risk to save the poor lad, when i bethought me that ready, who had crossed with me, would lend his aid. i told peter to call him, and beckoned the dog to go towards the raft. after a little hesitation, and a few sharp barks, as if he was not quite certain what i wanted him to do, he plunged boldly in and swam towards the raft. peter had meantime hauled in the slack of the rope, and coiled it neatly down on the raft. ready swam quickly up to the raft. he seemed clearly to comprehend the object of his enterprise, and opening his mouth to receive the end of the rope, which peter put into it, swam triumphantly back towards the shore. i gave him an approving pat, as he landed, and taking the rope, with gaby's aid, i began to haul the raft towards the land. at length i got it safely to shore, where we landed the freight, and securing the raft, ready for our return, we pushed on towards the south. we encamped at night by the side of the river, which we believed ran into the thompson. as we sat round our camp fire, i became better acquainted with mr gaby and the very high opinion which he entertained of his own talents and powers. he informed me that he intended to settle in british columbia, as he hoped to rise to the highest position if he did. "i guess your queen will be a lucky woman if she gets me as her subject to manage her affairs out here. i'm in no wise prejudiced. i'm a free and independent citizen of the greatest republic the world ever knew; but nevertheless i'm ready to give my services to any one who is able and willing to pay me properly." chapter twenty one. the thompson river--our parties re-unite--hippophagous stores--indian revenge--we build a raft and two canoes--the rapids, and our dangers-- indians in ambush. we had reached the banks of the thompson, and were contemplating the possibility of descending it on a raft, when stalker arrived and informed us that he had met an indian who told him that, though we might possibly cut our way through the forest, we should find it a very arduous undertaking; that we might descend the thompson by water, but that there were some fierce rapids on the way, into which, if we once plunged, we should inevitably be lost, and that we should in a much shorter time reach cariboo if we went down the frazer than by any other way. i agreed to his suggestion, though i still held to the opinion that one of the shortest roads from red river to new westminster will be found by the way we came and down the thompson, and that with the aid of small steamers and ferry boats, and a gang of navvies and lumberers, it might speedily be made practicable. yet, as we wished to get to cariboo, we followed the indian's advice. some days passed before we all again met on the banks of the frazer river. trevor and his party had met with numerous adventures, the most serious of which was the loss of one of our horses, laden with numerous valuables. three horses had fallen over a cliff into the river. two, after great exertions, had regained the bank; but the third was swept down the stream and never seen again. our provisions were growing short, and though game was occasionally shot, it was not in quantities sufficient to make amends for the amount we exhausted, and we were unwilling to go on short allowance--thereby lessening our strength and power of endurance and impeding our progress. we accordingly determined to go on till we found some place where there was sufficient pasturage for our horses to give them a chance of life, to kill and dry the flesh of some of them to replenish our stock of meat, and, with ample provisions for the voyage, to commence our descent of the frazer. the matter was earnestly discussed over our camp fire the evening of our re-assembling. we all know that the navigation of an unknown river on a raft is a most dangerous proceeding. if once a strong current gets hold of a raft, it is almost impossible for those on it to guide it properly. i therefore proposed that, besides a raft, we should form two dug-out canoes--that one should go ahead as pilot, and the other he attached to the raft to carry a rope on shore, so as to stop the raft when necessary. we were fortunate in soon finding an open, well-grassed valley suited for our object, where we might leave the horses which we did not require to kill. of course, it was very likely that they would be taken possession of by indians of bears. in every other respect there was no fear about their being able to take cure of themselves during any ordinary winter. stalker told us a story which shows that people can exist even during the most severe winter with very little shelter, if they have a moderate supply of food. the event occurred many years ago. an officer of one of the fur trading companies of those days had received directions to establish a trading post on the banks of one of the rivers in that district. either he or one of his brother officers had some time previously had to punish an indian for some offence committed against the community. the man was hung; his tribe looked on, acknowledging the justice of his sentence, and took their departure without any expression of anger. the post was established, and as the natives in the neighbourhood were supposed to be friendly, it was only partly fortified. as soon as the house was built, a party of hunters was sent out to a spot four or five days' march off, known to be well-stocked with beavers. one of them, a half-bred, pierre dorie by name, had his indian wife and two small children with him, one three years old, the other only four mouths. huts were built; and while the trappers were out, this faithful squaw of dorie took charge of them. while she was occupied in her household affairs, one evening soon after winter had commenced, expecting the return of her husband and his companions, one of the hunters staggered into her hut mortally wounded. he had barely time to tell her that her husband and the rest were murdered by indians, and to advise her to fly, when he fell down dead. with that courage and presence of mind which indian women possess generally in so remarkable a degree, she prepared to escape with her children. immediately hurrying out, she caught, with some difficulty, two horses, and, returning with them, packed up all the provisions the hut contained and some blankets and clothes. these she placed on one horse, and, mounting the other with her two infants, set out for the newly-built post, hoping to arrive in time to give notice of what had occurred, and put the officer in charge on his guard. she had accomplished two days of her journey without meeting with enemies, when, on the third, as she was pushing on as fast as the strength of her horses would allow, she espied in the distance a large body of indians on horseback, galloping towards the fort. her heart misgave her. she instantly dismounted, just in time to conceal herself and her horses in a copse ere the indians passed by. still fearing that they might be in the neighbourhood, she dared not light a fire or go in search of water. early the next day she again set out, and late in the evening approached the spot where she expected to find the fort. it had disappeared,--a heap of ashes alone marking the place where it had stood. still hoping to find some of the inmates alive, she concealed her children and the horses in a thick wood, and, arming herself with an axe and knife, crept cautiously towards the spot. everywhere, traces of blood met her view. still she hoped that some one might be concealed near. she called over the names of those who had been left in the fort. no one replied. she waited. again she called. the melancholy howl of the prairie wolf was the only reply. she drew a little nearer. by the light of smouldering timbers, which a puff of wind just then fanned into a flame, she saw a band of those voracious creatures engaged in a banquet on the remains of her friends. a new terror seized her. they might attack her infants, whom she had left sleeping on the ground. hurrying back, her heart sinking with dread, she was just in time to drive several away who were approaching the spot. the next morning she set out for a range of hills in the neighbourhood, bordering a river which falls into the columbia. here she proposed to remain during the winter. after looking about on all sides, she selected as her abode for the winter a rocky recess in the hills, near which a stream bubbled forth. she had in her possession a large buffalo robe and two deer skins. with these, aided by fir bark and cedar branches, she constructed a hut sufficiently large to afford shelter for herself and children. she soon, however--finding that her provisions would not last her during the winter--killed the two horses, and smoke-dried their flesh. their skins further improved her tenement. in this cheerless and wretched abode, the poor widow with her infants spent the livelong winter, not even seeing at a distance a human being passing by finding, towards the end of march, that her stock of provisions was growing short, she packed up the remainder, and, with as much covering as she could carry in addition to her youngest child on her back, set out, holding the other by the hand, towards a spot on the columbia river, by which she knew the company's canoes would certainly pass. fortunately, she met a tribe of friendly indians, who treated her and her children with the greatest kindness, and after residing with them for some weeks, she saw the looked-for trading canoes arrive, and was ultimately restored to her friends. we had plenty to occupy us in the construction of our raft and two canoes. the raft was to be just large enough to carry six men and ready. each canoe was to be capable of carrying two men, though the ordinary crew was to consist only of one man. not one of us had ever before made a dug-out, and as the huge trunks of two trees which we had felled for the purpose lay prostrate before us, the undertaking seemed almost hopeless. "nothing try, nothing have," cried trevor, seizing an axe and chopping away at the branches. we next cut the first tree into the proposed length, and smoothed off the upper part for the gunwale. on their flat surface i marked off the shape, as i used to do when cutting out a vessel as a boy. "let us give her good floors and all the beam we can, and she will be stiff," said trevor. this we did; and as we proceeded with our work, we were well satisfied with it, and found that we could get on far more expeditiously than at first. while trevor and i worked away on the canoes, the other men were progressing with the raft, and preparing the other log for our finishing. the first canoe was completed and launched with due ceremony under the name of the _hope_. the next was called the _beauty_. they both swam pretty well, but the sides being rather thick they were deeper in the water than was desirable. still, as they were much more manageable than a raft could be, i regretted that we had not time to build more canoes large enough to carry all the party, and our provisions and goods. we made several additional paddles, as also a supply of poles, which were loaded on to the raft. the last thing i thought of was a mast and sail for the raft, as, under many circumstances, it might enable us to guide the raft, especially if the wind was against us, and a rapid near at hand. one lovely bright morning we cast off from the shore, and commenced our perilous undertaking. quick-ear had been down the river in his youth, but it was so long ago that he had forgotten the distances. all he could say was, that there were several dangerous rapids; but he could not say where they occurred. stalker went first, and acted as pilot, and garoupe had charge of the tender. the raft was tolerably heavily laden, and required careful handling. each man on the raft had a pole as well as a paddle, to be used as circumstances required. i acted as captain, for i certainly knew as much about the navigation as any one on board, and it was necessary that some one should be in command. i also steered with a long oar fixed on a triangle at one end of the raft, while the rest of the party were arranged with paddles on either side. in the centre we placed the stores, and close to them ready generally took his post, while the stores and provisions were placed round it. the scenery was grand--much as i have before described it--lofty, rugged mountains, their summits covered with snow, sometimes near, sometimes in the far distance; steep precipices, rugged wild rocks, and forests of trees of every size, with many fallen ones, some just uprooted, others soft from decay; here and there green glades, marshes, and other open spaces; while, by the sides of the rivers, and frequently in mid current, huge water-worn boulders, which it was often no easy matter, in our downward course, to avoid. for several days the weather was fine, and we went on smoothly enough-- camping at night on convenient spots. to prevent accidents, we unloaded our raft, placed the goods in the centre of the camp, and drew up our canoes. on the fourth night of our voyage, ready, who was our most vigilant watcher, suddenly broke into a loud bark, and started towards a copse close to us. i sprang to my feet; so did peter, who said that he saw a dark form moving among the trees. whether it was a bear or a human being he could not tell. whatever it was, it made its escape before ready could come up with it, and i called him back lest he should be injured if allowed to be without support. of course, the whole camp was aroused. two scouts crept out cautiously, but could discover nothing, and the opinion was, that some small animal had aroused ready and that peter's imagination had conjured up the figure in the wood. i thought it better, however, to keep on watch during the remainder of the night. ready was far from easy, and several times started up and uttered low growls and short shrill barks. we embarked at the usual hour in the morning. in a short time stalker came back and reported that the navigation was far more difficult than heretofore, though with caution we might get through. "let's try it by all means," was the cry. we were getting bold, and thought that we could do anything with our raft. stalker, accordingly, again went on ahead, and we poled and paddled towards an opening among the rocks which he pointed out. suddenly our poles lost bottom, and we found the raft whirled on at a rate which prevented me from guiding it in the way i had hitherto done. the paddles were almost useless. all we could do was to let the raft drive on, and to try and avoid the dangers as they appeared. we had passed several rocks, against which, if we had touched them, the raft might easily have been knocked to pieces, when a huge rock appeared before us, round which the water rushed with the force of a mill stream. in vain garoupe tried to tow us off from it--it was too late to attempt to carry a rope to the opposite shore--in vain all hands paddled to keep it clear. the raft struck, and remained caught by the rocks, the water immediately swelling up and threatening to sweep off the goods on it. garoupe, instantly telling swiftfoot to jump in, paddled off with a rope to the opposite shore. in the meantime, i saw that the water was shallow between the raft and the shore near which we were jammed. accordingly, i told quick-ear to try it, which he did, and finding it shallow, began at once to carry the goods on shore. this appearing the best thing to be done, trevor, i, and peter set about helping him. we had already landed several things, and trevor and peter were with gaby on the raft, when, suddenly, from its being so much lightened, the current lifted it up, and away it went floating off the rock and down the stream. garoupe and swiftfoot made an attempt to stop it with the rope, but that snapped, and the raft was hurried on. i ran along the bank, which was here tolerably smooth. i saw trevor sounding with his pole, and the next moment he and his two companions leaped overboard, and attempted to drag the raft towards the shore. utterly hopeless was the attempt. it was forced from their grasp. i saw gaby frantically pulling at it; but his foot slipped, and he let go his hold. the other two leaped on it, and on it floated, while he with difficulty gained a pointed rock in the middle of the stream, where he sat, by no means like "patience on a monument smiling at grief," but frantically calling out for the canoe to come to his rescue. while this was taking place, garoupe and swiftfoot had embarked in the canoe, and were going in pursuit of the raft; but the channel they took carried them at a distance from poor gaby--besides which, he would have upset the canoe had he attempted to get into it quick-ear and i ran on, he taking the lead, over the rocky ground, with a rope which he had brought on shore, hoping to render assistance to our companions on the raft. gaby, believing himself abandoned, shouted more frantically than ever. i could only urge him to stick fast till we could return to his assistance; and the rocks soon hid him from sight. once more, after an arduous run over rough boulders, among which i expected every instant to fall and break my legs, if not my neck, i again caught sight of the raft sticking fast between two rocks. ready had, as he always did, kept close to my heels whenever he saw that there was work to be done, and when i put the end of the rope quick-ear had brought into his mouth, he at once comprehended that he was to swim off with it to peter, to whom i shouted to call him. ready accomplished his task, and we now thought that, at all events, we should be able to land the remainder of the goods. once again quick-ear and i waded off with the assistance of the rope; though the water was deeper and the current stronger than i fancied, with a heavy load on my shoulder; just, however, as we got on the raft it swung round, and the cleat to which the rope was fastened gave way. the raft floated off into deep water, and was carried quickly towards some swifter rapids than we had just passed. though we might escape with our lives, still, the greater part of our provisions would be destroyed, and without them we could not hope to prosecute our voyage round to cariboo. just at that critical moment the canoes reached us. stalker and garoupe towed with all their might. we all paddled, and, at length, finding bottom with our poles, forced the raft into a counter eddy, and then, without much trouble, reached the shore. our difficulties had now, however, only just begun. we had to unload the raft, and to transport all our goods by land to the foot of the rapid. however, with larger canoes, stalker was of opinion that we should have had no difficulty in getting down the rapid. each package was done up so as to weigh as much as a man could carry over rough ground. on examination, it was found that the bank opposite to that on which we had hitherto camped was the easiest for the portage. with much caution, and the aid of all our ropes, we therefore towed our raft across the river, and began unloading. stalker, meantime, paddled up the stream to relieve poor gaby from his unpleasant position. the rest of us were so busily occupied that we scarcely noted how time sped. i had made one trip to the end of the portage, and was lifting up another load, when gaby's voice saluted my ears. his clothes, still wet, clung to his thin body, and his countenance wore a most lugubrious expression. "i guess, friend, we are in a pretty fix," he observed. he then told me that while he had been on the rock he saw three indians in their war-paint and feathers, who had emerged from the wood and stood eyeing him as he sat on the rock; that soon they were joined by others, who drew their bows with arrows pointed at him; that one shot, but the arrow fell short, and that they shook their heads as if of opinion that they could not reach him. they then disappeared into the depths of the forest. this information, coupled with what peter had asserted he had seen the previous night, made us fear that we were watched by indians, who would very likely fall on us, if they found us unprepared to receive them. we considered ourselves, therefore, fortunate in having crossed the river so that they could not reach us unless they had canoes, and we had seen none on our way down. it was very heavy work carrying our property along the portage. when stalker undertook to carry the raft down the rapid gaby volunteered to accompany him. all we could do was to bring up the goods we had at first landed to a camp near the raft. we formed it among rocks which would afford us good shelter on either side should we be attacked by indians. however, as the tribes in that direction are generally friendly to the white men, we did not expect to be attacked by a large body, though we thought it very possible that a few individuals might have formed a plan to cut us off and possess themselves of our property. so we kept a sharp look out, and the possibility of being attacked added greatly to our difficulties. chapter twenty two. we send out scouts--we pass the rapids--swiftfoot returns alone--indians surround us--a war-party burn our vacated camp--quick-ear, pursued by indians, arrives--we build more canoes--reach fort st. george. the next morning, swiftfoot and quick-ear went out as scouts to ascertain if any enemies were in the neighbourhood; and soon they returned with the report that they could find no traces of enemies. having made four trips during the morning with our goods, i proposed placing a portion of them on the raft and accompanying stalker on it down the rapid. one of the canoes we hauled up on the raft. garoupe took charge of the other. stalker--who had surveyed the passage-- habakkuk, and i, navigated the raft. the rest of the party, under trevor, made the best of their way along the portage. we cast off, and away we went whirling down the rapid. sometimes the raft rocked so much that we could scarcely keep our feet. now we were hurried towards a rock, as if about to be dashed on it, when a stroke from stalker's pole would drive us off again. it was exceedingly exciting, though somewhat trying to the nerves. the water boiled, and bubbled, and hissed, and rocked us up and down. then, again, the raft would glide into water rapid as ever, but perfectly smooth, only an instant afterwards to be tossed about as if in a whirlpool. i have seldom felt more happy than when i found that we were safely through and in a wide reach of the river. we poled the raft to shore, and securing it, began at once to reload it with all the goods which had arrived. while thus occupied, waiting for the remainder of our party, we distinctly saw several indians peering at us from among the trees on the opposite side of the river. when they saw that we stopped in our labours and looked towards them they disappeared. this made us somewhat anxious, for it was certain that they could not be well-disposed towards white men, or they would have come out and had some communication with us. they must have seen, however, that we were not a party to be trifled with, and that if they meditated attempting to get possession of our property, they would have to pay dearly for it. as we had still three or four hours of daylight, instead of stopping to dine as soon as the rest of our party arrived, we all embarked and continued our course. the river, however, here expanded into almost a lakelike width, and the current was less rapid than usual, while the wind was adverse, and we made much less progress than we expected. we paddled on as long as we could, wishing to find a convenient camping place on the left bank. after all, we were compelled to land on the right bank, on which we had seen the indians. we had very little fear of them, however, though it compelled us to keep a more careful watch than we should otherwise have done. as soon as our camp was formed and we had taken a hearty meal, of which we all stood greatly in need, we sent out swiftfoot and quick-ear as scouts, to ascertain if any indians were in the neighbourhood. the night drew on. the rest of the party lay down to rest with their arms by their sides. however, with ready, i walked round and round the camp, for our scouts were so long absent that i became anxious about their safety. at length, my ear caught the sound of footsteps approaching at a rapid rate. ready stopped, with his nose out, and then advanced a few steps, but did not bark. by this, i guessed that it was one of our scouts coming back. i was not mistaken; and i had good reason to be thankful that i had sent him out. he told me that he had come upon a large body of indians seated round their fires and holding a council of war; that, as far as he could understand their dialect, they proposed attacking us when they could catch us unprepared, and seemed very much to regret that they had not done so when we were passing down the rapids in the morning. he gathered, moreover, from their eagerness to attack us forthwith and from some other remarks they made, that the navigation of the river for a considerable distance below where we were was very easy. they appeared to be awaiting the arrival of another party equally numerous as themselves. swiftfoot expressed his fears that quick-ear had fallen into the hands of the party, when, after waiting some time, he did not appear at the camp. at length, i aroused my companions, and told them what i had heard. trevor proposed fortifying the camp and waiting to receive the enemy. stalker suggested that we should embark at once and continue our voyage, and that garoupe and swiftfoot should wait in the canoe to bring on quick-ear if he should appear. "but that will seem like running away from the enemy," urged trevor, like a stout john bull as he was. "i kalkilate the wisest thing is to do what is most profitable, and i don't see much profit in stopping to fight a gang of red varmints," observed habakkuk. i agreed with stalker, and at length trevor gave way, and we loaded the raft as rapidly as we could lift the goods on board. garoupe consented to remain for quick-ear, and we hoped to navigate the raft without his aid. we embarked with as little noise as possible, and now shoving off, followed stalker down the stream. i experienced a peculiarly solemn and awful feeling so we glided down that dark unknown stream, with the primeval forest rising up on either side, and still more so when we entered a mountainous region where the rocks towered up some twelve or fifteen hundred feet directly above our heads. we feared from the appearance of the river that we might be approaching some rapid. we accordingly moored the raft to a rock, while stalker paddled on ahead to explore. after waiting for some time, we heard his voice shouting to us to come on. as we were easting off the rope the sound of a paddle was heard up the stream, and we accordingly kept on. in a short time swiftfoot came alongside. he had waited under the bank, a little lower down than our camp. suddenly, loud and fearful shrieks rent the air, and a large body of savages burst into our camp. it was certainly better for us not to have been there, and better for them too, for, although we might have killed a number of them, yet that would have been a poor satisfaction if they had killed one of us. they must have been woefully disappointed when they found that the birds they expected to catch had flown. we had now too much reason to fear that quick-ear had fallen into the hands of the savages. poor fellow! we could not go back to his assistance, though i must say i felt ashamed of deserting him without further search. morning at last broke, and we were still progressing along a deep, rapid, and clear stream, free from rocks or shallows. we hoped that by this time we had got far beyond the reach of the enemy. as i had looked up at the stars in the clear night, i had, however, observed that the river made several sharp bends, and thus i knew that we had not really made good any great distance through the country. as the sun rose there was a general cry for breakfast, and we accordingly put into a little bay with a small extent of grassy ground--a pleasant nook in the bush. we lit our fires, and breakfasted sumptuously on dried horse-flesh, converted into a capital stew, with the aid of some cloves, garlic, and pepper and salt, by allowing the steaks to simmer over a slow fire after being first briskly boiled in our frying-pans in just enough water to cover the meat. we also had hot dampers and plenty of strong tea, guiltless, however, of milk, which was a luxury we had not indulged in for many a long month. though the situation of the spot tempted us to remain some hours, that we might get some animals to stock our larder, yet, lest the hostile indians should overtake us, we deemed it more prudent to continue our voyage. we had just packed up our cooking things and were stepping on board, when we heard a shout close to us, and the next instant quick-ear burst through the wood and sprang on board the raft, crying out that the enemy were close upon him. we lost no time, therefore, in shoving off; and, as we were paddling down the river, we saw the spot we had just left filled with savage and yelling warriors. quick-ear had had a long and desperate run, and it was some time before he could speak. when he recovered, he told us that he had found his way back to the camp just after it had been occupied by the savages, and guessing that we had gone down the river, he set off by an indian track which he thought would lead to it at some point we were likely to pass. he had got some distance, when he found that the enemy were following, probably with the intention of cutting us off. this made him still further increase his speed. he had been seen by them a mile or two before he reached us, and had to run for his life. had he been a minute later, he would have missed us altogether. for several days we went on promisingly, when one day stalker came paddling back to warn us that we were approaching a fierce rapid. we accordingly urged the raft to the shore, and landing our goods, prepared for a long portage. still, we proposed attempting to carry down the raft. stalker, trevor, and i, in attempting to shoot one of the worst rapids, were very nearly lost. we had just time to spring into the canoes, which were on the top of it, when the raft was dashed to pieces. with considerable difficulty we paddled the canoes through, and had they been of birch-bark instead of dug-outs, they must inevitably have shared the fate of the raft. had our provisions been on the latter, we might eventually have lost our lives. when, at length, we reached the foot of the rapid, we determined to do what it would have been wise in us had we done at first--that is, built canoes to convey the whole party and our goods. we here found some fine trees for the purpose, and, assisted by our former experience, in the course of a few days we had built two large canoes. as we had no saw, we had to chip our boards to form gunwales to them. swiftfoot and quick-ear sewed these on very neatly, so that the capacity of the canoes was very greatly increased. the sides of the two smaller canoes being raised in the same way, and then joined together, were also capable of carrying a considerable cargo. our voyage was much longer than we had expected; we ate up nearly all our provisions, expended the greater part of our powder, tobacco, and tea,--the great essentials in the bush,--and wore out our clothes and our patience. at length, however, we reached fort george, a fort of the hudson's bay company, where we received that attention and hospitality for which its officers are so justly famed. after quitting fort st. george we continued the descent of the frazer to the month of the quesnelle river, where a town has sprang up. landing here, and leaving our canoes in store, we prepared to tramp it across country to richfield, the capital of the cariboo district. we overtook parties of the wildest set of fellows it has ever been my lot to encounter, people of all nations, and tongues, and colours. the land in the district of fort george is admirably adapted for agriculture, as all the european cereals, together with potatoes, turnips, carrots, and other esculent vegetables, arrive at full maturity. the white population consists chiefly of old servants of the hudson's bay company, and emigrants from the highlands of scotland. indeed, the whole of this "prairie region," as it is called, on account of the immense plains devoid almost of timber, and requiring, in consequence, no outlay for clearing, would no doubt before long be under the plough, if the home government would open up roads through the district. barley and oats ripen even at fort norman, at a latitude of degrees. chapter twenty three. richfield, the capital of cariboo--the diggings--habakkuk sets up a store--engages peter for a time--arrive at victoria--lord milton and dr cheadle. the city of richfield has been built, and furnished, and supplied with provisions and liquors at the expense of a large amount of animal life; for the sides of the road were literally strewed with the bodies and bones of the animals which had died on the way. we put up at an inn where the object seemed to be to give us the worst possible food and accommodation at the greatest possible charge. already, richfield boasts of numerous hotels, and stores, and shops of every description, and dwelling-houses of a somewhat rough character. coin is scarce, but gold is plentiful; so people carry gold dust about in little bags, and weigh out what they require for payment of goods received. i had fancied that gold-digging was rather clean and pleasant work, and that all a man had to do was to walk about for a few hours in the day with a geologist's hammer to fill his wallet with nuggets. my visit to cariboo dispelled this notion. there are possibly harder and more dirty employments; but gold-digging is a very dirty and hard one. in the first place, shafts have to be dug forty or fifty feet deep to the lodes, where the pay dirt is found. in galleries leading from these shafts the earth is dug out and put into baskets, which are hoisted out by a windlass and turned into large troughs, through which a stream of water is made to pass, with a succession of sieves, through which the gold dust falls. this is one of the most simple and easy of the processes employed. water has often to be brought from great distances; deep trenches have to be dug, and the diggers have to work up to their middle in icy-cold water, with their heads exposed to the hot sun, down in deep holes in the beds of streams, or by the sides of streams, day after day, sometimes finding nothing, at other times only enough to enable them to procure food and lodging for the time. others, again, have been fortunate, and have worked claims from which they have extracted many thousand pounds worth of gold in a few weeks. the latter have been mostly men who have had their wits about them, and who have purchased claims which they had good reason to believe would pay. such was the case with our friend habakkuk gaby. the day after our arrival, we saw him wheeling a barrow about, up and down hill, stocked with a variety of small wares such as he well knew miners would value. whether he sold or not, he stopped and had a talk with all he met, picking up a little bit of information from one and a little bit from another. his former experience in california enabled him to ask questions likely to procure what he required. for several days he patiently continued at this occupation. at last, one evening, trevor and i received a visit from him. he told us that he had bought a claim which he guessed would pay; that he had engaged stalker and the rest of our men for the summer; and asked if i would allow peter to remain with him, promising to make the lad's fortune, and to bring him down safely with him to victoria at the end of the season, in time for him to leave the country with us. as peter expressed a strong wish to remain and try his fortune at gold-digging, i did not oppose him; indeed, i could manage to do without the lad, and i wished him to employ himself in whatever was most likely to conduce to his success in life. trevor and i tried our hands at gold-digging for a fortnight, at the end of which time we had had quite enough of it. after paying the owners of the claim the rent agreed on, we pocketed some few pounds apiece; but we were nearly knocked up with the hard work. before leaving richfield, we paid a visit to mr gaby. we found him in a most flourishing condition. at one end of his claim was a store, of rough materials. on the front was an imposing board with "gaby and co." painted in large letters on it, and underneath, "everything sold here." he welcomed us warmly, and pressed us to come in and liquor. "i don't much like this work," he said; "but i'll make it pay while i am at it. we shall meet again before many months are over." we found peter serving in the store. he said that he took his turn with another lad at mining, and liked his occupation. his master treated him well. he got two dollars a day and everything found him, so that he did very well. the next day we bade farewell to cariboo, and tramped it on foot four days to the town of quesnelle, on the banks of the frazer. here we found a steam-boat going down the frazer to a place called cedar creek, where the navigation of the river becomes impracticable for four hundred miles to the town of tale, from which place to new westminster and victoria steamers run constantly up and down the frazer. by far the most uncomfortable part of our journey was that performed in the stage between cedar creek and yale. our feet were cribbed, cramped, and confined, and we had just cause to apprehend a capsize over the terrific precipices along which part of the road lay, into the foaming waters of the frazer. victoria is already a wonderful place, considering when it had its beginning--full of hotels, large stores, churches, dwelling-houses, and places of amusement, including a theatre, where stars of the first magnitude occasionally shine forth. we travelled all over the province of british columbia and through vancouver island; made a visit to nassaimo, the newcastle of the north pacific, and became more than ever convinced that what is chiefly required to place those colonies among the most flourishing and valuable of the possessions of great britain is the opening up of a road and the erection of post-houses along the line of country we had travelled from lake superior, _via_ the red river settlement and the fertile belts. of course, we gained great credit for the successful accomplishment of our voyage down the frazer; but i consider that we were far eclipsed by the journey performed by lord milton and dr cheadle across the rocky mountains, by jasper house and the bete jaune cache down the thompson and kamloops. we had the pleasure of meeting at victoria a very intelligent gentleman, who accompanied them from edmonton; and from him we learned the particulars of their journey. the party consisted of himself, lord milton, dr cheadle, and an indian hunter from the assiniboine river, with his squaw and their son, a big strong boy. they had also several hones and a fair amount of provisions and stores. "ah, sir, it was very fortunate for those young men that they had me with them, or they would inevitably have perished. the countess would have had to mourn her son and his friend, the gallant cheadle," he observed, as he was introduced to us as the companion of those persevering travellers. "yes, sir, i say it, fearless of contradiction, had it not been for my courage and perseverance they would never have accomplished the journey. i saw that, when i offered to accompany them; and if they did not know their true interest, i did. why, that assiniboine fellow would have murdered them to a certainty, but i kept him in awe by my eye--he was afraid of me, if he did not love me. lord milton is brave, but he wants that discretion and judgment which i possess; while dr cheadle is really a fine fellow, and would have made a capital backwoodsman. we had good horses; and as i am a judge of horse-flesh, i have a right to say so, and we got on very well till we began to cross the rivers. some of the streams were fearfully rapid, and it was very evident that my companions were scarcely up to their work. i used, generally, to plunge in with my horse, and, leading the way, call them to follow. this they did, and i was always ready on the top of the banks to help them out. we had frequently to construct rafts, when i invariably set to work to cut down the trees and to carry them to the river's brink. sometimes, when i could not carry a log by myself, i had to call on one of them to help me; but i did so only in the last extremity. you see, lord milton was a delicately-nurtured young man, and i wished to save him as much as i could. i do not doubt that if he writes a book he will bear witness to the truth of my assertions. the assiniboine was of a good deal of use, considering that he had only one hand, and his wife and boy were active too; but they could not possibly have got on without me. on one occasion, while i was asleep (or it would not have happened), the forest caught fire. i jumped up, and with a thick stick i always carried, so effectually attacked the flames that i put the fire out and saved the horses and our property. "on another occasion, when all the rest of the party had gone out hunting, and, being disabled, i had remained in charge of the camp, i saw a huge bear approaching. i had no gun; but, sallying out with my stick, i put it to flight, and saved the camp from being plundered, which it would inevitably have been, of our most valuable property. "our first important raft adventure was in crossing the canoe river, a tributary of the columbia. a raft had been constructed. we embarked on it. the current was very strong. i warned my companions. they were deaf to my cautions. i saw that they were not up to navigating a raft. suddenly, our raft was whirled round in a rapid current, which bore us to seeming destruction. a huge pine tree lay with its branches recumbent on the water. i shouted to my friends to hold on; but it was of no use. dr cheadle leaped on shore, followed by the assiniboine and his boy. i sat firmly at my post; lord milton and mrs assiniboine hung on to the branch of the tree, like absolom, only it was with their hands instead of the hair of their heads. to stop the raft was impossible; but to guide it towards the shore was practicable. i sat, therefore, calmly waiting an opportunity of steering my eccentric-moving bark towards a wished-for haven. this, with the assistance, i must own it, of the assiniboine, i was enabled shortly to do. lord milton and mrs assiniboine were, meantime, very nearly carried away by the roaring flood. dr cheadle and i, at the risk of our lives, hastened to their assistance; and i must do the young nobleman the justice to say that he refused to be helped till we had got the woman out of her perilous position. i look upon that as true gallantry; and i told him that i should consider it a pleasing duty to narrate the circumstance whenever i gave an account of our adventures. however, dr cheadle, considering that he was in by far the most dangerous position, got him out at once, and, with the aid of my handkerchief, i helped out the dark-skinned lady. "that was only one of the many fearful dangers we ran. as i before remarked, it was very much owing to my forethought that things were not worse. i used to rouse the young men up every morning, or i do not know how long they would have indulged in their downy slumbers; not that they were very downy, by-the-bye, considering that spruce-fir-tops formed the most luxurious bed we had for many a day. they were also improvident, and had a knack of leaving their things behind them, insomuch that, in spite of all i could do, we had only one small axe left with which to cut our way through a dense forest. we supplied ourselves with a second axe belonging to a dead indian found in the woods. by-the-bye, my friends were very much puzzled to find that the said dead man had no head, and that it could not have been taken by a human being, as he would have carried off the poor man's property; or by a wild beast, as it would have upset the body, which was found in a sitting position. it was close to our camp; and the fact was, that i had, not five minutes before, found the body, and lifted the head, which had fallen to the ground, with the end of a stick, and hid it in a bush hard by. having crossed the mountains and found that we could not push overland to cariboo, we turned our faces northward, to proceed down the thompson river to kamloops. "none of our party were skilful boatmen. i do not myself profess to have any extensive knowledge of navigation; so my young friends would not venture to go down the frazer in canoes, which, in my opinion, they might have done with ease. they chose to stick to terra-firma, and, in consequence, they very nearly stuck fast. first, they lost one of their horses, laden with numerous valuables--nearly all their tobacco and tea and sugar; and the other poor beasts were so completely knocked up that it was difficult to drive them. now they went one way, then another; now they tumbled down precipices or got jammed between trunks of trees; then they fell into the river and began swimming away, and the assiniboine had to plunge in and fish them out. this continued week after week. we were like babes in the wood, lost in that fearful forest, cutting our way through it; often making good three or four miles in the day, our provisions running shorter and shorter, till we were reduced to live one day on a skunk, a creature i thought no human being could have eaten. i own that i could not. sometimes precipices faced us, and sometimes steep hills, which it took us hours to get round or climb up. at last we had to kill a horse, my little pet blackie, which, owing to my careful and judicious driving, was in better condition than any other of the lot. the young men had expended nearly all their powder; and, at the best of times, rarely killed more than a few birds in the course of the day. we found horse-flesh tolerably palatable; but, by the time we had begun to eat blackie, we were not very particular. however, he was only the first horse we ate--we had to kill another before long--and it seemed probable that we should have to eat up our whole stud before we could reach kamloops. several times we discussed the question as to whether we should kill all our horses and tramp through on foot, or build rafts and descend the river. i urged my young friends to persevere. they took my advice, with happy results, for, in a short time, we entered an open country, and met some natives, not handsome, but kind-hearted people. they knew of kamloops; they could guide us there; and did so. we were hospitably received. "our troubles were over; but i must say that i hope i may never spend another eleven weeks such as we went through since we started on our journey over the mountains. i entertained a different opinion of the assiniboine to that held by my companions, and i believe that had it not been that i kept my eye on the man he would quietly have murdered us all; but he was afraid of me--that is the fact. he behaved bravely on one occasion, certainly, when he plunged into a river and dragged out our horse, bucephalus, that, with another, gisquakarn, had fallen in. the latter was swept away with our stock of tea and tobacco, salt and clothes, and several important documents belonging to me. had my friends taken my advice, they would have divided these articles among the various animals. possibly they will do so another time. lord milton and dr cheadle talked of giving an account of their adventures to the world. if they do, unless their memories altogether fail them, they will corroborate all i have said." the fine island of which victoria is the rising capital, with a population of some seven or eight thousand inhabitants, came into possession by the british oregon treaty, which determined the boundary between british north america and the united states. vancouver island is by far the longest on the west coast of america; and the coast-line is broken into fine natural harbours, which will afford protection to ships in all weathers. coal of excellent quality is found at nanaimo, and copper and iron ores: the latter, found nowhere else on the north pacific coast, are plentiful. fish of the most valuable kinds, including the viviparous species, are abundant; as are also the elk, deer, grouse, snipe, etc, by way of game; and for fur-bearing creatures, the beaver, the racoon, and land-otter, are the chief wild animals. indeed, considering all its natural advantages, and its vicinity to the gold-fields of british columbia, vancouver island must soon take a prominent place among the colonies of great britain. queen charlotte sound, which separates vancouver island from the mainland, is scarcely ten miles wide in some places, and the strait of juan de fuca, which waters its shores as well as those of the territory of washington in the united states, is not more than eighteen miles wide. the island itself is miles long, of an average breadth of miles, containing an area of , square miles, with a population of , , of which above one-half are red indians. chapter twenty four. voyage to san francisco--the city and diggings--we book our passage for honolulu--marcus warns me of danger, and the idea is abandoned--we return to england via new york--marcus sails for liberia, and we spend christmas with aunt becky. i scarcely know why, but all of a sudden trevor seized with a strong desire to visit san francisco; and as there is steam communication between that city and victoria, there was no difficulty in the way to prevent its being gratified. we had fixed the day for leaving victoria, and were expecting peter's return to my service, when mr habakkuk gaby walked into the room. he was wonderfully improved for the better since we parted at cariboo, as far as dress was concerned; indeed, his costume was an indication of his very flourishing condition. "well, i've brought back peter to you; and i kalkilate the lad's worth a hundred good dollars more than he was when you left him with me," he observed, after the usual salutations were over. i hoped that he had been successful in his speculations. "yas, i guess i have," he answered, with a knowing wink; "i've had, too, enough of gold-digging, and i'm thinking of offering my services to the governor of one of these states as private secretary, or colonial secretary--i'm in no ways particular,--just to help him to put things to rights. i know how they ought to be--and that's not as they now are. if my offers are not accepted i shall go on to californy and see what's to be done there; but i guess there are too many full-blooded yankees there for the place to suit me." mr gaby, finding that the governor of victoria did not place the same estimate on his talents that he himself entertained, quitted the province in disgust, and was one of our fellow-passengers to san francisco, the queen of the pacific, of which it is enough to say that the harbour is a magnificent one, as soon as the golden gate--the name given to the mouth of the river--is passed; and that the city is huge, composed of buildings of all sizes, from the imposing stone or brick edifice to the humble shanty. the hotels are numerous, and the jewellers' shops, especially, are as handsome as any in london or paris, while the population is truly composed of the natives of all countries in the world. we visited sacramento and the diggings. the gold at the latter is chiefly obtained by crushing quartz; and numerous companies, with powerful machinery, are engaged in the business. cortez discovered california in ; yet, acclimatised as the spaniards then were to the heat of the tropics, so oppressive did he find the climate, that he named the country, _caliente fornalla_, "the fiery furnace." the spaniards made no attempt to search for its mineral wealth; and till the middle of the last century, when california belonged to mexico, and rumours reached europe of its auriferous soil, its gold-fields were looked upon as fabulous. some efforts were then made to discover the hidden treasure, but they all proved abortive, and the pearl fishery was looked upon as the only valuable product of "a sterile land of rocks and stunted bushes," as it is described in the earliest account of any value of the country and its inhabitants, the latter then "but a step above the brute creation." this account was written in german, by a jesuit, after his return to his native country upon the suppression of his order by pope ganganelli, in july, , and is full of curious information. still, the tradition of its yielding gold was never obliterated; but it was not till september, , after its cession to the united states, that gold in any considerable quantity was discovered in california. the pioneers were a captain sutter and a mr marshall, two free settlers, who at first attempted to keep the discovery a secret. it is between that period and the year that the following sketch of "dangers of the diggings" must be placed, after which it became a sovereign state of the american confederation, though murders and lynch law prevailed even up to . i give the story in the words of habakkuk gaby--half trapper and half gold-digger, as we have seen him to be--as it is worth preserving, as a curious evidence of the rapid rise of san francisco in the course of less than a dozen years from a state of almost perfect anarchy to such a height of civilisation and luxury as already to be regarded by many as all but the second city in the united states. "well, master trevor," began habakkuk one evening, as we were seated together, comfortably discussing our wine and cigars, "i'm no way partikler, but there _is_ a place i've no wish to go to, though i guess that it ain't hotter nor worse than californy was when i first got to it. ay, long before i got there, i guessed what was to follow; for a full day's journey along the whole road was like a broker's shop--only the goods were all smashed and had nobody to look after them. first, there were pianoes, fiddles, guitars, and other gimcracks. then, chests of drawers, bedsteads, and boxes. next, women's fine clothes, bless them! and then bedding, pillows, and blankets. the useless first; then, step by step, one little comfort after 'tother. then, sadder still, tents and cooking apparatus, skeletons of horses and oxen, broken-down waggons. now and then, a grave; but, saddest of all, casks of biscuit and crackers, of flour and preserved meats, and whitened human bones! "on, on! no time to bury the dead! water, water! none to be had--not enough to cover the finger's tip to cool the parched tongue! whole families sank by the roadside and died of thirst. perhaps one survived. it may be the father, whose thirst for gold had broken up a quiet home,--and all for greed had brought a fond wife and mother to perish on these arid plains--every vestige of vegetation dried up by the scorching sun--after seeing her little ones, one by one, droop and die away. terrible such a fate! welcome death! but death, in mockery, spares the thirsting wretch till madness supervenes, and suicide or murder ends what greed for gold began. "no, master skipwith; 'tis only young and hale men, with no tie on earth to bind them, that should seek the diggings. broken of heart, careless of the world, i've seen others who have left behind all they loved and were worth living for on the track to the gold-fields, labouring like machines, never smiling, seldom speaking, scarcely knowing why they thus toiled and laboured; now, all they had once loved on earth had gone. we could tell the nature of the country by the sorts of articles left on the road. still worse, if anything, were the scenes which took place at the diggings. rheumatism and fever brought many to the grave. the poor wretches lay in their tents or lean-tos, with no one to attend them--no one to speak to them--till death put an end to their sufferings, or sometimes madness seized them, and they would rush out attacking all they met, till they sank exhausted, or till they were knocked over by some of their companions, as if they had been wild beasts. not content with having sickness for their foe, the diggers quarrelled among themselves. one party had diverted a stream from the claim of another. the latter demanded compensation, which was refused, on which they attacked the aggressors, killed several, and wounded many others. i guess gold-hunting, in those days, was not the pleasantest of occupations," remarked habakkuk, in conclusion. "the ingins, too, was troublesome in these parts, i've heard say," observed stalker. "i guess they was," answered mr gaby. "can't say, however, but what our people--that is, the whites--often brought it on themselves by shooting a red man without provocation; making them work against their will, beating them when they wouldn't, and carrying off their squaws. flesh and blood, whether it's red or black, or white, don't like that sort of treatment. "one morning, two men were found speared in one of the out-huts of the camp, and everything in it carried off. though we didn't know much of the men, who they were or where they'd come from, they were whites, and that made the diggers very exasperated with the murderers. an expedition was at once organised to follow and punish the red-men. we had no lack of leaders. two or three men who had spent all their lives on the prairies or in the backwoods, and were well accustomed to cope with indians, and knew all their tricks and cunning ways, offered their services. one fine old fellow was chosen--a scotchman, called donald mcdonald. i guess that in his country there are a good many of the same name, but i don't think many like him. he had lived all his life in these ports; and what made him come to californy i don't know, except the love of adventure, for he had plenty of money. he stood six feet four in his stockings, with a head of hair of a bright carrot-red, which hung down all over his shoulders--a beard and moustache to match. his brow, full of wrinkles, alone showed his age; for his eyes were bright and piercing, and his step as elastic as that of a young man. so as you seem pretty quiet with regard to the ingins in these parts, i'll just tell you how they manage things in the south, where, somehow or other, the whites are pretty nearly always at war with them. we assembled at the hut of the murdered men, that we might take our departure from it. there were numbers of footprints about the hut, but there had been no struggle near it. the men had been surprised by the crafty ingins while they were asleep, run through with spears, and afterwards stabbed. everything in the hut had been carried off by the murderers, who took no pains to conceal their numbers, or the direction in which they had gone. there was a considerable number of them, and their track led towards the most mountainous and intricate path of the country, with numerous streams intervening. `the varmints think by coming this way to baffle us; but we'll soon let them know that a keen pair of eyes is following which has been accustomed for forty years or more to ferret them out, in spite of all their dodges,' remarked donald. it was well for those who had to accompany the old man to have a fast pair of legs. "we kept on at a rapid rate the greater part of the day, the footmarks becoming more and more indistinct, from the nature of the ground, till we arrived at a mountain stream. as the traces were now totally lost, loud murmurs rose among our party. "`the savages have done us--depend on that,' cried several of them. "`i ken they must be very clever savages, then,' observed donald, not a little offended at the imputation thrown on his sagacity. "donald continued walking up and down the stream for some time, carefully looking out for marks on the opposite side, for he well knew that the indians must here have entered the stream and gone up or down some distance and then landed. no long time had passed before he shouted to us to follow him, and crossing the stream we came upon a track which looked at first as if only one person had passed, but on further examination we perceived that the varmint had formed in indian file and trod in each other's footsteps. we followed for some little distance, when the ingins, little dreaming what sort of men would be after them, and despising the white faces' knowledge of their customs, broke off again, and walked along in a body, taking no pains to conceal their movements. they even dropped some of the flour which they were carrying off, and did not stop to hide the particles left on the ground. it was now getting dark, so we had to camp in a hollow, where we could light our fires without the danger of being seen by the redskins, taking care, however, to prevent them from blazing up. "as soon as we had camped, donald went back to the river and quickly returned with a fat buck he had killed, and which he had watched for as it went to the stream to drink. we couldn't sleep much for talking of the fight to come off next day, and for all the brave things we were going to do. by daybreak next morning we were on foot and closely following the trail of our enemies. in three or four hours we reached the place where they had camped, and donald told us that the varmints had had a good supper on venison, and cakes made of the flour they had stolen, and that there were about five-and-twenty warriors, all well-armed with bows and arrows, and spears, and axes. we now pushed on more rapidly than ever, eager to be up with them. they were also marching quickly to get back to their camp, where they had left their squaws and papooses. our route lay over mountains and across valleys, with grand scenery on every side. each mountain we climbed the footprints of the ingins became more and more distinct, till it was clear that we were rapidly getting up with them. mcdonald, like a good general, now sent out scouts to prevent our being taken by surprise. we were told to hold our tongues and to look to our arms. at length we reached the summit of a lofty ridge, below which lay a broad valley. "`they are there,' whispered mcdonald; `and if you all keep silence, obey my orders, and behave like true men, we shall bag a round dozen of them.' "these californian chaps were no way particular how they treated the redskins. going on a little further, we saw, far down below us in the valley, a few wreaths of smoke curling up into the blue sky. they came from the fires of the ingins. the order was now given to form in single file. silently and cautiously we proceeded towards the encampment. the slightest noise or want of care would alarm our enemies, and perhaps bring destruction on our own heads. i guess it weren't quite pleasant altogether, for if they had found us out, the tables might have been turned, and they would have killed us instead of our killing them. "we crept on till we got to a low ridge, when, peering through the thick bushes, we saw, about four hundred yards off, a large body of ingins encamped, some forty men or more, and twenty or thirty women. one old man, who seemed by his dress and position to be a chief, sat against a tree with a group of warriors collected round him, evidently giving an account of their adventures. the latter were in their war-paint, with feathers of different colours stuck in their hair, which was tied up in knots behind. they were as wild and fierce a set of fellows as i ever set eyes on. yet donald afterwards said that they were as arrant a set of cowards as are to be met with; but he certainly seemed to hold the redskins at a cheap rate. slowly we crept closer and closer. fortunately the ingins were so engaged with their speeches and boasting of their brave deeds in murdering two unhappy men in their sleep, that their usually quick ears did not hear us. at a most critical moment, however, one of our party kicked his foot against a loose stone, which rolled down the bank. some of the redskins started and looked up, but they were so engaged in their occupations, some in speech-making, and others in cooking, that, seeing nothing to alarm them, so thick were the bushes, they took no notice of what had occurred. we spread out in a line so as almost to surround them, and then crouching down, waited till all the party were collected together round their evening meal. at a signal from mcdonald we were to commence operations. we waited for it in breathless suspense. with a startling effect our first volley sounded through the calm evening air. the ingin warriors sprang to their feet; it was only to afford us a surer mark. on we sprang, and when within thirty yards, fired point-blank at the poor wretches. five fell where they stood, shot through the head, several more staggered on mortally wounded; the rest, uttering fearful yells, took to flight. when the smoke cleared off, we discovered that they had halted to see who were their assailants. "`on, on, boys!' shouted donald, discharging his pistol at the redskin nearest to him and bringing him to the ground. then flourishing his formidable axe, he dashed on after the flying wretches. "those who had been the worst wounded made their way to a stream, where, in spite of our approach, their faithful squaws joined them, and began to bathe their wounds in the cool water. they knew that, however bad a wound, if the inflammation can be kept down, a man's life may be saved. many a poor fellow has died on the battle-field for want of cold water. `let none of you hurt the women,' shouted donald, who, rough as he looked, was humane and kind-hearted in his way, as well as brave. some of our fellows were, however, no better than savages themselves. before donald could interfere they had brained four of the wounded men. one of the women tried to save her husband, but two of our party killing the man, hurled her with him into the stream. one of the redskins, who, badly wounded, was trying to escape, dropped as if he had suddenly fallen dead. his pursuer was about to knock out his brains, when the ingin sprang to his feet, and tried to seize the gun from his assailant's hands. he would have succeeded had not one of our party come up with a loaded pistol and shot the redskin through the head. donald insisted that the poor women who had so bravely remained by their husbands should be allowed to stay by them near the stream, greatly to the disappointment of some of the californians, who wanted to kill all they could reach. having collected all the articles which had been taken from the hut, including the flour, and as much venison as we could carry, we beat a retreat up the hills again. there was little fear of the party we had dispersed attacking us, but they would very likely collect their allies, and if we remained where we were, come down on us in overwhelming numbers. all the tribes in those parts have horses-- mustangs they call them--so that they would have had no difficulty in collecting a large body of warriors in a short time, who, if they did not destroy us, would greatly harass us in our marches. darkness compelled us to camp, and you may be sure we kept a sharp look-out all night, but the varmints had had enough of us, and allowed it to pass quietly. "the ingins followed us, however, the next day, though we took a different route to avoid them; but they soon found that we were led by a leader who knew what he was about, and that they were likely to come off second best if they attacked us. we got back safe to the diggings, and i was not sorry either. i am a man of peace, and i don't like fighting of any sort, much less such murderous work as we had been engaged in-- such as shooting a dozen of our fellow-creatures at their supper. those ingin murderers deserved punishment; there's no doubt about that; but i did not fancy punishing them in that way." habakkuk gave us several other anecdotes which he had heard of the redoubtable scot, donald mcdonald. among others i remember one which amused us greatly. "mr mcdonald was very thick with the redskins at all times, for he had a dark-red wife, and some light-red children, of whom he was very fond, and spent much of his time in the lodges of his wife's relations. gambling was then, of course, one of their principal amusements, especially when visitors came in. one day an old chief, slabface, went into his father-in-law's lodge, when he, with donald and others, were soon engaged in gambling. donald suddenly detected some trick or other, and rushing out into the open air, seizing his gun as he went, declared that he would play no more, and would be revenged on the rascal who had cheated him. slabface followed, and asked him what he wanted. `satisfaction,' shouted donald. `you are a cheat, a rogue, and a liar, and you must fight me.' "`all in good time; but you are reputed to be a brave chief, and chiefs should not put themselves into a passion,' answered slabface, quite coolly. "`i want none of your talk. i say again that you are a cheat and a liar!' exclaimed donald, getting more and more angry. `will you fight me like a man, i ask?' "`a wise man wouldn't get into so great a passion about so small a thing,' said the redskin, doing his utmost to exasperate donald. `if you wish it i'll fight to please you, though i think your proposal a foolish one. we will go into the wood and settle the matter.' "`into the wood!' shouted donald. `by no means. here as we stand, face to face, like men. shall we fire together, or shall we draw for the first shot?' "`why, now, indeed, i find that you are a far greater idiot than i supposed,' exclaimed slabface, in a tone of scorn. `would any but a fool let his enemy point the muzzle of his gun at him, if he could help it? the red-men are too wise to do such a thing. it is only foolish pale faces that fight thus.' "`why how, in the name of sense, do you want to fight?' exclaimed donald. `i am inviting you to fight in the way all gentlemen fight in scotland.' "`that shows that the gentlemen are fools,' answered slabface. `we will fight as all indian warriors fight. we will go into the wood out there with our guns. you shall get behind one tree, and i will get behind another, and we will fire at each other as we can.' "`you are a coward, and afraid!' cried donald, turning on his heel. "`i am not afraid, but i choose that way of fighting,' answered the chief, in the same calm tone as at first. "`well, then, you shall have your own way,' exclaimed donald, who would not have yielded in any other matter of far less importance. "slabface, who was a good shot, would too probably have killed our friend, had not a party of us, hearing what was taking place, hurried up and contrived to soothe his anger. still, to make things sure, we carried off both his arms and those of slabface." our friend habakkuk's account gave us a pretty correct idea of the state of affairs in the early days of the californian diggings. matters improved in australia, though they were bad enough there at first, and i am glad to say that they were conducted still better at cariboo, and the other diggings of british columbia. trevor and i had soon seen enough of the golden city and its motley society; the chief of which, a mere money aristocracy, was not at all to our taste. there is a considerable amount of trade between san francisco and the sandwich islands, to which the diggers also often resort to recruit their health. trevor, who had met queen emma at his high church cousin's rectory, near portsmouth, a year ago, was so enthusiastic in her praise, that we determined to return to england by the panama route, spending some days at honolulu on our way, and joining the steamer from new zealand at tahiti, which is in the direct line to panama. we accordingly engaged a passage on board a brig, the _banana_, bound on a trading voyage to those islands. as i was leaving the office of the agent to whom the _banana_ was consigned, i found a party of seamen lounging about in front of the door, as seamen of all nations are accustomed to do. these were a curiously mixed set; not only of all nations, but of all colours and tints. there were scarcely two alike. among them were several negroes. i saw one of them, a fine sailor-like looking fellow, start as he saw me. i looked again, and had little doubt that the man i saw before me was the runaway slave, marcus. yet, though he eyed me as some of his companions were doing, not by another glance or sign did he seem to recognise me. he cast also the same indifferent look at peter and ready. i stopped for a moment for trevor, who wished to obtain some additional information about the brig, so that i had time to examine the countenance of the black more narrowly. every feature was that of the countenance of marcus. so convinced was i of this, that i was on the point of going up to speak to him, when i reflected that he might possibly have some good reason for not recognising me, as it was not likely that he should have forgotten me and peter, or the dog. as i walked on slowly, after trevor rejoined me, i looked back and saw the black enter the ship-agent's office. again, looking back after some time, i saw him following us at a distance, and evidently wishing that it should not be seen that he was doing so. he watched us into our hotel and then disappeared. some stars of the first magnitude were performing at the opera-house, and we went to hear them. on our return home, as we had nearly reached our hotel and were passing a dark archway, i felt my arm seized, and a voice whispered, "stop!" i thought that i was about to be robbed, and expected to have a knife stuck into me--so did trevor--when the voice said: "i am a friend. listen. you do not know me; but i know you, and remember that i owe you a deep debt of gratitude never fully to be repaid. i am marcus--once a slave. i must be brief. you are about to sail in the _banana_. a number of rich miners, and others, whose health requires recruiting, are about to proceed in her to the sandwich islands. she has also, it is well-known, a rich freight. she has been marked for destruction. a band of desperate men on board a fast vessel purpose following her. two of them will be sent to ship on board as part of the crew, so that she has not a chance of escape. take my advice; do not go by her; sacrifice your passage money. any loss will be better than venturing to sea in that craft. farewell, mr skipwith. i must not detain you, nor must i stay longer here. i owe you much; i am thankful that i have had again an opportunity of serving you. i have run a great risk to do so, and would willingly run a greater. we may never meet again; but believe that i earnestly desire your safety. i will not say i pray for it, for such a wretch as i am cannot pray. if i could, my prayers would turn to curses. farewell, farewell!" the last words were said in a tone of deep feeling. even before i could answer, he had disappeared. i said nothing to trevor before we got to our hotel. i then told him all i had heard, describing how i had met marcus, and the opinion i had formed of him. trevor looked serious for a few moments, and then he said-- "i must see marcus myself. though i do not know him personally, what you have just told me, and what dick wrote about this man, interests me much, and if he is in trouble again, which i fear he must be, from the stealthy way in which he dodged you, let us try to get him out of it. black skin or white skin, what does it matter? at bottom he is a noble fellow, and if you see nothing to object to the plan, he shall return with us to old england; and when there, between us, we can manage to do something for him." of course, i could have no objection, so trevor set off in search of the fugitive. san francisco is not the pleasantest place in the world for such a search. there are a good many persons there who have been driven by their crimes out of society at home, and whose reckless way of living at the diggings casts a suspicion upon them, so that folks generally avoid that quarter of the city where they usually congregate, and where i had met marcus but a few hours before. i had been left to myself for more than three hours, and it was already getting dark, yet trevor did not return. i therefore determined to go in search of him. i had just turned the corner of the street in which was the dark arch from which marcus had emerged, when i saw trevor and the black approaching. jack had succeeded in drawing marcus away from a lawless set of rascals, who were pirates of the worst class, by whom the latter had recently been captured, and had had his life spared upon taking the usual oath to join the crew of his captors. he was closely watched by them, so that trevor could not get near him till the shades of evening had fairly set in. jack and marcus were not long in bringing me to their way of thinking, that overland would be our safer way of reaching england; so we determined to lose our passage money, and on marcus's account more particularly, to take the easiest and quickest route to new york. peter would not leave me, and is still a member of my household, dealing often in the marvellous, and frightening the maids in the kitchen with his narratives of shipwreck and crocodiles, of pirates and savages, and of blood and murder. with our quitting san francisco our perils and adventures came to an end, and we reached liverpool in time to see marcus on his way to liberia, with letters of recommendation, before accepting dear aunt becky's invitation to spend christmas at merton lodge, and to spread out before her the trophies i had promised at starting, among which her drawing-room exhibits, by way of hearth-rugs, two panther skins, and, in large glazed cases, a lot of stuffed birds and reptiles, including a rattlesnake and a boa-constrictor. i need not say that ready is a great favourite with all the household, and that with true canine sagacity he knows how to make the most of his popularity. he seems to imply by his manner that the stuffed trophies would scarcely have been where they are but for him, and his bright eyes express as plainly as tongue can do _quorum pars magna fui_, whenever trevor and i have to narrate, for dear aunt's repeated gratification, how the living creatures themselves were captured and where they ran wild. the end. captain mugford, or our salt and fresh water tutors, by w.h.g. kingston. ________________________________________________________________________ this is not a long book, but it is an absolutely delightful one. the tregellins had owned a large old house on a headland in cornwall. they had not lived there for some time, and had left it in the care of clump and his wife juno, west indians, while the family lived in bristol. tregellin senior decides that he will install some of his young relatives there, in the care of the clumps and two tutors, one of which, mr clare, has to deal with their academic needs, and the other, captain mugford, is to teach them watermanship. the date is early in the nineteenth century. there is also a brave and virtuous dog, ugly. the boys' sailing, swimming and rowing improve, and they rise to various challenges. eventually they all set off for a longer sailing and fishing expedition. but it all goes pear-shaped, as the weather turns very nasty, and they are marooned on a reef some way out to sea. clare is not on this expedition, but they need a way to alert him to where they are. it is ugly that saves the day. they had been using an old wrecked brig, high ashore in the bay, as a classroom, but unknown to them some smugglers have been using it as a base as well. open war breaks out, and things get nasty. read the book to find out what happens in the end. ________________________________________________________________________ captain mugford, or our salt and fresh water tutors, by w.h.g. kingston. chapter one. introductory. we belong to a cornish family of the greatest respectability and high antiquity--so say the county records, in which we have every reason to place the most unbounded confidence. the tregellins have possessed the same estate for i do not know exactly how long; only i suppose it must have been some time after noah disembarked from the ark, and, at all events, for a very long time. the estate of which i speak was in a wild part of the country, and not at that time very productive; but i believe that my father would not have parted with it for ten times its market value. it contained between four and five hundred acres of hill and dale, and rock and copse, and wood; its chief feature a lofty cape, which ran out for a considerable distance into the sea. on one side it was exposed to the almost unbroken sweep of the atlantic ocean; on the other it was washed by the tranquil waters of a deep bay, which formed a safe and picturesque harbour for numerous small craft which frequently took shelter there from press of weather when running up channel. that headland, where the happiest half-year of all my boyhood's days was passed, is now dotted with several pleasant summer residences; its acres are marked off by fences and walls, and variegated with the diverse crops of well-tilled fields, and on its bay-side are occasional small wharves for pleasure-boats. fifty years ago it was very different, and, (though, perhaps, i may be an old fogey and have that grey-hair fashion of thinking, with an expressive shrug, "ah, things are not as they were when i was a boy!") i must say, far more beautiful to my eyes than it is now. you have seen a bold, handsome-bearded, athletic sailor-fellow, with a manner combining the sunniness of calms, the dash of storms, and the romance of many strange lands about him. now, if our admired hero should abandon his adventurous profession, and settle down quietly into the civilised career of an innkeeper, or village constable, or shopman, or sedate church clerk, and we chanced to meet him years after his "life on the ocean wave," it would probably be to find a sober-faced gentleman, with forehead a little bald, with somewhat of a paunch, with sturdy legs and gaiters, perhaps with a stiff stock and dignified white collar--altogether a very respectable, useful citizen. but the eye and the heart could not find in our excellent acquaintance the fascination which so charmed us in our _friend_ the brave sailor. so with our cape: fifty years ago, in all its natural wildness; in the beauty of its lonely beaches strewn with pieces of shivered waterlogged spars and great rusty remnants of ship-knees and keels; in the melancholy of those strips of short brown heath on the seaside, disappearing in the white sand; in the frowning outlines of the determined rocks that like fortresses defied their enemy the ocean; in the roll of crisp pasturage that in unbroken swells covered the long backbone of the cape; in the few giant old trees, and, more than all, in its character of freedom, loneliness, and isolation, there was a savage charm and dignity that the thrift and cultivation, the usefulness and comfort of civilisation's beauty can never equal. my first sight of the old cape was when i was about nine years of age. my father took me with him in a chaise from bristol--two days' journey in those times; and i do not think now that my year's tour of europe, fifteen years after, was half as full of incident and delight as that my first expedition of a few hours. i can recall how the man at the toll-gate hobbled to us on his crutch; how my father chatted with him for a few moments; how, as we drove off, the man straightened himself on his crutch and touched the brim of his hat with the back of his hand. how well i remember the amazement with which i then heard my father say, "robert, that man lost his leg while fighting under the great duke in the peninsula." i thrust my head far out of the chaise to look well at my first live hero. that sight was romance enough for an hour. then the first glimpse of the top of the high cape, and my father's telling me that where i saw the haze beyond was the ocean, were sources of further reverie and mystery, dispelled, however, very suddenly when directly afterwards a wheel came off the chaise and pitched me into the road, with my father's small valise on my stomach. i remember the walk to the nearest house, which happened to be an inn, and how my father took off a large tumbler of ale, and gave me some biscuits and a glass of water. it occurred to me, i recollect, whether, when i became a man, i should be able to drink a full glass of ale and not be a drunkard, and whether my son would take biscuits and water and i not be conscious that he wanted to taste the ale. a thousand things more i remember--mere trifles in reality, but abounding in great interest to me on my first journey, which really then seemed of as much importance as captain cook's voyage around the world or mungo park's travels in africa. it was a delightful day, the most interesting chapter in my life up to that time--brimful of novelty, thought, and excitement--but i shall not write its events in detail. what i have already mentioned will do as a sample. late in the afternoon--it was the afternoon of a september day, the first fine one after a three days' storm--we reached the cape, just as the short sombre twilight of an autumn day settled down on land and sea. as the horse trudged laboriously along through the heavy piece of sand connecting the cape and the mainland, i was almost terrified by the great sound of waves, whose spray tossed up in vast spouts from every rocky head before us. the rush of waters, the rumbling of great stones receding with the current, the booming as of ships' broadsides--all these united to awe a little boy making his first acquaintance with the ocean. when we drove up to the house, which was the only habitation on the point, not a light was to be seen, and the dark stone walls were blacker than the night that had settled down so quickly on the land. my father said there was no use to knock, for that old juno lived in the back part of the house and was too deaf to hear us. so he led the horse round, and we went to the back windows. through them we saw our old black castellan nodding, pipe in mouth, over the fireplace. she had not heard the noise of our wheels, and it required a vigorous pounding on the heavy back-door before old juno, in much trembling, opened it to us. "oh my, massa tregellins, is dat you dis dark night! and clump, de ole nigger, gone to willage. lor, massa, how you did frighten me--and, oh my! thar's young massa bob!" juno had often come up to bristol to see us, and felt an engrossing interest in all of the family. she now led me into the house, and went as briskly to work as her rheumatic old limbs would allow, to make a good fire--piling on logs, blowing with the bellows, and talking all the while with the volubility of a kind old soul of fully sixty years of age. my father had gone to tie up the horse under the shed until clump should return and take care of him. clump was juno's husband, and her senior by many years. the exact age of negroes is always of unreliable tradition. the two had charge of the house, and were, indeed, rulers of the entire cape. clump cultivated vegetables sufficient for his wife and himself, and was also a skilful fisherman. his duties were to look after the copses and fences and gates, and to tend the numerous sheep that found a living on the cape; in which tasks juno helped him, besides keeping the old house free from ghosts and desolation--indeed, a model of neatness and coziness. i must now pause for a minute and describe how it happened that the two old negroes were living on that out-of-the-way farm in cornwall. my father had been a west indian proprietor, and had resided out in the west indies for many years. it was in the days when wilberforce and true and noble philanthropists who fought the battle of emancipation with him first began to promulgate their doctrines. my father, like most other proprietors, was at first very indignant at hearing of proceedings which were considered to interfere with their rights and privileges, and he was their strenuous opponent. to enable himself still more effectually to oppose the emancipists, he sent for all the works which appeared on the subject of emancipation, that he might refute them, as he believed himself fully able to do. he read and read on, and got more and more puzzled how to contradict the statements which he saw put forth, till at length, his mind being an honest and clear one, he came completely round to the opinion of the emancipists. he now conscientiously asked himself how, with his new opinions, he could remain a slaveholder. the property was only partly his, and he acted as manager for the rest of the proprietors. they, not seeing matters in the light in which he had been brought to view them, would not consent to free the slaves and, as they believed, not unnaturally, ruin the property as he desired. then he proposed having the negroes educated and prepared for that state of freedom which, he assured his partners, he was certain they would some day ere long obtain. they replied that slaves were unfit for education, that the attempt would only set them up to think something of themselves, and certainly spoil them, and therefore neither to this proposition would they agree. they were resolved that as the slaves were theirs by right of law--whatever god might have to say in the matter--slaves they should remain. at length my father determined, after praying earnestly for guidance, to have nothing personally to do with the unclean thing. had he been able to improve the condition of the slaves, the case would have been different; but all the attempts he made were counteracted by his partners and by the surrounding proprietors, who looked upon him in the light of a dangerous lunatic. he therefore offered to give up his share in the property, provided he might be allowed to emancipate some of the slaves. to this even they would not consent, as they were afraid he might select the most able-bodied, and thus deprive the ground of some of its best cultivators. he did his best for the poor blacks, but the law was on the side of his partners, and, to do them justice, they, blinded by their interests and the contempt in which they held the negro race, considered they were right, and that he was wrong. all they would do was to allow him to select ten negroes from among a certain number whom they pointed out, and they agreed to pay him over a sum of money for his share of the land. to this proposal he was compelled to agree, and as west india property was at that time considered of great value, he received a very handsome sum, yet it must be owned not half what he might properly have claimed. with this he returned to england, and, as he was a man who could not bear to be idle, he commenced business as a general merchant at bristol. shortly after that he married, and my brothers and sisters and i in due course came into the world. among the negroes he set free were clump and his sable partner juno, and so attached were they to him that they entreated that he would take them with him to england. clump was, properly speaking, a free man; for having in his younger days, after he had married juno, gone a short trip to sea, he was wrecked, and after meeting many adventures, finally pressed on board a man-of-war. he saw a good deal of service, (about which he was very fond of talking, by the by), and at last obtaining his discharge, or rather taking it, i suspect, with french leave--ever mindful of his beloved juno, he returned voluntarily to a state of slavery, that he might enjoy life with her. the navy in those days was not what it now is, and he had not been in the enjoyment of any large amount of freedom. he had, indeed, being a good-natured, simple-hearted fellow, been sadly put upon both in the merchant service and navy. it was always, he used to say, "clump, you don't want to go on shore, you stay and take care of the ship;" or, "clump, you stay in the boat while we just take a run along the quay for five minutes;" or, "clump, leave is no use to you, just let me have it instead of you;" or, "clump, rum is a bad thing for niggers. i'll drink your grog to-day, and if you just tip me a wink i'll take half of it to-morrow, and let you have the rest, or bill noakes'll have the whole of it, and you'll get none." clump and juno being intelligent, trustworthy people, my father, as i have said, put them in charge of the farm on the cape, which they in a short time learned to manage with great judgment. two other negroes he took into his service at bristol. one of them became his butler, and it would have been difficult to find his equal in that capacity. now a lesson may be learned from this history. my father did what he considered right, and prospered; his partners, neglecting to enlighten themselves as they might have done, persisted in holding their black fellow-creatures in abject slavery, refusing one of the great rights of man--a sound education. emancipation was carried, and they received a large compensation, and rejoiced, spending their money extravagantly; but the half-savage negroes whom they had neglected to educate refused to work. their estates were left uncultivated for want of labourers, and they were ruined. my father, managing his mercantile affairs wisely, was a prosperous man. his business on this visit was to see an adjoining property which had once belonged to the family, and which, being in the market, he hoped to repurchase. the house had been built as long back as - . it was of stone-- the rough stone, as it had been taken from the beaches and cliffs, of different shades and kinds. above the ground floor was only an attic storey; and the main part of the ground floor consisted of four large low rooms, panelled in wood, and with ceiling of dark, heavy beams. adjoining the rear of these, my grandfather had built a comparatively modern kitchen; but every fireplace in the old house preserved the generous cheerful style of ample spread and fire-dogs. from the great door of the main floor a narrow stairway, like cabin steps, led up, with quaintly carved banisters, to five real old-fashioned bedrooms, rising above to the ridge of the steep-sloping roof and its uncovered but whitewashed rafters. the windows were at least five feet above the floor, and had the many small panes we sometimes yet see in very old houses. no doubt it was a house of pretension in its day. when i was a boy it remained a precious ark of family legends and associations. how splendid it is to possess a house nearly three hundred years old. to-day nothing could induce me to exchange the walls of that dear old house for the handsomest residence in belgravia. a house can be built in a few months; but to make a home--that is beyond the craft and quickness of masons, carpenters, and architects. alone on that bold, sea-beaten cape, so sturdy, dark, and time-worn, it looked out always with shrewd, steady little window-eyes on the great troubled ocean, across which it had watched the pilgrim fathers sailing away towards the new home they sought in the western world, and many a rich argosy in days of yore go forth, never to return. it might have seen, too, the proud spanish armada gliding up channel for the purpose of establishing popery and the inquisition in protestant england, to meet from the hands of a merciful providence utter discomfiture and destruction. with satisfaction and becoming dignity, too, it seemed on fresh sunny mornings to gaze at the hundreds of sails dotting the sea, and bound for all parts of the globe, recalling, perhaps with some mournfulness, the days of its youth and the many other varied scenes of interest which it had witnessed on those same tossing billows from its lofty height. all through our supper, which was laid in the largest of the first floor rooms, did juno stand by, repeating the refrain-- "oh dat nigger, dat clump,--why he no come? and here's massa er waitten and er waitten; but clump, ole mon, he get berry slow--berry, berry slow. now massa bob, vy you laff at ole juno so?--hi! hi!" however, clump came at last; and when he beheld us, great and comical was his surprise. he dropped his basket to the floor, and, with battered hat in hand and both hands on his knees, stood for a moment and stared at us, and then his mouth stretched wide with joy and his sides shook with delight, while the tears trickled down from the wrinkled eyes to the laughing ivory. "tank de lord! tank de lord! clump lib to see his ole massa agin; and dat young gemmen,--vy, lem'me see! vy, sure as i'm dat nigger clump, ef dat ain't--massa drake?--no,--massa walter?--no,--vy juno, ole woman! dat are massa bob!" he took my hands and shook and squeezed them, saying over and over again, "massa bob am cum ter see de ole cradle. oh! hi hi!" chapter two. the dream confirmed by reality. three years elapsed before i saw the cape again. indeed the remembrance of that visit there, of a few days only, began to assume indistinctness as a dream, and sometimes as i thought of it, recalling the events of the journey there and back in the chaise, the wild scenery and the strange sound of the surf, the old dark house and the devoted black servants--sometimes, i say, as i thought of all these, as i loved to do when i settled myself in bed for the night, or when in summer i lay on my back in the grass looking up at the flying clouds, i would have to stop and fix my attention sharp, to be sure whether it ever had been a reality, or whether it might not be, after all, only a dream. i think my father was afraid of the fascination of the cape for us boys--afraid its charms, if we once partook of them freely, might distract our attention from the order and duties of school life. to be sure, we always went to the country with our parents for a month or six weeks, and enjoyed it exceedingly, laying up a stock of trout, squirrel, and badger stories to last us through the winter. but there was no other country, we imagined, like the cape; and as our father and mother never lived there, and rarely spent even a single night on the whole property, they thought it best, i suppose, that we should not run wild there and get a relish for what all boys seem to have, in some degree, by nature. i mean the spirit of adventure, and love of the sea. however, the good time came at last, or a reliable promise of it first, just fifty years ago this very february. we older boys--walter, sixteen years of age, drake, fourteen, and i, robert, twelve--were attending school at bristol, and were, as usual too in the winter evenings, at work over our lessons at the library table, when, on one never-to-be-forgotten evening, our father, who was sitting in an easy chair by the fire, suddenly asked, "boys, how would you like to pass next summer on the cape?" ah! didn't we three give a terrific chorus of assent? "jolly! magnificent! splendid!" we cried, while walter just quietly vaulted over half a dozen chairs, two or three at a time, backwards and forwards, till he had expended some of the animal vivacity stored up in abundance within him. drake, as usual when extremely pleased, tried to accomplish the rubbing of his stomach and the patting of his head both at the same time; and i climbed into the chair with my father, and patted his cheeks and thanked him with a fierce shake of the hands. "bob, boy, you are the only one of my youngsters who has been at the old place, and you must have painted it as a wonderful corner of the earth, that walter and drake should testify their pleasure in such eccentric ways.--and look here, walter: when you wish to turn acrobat again, let it not be in this library or over those chairs; choose some piece of green grass out of doors.--well, boys, _perhaps_ you can pass the summer at the cape. i do not promise it, but shall try to arrange it so if your mother is willing; but under the unfailing condition that you make good progress in your studies until that time." "shall we all be there together, father, and for the whole summer, and without any school? how delightful!" "not too fast, drake. without school? what an idea! why, in six months you would be as wild and ignorant as the sheep there. no; you shall have a strict tutor, who will keep you in harness, and help walter to prepare for going up next year to cambridge. but only you three will be there. i have some business in london, and i shall take your mother and aggie and charley with me." during those february evenings there were many more conversations on the same subject, full of interest to us boys, and finally it was fully decided by our father and mother that we should go in may, and stay there until autumn; that a certain mr clare should be our tutor, and that clump and juno should be our housekeepers and victuallers. never did a springtime appear longer and more wearisome. we counted every day, and were disgusted with march for having thirty-one of them. what greatly increased our impatience and the splendour of our anticipation was that, some time in march, our father told us that a brig had been cast away in a curious manner on the shore of the cape, and that he had purchased the wreck as it lay, well preserved and firmly held in the rocks above ordinary high-tide. he proposed, at some future time, to make use of it as a sort of storehouse, or perhaps dwelling for labourers. a shipwreck! a real wreck! and on our cape! stranded on the very shore of our robinson crusoe-like paradise! just imagine our excitement. the particulars of the wreck were as follows:--a brig of tons burden, on a voyage from south america to the thames, having lost her reckoning in consequence of several days' heavy gale and thick weather, suddenly made the light on the lizard, and as quickly lost it again in the fog which surrounded her. the captain, mistaking the light he had seen for some other well-known beacon, set his course accordingly. that was near nine o'clock in the evening. the wind and tide helped him on the course steered, and a little after midnight the misguided brig struck on a rock three-quarters of a mile south-west of our point of land. the wind had then increased to a gale, and was gathering new strength with every moment. in less than an hour the thumping and grating of the vessel's keel ceased, and then the captain knew that the rising tide had set him off the rock; but, alas! his good brig was leaking badly, and the fierce wind was driving her--whither the captain knew not; and in five minutes more, by the force of the wind and suction of the shore current, she was thrown high up on a rocky projection of our cape. one sailor was washed overboard by the breakers as she passed through them, and was dashed to death, probably in an instant, by the fierce waves. the next day, when the storm had abated, the body was found far above where the brig lay fastened immovably in the vice-like fissure of enormous rocks. twenty sovereigns, which perhaps the poor fellow had saved to bring home to his old mother, were found in a belt around his waist. the damaged cargo was removed, and the wreck sold at auction, my father being the purchaser. there was an old church situated on the summit of a neighbouring point of land, and to its now seldom used churchyard the body of the poor sailor was conveyed. his grave was one of the first points of interest to us when our visit to the cape commenced; and many a time that season did i sit and watch the brown headstone topping the bleakest part of the sea-bluff, and as the great voice of the sea, dashing and foaming on the stony beach beneath, sang in its eternal melancholy grandeur, i fancied long, long histories of what might have been that sailor's life; and i wondered sadly if the poor mother knew where her son's grave was, and whether she would ever come to look at it. on the stone was written:-- harry breese lies here, near where a cruel shipwreck cast him, march rd, : aged years, months, and days. rest in peace, poor body; thy shipmate, soul, has gone aloft, where thy dear captain, jesus, is. by the th may everything was prepared for our departure. on the next morning early we were to start in the stage-coach, and, what had lately added to our brilliant anticipations, harry and alfred higginson, two of our most intimate friends, were to go with us--to be with us all the summer, join our studies and our fun. but we were to separate from our father and mother, and from our dear sister aggie and the little charley--from all those dear ones from whom we had never been parted for a day and night before. we were to leave for half a year. all this, covered at first by the hopes and fancies we had built, and by the noise and activity of preparation, appeared then, when everything was packed, and we, the evening before the journey, drew our chairs about the tea-table. the prospect of such a magnificent time as we expected to have on the cape lost some of its brilliancy. indeed, i positively regretted that we were to go. we boys were as hushed as frightened mice. after tea, drake and i got very close to our mother on the sofa, but walter lounged nervously about, trying to appear, i think, as if such an affair--a parting for six months--were nothing to such a big fellow as he. aggie came and held my hand. when our father had taken his usual seat, he and our mother commenced to give us careful instructions how we were to regulate our time and conduct during our separation from them; we were directed about our lessons, clothes, language, and play; to be kind and patient with clump and juno; and very particular were our orders about the new tutor, mr clare, to whom we had been formally introduced a few days before, and we were required to promise solemnly that we would obey him implicitly in every respect. besides which our father delighted us very much by the information that he had engaged an old seaman, mugford by name, once boatswain of an indiaman, who had taken up his abode at the fishing town across the bay from our cape, to be with us often through the summer in our out-of-school hours; that he would be, as it were, our skipper--perhaps reside with us--and that he was to have full command in all our water amusements; he would teach us to swim, to row, and to sail. that last subject cheered us up a bit, and when i saw walter, who was still walking up and down the room, going through a pantomimic swim, striking out his arms in big circles, right and left, i commenced to smile, and drake to laugh outright. so our conference ended in good spirits. and then we all kneeled in family prayer, and that evening before the parting, as we kneeled and heard my father's earnest words, i realised fully, perhaps for the first time, how, more than parents or friends, god was our father; how, though we were going away from home and its securities, yet god was to be with us, stronger and kinder than any on earth, to guard and care for us. during the few days we had known mr clare, he had been with us constantly, but we had not decided whether to like him or not. he seemed pleasant, and was easy enough, both in his manners and conversation, but yet he had a calm and decided way that was rather provoking; as if to say, "i have read you through and through, boys, and can govern you as easily as possible." now we had no idea of resisting him; we intended to behave well, and therefore his manner rather nettled us. however, there was not much to object to. his appearance was certainly all right--a large, bright, manly face and hearty smile, and a strong, agile figure. we five boys had talked him over, and at the last balloting our votes were a tie, for walter declined to express an opinion yet whether mr clare was a "screw" or a "good fellow." harry higginson and drake voted "screw," whilst alfred and i said "good fellow." we must pass over the "goodbyes" of the next morning. let us imagine there were no wet eyes and sinking hearts. however it may have been, the big rumbling old stage-coach containing mr clare and five boys, and loaded well with trunks and boxes, rattled from our house in --- street at about six o'clock on that eighth morning in may, fifty years ago. our hearts cheered up with the growth of the sun. by ten o'clock we were very talkative; by one, very hungry. the contents of a basket, well-stored by our mother, and put in just as we were starting, settled that complaint. the afternoon was tedious, and we were not sorry when the coach dropped us at the quiet little country inn where we were to sleep. i need not describe the journey of the next day. we were too eager to get to its termination to care much for the beautiful scenery through which we passed. as the evening drew on the weather became chilly. ah! we were approaching the sea. by nine at night innumerable stars were twinkling over a dusky point of land which seemed to have waded out as far as possible into the indefinable expanse mirroring unsteadily a host of lights. a strong, damp, briny breath came up to us, and a vast murmur as if thousands of unseen, mysterious, deep-voiced spirits were chanting some wonderful religious service. "whoa!" with a heavy lurch the yellow post-chaise, in which we had performed the second day's journey, came to a stand. we had arrived before the old stone ark that was to be our home for half a year. chapter three. introduction to our salt tutor and the wreck. it was on wednesday night that we became the guests of clump and juno, and commenced our cape life. the next morning at breakfast--and what a breakfast! eggs and bacon, lard cakes, clotted cream, honey preserves, and as much fresh milk as we wanted--mr clare told us that we need not commence our studies until the next week; that we could have the remainder of this week as holidays in which to make a thorough acquaintance with our new world. our first wishes were to see the wreck and old mr mugford, whom we agreed to dub captain mugford; and so, immediately after breakfast, we started out with mr clare to find those items of principal interest. when we had got beyond a hillock and an immense boulder of pudding-stone, which stood up to shut out the beach view from the west side of the house, we saw the wreck, only about half a mile off, and hurried down to it. mr clare joined in the race and beat us, although walter pushed him pretty hard. the brig sat high up on the rocky cliff, where only the fullest tides reached it. the deck careened at a small angle, and the stern projected several feet beyond the rocks hanging over the sea. the bow pointed toward the house. the brig's foremast only was standing, to the head of which old mugford used to hoist, on all grand occasions, or on such as he chose to consider grand, a union jack or a red ensign, which had been saved from the wreck. the bowsprit was but little injured, and the cordage of that and of the foremast was there, and the shrouds--all of which had been replaced by old mugford, who, having made the wreck his residence by my father's wishes, restored to it some of the grace and order the good brig possessed before misfortune overtook her, and now it looked fit for either a sailor or a landsman--a curious mongrel, half ship, half house. by the stump of the mainmast there stood a stove-pipe projecting from the deck. when near the brig, which we always afterwards called by the name she had sailed under--_clear the track_--we hailed "brig ahoy!" in a moment the head and shoulders of the captain appeared above the companion-hatch, and his sonorous voice answered heartily, "ah! ahoy, my hearties: this is the good brig _clear the track_; come aboard." he cast over the side a rope-ladder, such as is in common use on board ships, and we climbed to the quarterdeck, over the stern-board of which, and covering the companion-hatch, there had been built a roof, or open cabin, making that part of the brig answer the same purposes as the porch of a house. there were benches along the sides, a spyglass hanging overhead in beckets, and a binnacle close by where the wheel had once stood. the captain, as we will henceforth call him, however, just then fixed our attention more than the strangely fitted--up wreck. he was short, only about five feet four in height, with very heavy, broad, straight shoulders, immense chest, long arms, very narrow, compact hips, and short, sturdy legs, much bowed. his features were large, straight, and determined, and with something of the bulldog in them, yet stamped with kindness, intelligence, and humour--a face that might be a terror to an enemy, as it was a surety to a friend. it was well bronzed by many a storm and tropical sun, and a dark beard grew on it, as the wild moss on the sea-rocks, in a luxuriant, disorderly manner. his hair was very thick, black, and glossy, only here and there flecked with the grey of age, and hung in curls that almost made his rough and powerful head even handsome. walter said that night that he was sure samson and neptune were relatives, for without doubt the captain was descended from both of them. with the jawbone of an ass he might put to flight a thousand philistines, and with a trident drive a four-in-hand of porpoises. we told that to the captain afterwards, when we got to know him well, and it tickled him greatly. he declared it was the finest compliment he had ever received, and took walter high in his favour from that moment. our new friend never wore either collar or vest. when not "on duty," as he expressed it, he went about in his shirt-sleeves. his breeches were of the ample sailor-cut, and hung from suspenders as intricate as a ship's rigging. his shirts were spotlessly white, and of very fine linen. a short black pipe was always in his mouth, or sticking its clay stem from a waist-band pocket. such, my dear boys, was captain mugford, whom we fellows dubbed "our salt tute," in contradistinction to mr clare, who was afterwards known as "our fresh tutor." as mr clare came over the brig's side, he said, with a bow, "captain mugford, i believe. these boys are to be both your crew and my scholars. i am their tutor, richard clare." "i am happy to see you, mr clare. give me your hand, sir. i hope our different commands will not clash." as the skipper shook hands, he looked mr clare all over at a glance, and smiled as if pleased with the inspection. "come here, boys; if i'm not out in my calculation, these boys will do to sail any craft on land or water! well, my hearties, we are often to be shipmates, so let's be friends to start with. i don't know your different names, boys, only that three of you are sons of my old and respected friend and owner--that's good enough--and you all look as if you hated lies and kept above-board." "these," said mr clare, laying his hands on harry's and alfred's shoulders, "are higginsons!" "higginsons? fancy i knew your father, young gentlemen--an honest man, and a kind man, and a true man, and a brave man, if he was john higginson; and brother of david higginson, under whom i once served, and a better sailor never stepped. as he died unmarried, i take you to be john higginson's sons. and if all you boys act as honest as you look, you need not care for shipwrecks of any kind--love or money, lands or goods, by land or by water." well, we thought the captain a brick. so he was. so he proved. we passed all the morning on the wreck. each one of its details was a new delight. the captain talked about the brig as if she were a human being in misfortune. an old invalid, he said--a veteran old salt laid up in a sailor's snug harbour; laid up and pensioned for the remainder of life, where it was able to overlook, by the side and in the very spray of its well-loved brine, the billows it had often gloried in. we went below to the captain's cabin and stateroom. there everything bore the marks of a sea habitation, and when hearing the dash of the waves on the shore and listening to the captain's talk, i could not help fancying myself on a voyage. not a nook or hole of that vessel but we explored, and numberless questions had each one of us to ask. mr clare seemed as much pleased and interested as we were. when at play, indeed, he was as heartily a boy as any of us. great was our astonishment--mr clare, however, was prepared for it-- upon going between decks, where the cargo had once been stored, to find ourselves in a _schoolroom_--a long, low schoolroom. thick glass windows, only about eighteen inches square, had been set in on each side, and protected with dead-lights to fasten tight in case a heavy surf should dash up so high, and the entire hold--where on many and many long voyages there had been stored, in darkness, spices, coffee, sugar, and perhaps gold and jewels--was now transformed to a schoolroom. there was a long table and there were globes and maps, shelves of books, and a blackboard. that schoolroom had, i am sure, none of the dulness and repulsiveness of other schoolrooms to us. no; it rather seemed a delightful place--an arabian nights' sort of study, with a romantic salty influence pervading it to comfort us at our tasks. we could take hold there of geography and history. mathematics in a vessel's hold, what was it but a foreshadowing of navigation? we felt no hostility to latin and greek, for we were but reading of foreign lands and strange people across the ocean in old times, the occurrences of which were but storm-cast hulks like our old brig. so low was our roof, the deck, that the crown of walter's cap touched it, and mr clare had to bend his neck when he moved about. the square, dwarf windows looked out on nothing but jagged rocks and rolling blue waves. away forward and aft our schoolroom was dark, and the distance between decks so narrowed that we could only explore those extremes of the hold by going on hands and knees--with the chance, too, of starting some big rat, an old grey navigator, perhaps, who, believing firmly in "don't give up the ship!" could not get over his surprise at seeing his once rolling and well-stored residence now stationary, and furnishing no better victuals than book-leaves, chalk, and sometimes the crumbs of a boy's lunch. i imagined the crew of old rats assembling beneath the globes at night, when a moon streamed through the small windows; and the captain, a surly grey fellow, with long whiskers and brown, broken grinders, taking his place on a greek lexicon, and then the speeches of inquiry and indignation shrilly uttered in the mass meeting. "long tails!"--would commence some orator with a fierce squeak--"long tails, long tails, i say! what in the name of all that's marine does this mean? cheese and spices! how things are changed. will this craft never sail, and our parents waiting for us in the new world over the sea! where is our `life on the ocean wave'? where is, i say, where `a home in the rolling deep'? can it be that our young are no longer to be nourished on sago, rice, or maize? alas! if it has come to that, i myself will gnaw the beard from the old curmudgeon who thinks he sleeps here safely. is the degradation of effeminate land rats, cheese-eaters, wharf robbers, stable vermin, to come upon us? fates forbid it! soon, perhaps, some fierce tabby may come to make our once brave hearts tremble. then, then,"--but i imagined the eloquence broken off there and giving place to a furious scamper, as perhaps old captain mugford, arrayed in a long nightshirt and red bandanna nightcap, would fling open his stateroom door and send a boot-jack flying amid the noisy, noxious animals. to think that our schoolhouse was on such a wild seashore--in a wrecked vessel, the same craft in which poor harry breese, who rested in the churchyard near by, had voyaged and been lost from--to have the smell of tar, and be surrounded by a thousand other sailor-like associations. what a glorious school-house, that old wreck by the ocean! what boy ever had a finer one! the afternoon of that first day of novelty on the cape i remember with minute distinctness. we strolled about the beaches and climbed the rocks, everything being marvellous and delightful to us. in the evening captain mugford came in, and mr clare and he talked whilst we boys listened. after the captain had gone, mr clare read the evening prayers to us, and that grand psalm, the one hundred and seventh. the words reached us with the noise of the waves they sang of:-- _they that go down to the sea in ships_, _that do business in great waters_. _these see the works of the lord_, _and his wonders in the deep_. _for he commandeth, and raiseth the stormy wind_, _which lifteth up the waves thereof_. _they mount up to the heaven, they go down again to the depths_: _their soul is melted because of trouble_. _they reel to and fro, and stagger like a drunken man_, _and are at their wit's end_. _then they cry unto the lord in their trouble_, _and he bringeth them out of their distresses_. _he maketh the storm a calm_, _so that the waves thereof are still_. chapter four. captain mugford's saturday lesson. with a new week commenced our studies--order in tasks and play taking the place of the licence and excitement of the first days of novelty. by mr clare's rule we reached our school-house in the wreck every morning at eight--that is, every morning except saturday and sunday. the brig's bell was our summons. captain mugford struck it as punctually as if the good order and safety of a large crew were dependent on his correctness. our school-hours continued until half-after one. the remainder of each day was our own, only subject to the general directions of mr clare and the instructions of captain mugford in boating. of course that was no task--rather the very best sport we had. mr clare grew fast in our good opinions. he was strict; but boys do not dislike strictness when it is mated with justice and guided by a firm and amiable disposition, as it was with our tutor. we soon got to see that mr clare, in his way, was as much of a _man_ as captain mugford, and that the captain respected him highly. the captain always liked to have an evening smoke with our tutor, and the boating excursions were much jollier when mr clare made one of the party, as he often did. he was our master in school, but only wished to be our companion in play. in every athletic exercise he excelled, and i dare say that was one great reason of the powerful influence he soon gained with us--for boldness, strength, and agility are strong recommendations to boyish admiration. about two weeks after the commencement of our cape life, as we were going to bed one night, "our fresh tute" became the subject of discussion; and our first opinions were changed by a vote, in which all but drake joined, that mr clare was a regular brick. drake had a prejudice against tutors that required more than two weeks to break up. he allowed that mr clare seemed a very respectable sort of fellow, but then he said-- "i can't join in all the praise you boys give him; now my idea of a `regular brick' is our `salt tute.' he's the sort of man for me. if captain mugford _only_ knew latin and greek!" mr clare was from the north of england. his parents being poor, he had obtained his education under difficulties, and did not enter college until he was twenty-three years of age. his parents had emigrated when he was a child to canada, where he had seen a good deal of wild life among the indians. for some cause his father returned--to take possession of a small property, i believe--and brought him with him. after the common country schooling he could pick up in winter, he began to prepare himself for college in the hours he was off work on his father's farm, or had to take from sleep. so he had a life of some difficulty and adventure; and now, in his own hours, he was studying to become a clergyman. notwithstanding such a boyhood of labour, his manners were good and agreeable, and no one would ever have guessed that his training until he went to college had been little above that of a farm servant. it was some time before we made acquaintance with the sailing-boat which had been provided by our father, for the first weeks of our new life were stormy and cold. what whetted our desire for a sail was that captain mugford would not even show us the boat. we would tease him, and guess at every mast we saw in the bay; but the captain only laughed, and put us off with such remarks as "keep your powder dry, my young hearties!" "avast heaving! the skipper is dumb." however, one fine morning the captain steered into our breakfast-room before all the fresh brown bread and clotted cream and eggs and bacon had been quite stowed away. "at it, ain't you, boys, with forecastle appetites? pitch in, old fellows; make the butter fly!" he had wished mr clare a good morning, sat down on a corner of a side-table, wiped his forehead with a great red silk handkerchief, and got his elbows well akimbo, before he directed the remark to us. there he sat shaking with a pleasant little interior rumble of laughter at our earnestness in the meal, and expressing his appreciation every few moments with, "well! that's jolly!" which remark each time portended another series of sub-waistcoat convulsions. he got through laughing as we finished breakfast, and then each of us went up for a shake of his hand. "your cargoes are in. when do you sail?" "o captain! can we sail to-day?" we all cried, for the joke and his unusually radiant face signified something better to come. "i have a fancy that way, if mr clare says yes. that's my business here this fine saturday. yes, mr clare? thank you! the youngsters are mad for a trip under canvas. you will go with us, sir, i hope? thank you again!--scamper, boys, for your caps! ha! ha! ha!--with your permission, mr clare, i will fill my pipe.--juno! juno! ah! there you are. do, like a good old woman, get me a coal out of your wood-fire-- just such a red, round piece of oak as clump always chooses." presently juno trudged smiling back, with a hot coal held in the tongs. "here, massa! here, capting, is de berry heart of de fire!" and laying it carefully in the bowl of his pipe--"dat, sar, will keep yer terbacker gwine all day." "thank you, marm juno! we shall try and bring you home some fish for dinner. a ninety-pound halibut, eh?" the captain having performed that operation so very necessary to his comfort, we all sallied forth for the long-anticipated sail. the cape was about three-quarters of a mile wide where our house stood-- it being on high ground, about halfway between the ocean and bay-side. the ground fell gradually in wavelike hillocks in both directions, and its chief growth was a short fine grass on which the sheep throve well. here and there we saw them in little companies of eight or ten, but before we could get within fifty yards they scampered off in a fright, so unaccustomed were they to strangers. soon we descried a boat with pennant flying at moorings just off the bay shore before us. that, the captain told us, was our "school-ship." "and now come, boys," said he, "let us see which one of you will be the best hand on watch when we sail a frigate together--let us see which one can first read the boat's name; it is on the pennant." at that distance we were all baffled. "well, try ten yards nearer; there, halt. now try." we all strained our eyes. i thought it read, _wave_. "no, robert, it is not _wave_.--come, boys, sharpen your eyes on the sides of your noses, and try again." "i can read it," shouted harry higginson, throwing up his hat. "_youth_! _youth_!--that's it." "yes, that's it. hurrah for you, master harry! i promote you on the spot captain of the maintop." we hurried down to a white sand-beach on which lay a punt. in that the captain pulled us, three at a time, out to the _youth_. when well under sail and standing out for more open water, our good skipper at the tiller, having filled his pipe, rolled up his sleeves, and tautened the sheet a bit, said-- "boys, this craft is yours, but i am commodore until each and all of you have learned to sail her as well as i can. may you prove quick to learn, and i quick to teach. but as i'm an old seadog, my pipe is out already. give us a light, shipmate?"--i was trying with flint and steel to strike a few sparks into our old tinder-box--"there!--puff--puff-- puff--that will do. i must talk less and smoke more." as the jolly captain got up a storm of smoke, slapped me a stinger on the knee, and winked at the pennant, mr clare jumped up, and swinging his hat, cried-- "boys, let's give cheers, three rousing cheers, for our brave boat, the _youth_, and her good master, captain mugford!" and didn't we give them!!! chapter five. bath bay lesson--the midnight council. june came before we had made acquaintance with all the corners of our little new world. every day it grew in interest to us, and, with the increasing fine weather, was the most beautiful spot on earth in our eyes. once a week one of us was allowed to go over to the town with clump, in his rowboat, and get letters from the post-office. that opportunity was always improved to purchase stores of groceries and other requisites. each one's turn to be commissary only came once in five weeks. clump enjoyed those trips as much as we did. he would have meat or other things to get for the table, but would always reach the boat first in returning, and when he saw his "young master?"--as he called each of us boys--coming down the wharf loaded with a week's supply of various things, the old darky would commence to grin and slap his sharp knees, the slaps growing quicker and the grin breaking into "yha! yha! yhi!" as we drew near enough to show him our different purchases. there was always a new pipe or a paper of tobacco for clump, which he would lay on the seat beside him, and then put out the oars and pull with long, slow sweeps for our neck, each swing accompanied by a grunt, which, however, did not break the conversation he carried on, chiefly telling us stories of my father when he came as a boy, which often lasted till we reached our destination. many a frolic and adventure would he thus relate with great gusto, and he had generally, too, some remembrance of my grandfather to repeat. about the twentieth of june, the water was warm enough to allow us to bathe, and then began that exercise, the most useful and most wholesome, and perhaps among the most manly that a boy can practise. walter and both the higginsons could swim. drake and i were beginners. captain mugford was our teacher. he chose a little bay within, as it were, the large bay on the neck end of our cape. bath bay, as we named it, was about two hundred and fifty yards long, and sixty to seventy yards wide. its shores were rocks, except at its bow end, where a soft beach sloped gradually for forty feet from the shore. about fifteen feet beyond our depth the captain had anchored a stationary staging, which was merely an old flatboat caulked and floored over. it had steps and ropes from its sides, and was intended as the first object to reach and rest on when we had learned to swim a dozen or more strokes. farther on, halfway the length of bath bay, was a large flat rock, which stood at high-tide two feet above water. its sides were almost perpendicular, and were made accessible in the same way as "youngster's wharf." by that name those who could already swim called our staging near the beach. leander's rock, for we had a name for everything, had a depth of nearly thirty feet, and a finer place for diving cannot be imagined. bath bay was shut in by its wall-like sides and a bluff behind the sand-beach from all the severe winds, but after a storm out at sea we would get an even swell that was very pleasant to float on. our time for bathing was between the close of school at half-after one and our dinner-hour, three. all through the season, until early in october, we never lost a bath unless rain was falling heavily, so greatly did we enjoy it under the captain's care. he would not have bathing-houses for us, as he said that the sun-bath after a swim was almost as good as the salt water itself. the captain was always near the swimmers, in his punt, that in case of accident his assistance might be immediate. boys, if you have ever read benjamin franklin's directions to those learning to swim, you will understand the methods our captain pursued to teach us. in his boat he was always dressed in bathing-clothes, and would often jump out to show us by example how to swim under water, how to float, how to dive, etcetera. i can assure you we enjoyed that sport as much as any we had, and before many weeks had passed we could all swim a few strokes. by the close of the season, i, the youngest pupil, could swim out to leander's rock, dive from it twenty feet deep, and swim ashore again easily. but more about bath bay, and our adventures there, hereafter. after our baths and juno's nice dinners we usually went to sail, and in a few weeks the captain let some of us take the helm, he sitting by to instruct us, and to remedy, if need be, any mistake of the young sailor who happened to be our skipper at the time. sometimes, instead of sailing, we would row in an excellent boat which we had for that purpose, and, four of us being at the oars, try how quick time we could make from point to point of the shore. with such practice, we made rapid improvements and by the middle of july could row a mile in twelve minutes; a month before we could only do that in twenty minutes. sometimes mr clare and the captain took oars in our boat; at other times they rowed against us in the captain's punt. that was glorious fun, and how we fellows did strive to beat our tutors, and often came very near it too--so near that we determined, if there was any merit in try, to do it yet. one night--it was about the nd of june, if my memory serves me--when we had gone up to our rooms for bed, and got undressed, walter, who had been very quiet ever since our row in the afternoon when our tutors contended with and beat us as usual, called us to order, that we might organise, he said, as a regular boat club. we answered, "good!" "good!" and each boy, putting a pillow on his footboard, took a senatorial seat--each boy arrayed in the flowing cotton nightgown. when silence ensued, walter addressed us in his energetic, determined way, but lowered his voice that not a whisper of our deliberations might reach the ears of mr clare, who was only separated from us by a partition. "fellows, we _must_ beat our tutes--we _must_ beat them, that is what i say. let's get our boat in good order immediately--let's call her the _pupil_--let's row every day, but not alongside of our adversary--no, no!--but where we can't be seen, and for two hard hours each day. and i move we have a coxswain, and that bob be the boy--he is small, quick, and cool. let's challenge our tutes to-morrow for a race." "agreed--agreed! hurrah!" we all shouted. "for a race, i say, on, let me see, the anniversary of the glorious battle of waterloo." "grand! splendid! hurrah!" were our interruptions again, and drake expressed his delight by taking the pillow from beneath him, and slinging it with tremendous speed at alf higginson's head, who in consequence fell off his perch like a dead squirrel from a pine-tree. alf fell heavily on his side, and we roared with laughter; but he was up in a moment, and rushed at drake with a bolster. walter, our dignified chairman, swooped down from his perch in a second, and catching the incensed alfred by the extremity of his flying robe, slung him under a bed. "order! order, boys!" he cried. "pretty fellows you are to hold a meeting. you, drake! pitch any more pillows, and we'll slide you out of the window. there, stop your racket! mr clare is up. before he comes hurry up and say, all together, `we will beat.'" "we will beat," was responded as fiercely as if life was at stake, and, as mr clare opened the door to ascertain what was the disturbance, five innocent boys were under blankets and apparently sleeping the deepest slumber. drake had even reached a regular bass snore. the moonlight streaming in the room, and which showed us a smile breaking irresistibly on mr clare's face, was not more placid than we. the door had hardly closed behind mr clare before harry higginson had sprung from his bed, and, almost on the space our tutor had stood a half second before, was enacting a ridiculous and vigorous pantomime of kicking our "fresh tute" from the room. as quickly the door opened again, and before harry could get a single limb in order, mr clare had him by the arm. but the whole affair was too humorous for even mr clare's dignity. he could only say "so you are the noisy one, henry higginson. you can get in bed now as quickly as you got out of it, and to-morrow, when the afternoon's study is done, recite to me fifty lines of virgil--from the twentieth to the seventieth line of the first book." with that, mr clare went from the room, and harry, with a low, long, whistled "phew," sought his bed disconsolately. the next day after lessons i, as coxswain, by walter's order, handed copies of the following note to captain mugford and mr clare:-- "cape ---, june , . "messrs. mugford and clare, "the oarsmen of the galley _pupil_ would hereby challenge the gentlemen of the boat _tutor_ to a race on the eighteenth of june, in bath bay waters. the course to be from youngster's wharf around leander's rock, and return. stakes to be--the championship of bath bay. the oarsmen of the _pupil_ would respectfully propose three p.m. as the hour for the race, and the firing of a gun the signal for the start. the oldest inhabitant, clump, offers his services as umpire, referee, judge, and signalman. "all which is submitted for the acceptance and concurrence of the gentlemen of the _tutor_. "(signed) walter tregellin, henry c. higginson, drake quincy tregellin, alfred higginson, _oarsmen_, "robert tregellin, _coxswain_." mr clare, when he read it, smiled and said he would see about it, and then turned to henry and asked him if he had learned those fifty lines yet. captain mugford was presented with his copy as he entered the house for dinner. "hu-um!" he said, as he took the note in the hand with his hat, and wiped his red, wet forehead with an immense silk handkerchief printed with the maritime flags of all nations. "a note! who writes me notes? some of your nonsense, boys, eh?" so he hitched up his trousers and sat down on the doorstep, placing the red handkerchief in his hat beside him. "let's see!" "good! good! that's very good. the middies have got their courage up. the idea of such a stiff old seadog racing with you youngsters!" "but you will though, won't you, captain, and make mr clare, too?" said harry. "perhaps, boys, if mr clare will join, and then we will make you smart. and i tell you what, young gentlemen, if you beat i'll give you a splendid malay race-boat that i have had stored in my ship-loft these three years." "hurrah! captain, we shall win the boat!" we all cried. "ha! ha! what boys for warm weather! you talk as brave as a west wind. but i smell juno's cooking; let's go in and talk it over with mr clare and a warm dish of stew." it was all settled to our satisfaction before dinner was over. mr clare enjoyed the thing as much as the captain, and declared they would have to practise together once a week. as for us, we never missed our two hours' pull every afternoon, rain or shine, blow high or blow low, until the all-important day proposed for the race. chapter six. dissensions in camp. for every afternoon of those beautiful june and july days we rowed for two hours, from five to seven. our studies were not relaxed in the morning, and our hours for swimming were regularly enjoyed, but the absorbing topic of thought and conversation was the approaching boat-race. twice on saturday afternoons we had seen captain mugford and mr clare pulling in their boat. they did not condescend to practise oftener, but we noticed that they worked in earnest when they did row. with the confidence of youth we feared not, feeling sanguine that we must beat them. there was a vein of discord, however, in our little colony. alfred higginson and my brother drake, who only differed by a few months in age, in other respects differed greatly, and had never been able, since our first acquaintance, to get along together. alfred higginson was of a nervous, sensitive disposition, quick in temper, and easily provoked. his tastes were fastidious. he was an excellent scholar, (much better than my brother drake), and very fond of reading. he entered fully into all our sports, but preferred fishing, sailing, and swimming to our rougher harder amusements. he drew excellently, landscape and marine views and figures. he was a healthy, active boy, and could beat us all in running. i have said his was a quick temper, but it was a forgiving one. if he laughed not as loud and often as many of us, he caused us to laugh oftener than any, for he had a quick dry humour and witty tongue. when it came to chaffing, he was always conqueror. my brother drake was entirely unlike alfred higginson. he was a hardy, rough, jolly boy, overflowing with fun and animal life, what is called a "regular boy." never quiet--laughing, singing, whistling all the time, heels over head in everything, pitching into his studies as irrepressibly as into his games, but with more success in the latter, though he was a fair student; better in his mathematics and other english studies than in the languages. the only reading he cared for was that of travel and adventure, voyages of whalemen and discoveries, histories of pirates, indian scenes, hunting stories, war histories, walter scott's novels, "gulliver's travels," and the unequalled "robinson crusoe." everything he could find about the crusaders he revelled in, and even went at latin with a rush when, caesar and nepos being put aside, the dramatic narrative of virgil opened to him, and the adventures of the trojan heroes became his daily lesson. but that he had to feed his interest, crumb by crumb, painfully gathered by dictionary and grammar, made him chafe. he enjoyed it, though, with all of us, when, after each day's recitation--after we boys had marred and blurred the elegance and spirit of virgil's eloquence with all sorts of laboured, limping translations, that made mr clare fairly writhe in his chair--our tutor would drop a word of commendation for walter's better rendering of the poem, and then read the lesson himself, and go over in advance the one for the next day. then the ribs and decks of our schoolroom in the wrecked brig melted away as the scenes of the aeneid surrounded us. the dash of the waves we heard was on the trojan shore, or the coast of latium, as we wandered with storm-tossed aeneas. or we walked the splendid court of dido, or were contending in battle with the warlike turnus for our settlement in latium. turnus and the fierce mezentius were drake's favourites. he never liked aeneas, who was always alfred higginson's hero. those readings were often disturbed by drake's exclamations. his overflowing, outspoken disposition could not be restrained when his interest was powerfully enlisted; and as mr clare read, in his clear, impassioned manner, some exciting passage, drake would shout out an exclamation of encouragement or satisfaction with a favourite warrior, and bring down his fist on the desk, as another favourite was discomfited or came to grief. i remember very well how often drake was reproved for such unseasonable enthusiasm, which always caused an after sarcasm or witticism from alfred higginson; and i distinctly recall how, notwithstanding the formality of school-hours, when we came to the single combat between aeneas and turnus, and the death of the latter, drake flung his book from the table, and shouted out in an angry voice, "i'll bet anything virgil tells fibs!" those readings were treats to all of us. drake having told captain mugford of them, and discussed the incidents that vexed him with the captain, got him so interested that he asked mr clare to allow him to come in at the close of our recitations. of course that favour was readily granted, and after that time the captain always made one of the auditors. he used to laugh and shake over drake's excitement, and yet entered into it himself, and i have seen salt drops running down his cheeks and mr clare's, as the latter rendered in a voice slightly trembling some of the pathetic passages in which virgil is so exquisitely beautiful. i am glad to write of those lessons in the old brig's carcass, for they are remembered so pleasantly. moreover, it came naturally in drawing my dear brother drake's character, and the effect of those heroical classics influenced, in a manner very quixotic, the crisis of the continued quarrel between drake and alfred higginson, to which we are coming. the great dissimilarity in the characters of the two was a reason for their want of sympathy and agreement, one with the other, but the causes of the open warfare which existed between them were the faults of each--the irritability, slight conceit, and stinging tongue of alfred higginson; the teasing practices, want of toleration for the feelings and peculiarities of others, and a certain recklessness of drake's. and yet they were both noble boys, with nothing false or ungenerous or underhanded about either of them. ever since we had come to the cape, their skirmishes of words and disagreement had been continual, and several more tangible collisions, where blows had been exchanged between them, were nipped in the bud by walter and the others of us, and once by the captain, who, wrought up by their quarrelsomeness, separated them pretty fiercely, and, holding each at arm's length, told them that, if there was any fighting to be done among his crew, he must have a hand in it. then he laughed one of his bars of rollicking "ha-has," and dropped the boys with the injunction that if they had another "mill," he should certainly let their fathers know. "now, boys, try if you cannot get along better, and when you have a quarrel again, bring it to mr clare or to me, and we will settle it better than your blows and frowns can do." you remember how drake knocked alfred from the footboard of his bed on the occasion of our night meeting to get up the boat-race. that was a good example of drake's reckless rudeness, proceeding merely from his boisterous disposition, but somehow those outbreaks were always directed to alfred, just as the rough points of alfred's disposition were sure to be turned to drake. that fall had hurt alfred, and from the date of the commencement of our boat-practice, the war between the two had waxed hotter and hotter. the contest seemed only to amuse harry higginson, but walter--our mentor, my conscientious, tender-hearted brother, who led us all in games as well as in lessons--worried over it, and each day he exhorted the two to govern their tempers, and, with great tact and decision, whenever he saw a storm brewing, managed to throw oil upon the waters. however, his influence did not heal up the difference, and in about a fortnight, a few days before the intended race, there occurred during our afternoon boat-practice a little row between the two antagonists, which proved a final skirmish before the severe but ludicrous battle which crowned the civil war. we were rowing in bath bay as usual, walter pulling the stroke oar, and harry higginson the bow, whilst drake and alfred held the intermediate positions, drake sitting behind alfred--that is, nearer the bow. i had my place at the tiller. alfred higginson had made a very ridiculous blunder in a french translation that morning. such a thing was unusual for him, and was such a comical one that it set the others of the class in a roar of laughter. drake was so extravagantly affected by alf's blunder that mr clare had to stop his laughter, which was half genuine and half pretence, by ordering him out of the room. even then we heard him ha-ha-ing outside. poor alfred was terribly mortified, and did not recover his composure even when the school-hours were over, and the first greeting he received, on emerging from the house, was from drake, who immediately mimicked alfred's mistake, and performed a variety of antics supposed to proceed from convulsions of mirth. on the way to the boat, drake continued to tease alfred. walter reproved him continually, and even took hold of him once to compel him to stop; but he was in one of his most boisterous moods, and was so very funny that he kept every one but alfred in shouts of laughter. but alfred lashed him with the bitterest satire, and, as they say, sometimes "made him laugh on the other side of his mouth," until by the time we had reached the bay drake had subsided into silence, and the tight closing of his lips, and quick walk, proved that alfred's sharp wit was more fatal than drake's broad fun. both of the boys rowed sullenly, and we all felt that a storm was brewing. in the final round, when we made the course at our best and timed the performance, so as to notice what improvement we were making, alfred caught a crab with his oar, in consequence of which the head of drake's oar hit him sharply in the back. the mortification of a miss stroke is enough to anger a boatman, but coming as it did after the morning's blunder in class, and made, too, a pain of the flesh by drake's blow, it was too much for alfred's temper, and as drake increased the irritation by calling him an "awkward lout," and then mimicking the blunder of translation with the accompaniment of a shout of laughter, alfred turned quickly, and hit his opponent a stinging blow in the face. in a moment the two boys grappled each other, and in a shorter period than it takes my pen to write it, the boat was upset, and we were all in the water. the combatants still clung to one another, and disappeared together. the adage, however, that "discretion is the better part of valour," enforced by such a deep, cold plunge, bore proof; for the irate youths came to the surface apart, and we all struck out for the rocks, distant about eighty yards. we climbed like half-drowned rats up the shore, where the fight was not resumed. its very strange continuation was postponed until the saturday after the boat-race, which must be reserved for another chapter. we, however, read then, in the faces of the discomfited antagonists, as plainly as you read here-- "to be continued." chapter seven. before the boat-race--clump's story. the _day_ before the eighteenth was a monday. in consideration of beginning a week's study to have it broken off again on tuesday, and because of the many preparations there were to make for the great day, mr clare gave us the two holidays. we had our swim and boat-practice on monday morning, and then set to work to make arrangements for the next day, every one taking a part with real zest. first the boat was carefully hauled up on the shore, and turned over on a way of joists we had prepared for her. the bottom was then carefully washed, and, after that, thoroughly rubbed with the sand-paper--about an hour's work, at which we all had a hand. having got the sides and keel beautifully smooth in that way, clump brought a kettle of pure grease, which was placed over a little fire of driftwood, and when the grease had become liquid, walter, with a large fine paint-brush, anointed the entire boat's bottom in a most painstaking manner. we boys stood by, entering into the operation, which was supposed to prove wonderfully efficacious in increasing our boat's speed, with great interest, and clump bent over the kettle, stirring the oil, and puffing at the short stern of his pipe eagerly. grouped with such absorbing concern about the body of the boat, walter moving slowly from stem to stern, and stern to stem, laying on the magic oil, (unctuous of victory to our noses), with steady sweeps, and the bent figure of black old clump beside the caldron, from which rose a curling smoke, we must have made a tableau of heathen offering sacrifice, or some other savage mystery. the all-important job was at length completed, and we left our ark of many hopes to rest until the exciting hour of the morrow. clump was a sharer in our great expectations. his heart was set upon our success. he had to fill his pipe again before we left the boat, and pulled at it nervously and wrinkled his black skin into countless puckers as he walked beside us, thinking of the vast interests at stake and listening to our excited conversation. as we left him to go over to the town for a small cannon we had borrowed to fire the signals, he touched walter on the sleeve, and said in the most slow and earnest manner, as he drew the pipe from his mouth and knocked its ashes on the ground-- "an i'se to be judge an' udder ting you'se talk of, massa walter, eh? an i'se to fire de gun, eh? w-a-all, i'se an ole nigger, an my heart ees shree-veled up like, i s'pose, but my gorry, young massas, ef you don't beat, old clump will jist loaden up do musket again an'--an'--an' _but_ 'is 'ed agin de rock! yah, fur sure!" having delivered himself of that tragical decision in a manner mixed of sadness and frenzy, he hobbled off, amidst our laughter and assurances that we should never allow him to injure the rock in that way, to consult with juno, and probably load his pipe again. no noble lord, with his thousands of pounds wagered on the derby or saint leger, or perhaps, rather, i should say on some of the crack yachts of the day, was ever half so excited as was this good old darky about our boat-race. under the escort of walter, harry, alfred, and drake, the cannon arrived in the afternoon, and, by their united efforts and the assistance of the captain, was mounted before sundown on a heavy piece of timber in the _clear the track's_ bow. by night the flags, ammunition, and many other necessaries for the morrow's undertaking were in order and readiness for service. after the day's work, and filled with anticipations of the eventful morrow, we felt no desire for our usual outdoor games that evening, but found seats on the great boulder beside our house, where mr clare was resting, and the captain was enjoying his smoke. old clump, too, having finished his tea and swept out juno's kitchen, loitered toward us with his comforter--the pipe--and edged up respectfully within hearing of our conversation. so we boys leaned on our elbows, looking out at the dimly defined water, sometimes lighted in streaks by gleams of phosphorescence where shoals of fish were jumping; or, stretched on our backs, we watched the shooting-stars hurrying with speed quick as thought from one part of the immeasurable blue to another; while our tutors talked earnestly of former times, and we heard the shrill calls of gulls and other sea birds, the occasional tender bleating of the lambs in the distant sheepfold, and the soft regular splash of a summer sea on the rocks, until the delicate young crescent had dozed slowly down to its bed in the ocean,--and we, profiting by example, sought slumber in the old dreamful attic. harry higginson was the first one up in the morning. he shook us to our senses, and whispered to get out of the house quietly, that we might call our tutors with the cannon's voice. that was an acceptable proposition, and we were soon stealing down the creaking stairs, shoes in hand. having put those on, seated by the door-stone, we started on a run for the _clear the track_. it was just light, the soft dawn of a warm summer's day--not yet half-past four. walter said he would bet old sol had already fired a gun in honour of the glorious battle won that day by england and her allies, but so far off we could not hear it. we got on board the wreck as carefully as we had quitted the house, and i, being delegated to descend to the captain's cabin and steal one of the flannel powder cartridges, was soon creeping by the snoring captain with my booty secured. it took but a moment to ram home the charge and pack it over with pockets full of wadding; and then harry, our gunner, touched it off. as the old brig shook with the report, alfred jumped to the bell, and the way that clanged was splendid. "boys," said drake, who was shaking with the fun, "can't you see old topgallant sail down below springing up in his berth with a lurch and cracking his head against the beams, and our dignified fresh tute jerking those long, thin legs out of bed, and wondering what's about to happen this fine morning, and old clump and juno groaning out `o de lord!' and knocking their black pates together as they both try to get out of bed at the same instant. how jolly!" an immense red bandanna handkerchief at that moment popped above the companionway--then a hearty, weather-marked face we well knew--then a portion of an ample east indian nightshirt, which threw up a pair of arms and fired off a couple of boarding-pistols. the discharge was followed by a stentorian "three cheers for the great and glorious battle won this day!--hip! hip! hurrah! hurrah! hurrah!" in which we fellows joined with a yell. "ah! you young rascals have got before me this morning, but this afternoon it will be my turn--mine and mr clare's, you roystering middies!" and the captain popped down again to finish his toilet. we were soon joined by the captain, and a little while after by mr clare, who was in the best of spirits, complimented us on our display of zeal and patriotism, and touched off the old gun once himself--"for practice," he said. "but," continued the jolly old captain, having taken mr clare's arm, "suppose we visit ethiopia and see if a hot breakfast is not waiting for us there. these boys would rather stay here and load this cannon." "no sir, no sir!" replied harry, "we must load our own personal guns, for we mean to make our _report_ this afternoon." laughing over that threat to our tutors, we went with them to breakfast, which we found ready as soon as our morning prayers were read. clump brought in the dishes--clump in uniform--and i never saw a funnier figure in my life. the coat was once my grandfather's--a colonel of west india militia, i believe. now my grandfather had been a rather short man, but very broad and stout, particularly round the stomach. old clump was tall and thin as a spectre, so the epaulettes fell over his shoulders, the waist flapped loosely eight inches above his trousers, and the short swallow-tails did not sufficiently cover the spot which the venerable darky usually placed on the chair to hide a patch, the bigness of a frying-pan and of a different material from the breeches themselves, that juno's affectionate care had strengthened her liege lord's garments with--which garments, far more pastoral than military, and forced by suspenders as near the coat as clump's anatomy otherwise would allow, failed by three inches of woollen stocking to meet his shoes. when you think how comical the excellent, old, white-woolled darky appeared, remember, too, that he was perfectly unconscious, until our laughter startled him, that he was not becomingly attired. as our irrepressible appreciation of the fun was shouted out, clump did not realise at first that he was its cause, but when he did all the pride and alacrity died from his face in an instant. in a bewildered, palsied way he put down the dish he carried, and, heaving a sad sigh, drew himself up until the rheumatic spine must have twinged, and, fixing his eyes on some point far above our head, stood in motionless dignity. even mr clare had laughed, but, recovering equanimity immediately that he saw how deeply clump was wounded, he said: "boys, stop that laughing." he might have addressed his reproof to the captain, too, for he was in paroxysms, and had his face buried in the countless flags of that great red silk bandanna of his. "is it so very funny to see clump doing honour to a day once so big with the fate of england and the world? had the allies been beaten at waterloo, what might not have become of our beloved country? instead of napoleon being an exile in saint helena, he might have carried out his darling project of invading and humbling england to the dust. though he cares no more for the pope of rome than does the sultan of turkey or the shah of persia, he would probably have established popery with all its horrors and impositions, for the sake of more completely bringing our country into subjection to his will; and, once established, it would have been a hard matter to throw off its iron shackles. boys, you do not sufficiently value your privileges as englishmen and protestants--or rather, i should say, as inhabitants of this free and favoured island of great britain. we are free to read our bibles; we are free to worship god as we think fit; we are free to go and come as we list; we have a good constitution and good laws; we may think freely, speak freely, and act freely." "yes, massa clare; you may tell de young gemmen dey may laff freely too," broke in clump. "i laff freely, i know, when i first set foot on de english land. i no longer slave, i free man, and so dey may laff as much as dey likes at ole clump, perwided dey laffs wid him. i know one ting, dey would not have laff if dey had been in deir grandfather's coat when dis hole was made right through it into his arm." clump held up his right arm and showed the bullet-hole in the coat, and what he declared to be the stain of blood still on it; and he then continued in a triumphant strain-- "dis ole man clump was 'is body-sarvant: but clump was not ole den, and he follow his massa to de war--dat was long, long before dose young gemmen was born--afore dey was tinked of--and massa tregellin deir fader was young gemmen like dose, but more politer. we was sent wid de seamen to take de island of martinique; and so we landed and looked bery fierce, and de frenchmen thought we had come to eat dem; so dey say, no use fighting; and so, after firing a great many shot at us; but doing no harm, dey say when we land, `we give in, we no fight more.' so we take de island, and no one hurt except one man scratch anoder's nose wid his bagonet, and make blood come. when de generals and de admirals see we done so well, dey say we go and take anoder island; so we all sets sail for to take guadeloupe. some of de ships got in one day, some anoder, and anchored in grozier bay. ah, de enemy thought we come to eat him up, but dis time he stop. dere was de frigate _winchelsea_, of which lord garlies was de cap'en. he tun in, and bring his guns to bear on de shore, and under deir cover de soldiers and de bluejackets landed. dere was a high hill, wid de fort full of french soldiers on de top of it. `dere, my brave fellow, we have to go up dere,' said de kunnel. de seamen was commanded by cap'en robert faulkner. he bery brave man. i could just tall you how many brave tings he did; how he lash de bowsprit of de enemy to his own mainmast, and neber let her go till he took her, and den was shot through de heart in de hour of victory. well, de gen'ral say to us--`now, boys, we don't want firing, but just let de enemy feel de cold steel. dey don't like dat. soldiers, use bagonets. bluejackets, use your pikes and cutlashes.' `ay, ay, sir,' we shout; and den up de hill we go--up! up! de faster we go de better for us, for de french bullets come down peppering pretty sharp. we just near de top, and de enemy begin to look bery blue, when i see de kunnel's right arm drop--he was only a cap'en den--his sword fell from his hand, but he seize it wid de oder hand, and wave it above his head, shouting, `on, boys, on.' we reach de fort: de frenchmen fire wid de guns, and poke at us wid de pikes, and swear at us wid deir mouds, and grapeshot and musket-balls come rattling down about our heads; but dat no stop us; and on we went till we got into de fort, and trou de gates, and den de frenchmen, who had fought bery well, but could fight no more, rushed away. just den i see de kunnel look bery pale, just like one nigger when he frightened, and he goed round and round, and would hab fallen, but clump caught him in de arms, and den clump put him on de ground, and shouted for de doctor, and ran and got some water, and de doctors came and splashed water in de kunnel's face, and he oped his eyes, and he say, `tank you, clump.' yes, de kunnel, dis ole nigger's massa, tank him on de field of battle. when de dear massa got better, he one day take de coat and say to me, `here, clump, you and i went up dat hill, and it's a mercy we eber came down again. it's my belief if you hadn't got de water dat day to throw in my face, i should never have come round again; and so, clump, here, take dis coat, i'll gub tur you to r'member dis fite.' and now dese gemmen laff at deir gran'pa's coat! but black clump, ole nigger, _lub_ it! yaas, he'll lub it till he's 'posited in de bowels ob de arth." the remembrance of my grandfather and that proud day for clump, the keenness with which he had felt our rudeness, and the excitement of recital were, all together, too much for our good old castellan. the erectness of his figure gave way as he concluded, the enthusiasm in his features faded into dejection, and, as he turned from the table to leave the room, i saw a big drop, that had trickled down his wrinkled face, fall on his extended hand. the cruelty of boys is an idiosyncrasy in their otherwise generous character. of course there are mean boys, hard-hearted boys, cowardly boys; but boyhood is more generous, open, tender-hearted, daring, than manhood, yet its cruelty stands out a distinguishing trait. an old french teacher, loving children, wanting in dignity, broken in english, irritable in disposition; a sensitive young stranger, fresh from home, charming in innocence, sad with thoughts of a dear mother; a poor, frightened kitten, are all objects for boys' cruelty to gloat over. and so, too, on the oddities of that dear old clump, that excellent, noble-hearted old black man, who loved us with surpassing pride and tenderness, we delighted to prey on as vultures on a carcass, and yet, i am sure, we were neither vicious nor hard-hearted, but simply and entirely--boys. all this time, since our saturday afternoon, when the fight overset our boat, alfred higginson and drake had not spoken to one another. this eighteenth of june, even, drake did not wake alfred, but left others of us to do so. thrown together so intimately every minute of the day, and so often on the point of speaking--often almost necessitated to do so by circumstances, and frequently through forgetfulness--their unfortunate difficulty and enmity stole the freshness from their sports, and acted as a check and damper on the spirits of all our little company. however, the _finale_ was not far-distant, but it was postponed until after the boat-race. chapter eight. the regatta--the duel. by agreement we rested through the middle of the day, and, in place of our usual hearty dinner, took an early lunch. it was irksome, though, to be quiet when so excited, and when, too, a multitude of pastimes were suggested to our senses by the loveliness of that june day. mr clare and captain mugford had gone to fish in the race off the extreme point. when half-past one o'clock came, harry, who seemed the most impatient, proposed that we should go down to bath bay then, and wait there until three, the hour of the race. that we agreed to, but left directions with clump to hurry our tutors up as soon as they returned, and have them ready for the race. we had time to launch our boat carefully, and take a nice swim, before we descried our tutors, followed by clump with a long musket, descending the knoll toward us. so we hastened our dressing, and, when they reached the beach, were ready to receive them in our extemporised costume of blue shirts and white trousers. captain mugford was already in a perspiration from his walk, and, what we boys also noticed with delight, seemed somewhat blown. however, he was jolly, and, flourishing the ever active handkerchief, proposed to mr clare that they should row round leander's rock, and _let the boys follow them_! "but at a respectful distance, remember, boys!" we laughed scornfully at his chaff. harry touched his cap like a middy, and promised for our boat that it should keep at a _very_ "respectful distance." it took but a short time to complete preparations. our tutors threw off hats, coats, and vests, and tied handkerchiefs about their heads. then they lifted their boat into the water, and stood smiling at the excitement we could not help betraying. clump was on his way to youngster's wharf, where, at the proper moment, he was to give the signal for starting by firing the musket. a flag waved from leander's rock; another was flying over our heads. the clear water of the bay soused in impatient little ripples against the boats we stood ready to enter, as if to say, "well, why don't you come on?" and then, purling a few feet farther, skipped over the spar which was to be our goal. clump had reached youngster's wharf. seeing that, we entered our boats, seated ourselves carefully, balancing the oars ready to spring, and waited the signal. i alone could see clump; the oarsmen had their backs to him. the long gun was brought up to his shoulder, and his eyes fixed on us. i saw his finger twitch, and as the hammer fell, my body gave way to help the start. the oarsmen, with their eyes on mine, acted in sympathy, and every oar touched the water; but the old flintlock had only snapped. how our adversaries laughed! the old man sprang about on the rock like a wounded baboon. he was indignant at the failure. again we were in order. again i saw the musket brought up. bang! we were off, and were opposite youngster's wharf before the smoke had cleared from above clump's head. the boats were side by side then. notwithstanding the eagerness with which i swayed forward with every pull of the oars, and the frenzy that filled me, as in a moment more i saw our tutors' boat drawing slightly ahead, i had to laugh at the antics of clump, who was rushing from side to side of his floating staging, dancing up and down like a rheumatic lunatic, tossing his arms wildly about his uncovered head, his face a kaleidoscope of grimaces, while he shouted to each one of us by name, in encouragement, in entreaty, in fear: "oh, massa drake! pull, pull!" "massa walter! massa walter! dus you let 'em beat!" "day'se gwine ahead! oh dear! oh dear! oh dear!" his voice was lost in another moment. we were nearly half across the bay, and our tutors' boat a full length ahead. i saw that my crew were too excited to do their best, so i called to them: "boys, steady now! keep cool, cool. only think of what your arms are doing." "there, that's better already! we're gaining! hurrah! stick to it!" "come, boys," called mr clare. "come, we can't wait for you longer!" i believe that lent five pounds of extra strength to every arm in my boat. we were nearing leander's rock. ay! and we were steadily gaining on our tutors. they, too, saw that, but could do no better. having a steersman, gave our boat an advantage of rounding the rock closely. we gained distance. in five minutes we were thirty or forty feet ahead. but then, terrible to see, our adversaries made a spurt, and were coming up again, hand over hand. they gained, _gained_, gained, until their stern was opposite harry's oar-blade. i was almost wild with excitement. i called upon the boys, with every entreaty i could think of, to pull harder; urging on alfred, who was evidently the weakest oar, and whose strength seemed waning. but our tutors could not pull harder. they had done their best. could we but keep our speed. so we went, without widening or lessening the distance between us, for a hundred yards. but was it possible for us to hold out? how i prayed we might! we neared clump again. the comic sight cheered me. truly, if hopping about and entreaties could help us, what aid must that old nigger give us. i almost expected to see him soar off to us, he looked so like a crow taking flight. "fellows! keep a morsel of extra strength to use when we pass clump, then just let us put forth our utmost breath and strength for those forty yards. but don't let our tutes gain. look! look!" but they were coming up--only by inches, to be sure, but coming. we rushed past youngster's wharf. clump stretched out his body as if to pull us on. hurrah! hurrah! their bow is a foot beyond our stern. "hi! hi! hi! yah! yah! hurrah! hurrah! my young--" splash!!! clump had pitched in sure enough, head first. but there was no stop to our engines. our tutors were four feet behind; but they were working with a last hope and mad effort. "one more, boys!" cr-u-a-nk! we touched the spar, slid over its roundness as it sunk beneath our keel, and were on the soft beach--victors! we were crazy with joy, and completely used up. the boys jumped from the boat and threw themselves, laughing hysterically, on the sand. our tutors only said, in tones of mingled chagrin and exhaustion, "boys, we are beaten, well and fairly;" and they pushed off again to pick up clump. i do not know any successes or honours of after-life sweeter or more satisfying than that boat victory. until bedtime, we remained just tired and happy enough to sit quietly and talk over the events of the afternoon. in resuming study for the few days before saturday, we had in anticipation for that time a fishing party on the rocks, for bass, which were beginning to bite sharply, and for which our bait was lobster and the crabs that were found under the small rocks at low tide. in talking over the project together, drake said he would not go this time, but would wait to see our luck. alfred higginson expressed neither assent nor dissent with the general arrangement, and of course we supposed he was to be of our party, until saturday came and we were ready to start, poles, bait and basket in hand, when he was not to be found. we wondered at his disappearance, but had no time to hunt him up. drake was there to see us off. the captain and mr clare, who were going with us, told drake they thought that boat-race had proved too much for him. he laughed, but was not as ready at an answer as usual. indeed, he appeared rather low-spirited. however, we started on our excursion without a suspicion of the affair which prevented both fellows from joining it. it afterwards appeared that drake had addressed the following note to alfred higginson on the day before the boat-race:-- "cape ---, june , . "alfred higginson, "our quarrels have gone nearly far enough, disturbing the peace of our entire company, and increasing the irritation between us. let us conclude the dissension in a thorough and honourable way that may satisfy both and prove a final contest. after that i will agree to strive not to give offence to you, and also to bear silently whatever conceit and insults may escape you. perhaps we may become friends. but we cannot remain as we are. the blow you struck the other day _must_ be answered for. _i ask satisfaction_, and the incompleteness and vulgarity of a pugilistic encounter will not suit me. i propose, therefore, as we cannot resort to the regular duel of pistols, (for reasons so good and evident that i need not name them), that after the example of the ancients, whose history we are now daily reading, we have our combat. arms of their fashion our ingenuity can supply, not of the same materials, i know, but of wood, which should prove effective enough for our purposes. i propose saturday as the time, when those who might otherwise disturb our meeting are absent: and i propose the hold of the wreck as a suitable spot. your sense of honour will, of course, keep this affair secret, and i ask a speedy reply. "drake tregellin." only a warm, fierce, reckless-natured boy of fourteen could have hit upon such an absurdly quixotic way of deciding a quarrel. indian combats between red indians in the far west, the deeds of sir kenneth, saladin, and coeur de lion in his favourite "talisman," and the entire character of drake's reading, had joined with and gathered romance from his late study of virgil to misdirect an innate chivalry. alfred higginson's reply was also characteristic:-- "drake tregellin, "i have received your _cartel_. in my humble opinion nothing could be more stupid and silly than the resort you propose. i suppose you think your proposition very _grand_ and _chivalric_. it endangers the continuance of our stay on the cape; it rebels against the rule we are under here; and it would make our parents unhappy. its spirit of selfishness and indifference to everything but your own impulse is the same which causes and continues our quarrelling. but i shall be a fool with you this time. i have not the courage to balk your desire. i agree to the contest, if you agree to keep the peace after that. i suppose javelins and shields of wood are to be our weapons. what nonsense! but i shall be at hand, saturday, at the brig, when the others have gone fishing. "alfred higginson." about an hour after we had got settled on bass rocks, and just as we commenced catching fish, and i had a mighty fellow slashing my line about and trying to snap the pole, we heard the voice of some one calling to us in distress, and, turning, saw juno hurrying towards us as fast as her old limbs and breathless state would allow. she was chattering all the while, but it was impossible for us to understand the cause of her mission until she had come up to us and had taken a moment's rest. then, the tears springing from her eyes and terror in her voice, she exclaimed: "de yun' gem'men--massa drake, massa alf'fed, dey is fiteten and tarr'en one udder to pieces. dey is down dare in de ole ship and fire'en sticks and poke-en guns; an' oh lord, i fear dey is all dead now!" her excitement could no longer be contained, but broke forth in cries and ejaculations: "oh! oh! oh! marssaful hebbens! oh de lord, please top de yun' gem'men! massa clare, massa capting, ar'n't yous gwine? ar'n't yous gwine afore dey is done dead? dat dis ole woman mus' see such tings!" we also gleaned from her, that, hearing a noise at the wreck, as she was passing near by, she had scrambled on board the vessel and there seen the two boys engaged in a severe fight; that she had hurried off for clump, but could not find him; and that then she had run to where she knew we were; but we had to hasten her broken narrative to get at the whole matter, and then we all started for the wreck as fast as we could run, fearful that a tragedy was to meet our sight--that we might be too late to prevent it. what a sight met our eyes as we hurried down the stairs to the brig's schoolroom! chairs, desks, and tables had been pushed back against the sides to make room for the duel, and there, in the so-formed arena, the atmosphere of which was thick with disturbed dust, lay in common confusion a split shield, two swords, a padded glove, a splintered lance, and a torn cap. the weapons--the shield in particular--reflected skill upon clump or whatever carpenter had fashioned them. in some charge of one of the combatants, the round table, although intended to be in a place of safety, had been overturned, adding a globe, a streaming inkstand, and sundry books to the medley on the floor. but our astonishment culminated when we saw drake leaning back in mr clare's big chair in the farther end of the hold, his head bleeding, a sleeve torn off, and an expression of comically blended fatigue and dignified indifference in his face, while near the opposite side of the schoolroom, and on one side of the stairway we had descended, was alfred higginson lying on the floor, his head supported on an arm, his countenance the picture of pain and mortification. evidently the battle was over. the parties spoke not a word; and the first exclamation that came from us was harry's: "hillo! a real duel, and no one killed." our good captain, his face full of tenderness and anxiety, hurried to alf and lifted him up, but as he was so much hurt as to be only able to hobble a few steps, captain mugford lifted him in his arms and carried him on deck. "what is all this, my poor fellow?" asked the captain, as he got him on a bench there. "rather a long story, captain, but no one to blame but drake and me. he ain't much hurt, is he?" "that is what i want to ask you, alf. where is your pain?" "there, sir, in my side. it is only stiff and bruised, but don't touch it hard, please. there! where your hand is. and i believe my hand is somewhat cut." as it proved on examination by the doctor from the village, whom i brought over an hour afterwards, one of alf's ribs was broken and the palm of his left hand badly gashed. whilst the captain and harry higginson had attended to alfred, mr clare and walter took care of drake. he was very laconic in his replies to their questions, and made light of the injury; but he was faint from the wound in the head, and his sleeveless arm was so stiff as to be useless to him then. juno, who had found clump, joined us before we reached the house with our wounded comrades; but at the sight of drake's bleeding head and alfred carried in the captain's arms, juno's ejaculations recommenced, and clump followed, only wringing his hands in mute despair. of the particulars of the fight we never knew further than i have related. both of the principals in the affair hated to have it alluded to, and we spared their feelings. when we had got them comfortably settled in their rooms, mr clare called the remainder of us aside and enjoined upon us that we should not question drake and alfred, nor mention the matter in their presence; and that in the meantime he would decide with captain mugford what steps to take when the boys had recovered. in another week drake was as well as ever, but hardly as noisy and reckless as of old. alfred remained an invalid for some time longer. when both were perfectly recovered, mr clare called us all together in the brig's schoolroom one afternoon, and then addressed us, particularly the two combatants, in a manner that i can never forget--it was so sensible, so manly, so solemn. he pointed out the faults of each, which had fed the long quarrel and finally serious conclusion. he painted the wickedness of that duel, (for it could be called nothing else), and all such affairs, which in former times were ignorantly considered necessary and honourable. he told us in what he thought true manliness, courage, and _chivalry_ consisted. then, in a simple, touching way, he suggested higher thoughts--our duty to our father in heaven as brothers of one common family, and more than all of the example which our blessed lord and master set us while he was on earth--to forgive injuries--to overlook insults; and he spoke of charity as forbearance, and conquest as governing ourselves; and then begged us to join him in earnest entreaty to the holy spirit for the strength to practise that charity and make those conquests, to the source whence such virtues came, and to the ear which was never deaf to supplication. how simple and noble was that whole address! and i cannot forbear testimony to the fruitfulness of a christian practice such as that of our then tutor, dear mr clare. even thoughtless boys could not sneer at the constant manly practice of his life. we had to see that it gave the loftiest aims even to the smallest acts of his everyday life--that where he spoke one word he acted fifty in that service which ennobles the commonest deed. so that religion, which youth often regards as something whining and hypocritical, something only for the old and sick, we boys _began_ to look up to as something which, if we could only _partly_ understand, was, at the least, truly beautiful and noble. the lesson and bearing of mr clare on that occasion was enforced by the fact that as he concluded, captain mugford, rubbing the back of a rough hand on his cheek for some reason, got up and crossed the room to mr clare, whose hand he took in both his, and said-- "mr clare, i am but a rough, wicked old sailor, but the words you have spoken to these boys have touched an older boy than they, and i thank you--i thank you!" the parents of both drake and alfred were duly informed, by both mr clare and the boys themselves, of the affair. from that time drake and alfred were changed boys. the old dominant faults i have told of had now to _fight_ for sway and were generally mastered, whilst the conduct of one to the other grew generous and considerate, and the two boys became and ever afterward remained close friends. chapter nine. big fishing--a strange dissection. the dog-days and the sultriness of august extended some of their influence even in our fresh kingdom by the sea. the only exercise that tempted us was swimming, and that, by captain mugford's permission, we now enjoyed twice each day--before breakfast and after tea. what else is so delightful and health-giving? the header from the brown rock from whose sides wave the cool, green tresses of the sea! off, with a whoop, and hands above your head, as the sun pats tricklingly your back! off, with a spring, down head first through the deliciously cool, clear, bracing water, that effervesces about you in bubbles of sport. then, as the long delicate tendrils beneath swing like sirens' arms to welcome you, to arch the back and, leaving the alluring depths, rise through the dark water with the ease of an eagle on his wings until your head pops into the upper world of noise and sunlight again. the long, sharp, regular strokes now, every muscle stretching elastically and the whole frame electric with vigour and freshness--oh, how delicious! reeking with wet, we climb the rock, picking a spot where limpets are not, and sit in that glorious sunlight, each atom of which seems to melt into the blood. clasping our hands about our knees, we can watch the glory of the sun climbing higher and higher above the ocean, and, if we choose, fancy ourselves big grapes ripening on "lusitanian summers," until we are dry--which is too soon--and then with what overflowing spirits and ravenous appetites we go, like hunters, to the house! "come, marm juno, send in the eggs and bacon. we're as hungry as bears!" "he! he! he! how you yun' gemmen do go on. seems as ef you'se nebber git nuffen ter eat at hum. 'spects you'll git fat down 'ere! he! he!" but our studies did not slacken because of the warm weather. copying mr clare, we all worked with a will. there was not a laggard amongst us, i believe. there was a disposition to please one who had so grown in our affection and respect as even to have outstripped our dear old salt tute. he understood our youthful difficulties, sympathised with our interests, and, not limiting his duties to hearing us recite, taught us _how to study_. as august waned the fishing improved, and with the little fiddler or soldier crab we caught fish of three and four pounds instead of those of one and two pounds that had a month ago employed us. and then the striped bass, the _labrus lineatus_, the king of saltwater game fish-- what splendid sport they furnished! these last we caught, some of us with the pole and reel, some with the hand-line. but it was active work to throw out about sixty yards of line and then troll it quickly back through the eddies off the rocks, where the bass fed and sported. the captain was great at this; despising the pole and waving the bait round and round his head, he would throw it full a hundred yards to sea. i tell you it was exciting to hook a five or six pounder and have him make off with a lurch. pay out then, quick, quick, just keeping a "feel" of the fellow's mouth, and as he slacks his speed, tauten your line, and pull in with all your strength. slower now, as he begins to haul back. now look out; he is off again with a mightier spring and greater speed than before. pay out, quick and steady. so, again and again, his strength getting less and less, until you can tow him up to the rock, and your companion put the gaff in his ruddy gills. many a noble fish escaped; many a line and hook snapped in the warfare. sometimes a much larger fish would take hold, and two of us would have to pull on the line stretched like wire. during the season we took a seven-pounder, one of eight, and one of ten pounds, and captain mugford, alone on the rocks, one stormy morning, when we boys were in school, captured a royal fellow of twelve pounds, and brought it for our admiring gaze as we went to dinner. mr clare promised to beat that, but he never did. one saturday afternoon, about the last of august, just after a somewhat heavy gale, which had been blowing for a couple of days, we all repaired to bass rocks, though the sky was drizzling yet, and the spray of the waves dashed at every blow clear over our stand. it was apparently a splendid time for our friends, the labrus, but we did not get a bite. we persevered, however, fresh baiting the hooks, and throwing out again and again, with not a fin to flash after them through the curdled waters. harry higginson, having been very unlucky before this, losing several strong lines, had provided himself this time with one which, he said, could hold a hundred-pounder--the line consisting of two thick flaxen lines plaited together. he had it rigged on his pole. grown careless from the ill-luck we had met, he at length let his bait sink to the bottom, about thirty yards from the rocks, and got talking with the captain, who had given up fishing, and, with his sou'wester pulled about his ears, was taking a comfortable pipe in a crevice of the biggest rock. suddenly i heard a reel go clork--cle-erk cleerk! and saw harry's pole fall from his hands to the rock. he seized it in a second, but as he stopped the revolving of the reel, the pole bent, and he pulled back on it--snap! it was gone in the middle of the second joint. of course the line remained, and that he commenced pulling in, bestowing the while some pretty hard expressions on his bad luck, for it really seemed as if the once-hooked fish had gone off in safety. about ten yards of the line came in slack, and then it stopped. "fast to a rock! what luck!" cried harry, and then he commenced to jerk. as he turned to look at us, with an expression of sarcastic indifference, i saw the line straightening out again in a steady, slow way, as if it was attached to an invisible canal-boat. "hold fast," i cried; "look! you have got something. what can it be?" saying which, harry commenced to pull, but in vain--the prey went ahead. captain mugford had taken the pipe from his mouth as his attention was fastened by the strange manoeuvres of harry's game. things having come to such a bewildering pass, he put up his pipe and, shaking the folds of the sou'wester from about his head, sprung forward and took hold of the line with harry, but it still ran out through their hands. "seventeen seventy-six! what a whopper," exclaimed the captain. "we must let go another anchor--eh, harry?" "indeed! yes," replied harry. "look! he is stopping, and seems to be shaking the hook as a cat would a mouse. what can it be?" now the unknown took a tack towards us, and the line was gathered in and kept tight, and, as he began to go about on another course, his enemies took advantage of his momentary sluggishness to haul with considerable effect on the line. that brought the rascal right under the rocks. we could not see him; only the commotion of the water. being brought up with such a short turn maddened the fellow, and perhaps he began to realise what was giving him such a jaw-ache. at any rate, just then he showed his speed to the whole length of the line, rushing off like a locomotive, and cutting his enemies fingers to the bones. they held on, however, and were able to bring him to as his charge slackened. of course the others of us hauled in our lines and watched with eagerness the combat so exciting. we proffered advice of all kinds to the two fishers, which they did not heed but devised schemes as the moment required, and certainly they managed with great skill. you would have thought the captain was on deck in a hurricane, or repelling the boarders of a malay pirate. the pipe was jammed up to its bowl in the side of his mouth, and all he said came in jerks through his teeth. we were perfectly in the dark as to what the fish might be--whether an immense cod or halibut, or a princely bass. the fight went on for half an hour without any decided result. but after that the struggles of the fish occupied a smaller space, never taking more than half the line out now. he was nearer the surface too, and the quick slaps of a tremendous tail lashed the sea. "mr clare," called out captain mugford, "won't you twist two of the boys' lines together and bend them on that gaff? by the way, there is a hatchet with us, is there not? good! have that and the gaff ready. we are tiring the animal, whatever it is--a shark, i suspect." whilst we were carrying out the captain's orders, harry cried, "see, see! there is the whole length of him. yes, a shark. what a grand beast!" they were tiring him--worrying the strength and fierceness out of him. every turn was bringing him nearer the rock. every dash of his was weaker. but it must have been fully an hour from the first rush he made before he was brought exhausted alongside of the rocks, and the captain cried, "put in the gaff, mr clare--hard deep!" well was it that a strong line had been made fast to the gaff, for as its big hook struck him behind the gills, he uttered a sound like the moan of a child, and flapped off, the gaff remaining in him, into deep water. with the two lines and his exhausted state, it was comparatively easy to bring him to the rocks again, and then with blows of the hatchet we had soon murdered him. even then it was a job of some moment to get the body safely up the slimy and uneven rocks. at length our prey was well secured, and we stood about him in triumph. it was a shark, measuring five feet and three inches in length, and he must certainly have weighed nearly a hundred pounds. from the study mr clare made of the subject, we found that the name by which the shark is technically known is _squalidae_, which includes a large family fitly designated, as your latin dictionary will prove when you find the adjective _squalidus_--"filthy, slovenly, loathsome." it is a family of many species, there being some thirty or forty cousins; and the different forms of the teeth, snout, mouth, lips, and tail-fins, the existence or absence of eyelids, spiracles, (those are the apertures by which the water taken in for respiration is thrown out again), the situation of the different fins, etcetera, distinguish the different divisions of the common family. the cousin who, wandering about that stormy saturday, had frightened away the bass, and finally astonished himself by swallowing a fish-hook when he only thought to suck a dainty bit of his family's favourite delicacy, was known as the _zygaena_--so mr clare introduced him to us when his sharkship had grown so exceedingly diffident as not to be able to say one word for himself--a genus distinguished by having the sides of the head greatly prolonged in a horizontal direction, from which circumstance they are commonly known as the hammer-headed sharks. his teeth were in three rows, the points of the teeth being directed towards the corners of the mouth. the two back rows were bent down, and only intended, mr clare told us, to replace the foremost when injured. these horrible teeth were notched like a saw. i think the face, if so you might call it, of that piratical fish wore the most fearfully cruel and rapacious expression i had ever seen. that _zygaena_ family of the _squalidae_, (i think they sound more horribly devilish when called by their classical titles), is one dangerous to man, and it is very rare that a man-eating or man-biting shark is ever found on the english coast. i proposed to cut him open, and so we did. among the half-digested food, most of which was fish, i found something that at first looked like a leather strap. i seized it and pulled it out. surely there was a buckle. i washed and laid it out on the rock, while we all gathered about in great excitement to make out what our dead enemy had been preying on. there was no longer a doubt that it was a dog-collar--the collar of a medium-sized dog, perhaps a spaniel or terrier. there was a plate on it, which, with a little rubbing, we made to read, "david atherton, newcastle." how very strange! had the little fellow been washed overboard from some vessel? or had he swum off some neighbouring beach to bring a stick for his master? we could never discover any antecedents of any kind whatever to that mysterious sequel to "the romance of the poor young dog." was there a fond master mourning for him in newcastle, england, or in newcastle, pennsylvania? alas, poor dog! thou wert hastily snatched from this world--the ocean thy grave and a shark's belly thy coffin. thy collar hangs, as i write this, over my study table, and many a time has my old ponto sniffed at that relic of a fellow-dog, and his eyes grown moist as i repeated to him my surmises of the sad fate of david atherton's companion. mr clare told us a good deal about sharks. of the many varieties, the most hideous is the wolf-fish, (_anarrhicas lupus_). though much smaller than the white shark, he is a very formidable creature. he has six rows of grinders in each jaw, excellently adapted for bruising the crabs, lobsters, scallops, and large whelks, which the voracious animal grinds to pieces, and swallows along with the shells. when caught, it fastens with indiscriminate rage upon anything within its reach, fights desperately, even when out of the water, and inflicts severe wounds if not avoided cautiously. schonfeld relates this wolf-fish will seize on an anchor and leave the marks of its teeth in it, and steller mentions one on the coast of kamschatka, which he saw lay hold of a cutlass, with which a man was attempting to kill it, and break it to bits as if it had been made of glass. this monster is, from its great size, one of the most formidable denizens of the ocean; in the british waters it attains the length of six or seven feet, and is said to be much larger in the more northern seas. it usually frequents the deep parts of the sea, but comes among the marine plants of the coast in spring, to deposit its spawn. it swims rather slowly, and glides along with somewhat of the motion of an eel. the white shark is far more dreadful, from its gigantic size and strength; its jaws are also furnished with from three to six rows of strong, flat, triangular, sharp-pointed, and finely serrated teeth, which it can raise or depress at will. this brute grows to a length of thirty feet, and its strength may be imagined from the fact that a young shark, only six feet long, has been known to break a man's leg by a stroke of its tail. therefore, when sailors have caught a shark at sea, with a baited hook, the first thing they do when it is drawn upon deck is to chop off its tail, to prevent the mischief to be dreaded from its immense strength. hughes, the author of the "natural history of barbadoes," relates an anecdote which gives a good idea of the nature of this monster: "in the reign of queen anne a merchant ship from england arrived at barbadoes; some of the crew, ignorant of the danger of doing so, were bathing in the sea, when a large shark suddenly appeared swimming directly towards them. all hurried on board, and escaped, except one unfortunate fellow, who was bit in two by the shark. a comrade and friend of the man, seeing the severed body of his companion, vowed instant revenge. the voracious shark was seen swimming about in search of the rest of his prey, when the brave lad leaped into the water. he carried in his hand a long, sharp-pointed knife, and the fierce monster pushed furiously towards him. already he had turned over, and opened his huge, deadly jaws, when the youth, diving cleverly, seized the shark somewhere near the fins with his left hand, and stabbed him several times in the belly. the creature, mad with pain and streaming with blood, attempted vainly to escape. the crews of the ships near saw that the fight was over, but knew not which was slain, till, as the shark became exhausted, he rose nearer the shore, and the gallant assailant still continuing his efforts, was able, with assistance, to drag him on shore. there he ripped open the stomach of the shark and took from it the half of his friend's body, which he then buried together with the trunk half." the negroes are admirable swimmers and divers, and they sometimes attack and vanquish the terrible shark, but great skill is necessary. when sir brooke watson, as a youth, was in the west indies, he was once swimming near a ship when he saw a shark making towards him. he cried out in terror for help, and caught a rope thrown to him; but even as the men were drawing him up the side of the vessel, the monster darted after, and took off his leg at a single snap. fortunately for sea-bathers on our shores, the white shark and the monstrous hammer-headed _zygaena_ seldom appear in the colder latitudes, though both have occasionally been seen on the british coasts. the northern ocean has its peculiar sharks, but some are good-natured, like the huge basking shark, (_s maximus_), and feed on seaweeds and medusae and the rest, such as the _picked_ dog-fish, (_galeus acanthius_), are, although fierce, of too small a size to be dangerous to man. but the dog-fish and others, such as the blue shark, are very troublesome and injurious to the fisherman; though they do not venture to attack him, for they hover about his boat and cut the hooks from his lines. indeed, this sometimes leads to their own destruction; and when their teeth do not deliver them from their difficulty, the blue sharks, which hover about the coast of cornwall during the pilchard season, roll their bodies round so as to twine the line about them in its whole length, and often in such a way that mr yarrell has known a fisherman give up as hopeless the attempt to unroll it. this shark is very dangerous to the pilchard drift-net, and very often will pass along the whole length of net, cutting out, as if with shears, the fish and the net which holds them, and swallowing both together. chapter ten. ugly--plover, snipe, and rabbit shooting--a cruise proposed. recounting that last event reminds me of a well-beloved character in our cape days--one, too, that was destined to play an important part in our little drama. ugly was his name; trusty greatheart it should have been. ugly was a clipped-eared, setter-tailed, short-legged, long-haired, black-nosed, bright-eyed little mongrel. in limiting his ancestry to no particular aristocratic family, he could prove some of the blood of many. there were evident traces of the water-spaniel, the skye terrier, and that most beautiful of all the hound family--the beagle. i do not know what education ugly may have had in his earlier days, but i believe it to have been limited, though his acquirements were great. i believe him to have been a canine genius. he was as ready on the water as on the land. his feats of diving and swimming were remarkable; and a better rabbit-dog and more sagacious, courageous watchdog never lived. as to the languages, i will acknowledge he could speak none; but he understood english perfectly, and never failed to construe rightly any of mr clare's latin addresses--much better than ever walter could do. indeed, mr clare's commands to and conversations with ugly were always in latin. of his rare sagacity and unbounded affection there are proofs to be furnished further on in this narrative. harry higginson and walter had guns, and they alone of our number were allowed to use them. that exclusion never caused me any regrets, nor do i think it troubled alfred higginson, but it was a constant pain to drake. he loved a gun, and his most golden dream of manhood's happiness was the possession of a good fowling-piece. the prohibition of our parents, however, was so stringent in this particular that poor drake never sighted along the bright barrels nor even touched the well-oiled stocks but once while we were at the cape. there they stood, always ready, in a corner of our attic--where drake, alf, and i could not touch them, but ready at any time for the pleasure of walter and harry. walter was an accomplished shot, and harry was not a bad one. harry had not had the training of walter, whom my father had taught--not commencing with stationary objects, but with targets thrown in the air, and small, slow-winged birds as they flitted near the ground. my father had at first made him practise for a long time without caps, powder, or shot, merely in quickly bringing the stock close to the shoulder, and getting the eye directly behind the breech. when proficiency in that had become a mechanical habit, the gun was loaded, and then commenced the practice of shooting at moving objects. as the art of bringing the gun properly to the cheek had been so thoroughly mastered as to require no effort nor attention, walter could, when an object was thrown up, direct all his care to bringing the muzzle of the piece--the sight-- directly on that object. my father's reason for teaching him first to shoot at flying marks was to prevent the habit of dwelling long on an aim--that habit of following or _poking_ at the bird which ruins good shooting, and prevents the possibility of becoming a good snap shot. and so, afterwards, drake and i were taught; and boys who are learning to shoot will find, that by remembering and practising the method i have described, instead of commencing by taking long, deliberate aims at stationary objects, they will get ahead surprisingly fast, far outstripping those who learn by the latter way. in our rambles about the cape, ugly soon displayed his talent for rabbit-hunting. he would smell where bunny had been wandering and follow the track until he started miss long-ears from her covert, and then the fun began--the rabbit leaping off in frightened haste, running for life, winding and dodging about over the swells of the sparse grass hillocks, while ugly, mad with excitement, spread his long, low body down to the chase. how the little fellow would put in his nose close to the ground, staunch on the trail as the best-blooded hound, and making the air ring with his sharp but musical bark! i tell you that was fun! ugly always stuck to his game until he had run it to its burrow. he had not the speed to overtake it. the summer is not the proper season for rabbit-shooting; so walter, who was never to be tempted by the best chance of killing game even a day out of season, would not permit either harry or himself to shoot at the objects of ugly's furious energy until it was legitimate. that conduct of walter and harry was beyond ugly's comprehension. i have often seen him try to understand it. the chase having ended as usual in a safe burrow, i have noticed ugly--who, after a very short experience, had learned not to waste his time in vain digging--turn toward us with a waddling, disconsolate trot, and having approached a few rods, stop and sit down to revolve the puzzle over in his mind. he would look where the rabbit had housed himself, then drop his head, cock up an ear, and cast an inquiring glance toward us, as much as to say: "why, _do_ tell ugly why you did not shoot that old lap-ears? ah!" that operation he would repeat several times before rejoining us, and when he had come up he would cock his head first one side and then the other, and look into our faces with most beseeching questioning in those great, keen, brown eyes of his. then he would hang behind on our way home, evidently greatly distressed at his ignorance. never mind, good ugly! i believe you were fully rewarded for weeks of bewilderment when the time did come for knocking over bunnies. one afternoon, in returning from one of those rambles, we met our salt tute hurrying towards us in a great state of haste and perspiration. when near enough for his hoarse bass voice to reach us, he hailed-- "well, there you are, boys, at last! i have been hunting for you all over the cape for the last hour. ah! ugly, boy, are you glad to see the old captain trudging over the rabbit-ground? eh? shaggy boy! and you have been running the bunnies till you are blown, and your masters would not shoot--eh? well, no matter; the captain shall bring his marline-spike along some day, and help you bag them. but, my affectionate pup, do you take a turn in that tail, or you'll wag it off some windy day." so ugly sat down--a long, red, wet tongue hanging from the side of his mouth--and whipped the grass between the captain's boots with that restless tail until we came up. "why, captain mugford," said walter, "i did not know you ever wanted _us_." "no? well, i do though, just now. you see, boys, as to-morrow will be saturday, with every prospect of fair weather and a good breeze, i thought we might go on a cruise--start early, get our meals on board, run off to the fishing-grounds, and make a voyage of general exploration. and to do this we must get our traps aboard this evening, and see that everything is in order on board the _youth_." "good! nothing could suit us better, captain. i'll run to the house with the guns," said harry, "and we can all go at once off to the _youth_." "mr clare," continued captain mugford, "can't go with us, he says, but must walk over to q---town and spend the day. that's a pity, for i calculated on having a capital time all together, on a voyage like this one we propose." "well, we boys," said walter, "will ask him this evening to put off his visit. perhaps he may change his mind." when harry returned we went down to our cutter, all in great spirits on account of the fun proposed for the next day. getting on board, we mopped and swabbed her out well, overhauled the ropes and sails, and hauled down the pennant to take home with us for juno to mend where it had frayed out on the point. that work being completed, we went to the house for such provisions as we should want on our excursion. juno put up a large supply for one day--ground coffee, eggs, biscuit, cold mutton, a cold turkey, and several currant and apple pies, besides butter, salt, etcetera--and clump conveyed it down to the _youth_ for us on a wheelbarrow. the provisions were carefully stowed in the forepeak, and everything being arranged, we appointed ugly to act as a guard over our craft during the night. harry briefly explained it to him. "look here, ugly, you are to stay here to-night and look after the things. of course you are not to come ashore or leave duty for a minute. we shall be down early in the morning. be ready to receive us with proper ceremonies, for we are off on a cruise, old boatswain, to-morrow. look, ugly; i put your supper in this stern locker. do you see?" ugly was at first rather disappointed at the prospect of being separated from us for the night, but as harry's harangue proceeded and he began to comprehend the honour of the duty required aboard ship, he bristled up and grew as stiff and important as his inches would allow. he turned his nose to watch where the supper was placed, and then walked forward and took a seat on the bow assuming a comical air of "captaincy;" so pantomimic was it that captain mugford laughed aloud, and said: "well done, ugly; where, my fine fellow, did you learn quarterdeck airs?" "good-night, captain ugly," we cried, as we pushed for the shore in the punt. "good-night, boy; can't you say something, captain gruff?" at which address ugly rose up and, putting his forefeet on the larboard gunwale, barked three loud, clear notes, and we gave three laughing cheers as he returned to his post by the bowsprit. before going to bed that night, i went out in the kitchen to put a pair of my shoes to dry, and found clump and juno, as usual in the evenings, smoking and dozing over the fire. wondering at the amount of comfort these old folk seemed to find in tobacco, i asked clump why he smoked so much. "fur constellation, massa bob--fur constellation; dat's ol," he answered. "oh, that is it, clump--consolation, eh? well, i must get a pipe some time and try it," i said. "no, massa bob," joined in juno, who was knocking out the ashes from her pipe on the head of the fire-dog--"no, massa bob you'se munno 'moke. 'spects, ef you'se do, you find de way tur constollaton, dat ole clump talk of, cum tru much tribble-laison--he! he! he!" i had to laugh at the old woman's wit. as for clump, he rubbed his shins and "yaw-ha'd" over his wife's speech for five minutes. as i was going off to bed, juno called me back in a hesitating way, and said in a low, frightened voice: "massa bob, sum-how dis ole woman ees 'feared 'bout ter'morrow. you'se gwine sure?" "of course, juno," i replied. "and what are you afraid of? i would not stay at home for ten pounds." "dis chile's sorry--sorry," she continued, "but de lor' ees my strong 'an my sheel." she was speaking very slowly, and had bent over the fire to rake the ashes together. she went on muttering some more of the bible texts she always called on in any perplexity, until a new idea flashed to her from some uncovered ember, and she turned quickly, laughing in a low, shrill way, "he! he! he! woy'se ole juno afeer'd? he! he! he! 'spects it on'y debbil dat has tole lies to dis poor ole nigger when she's 'sleep." chapter eleven. a memorable cruise commences. we had nearly reached our cutter before the sun lifted its yellowish, red sphere, with just such an expression as a jolly, fat, old alderman accustomed to good cheer might present, on raising his head from the folds of a comfortable night's pillow. it looked about in a dim, bewildered way at first, as if trying to wake up and make out what was the matter--that dark, vast, heaving, rolling sea, the rocks and capes touched with light, and a great land behind them yet dark and undefined; all so quiet too; and the soft, pink mist that rolled away in smoke-like clouds--rolled away over the billowy surface of the ocean toward the land, and, frightened, perhaps, by that red apparition on the eastern horizon, faded from sight, or rose for shelter to the sky above. it was bravely up now; had mastered the situation, dispelled the night. the great honest face took a king's expression, and breathing bounty, warmth, and courage, blessed the scene it looked upon. then how the birds sang out, how sea and land grew beautiful and full of voice, how the clouds dressed their ranks and marched on their way. and the irrepressible exclamation came from all our boy lips at once, "how glorious!" ugly saluted us in a most vociferous manner, continuing his welcome from the time we left the shore to the moment we reached the yacht. "behold," said harry, "our rear-admiral waving his ta--i beg his honour's pardon--flag." yes--old ugly kept his tail going in utmost delight, whilst he ran from one end to the other of the gunwale, assuring us that all was safe. sure enough, everything was in good order, but the supper had not been eaten. it had been pulled out of the after-cabin and inspected--that was all. now ugly's supper consisted of two things he could never be induced to eat--ham and cold potatoes; and harry, from mischief--he knew, however, that the dog had had a hearty dinner--prepared those things purposely, supposing that ugly's daintiness would fail in a twelve hours fast. but no; there the edibles were untouched. "come here, sir," said harry to ugly; "now why have you not eaten this nice meal, eh?" ugly's answer was merely to turn his head one side and look out at the sea, as if very much interested in something he saw--so much so as not to be able to attend to what harry asked him. "you dainty rascal, come along and eat this meal; it is good enough for any dog." and harry put the despised victuals on another part of the deck, and, quite unintentionally, within a foot of the port scuppers. "here, ugly, eat it, sir, every bit of it." ugly's sensitive little spirit could not brook such a public mortification; but he was obedient in part. he approached the pieces slowly--in a dignified, contemptuous way--as he would have gone up to a cat, and, putting his nose to them, gave a push--away they flew into the sea. shouts of laughter greeted the act--harry's the loudest--and he completed his attempt at discipline by calling to ugly, "come here, thou pluckiest and smartest of dogs. if you won't eat sailors' rations, come feast at the officers' mess on the luxuries of the fleet. how will that do, eh, old fellow?" cutting him off, as he spoke, a fat slice of mutton. "another? well there! bread and butter? well, there is as much as you can eat;" and ugly stowed it all away, triumph beaming in his eyes and wagging from his tail. "come, boys, now," said the captain, "let's get under way. cast loose the sails, alfred and bob. drake, stand by to hoist the mainsail. walter, take the helm. i want you to act as sailing-master this morning. drake and i will get up the anchor. is the mainsail ready for hoisting?" "aye, aye, sir," replied drake. "then up with it. there--good!" "are your halliards all clear there, boys?" "aye, aye, sir," came from alf and bob. "hoist the jib, my hearties," cried the captain, as the anchor came up. "keep her head for the old church tower, walter. there--steady, steady." the captain and drake now secured the anchor, and the next order given was-- "now, alf, another pull on your main halliards. get them well up. all right? make fast." the captain lifted his hat and wiped with the bandanna his red forehead. then he shook out a reef in his suspenders, and threw back his coat. "by golly! my hearties, we are snug now, ship and cargo; and what an air to breathe! i only wish this was a good ship of twelve hundred tons or so, captain mugford the skipper, and we were all bound for calcutta together this splendid morning." "don't i--don't i," came from each of us in response. "now, my mates," called the captain again, "we'll go about presently, when we get abreast of that tanned-sailed fishing-boat there off the port bow, and then, walter, you can head her right out of the harbour. let her go south-east-by-east, and we'll about fetch in ten miles as nice a bank for cod and halibut as there is off the coast. it is a small spot to get on nicely, and difficult to drop on often in just the right place; but it's no riddle to me, and if this breeze freshens a bit, as i think it will with the young flood, you can get out your lines in about one hour. so now let's have breakfast--the little rear-admiral, you know, had his long ago." yes--and the consequential ugly was occupying a comfortable seat right under the jib, and only turned his head the least bit when he heard the captain's mention of him. "keep her full now, walter, ready to go about. let go the jib-sheet, bob; and now, down with your helm, walter!" the mainsail flapped twice. by that time the foresail had filled on the other tack. the cutter went about like a dancer on her heel, and we were off on the other tack, standing out of the harbour for the open sea ahead. then, the breakfast having been got out of the cuddy in the meanwhile, and arranged for our onset by drake, we seized cups, knives and forks, and were soon very busy. what a glorious thing to remember and marvel at, and wish back again, is a boy's appetite. and if any good old fellow is reading, who is not ashamed to recall those best of days--boyhood days--who is not ashamed to recall them, aye, with pride and smiles, let him think now of the suppers after saturday tramps, of the christmas and michaelmas dinners, and of meals like that i am describing, when, after two hours in the early morning air, bowling along in our cutter, the sea-breeze swelling out our lungs as it did the sails, with merry hearts and perfect digestions, we found real fun--true animal happiness--in good bread and butter, a leg of cold mutton, and a cup of coffee. and to see the best of good skippers--as our dear old salt tute was--let himself down in a right angle after that on the deck, his back against the weather-side of the mast, and, heaving a sigh of vast internal satisfaction, draw out his pipe slowly, as if it was a ceremony too precious to be hurried, and, having put it just right in his lips and lighted it, puff the first long sweet wreaths of smoke; ah! that was a picture of creature happiness. chapter twelve. good sport--an exciting sail--cast away. the absence of mr clare was the only drawback to our pleasure that morning. he had told us the evening before that he should probably return from his visit the same day, getting home about the time we expected to be back--about sundown, which at that date in september was at twenty minutes after six. he said, however, that possibly he might remain in q---town until after sunday morning service. when captain mugford had completed his smoke, by which time we had a fine steady breeze from the south-east, he rose from his luxurious position and took walter's place at the helm, saying-- "not a permanent removal, walter, but only until i can put the cutter just where i want her for fish. fifteen minutes more will do that; so you had better go forward to drake and get the anchor all ready to let go. you other boys can stand by the sails." the captain noted carefully the changing colour of the water as we drew over some bank, and he took bearings, too, from points on the land we had left nearly ten miles astern. in a few minutes he luffed a bit and sang out-- "down with your foresail! get in the jib." the bowsprit pointed right in the wind's eye, and the boom hung fore and aft, the sail empty, as the cutter lost her headway. "is that anchor ready?" "aye, aye, sir!" replied walter and drake. "let go! about five fathoms, is it?" called the captain. "about that!" the boys answered. "that's just what we want. make fast! now stow the mainsail, so that it won't be in the way of your lines, and fish. there, that will do! now, all to the lines! who'll have the first fish?" in a minute drake hauled that up--a cod--and the fun commenced. cod and bass, and now and then a halibut, as fast as we could bait and pull! there was soon a lively flopping in our craft, and now and then a dog-fish would take hold, much to our annoyance, for generally he broke the hook or line, or else, if we got him in, made such a furious lashing about our legs that we had to finish him with a hatchet. we lay at anchor there until we had had fishing enough. about two o'clock we stopped, having caught, as near as the captain could estimate, between one and two hundred pounds of cod, a dog-fish, and eleven sea-bass--not the striped bass, such as we took off the rocks with a troll line in rough water: that was the _labrax lineatus_; but the sea-bass, the _centropristes nigricans_, superior in title, but inferior in every other way to the striped bass. it was a job to pitch the fish together and out of the way, and then clean the blood, slime, and wet from our deck and get ready for making sail; but after some work it was done, and our lines stowed away. "now, boys," said the captain, "we will have dinner, and get under way again. as the wind has hauled around to the east, we will take our course for the north. i want to show you that shore, it is so bold and wild. with such a stiff wind i reckon we can run up ten miles nearly, and then turn about and get home _easily_ before dark. i say, boys, won't mr clare wish he had had a hand in catching that haul?" having finished the cold dinner with such an appetite as pleasure, exercise, and sea air give, we made sail and stood to the northward. the breeze was so fresh before long that the captain told us to take a reef in our mainsail. walter held the helm, and in little more than an hour we were sailing near the grand rugged shore that captain mugford had wished us to see. here and there, in little coves defended by rocky sides, were the cottages of fishermen, and then great headlands of cavernous stone dashed by the waves. again the shore fell to a lower level, and pines and other trees clustered together to defy the storms, and give pleasure to the eye. farther on, the roughness of the coast vanished for a few hundred yards to make place for a yellow sandy beach where was stretched a long seine. opposite that piece of strand, and close by our cutter's course stood a small stony island, bearing a single invalid old pine, from whose topmost branch a great bald eagle rose and hovered over our craft. then the shore grew again like an impregnable fortification, and made out to a sharp cape, on the point of which stood a lonely, snow-white lighthouse. "there, boys, we must go about now," said the captain, as we neared the cape. "but see how the wind has fallen. if it holds on in this way we shan't have enough to take us home before night. let's see what o'clock it is. that lighthouse is seventeen miles from the point of our own cape." the captain fumbled away at his waist-band--encircling a rotundity like that described of saint nicholas--and pulled out his immense gold turnip. "columbus' compass! twenty minutes to five! come, walter, haul in the mainsheet, and come up to the wind. are you ready to go about? well, down with the helm then. i'll tend the jib. those boys are so busy examining the fish that we will not interrupt them." "no, sir," i said, "we are ready for anything." "oh no, bob," replied the captain, "go on with your studies. there is nothing to do just now. walter, you may steer by the shore. but i don't like this slackening of the breeze, and it is drawing more to the south-west; we shall have it right ahead soon. the sun looks ugly, too. that murky red face foretells a row of some kind." "i hope that we shall get the _youth_ safe at her moorings before night comes, or a storm either--shall we not?" asked harry. "we'll hope so," answered captain mugford, who pulled out his pipe and filled it hard, continuing, "who'll hand me out a light from the cuddy?" i went in and struck one, and brought him a match, blazing famously. "thank, you," he said. "drake--just," (puff puff)--"just shake--oh! there goes that light!" i quickly brought him another--"just shake out--that--that--" (puff, puff). he had it all right now, the smoke coming in vast volumes; so he replaced his hat and removed the pipe from his teeth for a moment to complete the order-- "drake, just shake that reef out of the mainsail." "all right, sir!" said drake. i helped him; but in half an hour the wind, as the captain had foretold, was ahead, and not strong enough to fill the sails. fifteen or sixteen miles we were from home, with every indication that a heavy squall was to follow the calm settling down upon us. the dancing white caps of the morning had died away in a quiet, sullen sea, which only a land-swell moved. the sun had gone down to within a half-hour's distance of the horizon, shining on the distant western cliffs, whose variety, boldness, and ruggedness were magnified in outline and intensified in colouring by the heavy, yellowish-red glare which fell on them, and the sun's rays shot out in long forks, piercing the dark blue of the sea at all points in the western semicircle of our view. the atmosphere had grown warm--very warm for a september afternoon. we boys felt something portentous in the scene. the captain grew uncomfortable, too, no longer laughing heartily or joining in our talk. he kept his eyes on the sky, and smoked pipe after pipe. even ugly ceased napping beside walter, and, uttering a whining yawn, as if sleepy but uneasy, walked forward to the idle foresail, and stood there with extended nose to smell out, if he could, what was wrong. so we lay for nearly an hour, our only movement being with the outgoing tide, the sails flapping with the slow swell of the sea. but when the sun had disappeared the wind commenced to come, first in little puffs, now from one quarter and then from another. the gale would be on us in a moment. the captain took the helm then, and ordered us to stand by and be ready to tend the sails. "look out, too, for the swinging of that boom," he said, "and make ugly get out of the way and lie down somewhere." ugly, hearing that speech, did not wait for further commands, but stowed himself away at the foot of the mast. now the wind came in heavier puffs, and then in squalls from the east. "i hope it will settle there," spoke out the captain. "it is coming heavier, but i hope steady." he kept his eyes on all parts of the now lowering sky, and presently added-- "take two reefs in the mainsail and shift the jib! get the storm-jib up. now hook on. run it out. hoist away." that was done, no easy matter for novices in a heavy sea, and we flew away before the increasing gale. fortunately the night was not very dark, there being a quarter moon to throw its light through the rifts of clouds. how fast the sea got up! the wind grew heavier every moment. the mast of our little cutter creaked with each plunge, and the plunges were hard and quick. the scene was truly alarming, and we felt the danger of our situation. to be sure, we were comparatively safe if the gale should grow no worse; but it was increasing every moment in a manner that threatened in another hour to be too much for us. there was danger, too, that something might be carried away, or that, in the frothy sea and uncertain light, we might strike some of the sunken rocks that now and then stood off from shore like sentries. but the _youth_ leapt furiously onward from one mad wave to another, our good captain steering with a strong hand. the black, broken clouds rolled close to the sea, which seemed striving madly to swallow them; but on they flew with the screams of the wind. the thin moonlight, streaming unsteadily through the troops of clouds across the riven waves, had a ghastly effect--sometimes obscuring, sometimes exaggerating the terrors surrounding us. the shore, a mile to leeward, was to our sight only a bristling, indefinite terror; for there, where loomed the land we longed for, was the greatest peril--the line of fierce breakers that shouted their threats in terrible chorus. i suppose we boys were all much terrified. i _quailed_ with dread, for it was my first experience of a storm on the water, and its time and appearance were so imposing. one would never have suspected from captain mugford's manner that we were in any danger. his face was as calm and his hand as steady as if we were having the pleasantest sail imaginable; only the violence with which he smoked, ramming fingers full of tobacco into his pipe every few minutes, betokened any unusual excitement, but we knew how absorbed he was in his charge by his silence. we were speechless, too, holding on fast to the backstays or gunwale to keep our places in the desperate leaps and lurches the gallant little craft was making. ugly was soon thrown from his station, and, finding he could not keep legs or position anywhere unaided, went and ensconced himself between our skipper's legs. harder, heavier blew the wind, and wilder grew the sea, so that it seemed sometimes as if we must go over, and the bowsprit now buried itself in every billow. then the captain said to us in a calm, steady voice-- "boys, you must get another reef in the mainsail and lower the foresail. now, be careful and steady about it. there is no hurry. bob, you come here; the others can manage that work. you sit aft out of the way." i did as directed; and the orders were speedily carried out without accident. boatswain's half-acre reef, a low rock that stood out at sea, about three and a half miles south-east-by-east from our cape, now came in sight ahead of us to the windward. in the spectral light, and beaten on by the waves, it looked like some sea monster moving in the water. as we were going we should probably pass close to its lee side in about ten minutes, but the wind blew a tempest, and the sea increased so in a few minutes that our peril was terrible. for two hours we had battled-- though evidently the storm was soon to be the conqueror. several seas came aboard in angry haste, and the punt, which had been in tow all day, broke loose and was carried away. another sea, stronger than its fellows, suddenly struck us a tremendous blow. the cutter heeled over, so that the water boiled above the lee gunwale. the assaulting sea, too, broke up and over the weather-side, and drenched us all in its cataract. to increase our terror, a cry came from alfred, who had been tossed from his hold and nearly cast overboard, but he caught the backstay as our yet unconquered boat rose from the blow like some brave but wounded animal. the water was several inches deep about our feet, and the good _youth_ had lost half its buoyancy. then came the captain's voice again, steady and strong, but full of feeling-- "we'll get through it yet, lads, god protecting us," he sung out. "but all hands must try and do their duty. you know nelson's last general order--`england expects that every man this day will do his duty.' that same motto carried out has saved many a stout ship and rich cargo, and the neglect of it has lost many more. now, there's work for all of you. walter, do you rig the pump, and bob, do you help him, and the rest of you set to and bale. be smart, now. there are two skids and a bucket, or use your hats. anyhow, the boat must be cleared." he spoke deliberately, not to alarm us, but at the same time we all saw that there was no time to be lost. walter and i now got the pump to work, while the rest set to and baled away with might and main. i also joined them, using my hat as the captain advised, for walter could easily work the pump by himself. still, in spite of the excellent steering of the old skipper, the seas came tumbling in over the bows and sides also so rapidly that it was hard work for us to keep the boat clear. besides this, (notwithstanding her name, being an old boat), she strained so much that the seams opened and made her leak fearfully. it soon, indeed, became a question--and a very serious one--whether the boat could be kept afloat till we should reach our own harbour. we were now laying well up for the cape, though we were making what sailors call "very bad weather of it;" but, should the wind shift a little, and come more ahead, we might have a dead beat of several hours before us. we saw the skipper looking out anxiously at the reef i have described. a considerable portion, even at the highest tides, was several feet above water, and easily accessible. as the rock also afforded a shelter to numerous seafowl, which built their nests in its crevices, it would afford some security to a few human beings. still, during a gale such as was now blowing, the sea washed tumultuously round the rock, and rendered the landing--even on the lee side--not only difficult but dangerous. i, for one, did not at all like the condition of the boat; still, as the skipper had hitherto said nothing, i did not like to propose that we should try to land on the reef. the old man was silent for some time; he again scanned the reef, and then he turned his eyes to the distant shore. "boys," he said at last, "i wish you not to be alarmed. the boat may very possibly keep above water till we reach the cape, if you can bale out the seas as fast as they wash in; but i am bound to tell you that there is a risk of our being swamped if we were to meet such a sea as i have seen, under like circumstances, come rolling in. there lies boatswain's reef--in five minutes we may be safe upon it--but much depends on your coolness and courage. the most difficult and dangerous movement will be the leaping on shore. do you, walter, make a rope fast round the bits; unreeve the fore halliards, they will suit best, and are new and strong. that will do; secure them well, and coil the rope carefully, so that it may run out free of everything. now stand with the rope in your hand, and as i bring the boat up to the rock, do you leap out, and spring up to the upper part, where you will find a jagged point or more to which to make it fast. the rest of you, when the boat touches the rock, be ready to spring on shore; but remember, don't spring till i tell you. i'll call each of you by name, and the first on shore must stand by to help the others. there, i can't say more, except one word--be steady, and cool, and trust in god." walter did as directed, and we all stood watching the skipper's eye, that we might obey him directly he gave the word. it is a most important thing to have confidence in a commander. it is the great secret of england's success in most instances. although there may be many shortcomings, both her soldiers and sailors know that, in nine cases out of ten, they will be well and bravely led, and the officers know also that they will be thoroughly supported by the men. if they go ahead, there will never be a want of men to follow them, even to the cannon's mouth. on we dashed, amid the boiling, foaming seas. we had to continue pumping and baling as energetically as before. had we ceased, but for half a minute, it seemed as if the boat would to a certainty go down, even before we could reach the rock. captain mugford did not address us again, but kept his eyes watching, now the heavy seas which came rolling up on the weather bow, and now the black rock towards which we were standing. all the time we kept carefully edging away, till we were under the lee of the reef--of that part, however, over which the sea broke with great force. still, the water was smoother than it had been for some time. we stood on, continuing to bale. suddenly the captain cried out, "now, lads, to your feet, and be ready to spring on shore when i give the word." we all jumped up. walter stepped forward and took the rope in his hand, as he had been directed. the captain luffed up, and ran the boat alongside the rock; but there was still great way on her, and a tremendous crashing sound showed us that she had struck the rock below water. walter sprang on shore, drake and harry followed, and as he leapt to the top of the rock, followed to help him make fast the rope round one of its roughest projections. ugly sprang at the same time, and the rest of us went next--not a moment too soon. i was the last of the boys. the captain came close behind me. he was securing another rope round the mast, and, with the end of it in his hand, he leapt on to the rock. as he left the deck, the boat seemed to glide from under him. "haul, boys! haul! all together," he shouted. our united efforts, aided by the surging water, got the fast sinking boat on to a rock. there the boat lay, little better than a wreck; but we were safe. we now saw how anxious our good skipper had been, for, taking off his hat, and looking up to heaven, he exclaimed, with a fervour i did not expect, "thank god for his great mercy--they are all safe." chapter thirteen. night on the reef--our salt tute's sermon. our "salt tute" had gone through many a storm at sea; had once escaped, the only soul saved out of fifty-three, from a foundered bark, and endured five days' suffering, without bread or water, on a raft. but, as i heard him tell mr clare afterwards, he had never undergone an experience more painful than those two or three hours of gale in our little cutter. it was his affection for us boys; the reflection that he had proposed the pleasure sail, and the terrible sense of responsibility: those together had tried the old man's heart, head, and nerves, as they had never been tried before. among the exciting events of that night, one circumstance impressed me with astonishment, though it was but small matter perhaps for a boy to have noticed at such a time. it was that the captain several times expressed himself in terms of piety, and even ejaculated that prayer when our safety was secured. we had sometimes heard him swear before that, and had always noticed, in contrast to mr clare, his indifference to any religious service or subject; indeed, the only emotion we had ever seen him display with regard to such matters was on the occasion of mr clare's address after the combat between drake and alfred. it was eight o'clock when we landed on our little rocky island of deliverance. boatswain's reef was, as its name described, only half an acre in extent--a jagged, stony reef, raised but a few yards at its highest point above high-tide mark. very cold, somewhat anxious, and much exhausted, we found in a few moments the only shelter it afforded--a level place of sand and sea grass, about six yards square, defended on the south-west by a miniature cliff. there a lot of seaweed had accumulated, and the driftings of many gales collected. several barrel staves, a large worm-eaten ship's knee, part of a vessel's stern, with all but the letters "conq" obliterated, (the name had probably been _conqueror_, conquered now, as alfred observed, by old ocean); and many pieces and splinters of spar. the captain made the discovery with us, and immediately suggested that we should shelter ourselves there and light a fire. "thanks, boys, to the necessities of my pipe, i always have a tinder-box in my pockets. perhaps there are some not wet. here, hunt for them; i'll throw off my pea-jacket, for i must go to work and try to save something from the poor _youth_--our grub at least. i want you to stay where you are, out of the storm, and to get a good fire going. it may possibly show them on the cape that we are safe." "o captain!" exclaimed walter, "do let me help you. i don't want to sit here and do nothing but build a fire whilst you are at work and perhaps in danger." "come along, then, as you are the biggest and strongest--come along," replied the captain, and away they hurried to where our good old boat was groaning on the beach and pounding against rocks with every beat of the sea. she had been driven up too far to get off easily, but with a big hole in her bows it seemed probable that she would go to pieces before morning. the sky was black everywhere. the roar of wind and waves was tremendous. the spray dashed in sheets, at every blow of the sea, over our spot of defence, so that it was difficult to start a fire. we were successful, though, and its light showed the figures of the captain and walter, by the stranded boat, climbing on board through the froth of the surf; pitched up and down as she tossed and bumped; getting down the tattered sail and hauling it ashore; jumping on the beach again with coils of rope; saving all that could be saved. and then, the tide having risen high, both together left her for the last time, bearing, at much risk, the anchor with them, which they fastened in a cleft of the rocks, that when our dear old boat--the home of many and many a fine time--did break up, something might be left of her. we could not hear their voices, but saw the gestures for us to come and help, and in a few minutes we were all engaged carrying the rescued remnants up to our safe place. ugly helped. first he dragged a coil of rope and laid it beside the cliff; then he got hold of a loaf of bread which had dropped from among the other provisions, and carried that with some trouble but much pride. in the storm and darkness, only fitfully broken by the firelight, we ate our supper under what shelter the low cliff afforded. our boyish spirits were much subdued and awed by the peril we had passed through and the sombre scene about us. the meal being finished, we made some preparations for the night, fastening the sail, by the weight of large stones laid on one edge of it, to the top of the rock, and then bringing its other edge, the boom side, to the ground and steadying it there with pegs. in that way we constructed a kind of tent, in which we piled a bedding and covering of dry seaweed. the captain stood by the fire, smoking his pipe and watching our arrangements. when they were completed, and we boys, gratified with our success, began to declare our situation "rather jolly," he interrupted us somewhat abruptly in this way:-- "you chaps always say your prayers before you sleep, i dare say. if so, you'll not forget them to-night--will you?" "no, sir," we answered. "young shipmates, you remember how mr clare talked to you one day in the _clear the track_--eh? well, then, for the first time in nigh forty years--think of that, nigh _forty_ years--i said my prayers, the only ones i ever said, that my--mo--ther taught me; and somehow they came so clear to me that i felt like as if my--mo--ther was kneeling beside me. i ran away to sea, like the young fool that i was, when i was eleven years old. it was going on four years before i came back to my old home. i had forgotten my prayers. i tried hard to remember them, too, _then_, and some of the scripture stories and lessons my--mo--ther used to teach me; for she was--gone." his voice did not tremble, but he spoke very slowly, as if he wanted to speak out to us, and yet wished to do it without betraying the deep feeling that the events of the evening had intensified. each time before he spoke the words "my mother," he took the pipe from his mouth and hesitated a moment, as if to steady himself. somehow the old captain's voice was softer, i thought, than i had ever heard it before-- it may have been fatigue and the noises of the storm that made it sound so. his face, too, looked to me as if it had lost its hard lines and roughness--perhaps the firelight caused that to seem so. and those bold, sharp eyes of his were as gentle as my little sister aggie's. he continued:-- "hard times a youngster often has at sea, not in all ships, but in many, i tell you, and bad companions on every side. no gentle looks or kind words, but knocks and oaths. no time to read, and all that; hardly a chance to think. well, i was a bad one, and worse when i went back again, and had my--mo--ther no longer to love me, and no one anywhere in the world to care a button for rowly," (his christian name was roland). "i was a pretty reckless, hearty, devil-me-care fellow, i tell you. i could rough it and fight my way with the strongest, and never thought further ahead than the moment i was living in. so, for thirty years and more i knocked about the world, coming scot-free through a thousand dangers. yes, and i got ahead all the time and prospered, thinking mighty well of myself, my _good luck_, clear head, and tough arm. i never thought of god. i don't know but that i had almost forgotten that there was a god; at any rate, if i thought of him, it was with doubt and indifference. yet, boys, in all that time, `he cared for me, upheld me, _blessed me_.'" his words grew hurried and thick, his head was turned so i could not see his face, and the old black pipe had fallen from his fingers to the ground. ugly walked around and snuffed at it in amazement. but the captain went on:-- "now i feel it all--_how_ i _feel_ it--since i heard mr clare that day. nearly forty years deaf, but i hear god's voice within me _now_, louder and louder every day; and what has he done for us to-day? how he has spoken! ah! boys, you'll never be the old sinner i have been. `remember _thy_ creator in the days of thy youth.' part of the only hymn i can remember, of my mother's, has come again and again to my ear to-night--that-- "`god moves in a mysterious way, his wonders to perform; he plants his footsteps in the sea, and rides upon the storm.' "i forget the rest, except-- "`trust him for his grace: behind a frowning providence he hides a smiling face.' "boys! turn in now. i am on watch, and shall keep the fire going. turn in, i tell you." with those last words to finish his talk and order us to bed, his voice regained its sailor-like strength and roughness, but it melted again as he added-- "my dear old boys, we shall all pray to-night, eh? and from wiser and better hearts. _thank god_!" the last things i was conscious of that night were the whistling of the wind and the roaring of the waves, and the snapping and fizzing of the red embers, thus telling their stories to the storm of the brave ships of which they once formed parts. chapter fourteen. ugly volunteers--our fresh tute to the rescue! "poor old robinson crusoe! poor old robinson crusoe! they made him a coat of an old nanny-goat: i wonder how they could do so! with a ring a ting tang, and a ring a ting tang, poor old robinson crusoe." _mother goose_. the storm broke before morning, and a clear fresh september day opened on us castaways. there was no exertion of ours that could get us home, for our little cutter was a complete wreck, and we had but one of the many requisites for constructing a boat or raft--it consisted of the few planks and timbers of the wreck of the boat which still held together or had been washed upon the beach, and which, if we were not rescued before another morning, must be employed in feeding our fire. all the provisions we had taken with us on our day's voyage were consumed, except one loaf of bread and two pies, but a sufficient supply of the fish had been brought from the cutter to feed us for several meals. of water--the greatest necessity--there was not a drop on boatswain's half-acre. during the morning, the want of that became a pain, and before night any one of us would have given all he possessed for a single glass of cold water. captain mugford told us that now, for the fourth time in his life, he knew the suffering of thirst. we must wait to be discovered, to be rescued, and before that we _might die_ of thirst, for our island was only a low rock, and vessels going up and down channel kept generally too far from the reef to allow us to be seen by them on board. we could see our cape, and even the old house, but had no way of making signals, except by the fire at night. beautiful as was the day, it was one only of pain and anxiety to us. of the few sails we saw, not one came within three miles of us. where could mr clare be all this time? the sea fell so fast that by two o'clock in the afternoon it was smooth as a lake. harry higginson and i sat looking at it on a point of the reef, with ugly by our side. ugly's tongue hung dry from his mouth, and he panted for a drop of water, but he was pained, too, i am sure, because of our silence and dejection. watching our faces, as if wondering what he could do for us, he at length walked down to the waterline and looked across to the cape with a long whine. then he ran back and put his paws on harry's knee, as if he would have him say something. so harry patted his head and said, "yes, old boy, i wish we could get there." he sprang down again and commenced to bark, pointing his nose towards the cape. i called to him, "don't be a fool, ugly; your little bark can't reach them." he cried and ran back to harry, but in a second more, barking like fury, he ran to the water and swam off in the direction of our home. we called to him again and again, entreating and commanding his return; but he paid no attention to us, and swam on. we were filled with sorrow and alarm, for surely little ugly could not swim that distance--over three miles. we called to the captain and the boys, and in a few minutes we were all standing watching the progress of brave ugly. ------------------------------------------------------------------------ what was going on at the cape all this time? mr clare did not return on saturday, and as night set in without our appearance, clump and juno got anxious. having, however, great confidence in the captain's care and skill, they were not so much alarmed as they might have been, supposing that he, seeing the approaching gale, had made some harbour, and that there we should stay until the weather changed. for some reason, both clump and juno supposed we had gone to the westward. that shore was broken by several bays and small rivers, and eleven miles westward was the fishing-village of ---. nevertheless, the good old people were somewhat alarmed, and sat up all night over their kitchen fire. by ten o'clock of the next day their fears had grown too troublesome to allow further inaction. clump pulled over in his punt to the village, across the bay. there he got some sailors to take a boat and go down the south coast to look for us, and gathering all the advice and surmises he could, (which were not consoling), from seafaring men he knew, returned to the cape. when juno heard clump's report, her distress was very great. as she groaned, and wiped her wet, shrivelled eyes with a duster, she said-- "lor' o' marsy! clump, ef harm's cum ter dem chiles ob massa tregellin--den--den--you berry me--berry dis ole 'ooman deep." "now, toff your mout, june--toff your mout! wen i'se done berry you, ou yer 'spects gwine 'posit clump en de bowels ob de arth, ay? he jist stay here and _tink_."--he did not mean _think_, but another word commencing with that unpronounceable _s_--"you'se fool, ole 'ooman; when you'se begin mittrut de lor', ay?" clump was so frightened himself that he had to talk pretty strong to his spouse. mr clare, after morning service in the church at q---town, where he had gone to hear a college friend preach, took advantage of the lovely autumn day to walk home, which was about ten miles. he made his way slowly, enjoying every foot of the road, little contemplating the shock he was to receive at his journey's end. he heard clump and juno's report without a word, only growing paler and paler. then he sat down and covered his face, and, after a moment of silence, asked the negroes certain questions as to the course they supposed us to have taken, as to the storm on the cape, etcetera, etcetera. he started off after that on a hard run for bath bay, where he jumped into a boat, and, pulling out into the greater bay, rowed with all his strength over to the village; but his inquiries there could gain no information, so he hired a small schooner-rigged boat and its owner to go out with him and hunt us up, or find some trace of our fate. mr clare could not be still whilst the boatman, who had to go up to his home first, was getting ready, but ordered him to make all haste and call for him off the cape, and then he jumped into his own boat again and recrossed to the cape. but the boatman took a long time in coming, mr clare walking up and down the cape in the meanwhile, a prey to the gloomiest apprehensions. it was nearly five o'clock before mr clare saw his boat drawing near. at the same moment he heard a scampering through the short, dry grass behind him, and the wheezing of some animal breathing thick and quick. turning, he saw, greatly to his surprise, ugly coming towards him as fast as he could run. poor little ugly was dripping with water, and completely blown and tired out--so tired that, when he had reached mr clare's feet, he could only lie down there and pant. mr clare knew there was some important reason for ugly's appearing in that manner, and though he did not suspect the exact state of the case, yet he lifted him in his arms and got on board the boat, which had now hauled in close to the rocks. "which way will're go, sir?" asked the grey, gruff boatman. "keep down south of the cape, near in shore. clump says they went west," answered mr clare. poor ugly had somewhat recovered by being wrapped up in mr clare's warm coat, and when he had put his nose into a pail of water that was on board, he kept it there until the bucket was empty, much to the surprise of both mr clare and phil grayson, the old boatman. further strengthened and refreshed by something to eat, ugly jumped up on the bow to see where they were going. he showed evident signs of disapprobation when he saw the boat steering west; running to the stern, he there stretched his nose out to the east, and barked furiously. mr clare, thinking from the negroes' assertions that he must be on the right track, could not understand ugly's uneasiness. how he had reached the cape, although it was evident he had been in the water somewhere, mr clare did not know, nor could he guess, of course, whence he had come. he only hoped that ugly had left us in safety, and had come in some way to get assistance. it was nearly dark, and the wind had gone down with the sun. soon the boat lay becalmed. ugly showed an unmistakable disposition to jump overboard, which, however, was partly quieted when he saw mr clare and old phil use the oars; but when they persevered on the westerly course, ugly, with an angry bark, sprang overboard and swam in an opposite direction. that movement proved to mr clare that they were going wrong, so the boat was turned and pulled in ugly's wake until he was overhauled and taken on board. he shook himself, wagged his tail frantically, and kissed the hands of both phil and mr clare. it was but slow progress with the oars against the ebb-tide. in about an hour, however, the first whiffs of the night-breeze came to fill the sails, and the oars were put in. they had rounded the cape, and old phil asked again-- "whar ne-e-ow, capting--in shore, you think, or straight ahead?" "near the shore, i should think, just br--" but mr clare's reply was interrupted by ugly's barking. skipper phil put the boat's head to the north-east, to get nearer in shore as mr clare had said, and--splash! ugly was overboard again and making for the east. "you see, phil," said mr clare, "you must get sailing-orders from ugly, not me; and, phil, i begin to be much encouraged by that dog's actions. he does not hesitate, but seems to have something important to do, and to feel confidence in his ability to do it." "that's so, capting," answered phil, as, having got the boat about, he belayed the sheets and put the other hand to the helm; "he's a clever animal, he is. it seems to me that ar dog understands talk like a christian. did you take notice h-e-ow he was overboard as quick as you spoke, afore i started a shut? but whar are we going?--that's what i want to know." "phil," interrupted mr clare, "what light is that flaring up away ahead there on your lee bow?" "by god, i see! the sails hid that--they did," phil grumbled, and bent down to see beneath the sails. he chuckled some time before he answered, and his chuckle grew to a laugh. "ha! ha! ha!--that ar light is on boatswain's reef, just as sure as my name is phil grayson. mr clare--hurrah!--your boys are safe." ugly, who had been lifted on board before that, joined his rejoicing bark to the skipper's merriment, and from the reef came a distant hallooing. the flames at the reef grew brighter and higher. the sparks flashed and flew up to the dark sky. the shouting increased to yells. the rescuers on the schooner answered; and as for ugly, the hero of our deliverance, he was almost frantic with delight. the first words that were distinguishable from the reef were-- "is that you, mr clare? have you any water on board?" "yes!" was responded. "oh! do hurry, then--we can't stand this any longer!" cried out harry. in two hours more as happy a boatload as ever floated was springing before a fresh breeze toward the cape. long before we touched shore our glad halloos had reached the old house, and lifted a heavy weight from the hearts of clump and juno. they met us on the rocks, and each one of us had to undergo an embrace from their sable excellencies, ay, excellencies indeed, in devotion and uprightness such as this world seldom sees surpassed. even captain mugford did not escape the ardour of the welcome; and whilst they hugged us the dear old negroes were crying like children, from joy. chapter fifteen. evenings on the wreck, with a story from the captain. the favourite season of girls is, i think, spring; and of boys, autumn. one is the time of dreams, flowers, and emotions; the other, the period of hopes, courage, and accomplishment. october, the fulness of autumn, with its cool, clear, bracing air; with its gathered crops, rustling leaves, and golden light: october, when days of furious storm are succeeded by weeks of hazy sunshine and muffled quiet; when the fish are fat but greedy; when quacking seafowl and game of every kind tempt the lovers of good sport-- ah! that is the time for boys. we fellows gulped it up as the hounds do their meat when distributed to them, for by the end of october we should finish our six months at the cape. this dashed our cup of happiness with regret, as the falling leaves and low winds moaning of winter touch october with a tint of sadness. but in one case, as in the other, the spice of regret was just what gave zest to the enjoyment of our pleasure. the days being so short, it got to be our habit to improve every one of our daylight hours, out of school, in the many sports which invited us, and to do our studying in the evenings. so every night, as soon as supper was finished, we repaired with mr clare to the schoolroom in the old brig. there would be a wood-fire crackling in the stove, and two shaded, bright lamps hanging over the tables. we took up our studies, and mr clare sat by, ready to answer questions or give explanations. when not busied with us he smoked and chatted with captain mugford, or read the papers and magazines. ugly had his place on a mat where he could hear and see all that was going on. generally, during some portion of the evening, the captain spread out his great red bandanna on his knees, and took a loud-snoring nap. every movement of our salt tute's was interpreted by some corresponding signal of the bandanna handkerchief. when perplexed, he wiped his forehead with it; when amused, it blew a merry peal on his nose; in moments of excitement or delight, it was snapped by his side; when sleepy, he spread it on his lap; and once, i remember, he suddenly stowed it away-- when much enraged by an impudent fellow who was shooting on our cape--in the stomach of his breeches instead of in the usual hind-pocket of his coat. the intruder seemed to understand the warlike signal, for he immediately stopped his insolence and made off. in fact, the captain's red bandanna was like the spanish woman's fan--a language in itself. one evening we all finished our lessons early and drew our stools about the stove. our salt tute was snoring bass and ugly treble, so we did not disturb their dreams, but talked in low voices to mr clare, until, whether intentionally or irresistibly i know not, drake gave a tremendous sneeze, so loud and shrill that ugly sprang to his legs with a loud bark, and the captain's head bounced from his chest and struck the back of his chair with a bang. "bless my heart!" said the captain, clutching the handkerchief from his knees, and commencing to wipe his head with it. "bless my soul, i rather think that i must have been napping. there you are, all laughing around the fire, whilst i have been dreaming of--well, never mind--days gone by--you may depend on that; but, ugly, what were your dreams about, eh?" "we should like to hear, though, something about those days gone by, captain," said mr clare, suspecting that the worthy old seaman was in the vein for story-telling. "it is a long time since you have spun us a yarn, and the boys have been much wishing for one." "ay, that we have, captain," we all sang out together; "we should like to hear something about those days gone by which you were dreaming of just now. we are sure from your countenance that there is something interesting; come, tell us all about it." "you'll be disappointed, then. it's curious, and that is all i can say in its favour," answered the skipper; "i was thinking, or dreaming rather, of a circumstance which i haven't thought of for many a year that i can remember, which occurred during my first voyage. however, i'll undertake to tell it you if, when i've done, mr clare will spin you one of his yarns. he can spin one better than i can. come, make him promise, and i will begin. if not, i'll shut up my mouth." on this, of course, we all turned on our fresh water tutor and attacked him. "come; mr clare, do promise us to give us one of your stories. something about your life in america; you saw a good many curious things out there in the backwoods, which we should like to hear. do promise us, now." thus appealed to, mr clare gave the desired promise; and on this the skipper, blowing his nose with his red bandanna, which he afterwards placed across his knees, began what i will call:-- the castaways. a tale of the caribbean sea. "land, ho! land, ho!" was shouted one morning, soon after daybreak, from the mast-head. i was on my first voyage to the west indies, in the good ship _banana_. "where away?" asked the captain, whom the sound called out of his berth on deck. "a little on the starboard bow," was the answer. the ship was kept away towards the point indicated, while the captain, with his glass slung on his back, went aloft. the passengers, of whom i forgot to say we had several, and all the crew, were on the lookout, wondering what land it could be. we found, after the captain came below and had consulted his chart, that it was a little rock or key to the southward of barbadoes. "we'll get a nearer look at them, in case any poor fellows may have been cast away there. i have known the survivors of a ship's company remain on them for weeks together, and in some instances they have died of starvation before relief has reached them." as we approached the rock all the glasses on board were directed towards it, to ascertain if there were signs of human beings there. the spot looked silent and deserted. "if there are any poor fellows there, how eagerly they will watch our approach--how anxious they will be lest we should sail away without looking for them," i said to myself. while these thoughts were passing through my mind, i heard the first mate say that he could make out something white on the shore, which he took for a tent or a boat's sail. as we drew nearer it became evident that there was a tent, but no human being was stirring that we could see. nearer still a boat was observed, drawn up on the rocks. on further inspection she was discovered to be a complete wreck. melancholy indeed was the spectacle which told so clearly its own story--how the shipwrecked mariners had been cast on the island in their boat--how they had gone on waiting for relief, and how at length famine had carried them off, one by one, till none remained. still our captain was not a man to quit the spot after so cursory an inspection. the ship, having got under the lee of the land, was hove to, and a boat was lowered. charley, another midshipman, or apprentice rather, and i formed part of her crew, while mr merton, our first officer, went in charge of her, accompanied by some of the passengers. it was a long, low, coral-formed island, with a white beach--a very untempting spot for a habitation in that burning climate. when we landed, mr merton told us to accompany him, leaving two other men in the boat. we followed close after him, with the boat's stretchers in our hands, proceeding along the beach, for the tent we had seen was some little distance from where we had landed. we had got within a hundred yards of it, when suddenly part of it was thrown back, and out there rushed towards us two figures, whose frantic and threatening gestures made us start back with no little surprise, if not with some slight degree of apprehension. they were both tall, gaunt men, their hair was long and matted, their eyes were starting out of their heads, and their cheeks were hollow and shrivelled. they looked more like skeletons covered with parchment than human beings. their clothes were in rags, and their large straw hats were in tatters, and, to increase their strange appearance, they had covered themselves with long streamers of dried seaweed, strings of shells, and wreaths of the feathers of wild birds. each of them flourished in his hand a piece of timber--a rib, apparently, of a boat. "who are you, who dare to come and invade our territory?" exclaimed one, advancing before the other. "away--away--away! we are monarchs and rulers here. this land is ours, won by our trusty swords and battle-axes. away, i say! or meet the consequences of your temerity." i was at first puzzled to know who the people could be, but our mate at once comprehended the true state of the case, and with great tact endeavoured to calm the strangers instead of irritating them, as many would have done. "don't be afraid that we are come to interfere with you, or to trespass on your territories, most mighty sovereigns, as you undoubtedly are," he answered, stopping short and holding up his hands. "just hear what i have to say. lower your weapons, and let us hoist a flag of truce." "granted, granted. spoke like a sensible man, most worthy ambassadors," exclaimed the person who had hitherto not said anything. and both, lowering their clubs, stood still, gazing inquiringly at us. i had never before seen the effect of a few calm words, and a steady, determined look, in tranquillising the fury of madmen. such were, undoubtedly, these unfortunate occupants of the island. "listen, then," continued mr merton. i had never before heard him say so much at a time. "you see yonder ship: she is bound on a far-distant trip, and on her way she called here on the chance of finding any one in distress who might need aid. should no one require it, she will at once take her departure. can you tell me if any people are residing on your island who may wish to leave it? at all events, you yourselves may have letters to send home. if you will at once get them ready, i will gladly be the bearer." the two unfortunate maniacs looked at each other with a bewildered look. the idea of writing home, and not going themselves, seemed to strike them forcibly. "home!" cried one, in a deep, hollow voice. "home! where is that?" "old england, i conclude," answered our mate. "you have many friends there who would be glad to see you--father, mother, sisters, wife and children; or perhaps one who has long, long been expecting you, and mourned for you, and wondered and wondered, till the heart grew sick, that you did not come--yet even now faithful, and believing against hope, fondly expects your return." mr merton had been skilfully watching the effect of his remarks. they were most successful. he had touched a chord which had long ceased to vibrate. again the two madmen looked inquiringly into each other's faces. "is it possible?" said one, touching his forehead. "has all this been an hallucination?" "norton, i do not longer doubt it," answered the other. "we have conjured up many wild fancies, but the sight of that ship and the sound of a countryman's voice have dispelled them. we are ready to go with you, friend." the person who had last spoken seemed at the first to be less mad than his companion. "i am glad of your decision, gentlemen, and the sooner we get on board the better. but tell me, did you come here alone? have you no companions?" "companions! yes, we had. we frightened them away. they fled from us." "where are they now?" asked the mate. "on the other side of the island," answered the least mad of the strangers. "they dare not approach us. perhaps you may find them. they will gladly go away. while you search for them we will prepare for our departure." "very well, gentlemen, we will return for you," answered mr merton, in his usual calm tone. it had a wonderful effect in soothing the irritation of the madmen. we took our way in the direction they pointed across the island. after walking and climbing some way over the uneven ground, we came in sight of a hut built of driftwood and pieces of wreck, almost hid from view in the sheltered nook of the rock. no one was moving about it. its appearance was very sad and desolate. "perhaps the unfortunate people are all dead," remarked charley to me. "i think, from what those two strange men down there said, they have not seen them for a long time." we went on, apprehending the worst. as we got nearer, we hallooed to warn anybody who might be there of our coming, so as not to take them by surprise. again we hallooed, and directly afterwards we saw the head of a man appear at an opening in the hut which served as a window, while he thrust out of it the muzzle of a musket. "hillo, mate! don't fire. we come as friends," shouted mr merton. the musket was speedily withdrawn, and a man appeared at the door of the hut, followed closely by another. there they both stood, closely regarding us with looks of wonder. as they saw us they called to some one inside, and two more men appeared at the door of the hut, stretching out their hands towards us. their clothes were in rags and tatters, and they had a very wretched, starved appearance. "are you come to take us from this?" inquired the man we had at first seen, in a hollow, cavernous voice. "i hope so, if you wish to go," answered the mate. "go! yes, yes, at once--at once!" shouted the poor wretches, in the same hollow tones. "we thought at first you were two madmen who are living on the opposite side of the island." mr merton told them that they need be no longer afraid of the madmen, and that as he had no time to remain, they must accompany him at once to the boat. the first speaker, who said that he was the mate of the vessel to which the rest belonged, replied that he was afraid none of them would be able to walk across the island, as they had scarcely any strength remaining, and that he believed a few days more would have finished their miseries. while mr merton and the mate were speaking, the rest beckoned us to come into the hut. heaps of empty shells and bones of fish showed what had been for long their principal food. some dried seaweed had served as their beds, and a tin saucepan appeared to have been their only cooking utensil, while a cask contained a very small supply of water. from their appearance, i do not think that they could have existed many days longer. the only weapon they had was the musket which had been presented at our approach, but the mate confessed that they had not a grain of gunpowder, but that he thought by showing it he might frighten away the madmen, for whom he mistook us. they had, consequently, been unable to shoot any of the birds which frequented the rock, though they had collected some eggs, which had proved a valuable change in their diet. as time pressed, mr merton urged them to prepare for their departure. having collected a few trifling articles, relics of their long imprisonment, they declared themselves ready to make the attempt to move. charley and i helped along the mate, who was the strongest, while mr merton and the two seamen who had accompanied us assisted the other three. even as it was, so weak were they, that without the utmost aid we could afford them they could not have crossed the island. they had frequently to sit down, and almost cried like children with the pain and fatigue they suffered. poor fellows! we had not stopped to ask any questions as to the particulars of their disaster, but as we went along the mate gave us some of the details. from the way he spoke, i saw that, though a very quiet, well-disposed young man, he was not one formed to command his fellow-men. he told us that his name was jabez brand. ------------------------------------------------------------------------ "i was second mate of the _north star_, a large brig, bound from honduras to london. we had a crew of fifteen hands, all told. several gentlemen also took their passage in the cabin. among them were two brothers, messrs. raymonds, fine, tall, handsome men. they had made their fortunes out in the west indies, and were returning home, as they thought and said, to enjoy their wealth. how their money had been made i do not know, but it was said they were in no ways particular. be that as it may, they had very pleasant manners, and were very open and free in their talk. one thing i remarked, that they seemed to think that they were going to be very great people with all their wealth, when they got home. some of the other gentlemen, it seemed to me, fought rather shy of them, perhaps because, as it was said, they had supplied slave vessels with stores, or had had shares in them, which is not unlikely. the _north star_ was an old vessel, though, to look at her, you would not have supposed it, for she had been painted up and fitted out so as to look as good as new. she was not the first ship i have seen sent to sea which ought to have been sold for firewood. in our run out we had only had fine weather, so she was in no way tried. on this our return trip, we had not long left port when a heavy squall came suddenly off the land and carried away our mainmast, and, the wind continuing from the same quarter, we were unable to return. we had managed to rig a jury-mast and to continue our voyage, when another gale sprung up, and blowing with redoubled fury, the ship began to labour very much in the heavy sea which quickly got up. still, for a couple of days after this gale began, there did not seem to be much cause for apprehension, though the ship was making more water than usual. however, on the evening of the third day, finding the pumps not sucking as they ought to have done, i went down into the hold, and then, to my dismay, i found that the water was already over the ground tier of casks. i went on deck, and quietly told the captain. he turned pale, for he knew too well what sort of a craft we were aboard. however, he did not show any further signs of alarm, but told the first mate to call all hands to man the pumps, while he sent me below to tell the passengers that they would be required to lend a hand. we had been driven about, now in one direction, now in another, but were some way to the northward of the equator. the wind was at this time, however, blowing strong from the north-east, and to let both our pumps work we were obliged to put the ship right before it. "all hands worked with a will, for we knew that our lives depended on our exertions. even the messrs. raymonds set to; but while others were calm and collected, they were excited and evidently alarmed. i thought to myself what good will all their wealth be to them if the ship goes down? more than once i went below with a lantern to see if we were keeping the water under, but i saw too plainly that, in spite of all we were doing, it was gaining on us. we searched about to try and find out where the leak was, but we might as well have tried to stop the holes in a sieve. at midnight the water had risen halfway to the second tier of casks. still all hands worked on, hoping that by sunrise a sail might appear to take us off. i saw too plainly that the ship was sinking, but it was very important to have light, that we might see how best to launch the boats. day seemed very, very long in coming. the captain tried to cheer the people, but he must have known as well as any on board that perhaps none of us might live to see the sun rise over the waters. "all that night we laboured without a moment's rest. dawn came, and i went to the mast-head to learn if a sail was in sight. i scarcely expected to see one, yet i hoped against hope. not a speck could i discover on the clearly-defined circle of the horizon. the old ship was now fast settling down, and the sea was making a complete breach over her. to enable the water to run off the decks and to allow us to launch the boats, we cut away the stanchions and bulwarks between the fore and main rigging. such food and water as could be got at was then handed up on deck, ready to be placed in the boats. the crew did not wait the captain's orders to lower them. he seemed unwilling to abandon the ship till the last moment. there was a dinghy stowed in the longboat. while the men were getting it out a sea broke on board, and, dashing it against the spars, drove in the starboard bilge, and at the same time washed two of the poor fellows overboard. we then got the stores into the longboat. a warp was next passed over the port bow of the ship outside the fore-rigging, and then inboard again through the gangway, and secured to the bow of the boat, sufficient slack being left to allow her to go astern. however, just as we were launching the boat a sea struck her, and stove in two planks of the port bilge. i now thought that it was all up with us, for though there was the jollyboat, she could not carry half the number on board; still it was possible that we might get the planks back to their places and stop the leak; so, in spite of the accident to her, we managed by great exertions to launch her, and i, with some of the crew and passengers, jumped into her with buckets and began to bail her out. happily, the carpenter was one of the party. some blankets had been thrown into the boat, which he immediately thrust over the leak and stood on them, while he got ready a plank and some nails which he had brought with him. while he and i were working away the boat was shipping many seas, in consequence of the weight of the warp ahead; i sang out that we must have it shifted, and after a light rope had been hove to us and made fast, it was let go. meantime the quarterboat was lowered and several men got into her, but their painter was too short, and before they had got their oars into her she broke adrift and dropped astern. the men in her lifted up their hands for help; the captain, who was still on deck, hove them an oar, and we hove another, but they missed both of them, and before long a sea struck the boat and turned her over. it was very sad, for we could give her no help. we, meantime, in the longboat, were not in a very much better condition, for we were shipping a great deal of water. the captain now ordered us to haul up the boat, that the people might get into her; but while we were so doing, the roughness of the sea causing a sudden jerk on the rope, it parted, and we dropped astern. cries of despair rose from many of those on board when they saw what had occurred. we instantly got out our oars and endeavoured to pull up to the ship, but the quantity of water in her made all our efforts unavailing. to prevent the boat going down we were obliged to turn to and bail. away we drifted, every moment, increasing our distance from the ship, and lessening our hope of being able to return. there stood our late companions on the poop of the sinking ship, some waving to us, some shouting and imploring us to return. summoned by the captain, we saw that they then were endeavouring to form a raft. the thought that the lives of all on board depended mainly on our exertions stimulated us once more to attempt to pull up to them. we got out the oars, and while the landsmen bailed we pulled away till the stout ash-sticks almost broke. by shouts and gestures i encouraged the people; every muscle was stretched to the utmost--no one spared himself--but our strength could not contend with the fearful gale blowing in our teeth. the seas broke over us, and almost swamped the boat; still, if we could but hold our own, a lull might come before the ship went down. but vain were all our hopes; even while our eyes were fixed on the brig, her stern for an instant lifted up on a foam-crested sea, and then her bow, plunging downwards, never rose again. most of those who remained on board were engulfed with the wreck, but a few, springing overboard before she sank, struck out towards us. it would, indeed, have required a strong swimmer to contend with that sea. one after another the heads of those who still floated disappeared beneath the foaming waves, till not one remained; the other boats also had disappeared, and we were left alone on the waste of waters. the instant the brig went down a cry arose from some in our boat, so piercing, so full of despair, that i thought that some relations or dear friends of one of those who had escaped had been lost in her; but on looking again i discovered that it had proceeded from the two brothers i have spoken of. they had lost what they had set their hearts on--what they valued more than relations and friends--their long-hoarded wealth. there they sat, the picture of blank despair. i knew that it would never do to let the people's minds rest on what had occurred, so i cheered them up as best i could, and told them that i thought we should very likely be able to reach some port or other in four or five days. on examining our stores, i found that with economy they might hold out for nearly two weeks, and before that time i hoped we might reach some civilised place. i was more concerned with the state of our boat. she was originally not a strong one, and, what with the injury she received when launched from the sinking ship, and the battering she had since got, she had become very leaky. the crew, severely taxed as their strength had been, behaved very well, but two of our passengers gave signs of becoming very troublesome. i did not suspect at the time that their minds were going. at first they were very much cast down, but then one of them roused up and began to talk very wildly, and at last the other took up the same strain, and off they went together. they insisted on taking command, and having twice as much food served out to them as others got. at one time they wanted the boat to be steered to the northward, declaring that we should have no difficulty in reaching england. i had to hide the compass from them, and at last they were pacified under the belief that we were going there. each morning when they woke up they asked how much nearer they were to our native land. there were three other passengers--an old man, a lad, and an invalid gentleman. consumption had already brought him near the grave, still he lasted longer than the other two. the young boy died first; fear had told on his strength; then the old man died. i could not tell exactly where we were. we were always on the lookout for land, or a sail to pick us up. one morning at daybreak the man who had taken my place at the helm roused us up with the cry of `land! land ahead!' "`old england--old england!' shouted the madmen, springing up and waving their hands. "`my native land--my own loved home!' cried the invalid, sitting up as he awoke and gazing long and anxiously at the rock which rose out of the blue water before us. "drawing a deep sigh when he discovered his mistake, he sank back into his place. soon afterwards, finding that he did not stir, i was about to raise him up. there was no need for my so doing. he had gone to that long home whence there is no return. those who loved him on earth would see him no more. some of the people were in a very weak and sad condition. they had been sick on board--scarcely fit for duty. i knew what the land was--the rock we are now on; but, barren as it is, i thought it would be better to recruit our strength on shore than to attempt to continue our course to the mainland in our present condition. i therefore steered for it, and was looking out for a secure spot where i might beach the boat, when the madmen, growing impatient, seized the tiller and ran her on shore, where she now lies. we were nearly swamped, and everything in the boat was wetted. she also was so much injured that she was totally unfit again to launch, and we had no means of repairing her. however, we set to work to make things as comfortable as we could, and the first thing i did was to erect a tent to shelter the sick men from the rays of the sun. poor fellows, they did not long require it. three of them very soon died. we had now only six survivors of those who had escaped from the foundering ship. we were all getting weaker and weaker, except the madmen, who seemed to be endowed with supernatural strength. one day i, with the three seamen who remained, went out to collect shellfish and birds' eggs. i carried the only musket we had saved, having dried some gunpowder which i had in a flask. we had come back with a supply; but as we approached the tent we saw the two madmen standing in front of it, flourishing pieces of wood and swearing that we should not enter it, and that they were the kings of the country. some of our people wanted me to shoot them, but that, of course, i would not on any account do. i could not even say that our lives were threatened. i stopped and tried to reason with the poor men. at last they consented to give us up a saucepan and some of the provisions, and we, glad to be rid of their company, resolved to go to the other side of the island, and to build ourselves a hut from the driftwood which we had seen there in abundance. this we did, but we all have been growing weaker and weaker ever since, and had you not come to our rescue i do not think we should have held out much longer." the mate finished his account--on which, from what he afterwards told me, i have somewhat enlarged--just as we got up to the tent. the unhappy madmen stood in front of it waiting for us. though excited in their looks and wild in their conversation, they seemed perfectly prepared to accompany us. they looked with eyes askant at the mate and his three companions, but said nothing to them. "well, gentlemen, are you ready to proceed?" exclaimed mr brand as we got up to them. "certainly, noble mariners--certainly," answered one of them. "but stay, we have some freight to accompany us." and, going into the tent, they dragged out a sea-chest, which appeared to be very heavy. the mate looked surprised, and when they were not looking he whispered to me that he did not believe that the chest contained anything of value. he, however, had not an opportunity of speaking to mr merton, who told them that as soon as he had seen the people into the boat he would come back and help them along with their chest. this reply satisfied them, and they sat themselves down composedly on the chest while we helped the other poor men into the boat. as soon as this was done, two of our crew were sent back to bring along the chest. though strong men, they had no little difficulty in lifting it; but whether or not it was full of gold, no one could have watched over it more jealously than did the two madmen. it was very remarkable how completely they seemed inspired by the same spirit, and any phantasy which might enter the head of one was instantly adopted by the other. "there's enough gold there to buy the indies!" cried ben brown, a seaman, as he handed in the chest. "take care we don't let it overboard, mates, or the gentlemen won't forgive us in a hurry." "it is more than your lives are worth if you do so!" cried the madmen. "be careful--be careful, now." the boat was loaded, and we pulled away for the ship. our captain seemed somewhat astonished at the extraordinary appearance of the people we brought on board. the mate and other men of the lost vessel were carefully handed up. they were not heavier than children, but the messrs. raymonds would not leave the boat till they saw their chest hoisted up in safety. their first care on reaching the deck was about it, and, going aft to the captain, they begged he would be very careful where it was stowed. "stay! before these gentlemen lose sight of it let it be opened, that there may be no mistake about its contents," said mr merton. "what, and expose all our hoarded wealth to the eyes of the avaricious crew!" they cried out vehemently. "we shall be robbed and murdered for the sake of it, and this chest will be sent where many others have gone--to the bottom of the sea." "you are perfectly safe on board this ship, i trust, gentlemen," remarked our captain. "is the chest secured with a key?" "whether or not, with our consent never shall it be opened!" exclaimed one of the brothers. "then remember i can in no way be answerable for what is found in it when it is opened," observed the captain. what new idea came into the heads of the two brothers i do not know, but they instantly agreed that the chest should be opened. "call the carpenter," said our captain, who wanted to bring the matter to a conclusion, and who probably by this time had begun to suspect the sad condition of the two gentlemen. mr pincott, the carpenter, and one of his mates came aft, and made short work in opening the mysterious chest. those who claimed it as their property started back with looks of dismay. it was full to the brim of stones and sand and shells. again and again they looked at it; they rubbed their eyes and brows; they clutched it frantically and examined it with intense eagerness; they plunged their hands deep down among the rubbish; it was long before they appeared able to convince themselves of the reality; over and over again they went through the same action. at last one of them, the most sane of the two, drew himself up, and, pointing to the chest, said in a deep, mournful voice-- "captain, we have been the victims of a strange hallucination, it seems. we have not lost sight of that chest since we filled it. we thought that we had stored it with gold and precious stones. i know how it was. hunger, anxiety, hardships, had turned our brains. we had lost all-- all for which we had been so long toiling. we conjured up this phantasy as our consolation. is it not so, jacob?" the other brother thus addressed shook his head and looked incredulous. once more he applied himself to the examination of the chest. at last he got up, and looked long and fixedly at the other, as if to read the thoughts passing through his head. "you are right, brother simon," he said, after some time, in a deep, low, mournful voice; "it's dross--dross--all dross. what is it worse than what we have been working for? that's gone--all gone--let this go too--down--down to the bottom of the sea." again influenced by the same impulse, they dragged the chest to the side of the vessel, and with hurried gestures threw the contents with their hands over into the sea. it appeared as if they were trying which could heave overboard the greatest quantity in the shortest time. when they had emptied it, they lifted up the chest, and before any one could prevent them that also was cast into the sea. "there perish all memorial of our folly!" exclaimed the one who was called simon. "we shall have to begin the world anew. captain, where do you propose landing us? the sooner we begin the work the better." the captain told them that must depend on circumstances, but it was finally arranged that they were to be put on shore at barbadoes, where, after a long conversation together, they expressed a wish to be landed. the scene was a very strange one; the rapid changes of ideas, the quickly succeeding impulses, and the extraordinary understanding between the two. we found, however, that they were twins, and had always lived together, so that they seemed to have but one mind in common. i never met an officer who took so much interest in the apprentices-- indeed, in all the men under him. he took occasion to speak to me and charley of what had occurred. "how utterly incapable of affording satisfaction is wealth unless honestly obtained and righteously employed!" he remarked. "we have also before us an example of the little reliance which can be placed on wealth. these two poor men have lost theirs and their minds at the same time. their senses have been mercifully restored to them. it remains to be seen by what means they will attempt to regain their fortunes." i cannot say that mr merton's remarks made any very deep impression on me or charley at the time, though i trust they produced their fruit in after years. every kindness was shown the two poor men on board, and, as far as i could judge, they appeared to have become perfectly sane. the same kindness was also shown the mate and the other rescued seamen of the lost brig. we landed the mate and seamen, as well as the two brothers, at bridge town, in the island of barbadoes, but from that day to this i have never heard a word about them. ------------------------------------------------------------------------ harry higginson, some time before the captain's yarn concluded, got up from his seat and went to the side of our cabin schoolroom and stood there, looking through a dead-light which was open to ventilate the room. he had remembered that it was about the time of the moon's rising, and went to watch it come up. as our salt tute finished, harry turned from his lookout, and, catching my eye, beckoned me to join him, and so i did. coming beside him, harry pointed and whispered--for the spell of the story still lingered over us, and no one seemed willing to break it roughly-- "what do you make of that, bob?" the big mellow moon was right before us, and, as one would say, about the height of a house, above the eastern horizon. its light silvered a path on the sea to us--a path that was bounded on one side by the bold, dark rocks of the southern shore of the cape, and whose limit to our right was as undefined as the undulating waters it was lost in. across the stretch of moonlight, and a half-mile from the wreck, i saw a lugger heading for a point that made the southern side of a snug little cove which afterwards got the name of "smuggler's cove." it was the sight of that boat at such a time coming towards the shore of our rough cape that caused harry's question to me. "singular--very singular," i answered; "we must watch that craft." mr clare called to us, "boys, what are you whispering about over there?" we wanted to keep watch quietly by ourselves, on the discovery which promised some interest, so we did not answer, and walter at that moment called on mr clare for his story. "well," said mr clare, "i promised a story as the only way of getting captain mugford's. i bought a great deal cheaply, and must pay now. in common honesty, therefore, i am bound to commence my story. i am afraid that i cannot make it as interesting as captain mugford's, inasmuch as his was about the sea, while mine relates to the land. however, i will begin." chapter sixteen. mr. clare's story. the year before i left canada, in the fall, as the autumn is called there, i started with a number of other young men in our neighbourhood, the county town of c---, to go about seventy-five miles up the ottawa, what is called lumbering. the winter work is cutting down the trees and getting them to the riverbank ready for the spring thaw, when they are gathered in rafts and floated down to a seaport. we went provided for six months' severe life in the snowbound forests. almost every man, too, took his gun or rifle. the journey to the site of our winter's encampment was made on foot; our clothes, provision, stoves, and cooking utensils being loaded on an ox-cart that accompanied us, the oxen being necessary to haul the timber to the river, as our work extended back. after a week's journey, we came to the spot selected for our winter's work, on a bend of the river, ten miles above where the m--- joins the ottawa. of course it is an utterly wild region there, never trodden except by hunters, and away beyond the usual search of lumbermen. i do not know why my uncle, the lumber-boss of our expedition, went sixty miles beyond ordinary timber-cuttings. perhaps it was to procure, on a special order, a remarkably fine choice of oak and pine, and that that spot had been marked by him in some hunting trip or indian survey as producing the finest timber in the colony. it was grandly beautiful there, where a valley, running at a right angle to the river's course, spread out at the bank to a semicircle, containing a hundred acres and more of most magnificent trees--a vast forest city, inhabited by immense patriarchs, grey-bearded with moss. their dignity and stateliness and venerable air were most impressive; and when they sang to the strong wind, chanting like the druids of old, even i, who had so long lived in a country of forests, was filled with awe. and we, pigmies of twenty and thirty years, had invaded this sanctuary to slay its lords, who counted age by centuries, and had lived and reigned here before our forefathers first trode the continent. the quietude and hazy light of indian summer floated through the aisles and arches of the solemn forest city as we first saw it--a leaf falling lazily now and then across the slanting beams of the setting sun--a startled caribou, on the discovery of our approach, hurrying from his favourite haunt with lofty strides. all else in the picture before us was silent and motionless. our winter's home! those lofty coverts to be levelled to a bare, stump-marked plane! the old vikings of the primeval forests, to be fashioned by the axe, to battle with the fury of the ocean, and reverberate with reports of hostile broadsides--to bear the flag of their country in peace and commerce, too, to far-distant lands--all as triumphantly as they had for ages wrestled only with the winds! you laugh, drake; and you are right, for i doubt if many of us thought then in that strain. no, there is not much sentiment among lumbermen, and as we regarded those mighty oaks and pines, it was principally with speculative calculation as to how many solid feet of prime timber "that 'ar thicket would yield." the first task was that of building log-houses--two for our twenty hands. in each was an immense chimney-piece, a cooking-stove, and a bed stretching the width of the house on the floor, with a mattress of hemlock boughs. the rifles and shotguns hanging over the wide fireplace, and a long pine table and rustic benches, completed the furniture of our houses. the oxen and a company of hounds and mongrels had their quarters in a low log barn between the houses. our supplies of fresh meat for the winter depended upon the good use of the firearms, and each week some one man of our number was detailed as hunter. that winter of proved the coldest ever remembered in america, but the long mild autumn gave no threats of the season that was to succeed it. before the first snow--which was, i remember, on november --our little forest colony was comfortably established, and a score of big trees laid stretched in the leaves. in our company were many fine, intelligent young men--all taught somewhat, some tolerably well educated. none had been to college. i little thought at that time of becoming a scholar and a clergyman. they were frank, generous, honourable fellows--honest and brave, but perfectly ungodly and reckless of heaven's displeasure or the life hereafter. after the day's labour, the evening was dissipated in card-playing, swearing, and hard drinking. many a scene of riot and orgies did those log-walls witness. such is generally the life in a lumber-camp: hard, wholesome labour in the day, loud revelling at night. the rough, adventurous life, with no home charm or female influence to refine or restrain, is probably the principal reason of such low practice of life in the lumberman's camp. the worst character in our company--and he happened to be in the same house with me--was a man of twenty-eight years of age, the son of a french father and american mother, and whose mother's grandfather had been an indian warrior of some renown in the early history of our province. in him were united the savageness of the red man, the gaiety of the frenchman, and the shrewdness of the yankee. he was a large, handsome, and immensely muscular man, with dark complexion, small straight features, quick black eyes, and long raven-coloured beard and hair that hung down to his shoulders. utterly wicked and unprincipled as he was, his merriment, off-hand and daring, lent him a certain fascination and popularity among us. he was very witty, his laugh was rich and constant, he sang well, and played in a dashing way the violin. every night he found some one to gamble with him. every night he drank a pint of whisky, and kept the cabin in an uproar. i greatly disliked this guyon vidocq; because he exerted a most baneful influence in our company, all of whom except the boss were younger than himself. the best man of our number was john bar, and a fine christian, cheerful-hearted fellow he was. although differing so widely from guyon vidocq, he, without any effort to do so, and indeed unconsciously, disputed the palm of popularity with him. he was an active, powerful man too, and though terribly pockmarked, had a most agreeable countenance. he could troll a pleasant stave, and loved, when off hunting or at work with his axe sometimes, to sing one of our c--- sunday hymns, and whenever there was a respectable party in the evening, instead of the usual rioting set, he would willingly give them "the fireside at home," "merrily row, the boat row," or any of the good old-fashioned songs, pure and inspiriting. not another of us was so cheerful and industrious as john bar. drinking, gambling, or swearing, he was never guilty of, and when the evening orgies commenced he generally spoke to me, and we went off together to visit at the other cabin, or, if they were as bad there, find a warm corner with our blankets in the log barn, and there chat away the hours until our companions had calmed down and turned into their bunks. john bar was not a meddler, nor what is contemptuously called, in such reckless societies as ours was, "a preacher;" but as he was loyal to his country, and loyal to his parents, he was far more loyal to his god. it would madden any _man_ to hear his mother's name profanely used; it made john bar's heart sick--yes, and i have seen him tremble with rage--when the name of his saviour was taken as an oath. sometimes then, and at other times when the wickedness in camp was rampant, he would break out in words of fire--words of fire that soon mingled with, and at last wholly changed to, words of love and entreaty. the others never resented these attacks, these living sermons that his overpowering sense of duty and outraged feeling made him speak. they felt the power of his influence, and acknowledged his goodness, for it was full of charity. even guyon vidocq resented not john bar's corrections. he laughed, uttered another oath, and took himself away. but, alone, his face grew dark and angry, for he feared the power of john's goodness, and _hated_ him. my turn as hunter did not come until december , and my companion from the other house was an old acquaintance of mine in c---. we had been schoolmates and near neighbours when boys, but since that he had been away at sea. he was a quiet, amiable young man, and one of the steadiest in our camp. sometimes such an expedition kept the hunters away for the entire week, and sometimes they would get separated. in either case the night's shelter was a rough one, and dependent for safety and comfort upon the man's ingenuity and hardihood. but where two could keep together, both the labour and danger of those night camps in the snow were lessened. as game was killed, it was stowed away in what hunters call a _cache_-- that is, a hole for hiding and securing what we wished from the depredations of wolves and other wild animals; and then the ox-cart, when it was practicable--but generally, in winter, a sled drawn by hand--was sent out to bring in the game. my companion, maine mallory, and i started together up the frozen river; we agreed to keep together, if possible, and for that reason i carried a rifle and he a double-barrelled shotgun of large bore for throwing buckshot. we were dressed as warmly as our exercise would allow, and had, strapped on our backs, blankets and snow-shoes. besides which, each one's wallet held five pounds of bread, pepper and salt, powder, shot, and bullets, and pipe and tobacco, not forgetting the most important of all, flint and steel. we proposed to follow up a branch of the ottawa to a lake south-east of mount k---, and there hunt with a party of very friendly indians, who had a most comfortable camp in a spot near the lake. they were collecting winter skins to send down by us in the spring for sale in montreal. our first day's journey was about twenty miles on the hard frozen river, covered with a crust of snow so stiff as to render snow-shoes unnecessary; but it was hard work, for the weather was bitterly cold. we shot--that is, maine mallory did--a couple of partridges and a rabbit for our suppers, and halted early in a hemlock wood, where there was a northerly shelter of rocks; indeed, a crevice in the rocks was almost a cave for us, a cave where we gathered quantities of hemlock for bedding, and built at its entrance a huge fire, which, by night--when we had cut wood enough to last until morning, and had cooked and eaten our game--had made a deep hot bed of ashes. it was so cold, though, that we feared to sleep much; each took a turn at napping whilst the other fed the fire. the wood was as quiet as the grave; not a breath of wind; no night-bird nor prowling animal; nothing but the fine crackling of the cold. when i watched, i almost _wished_ to see a wolf or bear--something to come in on the ghostly, silvered circle that the firelight illumined; something to start my congealing blood with a roar or spring. in the morning we took to the river course again, and went on, but resolved to try as hard as we could to reach the indians' camp before another night. it was twenty-seven miles, we calculated, but we did it; and about nine o'clock heard the yelping of the indian dogs that sounded our approach while we were yet half a mile from the camp. we knew the five indians there; two came out to learn who drew near. worn out and benumbed with cold, we gladly gave ourselves into their hands to be warmed and fed. they were well provided against severe cold, and soon made us comfortable; but we were too wearied the next day to do any hunting. the indians said the weather was growing colder every day, and the head-man, a middle-aged chief, called ollabearqui, or trick the bear, told with an ominous grunt, that when the cold "grow bigger and bigger and the winds stay asleep, then ollabearqui is afraid." on the second morning of our stay among the indians four of us went out after moose. two, mallory and an indian, were to go around a mountain to the eastward, and ollabearqui and i were to follow a valley which would bring us to the foot of the same mountain on the farther side, where we agreed to meet the others. a large, gaunt, savage-faced hound followed my indian companion. he and i had each a rifle. we went quickly and silently through the white-clothed forests for about four miles. at length, where the small fall of the valley stream was held in great ice-shackles by the severe cold, and only a little pool of six inches diameter kept alive just beneath the icicles, we came out of the woods to a rocky, bushy foot and projection of the bare, stone-marked mountain. we had advanced to follow its base a short distance when my indian companion, who had grown more careful and earnest lately, turned suddenly one side to a stiffly frozen covert of low bushes. the dog, before this most dull and dejected in his walk at his master's heels, now sprang ahead and into the bushes. in a moment he came out again with his nose close to the snow, and as he emerged raised his head and gave one short, fierce howl. ollabearqui spoke to him in the indian tongue, and the dog renewed his search, going back again to the little spring. the indian at the same time pointed to the ground for me to see a track, but no mark of any kind was visible to my eye--not a scratch or impression on the hard snow-crust. now the dog left the trees again and led us up the steep, rough side of the mountain--a most difficult path to climb, frozen as it was. one hundred and fifty feet or more up, the dog stopped before a mass of wildly piled rocks, and there barked loudly and angrily. we reached the spot, ollabearqui some minutes before me, and discovered the narrow mouth of a cavern, at which the hound was furiously digging. the indian cocked his rifle, saying, "panther! look out!" in a few moments the dog had made the hole big enough to admit his head and fore paws, and he attempted to crawl in, but at the same moment we heard a rumbling growl, like an infuriated cat's, but twenty times as strong, and the dog came out with a deep gash on the side of his head, cutting the mouth back a couple of inches. again his master ordered him in. this time he entered entirely, and then we listened to the furious noises of the two beasts, in a desperate struggle evidently. in ten minutes the commotion ceased, but the hound did not return. i peered into the cavern, but could see nothing. as i rose to my feet after the attempt, i saw ollabearqui, who had jumped to a point somewhat above the cavern's entrance, with his rifle at his shoulder. i looked where it pointed, and saw a tremendous panther-cat springing up the mountain-side--it had probably crawled out from some other opening of the cave. at the same moment i heard a report, and saw the beast roll forward on its breast, but as quick as a flash it rose again and dashed at the shooter. it was all done in a second, but i could see ollabearqui trying to draw his knife. the panther struck him, and he lost his footing and rolled backwards from the ledge on which he stood; the panther saved itself from the fall, but bounded back, from the mere force of the spring, i suppose, to the other side of the rock. the savage beast was not more than twelve yards from me, but seemed to be unconscious of my presence. stunned by the heavy fall, ollabearqui did not rise, and i saw the panther crawl around the ledge to spring on his prostrate foe. i brought up my rifle, and took deliberate aim at the animal's shoulder. i fired. the panther made one tremendous leap, and fell with a dying yell on ollabearqui's breast. i ran up, and, as i supposed, found the indian only bruised and stunned by his tumble. as i removed the dead beast from his body, ollabearqui grunted and uttered a laconic "good!" he then rose somewhat lamely, and he and i set about digging at the cave. soon we managed to pull out the dog, which was dead, and then, pushing the panther's corpse into the cavern, we stopped up both ends with heavy stones and went on, descending to a track through the forest again. the luck was all mine that day, for when we had nearly reached the point where we were to meet our fellow-hunters, we heard, at a long distance beyond, a noise that the maine hunter knows well--a dull, clacking noise, like the regular blows in a blacksmith's shop ever so far away. it was the trot of a moose. when at a slow pace they always strike their hoofs together in that way, as a horse overreaches. we drew behind some large trees, and, after ten minutes of anxious waiting, discerned a very large bull moose coming on a waddling trot towards us. he had probably been started by our companions, for he had his ears pointed back, and turned his neck every few minutes as if to catch some sound behind. he passed near ollabearqui first, at about eighty yards. there was only a click! ollabearqui's rifle had snapped. the moose, alarmed by the noise, increased his pace greatly, but came directly towards me, so that when i pulled trigger he was not farther off than twenty-five feet. he fell dead, a bullet right through his heart. my companion was not envious because of my good fortune. he scolded the erring rifle in his own language, and then said to me, "good! good! you white-man very big shoot--ugh!" we joined mallory and the other indian soon after. they had only killed a fox. together we made two sled-drags of the thickest, heaviest hemlock boughs, and loading the game--the panther-cat and fox on one sled, and the moose on the other-- pulled them to the indian camp. the weather was too bitterly cold for hunting. even the wild animals seemed not to go about any more than their wants required. so mallory and i decided to buy some more meat from the indians, and get them to go with us back to our lumbering station and help to carry the game on hand-sleds, which we could do with comparative ease on the river. the bargain was made, and ollabearqui and two other indians started with us the next morning, that we might reach our camp on the twenty-fourth, or on christmas morning. no doubt the hope of getting whisky from our men induced the indians to assent so readily to the proposition. the sled enabled us to take plenty of heavy furs and blankets for protection against the intense cold. mallory and i also made a gallon of strong coffee before leaving the indian camp; that we were able to heat three or four times a day, and would prove the greatest ally against the cold. we made a long march the first day--nearly thirty miles--but suffered greatly from the unusually severe weather; and if our red friends had not taken us to an indian mound to pass the night--which we used as a hut, packing all our furs against its stone sides and keeping up an immense fire in the centre, the smoke escaping where we removed a stone on the top--and had we not had the coffee to heat and drink continually, i really believe we should all have been frozen to death that terrible night. as it was, i remember it as the most painful and comfortless night i ever passed. the morning came, and we could stir about; but the sun seemed to give no warmth, and a light wind was blowing to make the cold more searching. for some reason i could not explain to myself, i felt strangely anxious to get home. in the fitful naps i had caught during the night i had suffered from most painful dreams; but all i could remember of them were the faces of guyon vidocq and john bar, and no sight of the camp or of the other men, only heaps of cinders where the log-houses stood. as soon as we had had our breakfast i urged my companions to get under way quickly. to my astonishment the indians answered, "us no go--us go back--so cold, ugh!--pipe of the great spirit gone out--us go back!" to our questionings and urgings they only grunted, shook their heads, and answered as before. so all mallory and i could do was to let the fellows take their way. we packed the game in the stone mound, and piled stones and brushwood against its entrance and smoke-hole; and then with our guns, and the jug of what was left of the coffee on a sling between us, we started on our way. that day's journey is a distressing remembrance. despite the cold, we advanced briskly enough until noon. then the wind grew stronger, whilst we got weak from the exposure. the cold increased. a numbness of mind and body was creeping over us, and our limbs were heavy to move. at about three we stopped, and in what shelter we could find, built a great fire; and heating the coffee as hot as we could swallow it, drank nearly all that remained, and ate a dinner. that strengthened and warmed us up enough to help us along until sunset. we were then only four or five miles from camp; but had not the wind gone down with the sun, we must have perished before reaching home, for from that time our sufferings increased, and both of us grew drowsy. several times mallory's halting steps stopped entirely, and he would have gone into the fatal sleep which precedes death from freezing, had i not shaken him and pushed and urged him. to me it was like walking in a sleep. i dragged along almost unconsciously, and yet knowing enough to keep the river track and move my legs. the fact that mallory was nearer death than i--which was shown by his constant attempts to lie down--kept me up. the sense of responsibility aroused my mind. i would implore him to try to walk for a little while longer, and then push him along again. about eight o'clock i got a fire going again, and made mallory drink, the last drop. i told him we were not more than half a mile from the cabins--that he must rouse up now, and strive with me to reach our friends. "was he willing to die," i asked, "just as we were on the threshold of safety?" the coffee helped him a little, but i had had none, so in that last struggle he was as strong as i. that half-mile was only accomplished after an hour's walking, and in every minute of that hour i felt that i could not make another effort. at length we staggered to the door of maine mallory's cabin, and were _saved_! john bar, who was in there, a refugee from the christmas eve frolic in our own cabin, rubbed my limbs, and poured cup after cup of strong coffee down my throat, and, when i was sufficiently recovered, gave me a good supper. the same was done for mallory. but even in the cabin, with two immense fires and warm clothing, it was difficult to keep warm. the water in the drinking pail, four feet from the stove, was one mass of ice. outside, that terrible night, the thermometer in montreal, i heard afterwards, fell to degrees below zero. with us there was no thermometer to mark the temperature, but it must have been lower. half of the gang of my log-house, including john bar, were spending the evening where i had sought shelter, too wearied to go a hundred yards farther to my own quarters. the other five, one of whom was guyon vidocq, were having a regular drinking and gambling bout in the other cabin. we heard their yells from time to time. at about eleven o'clock john bar left us to seek his bed. i doubted if he would find his bed very agreeable amid such an orgy as was reported to be going on under the other roof; so i, thoroughly enjoying the bright fire and new life after the exposure of the last few days, lingered a while longer, though utterly wearied, and answered the questions about our hunt. maine mallory had turned into bed long ago. but when my watch showed it was twelve, i got up to seek a night's sleep. as i stepped into the intensely cold air, i was actually startled by the solemnity and beauty of the scene; for the moon had risen since my return to camp, and flooded the winter scene in the most glorious radiance. the gigantic trees were magnified in the pure, clear light, and their dark shadows stretched far on the glistening snow. here and there were the fallen timbers mounded over by drifts. beyond, the white mountains faded away to the pale sky. not a sound, not a murmur of wind, not a voice to break the awful stillness. with great thankfulness for my deliverance from the stark death that had been so near me all day, i looked up to heaven and remembered the blessed birth eighteen centuries ago when jesus christ came to the earth as a little babe. turning my steps to the other log-house, i wondered to see no light, and was surprised, too, that the riot there had ceased by midnight. as i walked the hundred yards, the song of the heavenly hosts of old sounded in my heart: "glory to god in the highest, and on earth peace, good will toward men!" drawing near the cabin, i was amazed to see the door stretched wide open, and no light within. instantly a dark foreboding fell upon me, and i remembered the fearful visions of the night before. what could it be that i was to encounter? i ran to the open door, and entered. no fire! only those few dull ashes. what did it mean? "boys," i cried, "boys, where are you?" no reply. "boys! langdon! vidocq! bar!" and there came from near me a stifled answer, as if the speaker was but half awake. trembling violently, i struck a match, and beheld john bar, lying almost at my feet in a bundle of furs, and a pool of blood by him, and four other figures in everyday garments, without any other covering, stretched in different attitudes on the floor--sleeping, i thought. yes, they were sleeping, but in death. where they had fallen in drunken stupor the ice-breath of death had stiffened them for his own. "is that you, clare? thank god! i am bleeding and freezing to death." "who harmed you, bar? tell me first--vidocq? i thought so. in a second we'll help you." quicker than i can write it, i had run to the other cabin, aroused the inmates, and we had all reached the fatal cabin. some of us carefully removed bar to the second house, whilst others chafed the bodies on the floor and poured warm drinks into their mouths to revive the spark of life, if it yet lingered. but they were frozen to death. the log-cabin in which my companions and i had lived for three months was now the lumberman's dead-house. there the four bodies were to rest until they could be moved to their graves. the next morning guyon vidocq's body was laid beside those of his companions. he had been found stretched dead on the riverbank. such was our christmas. it appeared that when john bar had gone to his cabin he found four of the inmates lying drunk on the floor, the fires expiring, and guyon vidocq in a delirium of intoxication pulling everything to pieces-- table, benches, etcetera--to pile them in the corner, and, then, as he said, light a real christmas bonfire. john bar immediately saw the danger that the poor creatures on the floor were in, and whilst he tried to get fires going in the stove and chimney-place as quickly as possible, he also exerted his influence to soothe guyon vidocq and make him cease his crazy work. but the presence of bar seemed to madden vidocq immediately. from the time the former entered the house, vidocq cursed him with every vile oath his drunken lips could frame, and, when bar attempted remonstrance and command, the infuriated maniac suddenly caught up a table knife, and plunged it in his opponent's side. then with a yell vidocq rushed from the house, leaving the door thrown back for the deadly cold to enter and complete his work. john bar said that he fell when the knife struck him; that he had strength to crawl to a pile of furs and blankets; that he even tried to cover his companions, but could not; that he called for help as long as he had voice; and that, when i entered, an hour after the assault, he had lost all consciousness. the bleeding had ceased, but the sleep of the frozen was falling on him. those events of christmas day broke up the lumber-camp. john bar was not dangerously wounded, and when we were able to carry him on a sled to the nearest settlement he quickly recovered. ------------------------------------------------------------------------ "and now, boys, you have had your stories, so let's off to bed. captain mugford, ugly has gone to sleep over mine. he prefers sea narratives." but ugly heard his name, and broke off in the middle of a snore to come and put his paws apologetically on mr clare's knee. the sail harry and i had watched disappeared behind the point of rocks soon after mr clare commenced his story, and while waiting anxiously for her reappearance we listened with much interest to mr clare; and as he was finishing she came out again and stood to the south-west. determined to investigate the mystery ourselves, we said nothing to the others. by the time we reached the deck to take our way homeward the little sail was hardly distinguishable. as no one noticed it, harry and i went to bed, partners in a secret full of romance to us. chapter seventeen. an exciting discovery--the cove wins a name. the next morning, at breakfast, walter proposed that he and harry higginson should, after school, go down to the neck and shoot ducks, for clump had reported that he had seen several flying over the cape. our salt tute was at the table, and harry, in reply, turned to him and said-- "captain, won't you take my gun this afternoon and go with walter in my place? bob and i have a little secret service to attend to, which can't be postponed; so will you shoot the ducks for me?" "no, harry," the captain replied, "i shall not think of shooting here, where we have the hunter of the ottawa--the companion of ollabearqui, the slayer of moose and panther-cats--ha! ha! eh, mr clare?" "well, captain mugford, i will accept your kind offer, as i should like very much to have a few hours' shooting with walter. i shall try it; but a fowling-piece and birds on the wing are different things from a rifle and running game as large as those i used to practise on, and i imagine that walter will not commend me as the indian did," was mr clare's answer. after the morning lessons and dinner were over, harry and i stole off together to make an investigation of last night's mystery. we took our way to the cove, which was soon to win a name. although but three-quarters of a mile from our house, that part of the cape about the cove was the roughest and most inaccessible quarter in our possessions. i do not know that any of us ever climbed down to the water there before. the attractions in every other direction of fishing, bathing, shooting, and boating were so numerous that we had not carried our explorations in that direction. you may possibly remember there are places, sometimes within little more than a stone's-throw of your house, with which you never think of making acquaintance. just such a place was the cove. it did not invite us particularly. it was not on the route of any of our pleasure expeditions, and, as i have said, there were points of interest in every other direction. but just above the cove was a high knob-shaped piece of grass and shrubs, dotted with many slabs of sharp stones that stood up like tombstones, and made the knoll look so much like a grave yard that we used to call it "our cemetery." there the sheep liked to feed just before night. it was a favourite spot, where they often came for their evening bite. we crossed that, and commenced a scramble down a jagged, rocky declivity almost perpendicular. it reminded us of the cliffs in the islands of orkney and shetland, pictures of which, with the men suspended by ropes getting eggs from the nests that fill the crevices, have interested every boy in his geography book. with bruised hands and knees, and rather tattered trousers, we reached a ledge just above the high-tide mark. the cove was a perfect harbour. a boat there would be defended from every gale but a south-wester, and partly from that, whilst it would also be completely hidden unless from a boat right off the entrance of the cove, or unless some one peered over the dangerous cliff above; and what would one think of looking for in there? but we found enough to excite our astonishment. first there were a strand of rope and an oar on the narrow ledge, which we followed a couple of yards, and then saw an opening between two immense strata of stone. we looked in, and a ray of light that came through the fissure at the other extremity showed us a number of kegs, several bales of goods, sails, numerous coils of rope, and various other articles. we climbed in, and found also a rusty flintlock musket, standing between two barrels. if not as much frightened, we were as much astonished as robinson crusoe, when he discovered in the sand the print of a human foot. as hastily as the difficulties would allow, we climbed up the rocks, and hurried towards the house, talking eagerly with each other while we ran as to what those kegs and bales might contain. had they been hidden there by smugglers, or by whom? were they now our property? what was to be the result? out of breath we reached the house, to find for our audience only captain mugford. he was reading in the sitting-room, and put down his book to hear our exciting revelation. when we had told him all, he asked us not to go to the cove again, until mr clare and he had had time to act on the information we had given, and told us to caution the other boys in the same way if we met them before he did. "and now," said he, "i will go out and meet mr clare and walter--down on the neck, are they not? i have no doubt that the cave is the storehouse of smugglers." "smugglers!" we exclaimed. "yes," he answered, pulling on the pea-jacket that always came off in the house, and stowing his pipe in the breast-pocket. "yes, smugglers, good-for-nothing scoundrels! who enjoy the good laws of the country, and all the advantages which a settled government and established institutions give them, and yet play all sorts of tricks to avoid paying the required taxes to support that government; while they do their best to prevent honest, straightforward-dealing traders from gaining a livelihood. then, see to what an expense they put the country to keep up an army of coastguard men and a fleet of revenue vessels. there's the _hind_ sloop of war, with a crew of a hundred and twenty men, and some fifty cutters, large and small, with crews of from fifteen to forty men, on this south coast alone. if it wasn't for these idle rascals of smugglers, these men might be manning england's fleets, or navigating her merchantmen to bring back to her shores the wealth which makes her great and powerful. people talk of the government paying for all this. silly dolts that they are! it is not the government pays; it is they who pay out of their own pockets; and when they encourage smugglers, which they too often do, they are just increasing the amount of their own taxes; and if they don't feel the increase much themselves, they are cheating their neighbours, though they have the impudence to call themselves honest men. i have no patience with those who encourage smugglers, and would transport every smuggler who is caught to botany bay, and still think the fate too good for him." having thus delivered himself, our worthy nautical instructor strode out to meet our fresh tute. we took the news to clump and juno, who received it in mingled terror and amazement; and then we ran to find drake and alf, and pour it out to them. well, we had frequently heard about the doings of smugglers, but to have them burrowing on our cape, and be in a plot for their overthrow, were better than volumes of "flying dutchmen," "pirates of the gulf," "gulliver's travels," "roderick randoms," or even possibly of "robinson crusoes," and all other such made-up stories. here they were fresh; we had watched their boat the night before; we had just come from their cave; and there was plenty ahead to imagine. "hurrah for our cape!" said harry; "was there ever a jollier place for fun?" those days were palmy times for smugglers. high duties, in order to raise a revenue for carrying on the wars in which england had been engaged, had been placed on nearly all foreign articles. wines, spirits, tobacco, silks, laces, ribbons, and indeed a vast number of other manufactures, were taxed more than cent per cent on their value, and some, if i recollect rightly, two or three hundred per cent. in fact, the high duties acted as an encouragement to smugglers, foreigners as well as englishmen, and the whole coast swarmed with their luggers and other craft. sometimes large armed cutters were employed, and their bold crews did not hesitate to defend themselves if attacked by revenue vessels, and sometimes came off the victors. the most disgraceful circumstance connected with these transactions was, that there were large mercantile houses in london who in some instances actually employed the smugglers, and in others gave them direct encouragement by receiving the silks and ribbons and laces, and other goods of that description, and disposing of them openly as if they had paid duty. here, were men of wealth, and intelligence, and education, for the lust of gain inducing their fellow-men to commit a serious crime. they had relays of fleet horses, with light carts and wagons, running regularly to the coast, in which the smuggled goods were conveyed up to london. they bribed, when they could, the revenue men, and they had spies in every direction to give notice of the approach of those whom they could not bribe. they had lookout men on the watch for the approach of an expected smuggling vessel, and spots-men to select he best place on which she could run her cargo. they had also large parties on the beach, frequently strongly armed, to assist in landing the goods and to carry them up to the carts, or to the caves and other hiding-places, where they were stored when the carts were not in readiness. every stratagem and other device was employed to draw the revenue men and military away from the spot where it was proposed to run a cargo. sometimes a few goods, or bales of rubbish to look like goods, were landed in a particular spot, and allowed to fall into the hands of the coast guard, while the real cargo was being landed some miles away and rapidly conveyed up to london. when hard-pressed by a revenue vessel, if of a force too great to render fighting hopeless, the smuggling craft would throw the whole of her cargo overboard, so that when overtaken nothing contraband might be found in her. when the smugglers' cargo consisted of spirits, under such circumstances the casks, heavily weighted, were frequently, when in sight of land, dropped overboard, the landmarks on the shore being carefully taken. thus the smuggler could return, when not watched, and regain her cargo. sometimes the keen-eyed revenue officers had observed her proceedings when letting go the kegs, and on her return they could no longer be found. sometimes the hard-pressed smuggler had not time to sink her cargo, and the kegs, still floating, were made prizes of by the cutter. at other times they were captured when on the point of being landed, or when actually landed, and it was on these occasions that the fiercest battles took place between the smugglers, aided by their numerous coadjutors on shore, and the revenue officers. if the lives of any of the revenue officers were lost during these encounters, the smugglers who were seen to have fired, when captured, were hung, while the less criminal in the eye of the law were transported, or imprisoned, or sent to serve on board men-of-war. it is scarcely too much to say that a large portion of the coast population of england was engaged in this illicit traffic. it bred also a great amount of ill-feeling between them and the coast guard, whom they endeavoured to mislead, annoy, and injure by every means in their power. our worthy salt tutor had friends among the revenue officers, with whom he sided strongly; indeed, his natural good sense and right feeling would have prevented him from supporting a class of men who were so clearly acting against the laws of the country and all rules of right and justice. our tutors that evening held a consultation on board the brig, and decided that it was their duty to go over the next morning to inform the commander of the coast guard of the discovery harry and i had made, and to let him take the steps which he might consider necessary. we two, of course, for the time became perfect heroes of romance, and could talk of nothing else during the evening but of smugglers and smuggling adventures. captain mugford possessed a large amount of lore on that subject, some of which he produced, much to our edification. he gave us an account of the fight between the _peggy_ smuggling lugger and the _bramble_ king's cutter. three men were killed and five wounded on board the revenue cruiser, and a still greater number of smugglers lost their lives, though the lugger escaped on that occasion. she was, however, afterwards fallen in with by the very same cutter, when the smugglers showed fight at first; but so fiercely were they attacked by the brave commander of the cutter, that, their consciences making cowards of them, they yielded after a short struggle. it would have been difficult to convict the crew then on board of the murder of the cutter's people on the previous occasion, had not one of their number turned king's evidence. the captain and mate and two other men were accordingly hung, and the rest transported; but this summary mode of proceeding in no way put a stop to smuggling. the profits were too large, the temptations too great, to allow even the risk of being hung or transported to interfere with the traffic. one story led to another, and at length our skipper came out with one which was voted, by general acclamation, to be superior to all the others. i cannot pretend to give it in old mugford's language, so i present it in my own, keeping, however, closely to the facts he narrated. he called his tale: "jan johnson, the smuggler." some forty years ago, ay, more than that, i belonged for a few months to a revenue cruiser, on board which i volunteered, soon after my return from my second voyage, i think it was, or about that time. the cutter was stationed off this coast, and a hard life we had of it, for in those days the smuggling craft were large armed vessels, full of desperate men, who, when they could not outsail, more than once beat off the cruisers of the king. among the most daring of his class was a fellow called jan johnson, though from having at different times many other names, it was difficult from them to determine to what nation he belonged; indeed, it was suspected that he was an englishman born on this very coast, with every inch of which he was intimately acquainted. he seemed to take absolute delight in setting at defiance all laws of god and man, and, among many other acts of atrocity, he was strongly suspected of the murder of a revenue officer. the officer had, it appears, been the means of taking a valuable cargo of goods belonging to johnson, who some time after encountered him, when in discharge of his duty, near this place. it is supposed that the smuggler had attacked the unfortunate man, and, being by far the more powerful of the two, had grappled with him, and, plunging a long knife into his bosom, had thrown him over the cliffs. the next morning the body was discovered above high-water mark, with a knife known to belong to johnson close to it, and on the top of the cliffs were seen the impressions of men's feet, as if engaged in a fierce struggle. a handkerchief, similar to one the smuggler had been observed to wear, was found in the dead man's grasp, and at a late hour of the night he had been met without one round his throat. a reward was therefore offered for his apprehension, but notwithstanding the sharp lookout we kept for his craft at sea, and the vigilance of the revenue people on shore, he had hitherto escaped capture. he commanded at this time a large lugger, called the _polly_, a fast-sailing boat, which could almost eat into the wind's eye, and when going free nothing could hope to come up with her; so that our only chance of capturing her was to jam her in with the shore, or to find ourselves near her in a calm, when we might get alongside her in our boats. so daring was the smuggler that, though he well knew his life was at stake, he still continued to carry on his free trade with the coast, where he had many friends; yet, notwithstanding that his vessel was constantly seen, she was never approached except by those he trusted. it was towards the end of october--i remember the time well--the days were growing shorter, and the night-watches darker and colder, when, after cruising up and down a week or so at sea, in hopes of falling in with a prize, it came on to blow very hard from the south-west. our skipper was not a man to be frightened by a capful of wind, so, setting our storm sails, we stood off shore and faced the gale like men; for, do ye see, it is just such weather as this was that the smugglers choose to run across the channel, when they think no one will be on the lookout for them. towards evening, however, it came on to blow harder than ever, so that at last we were obliged to up with the helm, and run for shelter into harbour; but just as we were keeping away, a sea struck the cutter, carried away our stern boat, and stove in one of our quarter boats. in this squall the wind seemed to have worn itself out, for before we made the land it suddenly fell, and by daylight a dead calm came on, followed by a dense fog. our soundings told us that we were within a short distance of the coast, so that our eyes were busily employed in trying to get, through the mist, a sight of it, or of any strange sail which might be in the neighbourhood. at last, for an instant the fog lifted towards the north, like when the curtain of a theatre is drawn up, exposing close in with the land the white sails of a lugger, on which, as she rose and fell on the heavy swell remaining after the storm of the previous night, were now glancing the bright beams of the morning sun, exposing her thus more clearly to our view. before we could bring our glasses to bear, the fog again closed in, but every eye was turned in that direction to get another sight of her; we, doubtless, from our position, and the greater thickness of the mist round us, remaining hid from her view. "what think you, davis? which way shall we have the breeze when it does come?" asked our skipper of the old quartermaster, who was the oracle on such occasions. "why, sir, i should say, off the land; it looks clearer there away than it is out here." as the old man delivered himself of this opinion, he turned his one open eye towards the point he indicated: for, though he had two orbs, and they were piercers, he never used more than one at a time--we youngsters used to suppose, to give each alternately a rest. as he spoke, the fog once more opened a little. "and, what do you say to yonder craft?" continued the skipper. the old man's right eye surveyed her intently before he answered-- "i thought i knowed her, sir. as sure as we're alive she's the _polly_, with jan johnson on board." how he arrived at the latter conclusion we did not stop to consider. the words had an electric effect on board. "you are right, davis--you are right!" exclaimed our commander; then, in a tone of vexation, "and we have only one boat to chase her. if there comes a breeze, that fellow will sneak alongshore, and get out of our way. he calculated on being able to do so when he remained there, and no doubt has information that the revenue boats belonging to the station are sent off in other directions." every glass was now turned towards the direction where the smuggler was seen; for you must remember the mist quickly again hid her from us. our skipper walked over to where the carpenter was employed in putting the boat to rights; but soon saw that there was a good day's work or more before she could be made to swim. "it will never do to let that fellow--escape us!" he exclaimed briskly. "mr robertson," addressing his senior officer, a passed midshipman--an oldster in every sense of the word i then thought him,--"pipe the gig's crew away, with two extra hands, and let them all be fully armed. do you take charge of the ship; and if a breeze gets up, press every stitch of canvas on her, and stand after the lugger. that fellow may give us some work; and i intend to go myself." having given these orders, he dived into his cabin, and quickly reappeared, with his cocked hat on and his sword by his side. i belonged to the gig. the boat was, as you may suppose, quickly ready. the order was given to shove off, and away we pulled, with hearty strokes, in the direction of the lugger. the fog for some time favoured our approach towards the spot where we guessed she was to be found, for we could no more see her than the people on board could us. never, when roasting in the tropics under a burning sun, have i wished more earnestly for a breeze than we now did that the calm would continue till we could get alongside the long-looked-for craft. not a word was spoken above a whisper, though we knew that the splash of our oars in the water would soon betray our approach to the sharpened ears of the smugglers, even before they could see us. we redoubled, therefore, our efforts to get alongside, when a light air coming off the land much thinned the intervening mist, showing us the _polly_, with her largest canvas spread to catch the breeze, and now, as she loomed through the fog, appearing twice her real size, while her people clearly made us out. in a moment her sails were trimmed, her long sweeps were run out, and she was moving through the water, though not near so fast as we were pulling. "give way, my boys, give way," shouted our skipper, all necessity for silence being now removed. "give way, and the lugger is ours." with a hearty cheer the men bent to their oars and sent the boat flying through the calm blue water, casting aside the light sparkling foam which bubbled and hissed round her bows, as the story books about seagoing affairs say, such as you youngsters are so fond of reading. well, the breeze freshened, however, before long, and we found that, though still decreasing our distance from the lugger, we were not gaining on her as fast as when she first made us out. we had, however, got within about a quarter of a mile of her, when we saw a man jump on the taffrail, and wave his hat at us as if in derision. even at that distance, some of our people declared they recognised him as jan johnson, whom all of us knew well enough by sight. the next instant a skiff was launched from her decks, into which he jumped, and pulled as hard as he could towards the shore, to which he was already nearer than we were to him. here was a dilemma for our skipper. if we followed the outlaw, his lugger would very likely get away; and if we made chase after her, he would certainly escape, and she, probably, even if we came up with her, would not be condemned. the thought of the murdered man decided our commander, and in a moment the boat's head was turned towards the shore in chase of the skiff. away we went, as fast as six ash oars in stout hands could send us through the water, while johnson, still undaunted, continued his course; yet, in spite of his audacity, he well knew that it was with him a matter of life and death. it was indeed astonishing, when putting forth all his vast strength, how fast he sent along his light skiff; indeed, we gained but slightly on him in our six-oared galley, and we soon saw that he would reach the shore before we could overtake him. "give way, my lads, give way," shouted our skipper, though the men were straining every nerve to the utmost. "give way, and we shall soon be up with him." talk of the excitement of a stag-hunt! it is tame in comparison with the interest men take in the chase of a fellow-creature. there is something of the nature of the bloodhound, i suspect, in our composition which delights in the pursuit of such noble game. a few minutes more decided the point, a cry of vexation escaping us as his boat touched the shore, and, coolly drawing her up on the strand, he was seen to make towards the woods. "shall i bring him down, sir?" asked the seaman who sat in the sternsheets with a musket, marine fashion, between his knees. "no, no," was the answer. "we must take the fellow alive; he cannot escape us, if we put our best feet foremost." just as our boat's keel grated on the sand, johnson disappeared among the rocks and trees, and we could hear a shout of derisive laughter ringing through the wood. "after him, my boys, after him," shouted our skipper, as we all leaped on shore. "a five-pound note to the man who first gets hold of him." and, except a youth who was left in charge of the boat, away we all went, helter-skelter, in the direction the outlaw had taken. he made, it appeared, straight inland, for we could hear his shouts ahead of us as we rushed on, hallooing to each other from among the trees. not one of the party seemed inclined to get before the other--not so much that one was unwilling to deprive the other of the promised reward, but i suspect that no one was anxious to encounter johnson singlehanded, well armed as of course he was, and desperate as we knew him to be. our commander, being a stout man and short-winded, was soon left far behind, though, as he hurried on, puffing and blowing with the exertion he was using, his voice, as long as we could hear him, encouraged us in the pursuit. we had thus made good half a mile or more, when coming suddenly to the confines of the wood, or copse it might rather be called, a wide extent of open ground appeared before us, but not a trace of the fugitive could be perceived. some of the foremost ran on to a spot of high ground near at hand, whence they could see in every direction, but not a figure was moving in the landscape. in the meantime our skipper came up, and ordered us to turn back and beat about the wood. we had been thus fruitlessly engaged for some time, when we were recalled to the shore by a shout from one of our people, and, hastening down to the beach, we beheld, to our dismay, our own boat floating some way out in the bay, while johnson, in his skiff, was pulling towards his lugger, now creeping alongshore out of the reach of the cutter, which still lay becalmed in the offing. what was most extraordinary, the lad who had been left in charge of the boat was nowhere to be seen, and, as far as we could make out, he was neither in her nor in johnson's skiff. you may just picture to yourself our rage and disappointment; indeed, i thought, what from his exertions and excitement, our commander would have been beside himself with vexation. after we had stood for a moment, looking with blank astonishment at each other, he ordered us, in a sharp voice, some to run one way, some another, along the shore, in search of a boat by which we might get on board our galley, for she was too far off for anyone to attempt to swim to her. at last, some way on, we discovered, hauled up on the beach, a heavy fishing-boat, which with some work we managed to launch, and, by means of the bottom boards and a few pieces of plank we found in her, to paddle towards our gig. in our course, we picked up two of our oars which had been thrown overboard, and we were thus able to reach her sooner than we could otherwise have done. what could have become of our young shipmate? we asked each other; but not a conjecture could be offered. johnson could not have carried him off; he would not have ventured to have injured him, and the lad was not likely to have deserted his post. at last we got alongside the gig, and on looking into her we saw jim bolton, our young shipmate, stretched along the thwarts, to which he was lashed. at first we thought he was dead; but a second glance showed us that a gag, made out of a thole-pin and a lump of oakum, had been put into his mouth. on being released it was some time before he could speak. he then told us that he was sitting quietly in the boat, when suddenly a man sprang on him with a force which knocked him over, and before he could collect his senses he found himself lashed to the thwarts with a lump in his mouth which prevented him crying out, and the boat moving away from the shore, and that was all he knew about the matter. as jim bolton was very much hurt, we placed him in the fishing-boat with a midshipman who volunteered to look after him, and anchored her to await our return, while we with hearty goodwill pulled away in full chase of the smuggler. by this time, however, a fresh breeze had come off the land, which filled the sails of the lugger just as johnson sprang from his boat upon her deck, and before a breath of air had reached the cutter he had run her far out of sight, winding his way among those reefs yonder. seeing there was no chance of overtaking him in the gig, we pulled on board, and as soon as the uncertain air put the vessel through the water, we made chase in the direction we calculated the _polly_ would take. for some time we cruised up and down over the ground where we thought we might fall in with her, but could see nothing of her, and we then returned to take out the midshipman and jim, and to restore the boat to the fisherman. we, with several other cruisers, were employed for some weeks in looking out for johnson, but neither he nor the _polly_ was ever again heard of on this coast. ten years passed away, and i belonged to a brig in the west indies, that clime of yellow fevers and sugar-canes. in those days the slave-trade flourished, for, as we had not become philanthropists, we did not interfere with those whose consciences did not prevent them from bartering for gold their own souls and the blood of their fellow-creatures. there was, however, a particular craft we were ordered to look after which had made herself amenable to the laws, having gone somewhat out of the usual line of trade, by committing several very atrocious acts of piracy. she was commanded, it was said, by an englishman, a villain of no ordinary cast, who never intentionally left alive any of those he plundered to tell the tale of their wrongs. he sailed his vessel, a schooner carrying twelve guns, under spanish colours, though of course he hoisted, on occasion, those of any other nation to suit his purpose. we all knew both him and his schooner, for before her real character was suspected, we had for some days laid alongside her at the havanna, and were in consequence selected by the admiral to look out for her. we had been so employed for several weeks, when, one day towards noon, we made out a sail to the southward, towards which we ran down with a light northerly wind. as we neared her, which we rapidly did, we saw that she was a lofty ship--a merchantman evidently--and that she was not only not moving through the waters, but that her braces were loose, and her yards swinging about in every direction. not a soul was looking over her bulwarks when we came within hail, but the men in the tops sang out that they could see several people lying about the decks either asleep or dead. we ran almost alongside, when i was ordered to board her with one of the gigs. never shall i forget the scene which met my sight as i stepped on her decks; they were a complete shambles: a dozen or more men lay about in the after part of the ship, the blood yet oozing from deep gashes on their heads and shoulders, not one of them alive; while on the steps of the companion-ladder were two women, young and fair they appeared to have been, clasped in each other's arms, and both dead. on descending below, we discovered an old lady and a venerable, old gentleman on the deck of the state cabin with the marks of pistol bullets in their foreheads, while at the door of an inner cabin lay a black servant with his head completely twisted round. i will not mention all the sights of horror we encountered; the murderers seemed to have exerted their ingenuity in disfiguring their victims. there were several other dead people below, and at last, searching round the ship, we found stowed away in the forehold a seaman, who, though desperately wounded, still breathed. when brought on deck and a few drops of spirits were poured down his throat, he after some time came to himself, then told us that they had in the morning been attacked by a pirate, who, after they had made a desperate resistance, had carried them by boarding, when every soul in the ship was cut down or thrown into the sea except himself; that he, having fallen down the hatchway just before the pirates rushed on board, had stowed himself away amongst the cargo, and there after some time had fainted from loss of blood. while he lay there, he could hear the shrieks of his shipmates and the shouts and execrations of their butchers, he expecting, every instant, to share the fate of the rest. at last all was silent, the pirates made an ineffectual attempt to scuttle the ship, but were hurried off, probably, by seeing a sail which they mistook for us, or for some other cruiser. scarcely had the unfortunate fellow given this account, when the man at the mast-head of the brig hailed that there was a sail on the lee bow, and we were ordered forthwith to return on board. we all hoped that this might prove the pirate, for we were anxious to punish the miscreants. taking, therefore, the wounded man with us--for being, thanks to the yellow fever, already short of hands, we were compelled to abandon the ship--we made sail in chase. for some time we carried a fresh breeze with us, while the stranger, which we soon made out to be a large topsail schooner, lay almost becalmed; but before we got her within range of our guns the wind also filled her sails, and away she went before it with every stitch of canvas they could pack on her. we also used every means of increasing our rate of sailing; but though our brig was reckoned a remarkably fast vessel, we found that, since we had both the same breeze, we had not in any way decreased our distance from her. it was, however, a satisfaction to find that she did not outsail us before the wind, though there was every probability that, should she haul her wind, she would be able to do so; we therefore kept directly in her wake, to be ready to run down on her, on whichever tack she might haul up. at last, as the breeze freshened, we gained somewhat on her, when she hoisted spanish colours: she had hitherto shown none, but this did not prevent us from trying the range of our bow-chasers on her, to bring her to. several guns were fired without effect; at last a shot struck her main boom and severely wounded it. i never saw a better aim. after this, finding we lost ground by firing, we did not for another hour throw a single shot, nor had the schooner as yet returned our compliment, though she showed no inclination to heave to. away we bowled along before the breeze, throwing aside the now white-crested waves from our bows as we tore through the water. every brace was stretched to the utmost, our spars bent and cracked, but not a sheet was slackened, though our captain kept his glance anxiously aloft to see how long he might let them bear the pressure. again we overhauled her, and got her within range of our long guns, when a shot, directed more by chance, as the sea was running high, or, it might be said, a just providence weary of the miscreants, than by skill, killed the man at the wheel, and lodged in the mainmast. before another man could run to the helm the vessel yawed to port; the boom, already wounded, jibbed over and parted amidships, rendering the huge mainsail of no use, and creating much confusion on board. there was now no fear of her being able to haul her wind for some time, and coming up, hand over hand, with her, we ranged alongside. if we had before any doubts of her real character, we had now none, for the spanish ensign being hauled down, a black flag was hoisted at each mast-head, and the accursed pirate was confessed. the outlaws, doubtless knowing that victory or death alone awaited them, showed their dark symbols in the hopes of intimidating our men, and made up their minds to fight it out to the last. at the same moment they let fly their whole broadside, which, though it did some damage, served to warm up the blood of our people, and made them return it with a hearty good will. for half an hour or more, as we ran on, we thus continued exchanging broadsides, considerably thinning their crowded decks; but as some of our spars were wounded, our captain, fearing lest any being carried away, the enemy might escape, determined without delay to lay him on board, and to try the mettle of true men against their ruffian crew of desperadoes. after receiving her broadside and pouring in ours, we put our helm to port, for she was, you must know, on our starboard side, when, running our bow anchor into her fore chains, our grappling irons were thrown, and we had her fast. with a loud cheer, our boarders sprang to the forecastle, and on to the rigging of the enemy. never shall i forget, if i was to live as long again as i have done, which is not very likely, the set of ferocious countenances which met our sight as we rushed on board. it was fearful work we were about, but our blood was up, and there was no quarter asked or given on either side. we did not stop to think. the pirates knew that there was no pardon for them, and seemed determined to sell their lives dearly. our onset was too furious to be withstood, and in a minute we had cleared a small space on the schooner's decks abaft the foremast, but beyond that every foot was desperately disputed. we had gained some ground forward, when, from the after part of the vessel, a determined band, led by the captain, pressed us hard. twice we were driven back almost to our own ship, many of our men losing the number of their mess, but, finally, determined courage got the better of desperation. inch by inch we drove the pirates aft--the chief of them, to do him justice, keeping always in the front rank, and i believe he killed, with his own hand, more of our people than did all his crew together, though he himself did not receive a scratch. during all this time the marines kept up a hot fire, pikes and pistols were used through the ports, and such guns as could be brought to bear were fired from each of the ships. i have seen plenty of hard fighting, and let me tell you, my boys, though it is very fine reading about, it is very dreadful in reality; yet never in my life have i gone through hotter work, on a small scale, than i did that day--the vessels, too, all the time rolling and pitching tremendously, and tearing away each other's rigging; indeed, it is surprising we did not both founder on the spot. well, we at last managed to clear the fore part of the schooner, by cutting down some and driving others of the pirates overboard, but fifty fellows still held the after part of the deck, uttering fearful oaths and execrations--they continued fighting on--when the deck lifted; fearful shrieks arose, a loud, dull sound was heard, and many of the pirates were hurled into the air, their mangled remains falling among us. for an instant every hand seemed paralysed, and we looked round to see what would happen next; but the explosion had been only partial, and during the confusion the remainder of the band making a rush forward, we again set to at the bloody work, and drove them back. a second attempt to fire the magazine was made, and failed. we were, by this time, secure of victory, though the remnant of the pirates refused to yield. their captain, whom i have spoken of, i now saw leap into the main rigging, when, waving his bloody sword above his head, he hurled it with the fiercest imprecations among us, severely wounding one of our people, and then, with a look of despair not to be forgotten, he plunged into the raging ocean, where a troop of sharks were ready to devour him. at that moment it struck me that i had seen his features in times long passed, and i found afterwards i was right. when their leader was lost, the rest of the pirates submitted, and we had barely time to remove them, and to cut ourselves clear of the schooner, when, with the dying and dead on board, she went down; and on the spot where she had been, the hungry sharks were seen tearing their bodies in pieces, while the sea was tinged around with a ruddy hue. we afterwards fell in with the ship the pirates had attacked, for which we got a good round sum as salvage money, besides other substantial marks of the gratitude of the merchants in the west indies, for having destroyed one of the greatest pests their trade had for a long time known. the pirates were hung at port royal, in jamaica, and the evening before their execution, one of them, for reasons i will some day tell you, desired to see me. i visited him in his cell, and from him i learned that the chief of their band, whose dreadful death i had witnessed, the man who had led them into crime and ruin, was, as i suspected, jan johnson, the smuggler. ------------------------------------------------------------------------ the next morning mr clare and captain mugford went over to ---, where they found commander treenail, to whom they gave all the information they possessed about the smugglers' cave. he heard this account with surprise, for he did not suppose it possible that any spot of ground had remained in that neighbourhood unvisited by his people. however, he was a man of action; and immediately that he comprehended the facts of the case, he signalled from his residence to a cutter which lay off in the bay to get under way, and to wait for him to come on board. "you will accompany me, gentlemen," he said to our tutors; "and as soon as we can get the lads on board who discovered the cave to show us its entrance, we will lose no time in routing out these smuggling vagabonds." the old lieutenant commanding the cutter was waiting with his gig for captain treenail at the quay, and they, with our tutors, were quickly on board the _scout_. how proud harry and i felt when the _scout's_ gig pulled up to the wreck, and we were summoned to show the way to the smugglers' cave. we jumped with alacrity into the gig, feeling as if we had the whole weight and responsibility on our shoulders of leading some important expedition. captain treenail received us very kindly, and cross-questioned us minutely as to the whereabouts of the cave and the various articles we had found within it. the cutter, when rounding the cape, had kept some distance from the little bay near which the cave lay, so that, even had smugglers been on the watch near it, they would probably not have been alarmed; the captain had hopes, therefore, that not only their goods but they themselves would be taken. to make the matter more sure, it was arranged that one party, led by walter, who knew the cape as if he had been born on it, should go by land, accompanied by mr clare; while our salt tutor, with the rest of us, was to go in the cutter. five seamen, with a petty officer, formed the land party, all well armed. they were to proceed cautiously across the downs, watching the movements of the cutter, and keeping themselves as much as possible under cover, so as not to be seen by any smugglers who might be on the lookout. as soon as the boat which took them on shore returned, the cutter's foresail was let draw, and with a fresh breeze she stood out of our cove. our hearts beat quick as we glided rapidly on towards the scene of our proposed exploit. we might possibly soon be engaged in a scene of real fighting. there might be ten or perhaps even fifty smugglers concealed in the cave, with large stores of silks, and tobacco, and spirits; and if so, it was not likely that they would give in without striking some hard blows for their liberty. the breeze freshened, and our speed increased, though, as the wind was off the land, the water was smooth. every inch of canvas the cutter could carry was clapped on her, that we might have the better chance of taking the smugglers by surprise. she heeled over to the breeze till her lee gunwale was under water, while we stood holding on to the weather rigging, and looking out for the entrance to the little cove. we neared it at last. our hearts beat quicker than ever as we luffed up round a point which formed one of the sides of the little cove. sail was rapidly shortened, the foresail hauled down, the jib-sheet let fly, and in half a minute we were at anchor. the next instant the crew, already fully armed and prepared, flew to the falls, and two boats were lowered, into which they and we, with captain treenail, the commander, and one of the mates of the cutter, and our own salt tutor, immediately jumped. literally, before a minute had elapsed, two boats were pulling as fast as boats could pull for the shore. harry and i now felt ourselves of more consequence than we had ever been in our lives before. we were expected to show the way to the cavern, and therefore, as soon as the boats touched the shore, we leaped out, and, pointing to the spot where the mouth of the cavern was to be found, ran towards it along the beach at full speed, followed by the officers and men, who might have had better sea legs, but certainly had not such good shore legs as we possessed. we were some little way ahead of the rest, and our object must have been very evident to any persons acquainted with the existence of the cavern. just then the report of a firearm was heard, and a bullet whistled by us close to our ears. it did not stop us though, but made us dart on still more rapidly; and as we did so we saw a man climbing up the cliff above the cavern. had any of the men with muskets been with us, they might have shot him. he turned round for an instant, and shook his fist at us; but before our companions came up he had disappeared. it took some time before the seamen who volunteered to go managed to climb up the slippery rock to the mouth of the cavern. when once two or three had gained a footing, they let down ropes, by which the rest easily got up. the forlorn hope, as the first party might be called, then dashed into the cavern, expecting, perhaps, to meet with a hot fire of musketry. not a sound, however, was heard; no one appeared; on they boldly went. the smugglers might have had still more deadly intentions, and, it was possible, had prepared a mine to blow up anyone venturing into their cave. they were capable, according to our salt tutor's notion, of any atrocity. still the forlorn hope went on without meeting with any impediment. more seamen entered, led by captain treenail, and others followed, till we were all inside; and torches being lit, the cavern was thoroughly examined. not a human being was discovered, but the cave contained a far larger amount of bales of silks, and ribbons, and tobacco, and kegs of spirits, than we had supposed. it was, indeed, a far larger seizure than the coast guard on that station had ever before made. they were proportionably delighted, though they would have liked still more to have caught a dozen or two of smugglers, though not quite so valuable a prize as they would have been during the height of the war, when they would have been sent off to man our ships, and to fight the naval battles of old england. when we found that no one was inside we told captain treenail of the man we had seen climbing up the cliff. he instantly ordered some of the most active young men of the cutter's crew to go in chase; but after hunting about for some time, they could find no possible way of getting up, and therefore had to abandon the attempt. the next thing was to convey the captured goods to the cutter. this occupied some time, as there were literally several boatloads of goods, to the value, i fancy, of a couple of thousand pounds. it must have been vexatious in the extreme, to any of the smugglers witnessing our proceedings, to see their property thus carried off before their eyes. it must have made them vow vengeance against those who captured it, and against us especially, who, they must have suspected, had given the information respecting the cave. among the articles found in the cavern was a rusty old musket. the old lieutenant, mr mophead, commanding the cutter, was a curiosity. i should like to describe him. he was very fat and very short, and very red-faced, which is not surprising, considering the hot suns which had shone on that face of his, and the vast amount of strong liquor which he had poured down his throat. just as the last boatload had been got on board, walter and his party appeared, not having seen any smugglers. mr mophead politely invited him on board. as soon as the boats were hoisted up, and the cutter was once more under way, standing from harbour, mr mophead took the musket in his hand, and, approaching walter, said, with great form, "mr walter tregellin, with captain treenail's leave--and i am sure that he will give me leave--i beg to present to you this weapon, that you may hand it to your respected father. he may like to possess it, to remind him how the cutter _scout_, lieutenant mophead commander, was the means of relieving his property of a nest of smugglers, who would very soon, in my opinion, have taken possession of it." walter took the musket respectfully, though he could not help smiling; and our salt tutor blew his nose steadily for ten minutes. the same old musket my father afterwards gave to harry and me, the discoverers of the smugglers' cave; and harry relinquished all his rights in it to me. it hangs now in my study, not far from the dog-collar--another memento of those good old times. we got back to our own cove in a very short time, and we landing, the cutter returned, with her valuable cargo, to her usual port. clump, who had remained to take care of the house, informed us that he had been watching the downs above the cave, and that he had seen several men pass across the downs, and, running quickly, go towards the boat harbour often mentioned. they then jumped into a boat and pulled across the harbour to the village, where they disappeared. such was the termination of the adventure for that day; but the romance, unfortunately for us, had not come to an end. chapter eighteen. october sport--a black joke. only two weeks more! letters had come from our parents to us and to our tutors, saying that we must return to bristol on november the first. our great amusement at this time was shooting, as boating had become somewhat cold work. now and then we knocked down a few straggling wild fowl, which at that early season had incautiously approached our cape, not aware of the sportsmen residing on it. our tutors entered enthusiastically into the sport, borrowing guns from the town across the bay, and joining walter and harry every afternoon. we other fellows were also allowed to be there to take charge of ugly, who entered into the sport as warmly as any of us. we generally stayed on the neck until near sunset, and just as the rabbits were out for their supper, started for home. that was ugly's half-hour of sport, in which he was always sure to bring two or three rabbits round to the guns. mr clare could not shoot as well as walter, or even harry, at flying game, but he was first-rate at rabbits; let them jump as fast and high as they might, with ugly only ten feet behind, and if our fresh tute pulled on them; they were sure to fall. with the captain things went differently, much to our amusement; for our salt tute cared not how much we laughed at his failures, which all his shots were. he brought up his gun as if it were a harpoon, and always gave it a jerk, to help it shoot farther, when he pulled the trigger. the butt was seldom at his shoulder; and as he insisted upon putting immense loads in his gun, the results were sometimes disastrous to him and ridiculous to us. he often sprang back after a shot, as if he had been kicked by a horse, or wrung his hands, which had borne the recoil. his misses and misfortunes, however, never made him angry or dejected. after each failure, out came the red bandanna to wipe his brow, and as a shout of laughter greeted the performance, he would say calmly, with only a gleam of a smile, "so, boys, you think i missed, eh? well, _perhaps_ i did." clump and juno having been much alarmed and excited by the discovery of the smugglers, we boys determined to profit by their disquieted state of mind, and hatched a scheme to afford some fun. we watched an opportunity to put it in execution. the time came one evening when our tutors did not return with us to the house after the afternoon's shooting, but went to the _clear the track_, to chat and settle some other matters until tea-time at seven. delighted with the arrangement, we boys ran to the house, and, getting up into our attic, began to make preparations for the trick we had concocted. there was nothing very original in our plan, i must own, nor was it, i confess, a very grand or noble thing to try and frighten a couple of poor ignorant negroes, for such was the object just then of our plans and preparations. clump and juno had a wholesome dread of smugglers and of the acts of vengeance of which they were supposed to be capable. we therefore arranged to dress up so as to make ourselves look as formidable as possible, and then to appear suddenly before the old couple. for this purpose we brought up from the wreck all the boat cloaks, greatcoats, and pieces of canvas which we could find, and sou'westers and tarpaulin hats, not forgetting some pistols and rusty swords. besides these we laid in a store of pasteboard, and brown and coloured paper, and some laths, and string, and paint, and corks, and tow. with this abundant supply of materials we set to work to fabricate a variety of garments, such as we supposed smugglers would wear; at all events, such as were worn on the stage. we made a sufficient number of false noses to supply each of our faces, and long curling moustaches, which made those who wore them look very fierce. some had wigs with wonderfully long shaggy hair, and others beards of prodigious growth. the greatcoats and cloaks served for most of the party, with belts round their waists stuck full of daggers made of wood, and a real pistol or two. then we manufactured out of the canvas some high boots of huge proportions; the upper part capable of containing the whole of a man's personal luggage, and a day's supply of provender into the bargain. nothing could exceed, either, the wild and ferocious appearance of our hats. two of us wore black feathers in them, and two others were adorned with death's heads and cross bones: indeed, it must be confessed that we represented much more a band of pirates of two or three centuries back than a party of such smugglers as it was probable could be found on the british coast. besides the real swords we possessed, we manufactured some hangers out of wood, which we hung by sashes at our sides. in fact, our disguises were complete in every respect, and so fierce did we all appear, that i truly believe, had one of us met another in any gloomy, half-lighted place, both heroes would have run away. walter took an active part in all the arrangements, and being the tallest and well stuffed out, looked every inch of him a bold smuggler. it is wonderful what burnt cork and rouge and dark locks will effect in turning a mild, gentle-looking person into a fierce leader of outlaws. it was arranged that drake and i should go down first before dressing up, to prepare the way for the rest of the actors, then he was first to step out, and i was to follow, and get ready. all being at length prepared, we descended to the kitchen, and strolled in there in a tired way, as if we were just in the humour to listen to the old blackies' talk and receive their petting. clump, sitting bent over the fire to get light for his work, was cutting some tholes for the boat with his knife. "hi," he said, as he saw us enter, "dat's good fur sore eyes." and juno, taking the pipe from her mouth, greeted us with a long whiff of smoke, and-- "i'se glad you'se cum--getten dark an glum 'ere, only ole clump an me. what do yun massas shoot?" drake held up a couple of rabbits and three wild fowl. "oh! de gorry--all dem!--well, dis chile nebber sees de like; an you'se gwine ter gib dem ter clump agin--'spects so, all you'se don't want. de ole niggers be rich dis winter." clump, when he had got us seats, dusting the kitchen chairs with his long coat-tails, resumed his task, and as juno's garrulousness ran on, he shook his head and chuckled, and muttered and grinned, just as if he were behind the scenes and prompting her to amuse us. he always had that funny way of grimacing and conversing with himself gaily, whilst juno indulged in her talkative fits. he admired his old partner hugely. once, when travelling with my father, he heard at an assize some great lawyer make a speech, and said, when the orator had concluded-- "de'clar, massa, dat's fine; dis nigger nebber hear anyone speak like dat afore, 'cept--'cept juno." by-and-by, as juno's talk ran sluggishly, and the pipe required much picking and blowing, clump got up to put by his work and light a lamp. but that we forbid, saying the firelight was so much pleasanter. "dat's so," said juno, who had got her solace in good order again, and was all ready to start off on a new stream of jabber. "dat's so--clump not ole nuff ter know dat fire-lite more good dan lam-lite. hi! hi! he only chile yit." drake interrupted there, to turn the conversation into another channel, by saying that we should leave the old house soon to go back to bristol, and clump asked, having taken a seat on the wood-box directly under the trap-door, "an you'se glad--glad? 'spects de ole house git cole an dull to yous now; 'spects de yun massas want git home?" "well, no, clump," answered drake; "i don't want to go away--that is, we would not want to go if--if--if we had not been somewhat frightened this evening." juno, because of her deafness, did not plainly hear what drake had said, but she judged it in part from his manner and the assumed look of terror that he cast over his shoulder. so she bent forward anxiously, and asked him in a voice full of concern-- "wat's dat, massa drake--wat's dat you say?" drake drew nearer to her and repeated what he had said. "my hebbens, massa drake, wat did scar you?" "well, you see, aunt juno," replied drake, looking cautiously about him again in the darkness of the room--"bob and i were coming round at the back of the house, when we heard, or thought we heard, whispering, and on drawing nearer, we heard some fearful threats uttered; i cannot say what they were, they were so dreadful." "oh! don't talk so, massa drake, if dere was anybody, dey must be de smugglers, and dey will come to cut all our troats," exclaimed juno, looking cautiously round over her shoulder. i cannot say that even then, thoughtless as i was, i liked what drake had said, because he had told a positive falsehood, and it was no excuse to declare that it was said in joke. drake continued, his voice growing more and more tremulous every instant, as if with terror--"that's not all. as we crept away undiscovered, we heard the tramp of many feet coming up from the shore, and we shouldn't be surprised if at this very moment the house was surrounded by smugglers, come to carry us all off to foreign lands, to make slaves of us." "or to make soup of us," i cried out, wringing my hands. "oh dear, oh dear, oh dear!" "what has become of walter and the rest, it is impossible to say," added drake. "too probably they have been already spirited away by the smugglers. oh dear, oh dear, oh dear!" he exclaimed, and, jumping up, ran out as if to look for them. juno and clump were, it seemed, very much alarmed, both rolling their large eyes round and round till they grew bigger and bigger. certain noises outside increased the terror of the two poor souls, but i knew that they indicated impatience on the part of my companions. accordingly, exclaiming that i would bear it no longer, i too jumped up, and ran after drake. as neither of us returned, it was but natural that juno and clump should have supposed that we had been carried off by the smugglers. there the two poor souls sat, shivering and trembling with alarm, not daring to go out, for fear of finding their worst anticipations realised. at last, clump--who was really a brave fellow at heart, though just then overtaken by a nervous fit--got up, and, taking his old gun from over the mantelpiece, prepared to load it. several pair of sharp eyes had been watching proceedings from outside. now was the moment for action. led by walter, in we rushed, and then advanced with threatening gestures towards the old couple. we were afraid of uttering any sound, lest the well-known tones of our voices should have betrayed us. juno was at first the most alarmed. she did not scream or shriek, however, but, falling on her knees, appeared as if she was thus resolved to meet her death. poor old clump meantime stood gazing at us with an almost idiotic stare, till walter, advancing, gave him a slap on the back, sufficient, it must be owned, to rouse him up. at first, the blow adding to his overwhelming terror, he rolled over, a mere bundle of blackness, into the wood-box, nothing being visible to us but two long quivering feet and five black fingers. but in a moment after, with his still unloaded gun in his hand, he sprang up like a madman, jumped over the table, and, not trying to open the door, burst through the window, smashing half a dozen panes of glass. who should open the door just then and come in, as clump demolished the window and went out, but captain mugford! having left mr clare enjoying a nap on a sofa in the brig, he had come up to the house, and, hearing the frightful noises in the kitchen, rushed in there. so much was he prepared by the yells that escaped for some tragic scene of scalding or other accident, that it required two or three minutes before he could take in the meaning of the commotion. but when he recognised in the fierce smugglers a party of his young friends, and when he beheld juno's situation, and the shattered frame through which clump had struggled, he took the joke, and broke into the most elephantine convulsions of laughter that i ever heard or witnessed. for half a minute, at least, he shook and shook internally, and then exploded. an explosion was no sooner finished than the internal spasm recommenced, and so he went on until i really feared he might injure himself. after five minutes of such attack, he managed to draw out his bandanna and cover his face with it, and then, whilst we watched his figure shaking and quivering, we heard, like groans, from beneath the handkerchief, "oh ur-rh-ha--ar--uh! bless me!" when he took down his handkerchief and happened to see juno rising from her knees, he swelled up again like a balloon, and then eased off gradually in splutterings and moans as a dying porpoise. after which, he went and pacified juno, and tried to explain to her what a wicked trick we had been guilty of, and that the band of smugglers, after all, were only the boys she knew so well, and he proceeded to disrobe us, one by one, so that the old woman might comprehend the joke. and so she did, but she sat motionless for a time, until some portion of her usual composure returned; and then she got up with many a sigh and mutterings of "ki! ki! tink dat's wicked--frite ole juno so--oh lor!" but before tea was served, i heard her chuckling slyly, and turning towards us again and again as she poured the hot milk on the toast she was dishing up. we meantime were employed in peeling, and by degrees got restored to our usual appearance, and we then hurried up to our rooms to wash off the rouge and the marks of burnt cork with which our faces were covered. but the captain sat down and shook quietly for a long while, the tears rolling down his face, and his fingers opening and closing convulsively on the handkerchief. and when tea was quite ready, he went off to hunt up clump. mr clare came in soon after, but we had, by that time, got the better of the fun, and removed all traces of the commotion. when the captain joined us at the table, he had another laughing spasm before he could say or eat anything; but for the remainder of the evening he controlled himself pretty well, only breaking out about half a dozen times, and blowing his nose until it was very red and swollen. however, mr clare never heard of the way the poor negroes had been frightened by a practical joke, a thing he particularly disliked and had often spoken against. chapter nineteen. last days on the cape--a terrible night. and now, the time of our stay on the cape was drawing to a close. only three days more remained, and they were to be occupied in collecting our books, packing trunks, and all the unpleasant little duties that become so tedious and dispiriting when, like a drop curtain, they announce the end of the play. perhaps if the days of our cape life had been prolonged, we should have regretted the detention from home, and yearned for our dear parents, looking on the cape, that had already lost some of its attractions, as soon to become a dreary point beaten by winter winds and seas and drifted across by the snow. but because we _must_ go, therefore it was hard to go. what cannot be done, cannot be had, cannot be reached--that is just what the boy wants. as we could not yet actually realise the desolateness and barrenness of winter there, but only remember the delights and beauties of summer and autumn, we lost cheerfulness over the boxes and trunks, and sighed because of the brick walls, narrow streets, and toilsome school-work that were soon to bound our lives. on a wednesday we had been for our last afternoon's shooting on the moor. our tutors had walked round to return their guns to the lenders over in the town. we strolled to the house through the fast fading afternoon light, talking of the memorable events in our half-year just closing. "now, i think," said drake, "that our boat-race was the best fun of all." "i don't," alf answered, "though we had a good time then, i know; but what is there to compare with the cruise and shipwreck?--the excitement lasted so long and came out all right." "yes, it came out all right, but there was only a tight squeak that it did not go all wrong. i tell you what, fellows, i was horribly frightened that night, before we struck on boatswain's reef," said harry. each of us but walter added, "so was i." "walter, now you were frightened, too. own now!" continued harry. "no, i was not, really!" answered walter. "somehow i never feel afraid on the water; and i think it must be because i was born at sea, you know, when our father and mother were returning from the west indies. now if i had been behind a pair of runaway horses, instead of aboard a good boat, i might have got shaky, i daresay." "well, my opinion is," said i, "that just the best time of all was finding the smugglers' cave; but i am afraid that, after we are gone, they may come down hard on clump and juno, and when we have--" walter interrupted me with "nonsense, those fellows will know enough to keep hid or give the cape a wide berth after this. but talking about the good times we have had, i have enjoyed our shooting best of all, and so has ugly, i'll bet--haven't you, ugly?" to which our bright little dog answered as well as he could by barking an assent, and jumping before us to wag his tail energetically. "hallo!" harry exclaimed, stopping, as he spoke, to look off to sea; "there's a rakish-looking lugger--don't you see?--just there, to the south-east, near bass rocks. i wonder what she is after." "after?" answered drake, "why, probably running down to penzance." "i don't know about that," said harry, who continued to watch the vessel with much interest; "it looks to me as if she were running close in, to anchor." "well, let her anchor if she likes. there's nothing strange in that, when there's not wind enough to fly a feather;" and after a few moments more, in which we resumed our way to the house, drake continued-- "haven't our tutors proved splendid fellows? i think the captain is the finest old chap that i ever came across; and when mr clare is a clergyman i should like to go to his church--shouldn't feel a bit like going to sleep then." to which we all gave a cordial assent, and, having reached the house, turned in there with the prospect of having some fun with clump and juno before our tutors should return. i stood at the door a few minutes. sure enough harry was right. though it was too dark now to distinguish anything more than a hundred yards away, i heard the running out of a cable and then the lowering of the sails. "an odd place to anchor for the night," thought i, and so did ugly, who was beside me, for he gave a low, uneasy howl. juno was laying the plates for tea, as i went in. after teasing her for awhile i joined the other boys. soon juno came out to the kitchen, and when she commenced to fry the hasty-pudding, we induced clump to tell us some of his sea adventures, in the middle of which ugly set up a furious barking, and a moment afterwards there came a heavy rap at the front door. it was the first time there had been a knock at a door of our old house since we had been in it. clump, leaving his story unfinished, took a candle, and drake and i followed him into the dining-room, which he had to cross to get to the front door. but by the time we had entered the dining-room a stranger had walked into the hall, and had also proceeded to open the door opposite us. ugly, who was greatly incensed, jumped forward and took hold of a leg of the stranger's trousers. our visitor was a small, rough, ugly man, with a terrible squint in his eyes and a voice as unpleasant as his face. he had no collar, only a handkerchief about his neck, and wore a large, shaggy flushing jacket. his first act was to kick ugly halfway across the room, with the salutation: "take that, you damned cur, for your manners, damn you!" ugly made at him again fiercer than ever, but i caught him in time and held him. "wat will you 'ab, sir?" asked clump in a dignified voice. "what will i have, ay? i'll have that cur's life if he comes at me agin, and i want to know, old nigger, if,"--here the rough customer spit some tobacco-juice on the floor--"i want to know if you kin 'commodate four or five gents for the night, ay?" all of clump's spirit was aroused, and he stammered as he replied-- "no, mon; n-o-o-o! we dussen keeps no ho-o-o--hotel 'ere, we dussen. you'se find tabben ober end de town. dis am massa tre-gel--tre-gel-- massa tregellin's privet mansion." "ho! ho!" answered the man, slapping his hat down on his head and spitting again. "_massa_ tregellin's house, is it? look here, boys, you just tell your dad, when you see him, that he has got a foolish, consequential nigger and a mean, tumbledown affair of a hut, if it can't 'commodate some poor sailors. howsumever, i'll go back to my lugger, and bad luck to your _mansion_! old nig, look 'er here--perhaps we'll see each other again." he looked slowly all round the room, and went out, slamming the doors after him. fifteen minutes afterwards our tutors came in, and when they heard of our visitor captain mugford waxed wroth. "i wish i had been here," he exclaimed; "if i wouldn't have put that scoundrel off soundings in about half a splice! the impudent fellow, to attempt to lord it in that style in a gentleman's house. what do you think of it, mr clare, eh?" "oh, not much, captain mugford. the man was probably tipsy, and was of course a bully, or he would never have talked so before boys and a poor old negro. i am glad neither walter nor harry was in the room." "so am i, sir," said walter; "we were in the kitchen and came in when we heard the loud talking, just as the man slammed the doors in going out. we could have done nothing more than order him out." after tea we boys went into the kitchen again, leaving our tutors playing at chess, which mr clare was trying to teach captain mugford. that kitchen was a favourite resort of ours in the evenings, and clump and juno liked to have us there. there was a famous fire--three or four fresh logs singing over a red mass of coal; plenty of ashes; and a whistled tune with a jet of smoke right from the heart of each stick. the brass fire-dogs were extra bright, reflecting the blaze on all sides. some chestnuts and potatoes were roasting in the ashes, and clump had provided some cider to treat us to, this last night of ours on the cape. so we pulled our chairs close around the fire, clump sitting at one end, almost inside the chimney-place, smoking his pipe, and juno at the other end, also almost inside the chimney-place, and smoking, too, her pipe. hi! how they grinned, and chatted, and smoked. after awhile, when we had had a full hour of real fun, quizzing the old folks, telling stories, eating chestnuts and potatoes, drinking cider, and listening to stories of the west indies, walter and harry got up to clean their guns. "wen you'se cum 'ere nudder time, 'spect dese ole black folks be gwine 'way--be gwine 'crost de ribber jordan?"--exclaimed juno, with a long sigh. "now, don't talk in that way," said harry; "why, marm juno, you and clump will live to dance at my wedding; see if you don't; and now, juno, just give us a kettle of hot water, will you, to rinse out these gun-barrels with." when the guns were washed, dried, and rubbed off with oil, i said to clump, "have you got any bullets or buckshot?" "don't know, massa bob--'spects so, en my ole tool-box." "why," asked drake, "what are you going to do, bob, with bullets and buckshot?" clump was down on his knees in the closet, overhauling the tool-box he had spoken of. "well, drake, i'll tell you if clump finds the articles," i answered. "have you got any, clump?" "yah, massa, 'ere's a han'ful." "these bullets and buckshot," i continued, "are for walter and harry to load their guns with; for, just as sure as that fellow came here this afternoon, just so sure, i believe, he will be back here before morning with more like him." "what stuff," sang out walter, laughing; "what puts that in your head, bob?" "i don't know exactly what, walter, but i suspect it, and i have not liked to say anything about it before, because i was afraid of being laughed at. but the more i think of it, the more certain i am that the man who was here to-night is one of the band of smugglers who owned the goods taken through our means by the revenue men. there are others with him, and, mark my word, they have not come back for nothing. now do, fellows, load your guns. we needn't say anything and get laughed at, for the captain will surely laugh if we tell him my suspicions. you can take your guns upstairs, and then, if anything does happen before morning, you'll be all ready." "well, walter," said harry, "suppose we do--it's good fun at any rate to make believe that robbers, and outlaws, and smugglers, and all other sorts of odd visitors are coming--and--i cannot help owning that what bob says sounds probable. so here go two bullets for this barrel, and nine buckshot for the other. come, walt, load up! don't you shake in your boots already? ugh!" "it is curious that we should have pretended to be smugglers if smugglers really do come. probably that makes bob fancy they will come; still, i wish that we had not frightened the old people so," said walter, loading his gun; and a few minutes later mr clare opened the kitchen door and called us in to evening prayers. as they always did, clump and juno assembled with us in the dining-room. there was something very impressive in those few moments before the chapter for reading was found. there was the sound of the turning over of the bible leaves, and that of a light, pattering autumn rain without, (it had commenced after dark), besides the comfortable crackling of the wood-fire, and the occasional snapping of the fresh logs. the old, devoted, pious negroes; the rugged, benevolent captain, with an expression of thought and reverent waiting in his face; and we boys, so full of youth and spirits, sat thinking--soberly, and perhaps solemnly-- how neither sickness nor harm had come near us; what blessings of pleasure, health, and strength had waited on us all during half a year; how those dear ones separated from us had been preserved from suffering and calamity, and were hoping to meet us before another week had commenced; how the common ties and associations that had united us so happily and so long were soon to be sundered. those and many other-- some graver, some lighter--thoughts, in those few seconds, occupied our minds, whilst mr clare turned over the leaves beneath the table lamp, and then his clear, strong voice slowly and feelingly uttered the words: "i will say of the lord, _he is_ my refuge and my fortress: my god; in him will i trust. surely he shall deliver thee from the snare of the fowler, and from the noisome pestilence. he shall cover thee with his feathers, and under his wings shalt thou trust: his truth _shall_ be _thy_ shield and buckler. thou shalt not be afraid for the terror by night; nor for the arrow that flieth by day; nor for the pestilence that walketh in darkness; nor for the destruction that wasteth at noonday... because thou hast made the lord which is my refuge, even the most high, thy habitation... for he shall give his angels charge over thee, to keep thee in all thy ways. they shall bear thee up in their hands, lest thou dash thy foot against a stone... he shall call upon me, and i will answer him. i will be with him in trouble: i will deliver him and honour him. with long life will i satisfy him, and show him my salvation." and when the prayers had ended, we separated quietly for our beds, the captain going off as usual to the brig. i turned the key in the hall-door as he went out--the first time such a thing had been done during our stay on the cape. ugly coiled himself up on the horsehair sofa in the dining-room, and in half an hour more, i suppose, every soul in the old house was asleep. i dreamed that a lot of rabbits were in a hole together and making a humming noise, which, i believed, was a whispering they were having together, and i wanted to hear what they said, but that ugly made such a barking i could not. i woke up, and, sure enough, ugly was very noisy in the room below, barking regularly and harshly. no one else in the house seemed to be disturbed. there was a placid snoring in the attic, a pattering of rain on the roof, and a splashing of water, as it ran off steadily in a stream to the ground. but in a minute or two, between ugly's barks i thought i heard something which recalled what i had been dreaming of, the rabbits whispering in their burrow. i listened. yes, some persons outside the house were talking together in low voices. i crawled to a window and looked out. there was an indistinct group of three or four persons standing by the rock, twenty yards from the house. their talk was only a murmur of different voices in discussion, sometimes louder, sometimes fainter; but as i watched, one of the group struck a light, and i saw in the flash four or five or more figures, and the face of the man who had entered the house in the evening, who was now holding a lantern to be lighted, and was also looking up at the house. it was a dark lantern, i suppose, for the light was shut up in some way after that. i shook each of the boys and told them to look out of the window, and then i ran into mr clare's room and woke him. when he saw that some sort of robbery or attack was to be made on the house, he exclaimed, "i hope they do not know that the captain is alone in the brig," and ran downstairs to bolt all the doors and windows as securely as they could be fastened, and awaken clump and juno, who slept in a little room off the kitchen. not a lamp was lighted in the house, but the smugglers had heard the noises made, and now, talking and swearing aloud, approached the door and turned the handle. being bolted within, they could not open it. "hullo! hullo! i say, you tregellin fellows, wake up!"--it was the voice we had heard before--"wake up and let us in?"--it sounded as if he turned to his companions then, and laughed and muttered something--"here's some decent sailor-boys as wants a drop and a bite, so wake up quick, boys and niggers!--let us in, i say, or we'll break open the doors, and break your bones into the bargain." at the conclusion of the speech, they all beat on the door and house with fists and sticks, and laughed loudly at their leader's joke. mr clare now went down the narrow, creaking stairs again to the big door they were pounding against so fiercely, and from behind its defence answered the summons. "men: this is a private house, and you must go away. you will get nothing here, and we are armed." "hurrah!" they answered without. i shall omit the terrible oaths with which they loaded every breath they spoke. "who are you, big voice?" "no matter," called out mr clare, "who i am. i suspect who you are, and we do not intend to let you get in here--that is all." "that's a lie--we'll be in in ten minutes and make your bass a squeak. if you don't open this 'ere door in a jiffy--we'll make grease-pots of you along with them niggers. look what we'll do with your castle--just what we have been doing with the old hulk down there on the rocks." as he spoke, the darkness in the house withdrew to the holes and corners, and flashes of red and white light shot into every window and played on the walls, reflected from the midnight sky that had suddenly kindled to a blaze. the outlaws had set the old wreck on fire--our dear old school-house. could the captain be there, sleeping yet? or had they killed him? ah! that doubt about captain mugford's safety magnified the danger of our own situation to our imaginations. if those outlaws could burn, in madness, such a harmless thing as the castaway brig, and could conquer such a powerful man as our salt tute, what might they not do here to us? the hour--the yelling and swearing and banging at the doors--the lurid glare flashing from the sky to show us each other's fear-stamped countenances--those united to bewilder and appal us boys at least. juno, too, was upstairs in our room, sitting on a low chair, perfectly silent, but overcome by dread. but clump, who now showed the courage he really possessed, was active with mr clare downstairs, strengthening every window and door. he was not afraid. his old spirit was aroused, and, in the defence of his dear master's children, he was anxious to prove his courage and fidelity. "harry," mr clare called up the stairs, "bring me your gun. i shall want that down here. you say it is all loaded and ready, eh? well, bring it down. walter, you keep yours upstairs, and all you boys remain there until it is necessary to come down; and now, walter, don't fire unless there is absolute necessity. the rascals can't burn this house unless they light the roof, and they can't stay here all night to do that, for the light of the _clear the track_ will bring over some of the townspeople. poor mugford! poor mugford! bob, you climb up to that little window in the south gable-end, and see if you can detect any movement about the wreck." harry handed him the gun, and i climbed to the lookout, relinquishing ugly, whom i had been holding, to juno's care. he had been ordered not to bark, so now he only panted fiercely and listened intently. the smugglers, after vain attempts at the front door--they could have smashed in the windows, shutters, latches, glass, and all, but their small size and height from the ground made them most dangerous to enter by when there were defenders within went round to the back of the house, and presently i heard a great ripping and banging of boards there, and mr clare's voice call quickly-- "if one inch of you enter there, i will fire--understand that." then we heard a shot, but knew by the report that it was not harry's gun, and drake called down the stairs, "clump, who fired?" "de smugglers, massa; one den shoot tru de winder at massa clare, but tank de lor, the scoundrel miss." just then i saw--and how the blood coursed with one cold sweep from my heart and back again--amid the hot flames of the burning wreck, captain mugford's figure. he sprang from the deck to the rocks and was rushing towards the house. i turned and called the good news, but found that juno and i were alone. the others, too much excited and interested in the contest to remain longer prisoners in the attic, had got on the stairway, and when i looked down on them walter was on the bottom step with his gun cocked. now many steps and the yelled-out blasphemy of the smugglers came round the house again to the front. though, as we knew afterwards, two remained to keep mr clare occupied there, whilst the three others were to try the windows again. captain mugford must be near. oh! that he could get here safely. ugly jumped by me, and, uttering a savage bark, sprang downstairs and past walter. he had escaped from juno's charge. as he flew about the rooms downstairs, a whole sash and shutter in the south-east room were driven in by a blow of an immense beam, and in another second half the body of a smuggler was above the window-sill. but with a tremendous leap ugly reached him and pinned him by the throat. they tumbled back together. then we heard a new voice--captain mugford's! "you cowards, you hang-dogs, you scum of the sea, you dark-hearted blackguards--take that! aye, villains!--and that!" two pistol shots were heard. harry jumped to open the door for captain mugford. walter stood ready beside him with the gun. i ran with drake to the open window, to see if harm had come to our dear salt tute, and alfred had hurried in to where mr clare was alone guarding the back-door and broken windows, for he had sent clump, not knowing of our being downstairs and of the captain's coming, to fight where we were. clump had a short iron bar in his hands. i saw the man whom ugly had gripped fallen on his knees and cutting our gallant little dog from his neck with a knife. one outlaw was stretched on the ground. another was struggling with the captain. he was a large, powerful fellow, and seemed to be getting the better of our now much-exhausted tutor. as i looked, the prostrate man rose, and both he and the one whom poor ugly-- now dead on the grass--had attacked came to help crush the captain. then the front door was flung open. walter fired, and the man who had killed our brave dog dropped the knife he held, and, clasping his left shoulder with his right hand, screamed out a terrible oath, and, yelling with pain, ran from the struggle. at the same moment--all these events, from the time captain mugford arrived until the door was opened to admit him, not occupying probably three minutes--the captain fell beneath his adversary, whose fingers clutched his throat, and the infuriated outlaw seemed determined to finish him. walter could not fire again without shooting the very one for whose safety alone he would fire. but clump jumped out with his iron bar and struck the assailant on the head. the captain was released just as i saw the other miscreant level a pistol at clump. i called, "oh, clump, clump, take care!" with the sound of my voice came the sharp, fatal crack of the pistol, and clump fell back--_dead_! two minutes more and all the smugglers were in full flight. the old, grey-headed, faithful, true-hearted clump was dead, and juno stretched unconscious on her husband's body. ugly, all hacked to pieces, lay in a pool of blood, yet gasping. captain mugford, wounded, bruised, and exhausted, sat on the doorstep. mr clare was leaning over clump with a hand on the pulseless heart. the burning wreck yet lighted the heavens, and the horrid scene at the very doorstep of our home of such a happy half-year. chapter twenty. a retrospect and farewell. it is fifty years ago and some months since that rainy, bloody, flame-lit october night. and now this cold, wintery, blustering midnight, i--the bob tregellin of my story--sit writing this concluding chapter. there is a coal-fire glowing hot in the grate. there are shelves and shelves of books; easy-chairs sprawling their indolent figures here and there; a curled-up bunch of fur purring in one; an old black setter-dog dreaming--as i can see by the whine in his quick breathing and the kicking of his outstretched legs--on a bearskin rug before the fire; and a circle of bright light from a well-shaded lamp falls about my table. yes--but i shall get up now for a minute and take down the old musket and dog-collar, the sight of which always vividly recalls those happiest months of my life--fifty years ago. as i replace them the storm without comes in a heavier, fiercer gust. i hear it rush in a whirl up the street. i see it almost lift the heavy curtains over the window, as if it would come in and rest itself. i hear it whistling through all the cracks and keyholes of the house-- whistling dismally. its voices, and the rumbling of a hack in some neighbouring street, remind me of storms i have heard, lying comfortably in my snug attic bed in the old house on the cape--the wind and the waves dashing up the rocky shore. that strong whiff disturbed pussy's and "the captain's" (so i have called my old setter friend) nap, for puss stands up on her morocco bed and arches her back like a horseshoe, and then springs, with a jolted-out "mew-r-r-r," right on my table, and proceeds to walk over this manuscript, carrying her tail up as if she wanted to light it by the gas and beg me then to touch it to my pipe and stop scribbling. so i shall presently. and the captain strolls up to lay his cold nose on my knee, slowly wag his silky tail, and look kindly into my face with those soft, big eyes, as if he would say, "come, master, don't be low-spirited." you are right, old fellow! i was somewhat sad about leaving the pleasant companionship i have held through my pen with brothers and friends of the old time, and a goodly number of those who are young now, while i am so no longer, except in memory and heart. youth has come back with these pages, and perhaps you are tired with me, but i--i shall never tire of the _young_--the glorious companionship of the pure, merry, brave hearts that look undaunted and without suspicion on the great road stretching far into the future, and fading only to reappear in mirages of splendour in a brilliant sky. ------------------------------------------------------------------------ there! i have smoked my pipe: and now, miss puss, stretch yourself in the chair again, and you, captain, resume that dream by the fire. i have got a few more lines to write before my invisible friends leave me. from that autumn night, , to this winter night of , no clue has ever been discovered to the murderers of faithful old clump. about christmas time of the same year juno closed her earthly eyes in the old cape house--to open them again, i fervently believe, in heaven. mr clare lives--a venerable clergyman in one of our great cities--his head and heart yet labouring earnestly in the great cause he serves. captain mugford sleeps in the home of his adoption--the ocean. five years after our six months together he sailed from bristol as boatswain of a splendid ship for the pacific. a fortnight after, he was spoken by a homeward-bound brig, and that was the last ever heard of honest roland mugford, or the ship he sailed in. i hope seas, winds, and undercurrents, however rough they may have been, left undisturbed the red bandanna and the short black pipe. and we feel sure that the mother's prayers were answered, and that the boy who ran away from her in his youth came back to her,--whither her memory was a beacon light-- the eternal harbour, unstirred by storms. walter is a man of eminence--a diplomatist--and harry a merchant, a cheerful, generous-hearted man, whose name is the synonym of honour, and whose hands "to do good, and to distribute, forget not." drake, who entered the army after travelling in every strange and dim corner of the globe--frozen up in the arctic seas, perspiring in the interior of africa, exploring among the western wilds of the rocky mountains, and doing other things adventurous in every out-of-the-way part--finally went with all his honest, hot zeal to india, where, fighting his country's battles, he spent many years of his life, and came back a general and one-legged man. now he _stumps_ about in this same library, but manages to take me travelling thousands of never-weary miles; and many and many a time do we walk, and shoot, and swim, and race, and fight over and over again that happy time at the cape. poor alfred--the best of all of us--died before his thirtieth year, nursed by a few devoted africans, at his missionary station in the southern atlantic. and i, whom the general calls "vieux moustache," have finished an old boy's story of "our salt and fresh water tutors." the end. impressions of south africa by james bryce author of "the holy roman empire," "transcaucasia and ararat," "the american commonwealth," etc. _with three maps._ third edition, revised throughout with a new prefatory chapter, and with the transvaal conventions of and london macmillan and co., limited _all rights reserved_ richard clay and sons, limited, london and bungay. _first edition, vo. november _ _reprinted, november _ _second edition, january _ _third edition, crown vo. november _ _reprinted, december _ to the companion of my journey prefatory chapter this new edition has been carefully revised throughout, and, as far as possible, brought up to date by noting, in their proper places, the chief events of importance that have occurred since the book first appeared. in the historical chapters, however, and in those which deal with recent politics, no changes have been made save such as were needed for the correction of one or two slight errors of fact, and for the mention of new facts, later in date than the first edition. i have left the statements of my own views exactly as they were first written, even where i thought that the form of a statement might be verbally improved, not only because i still adhere to those views, but also because i desire it to be clearly understood that they were formed and expressed before the events of the last few months, and without any reference to the controversies of the moment. when the first edition of the book was published (at the end of ) there was strong reason to believe as well as to hope that a race conflict in south africa would be avoided, and that the political problems it presents, acute as they had become early in , would be solved in a peaceable way. to this belief and hope i gave expression in the concluding chapter of the book, indicating "tact, coolness and patience, above all, patience," as the qualities needed to attain that result which all friends of the country must unite in desiring. now, however, (october ), britain and her south african colonies and territories find themselves at war with the south african republic and the orange free state. a new chapter is opened in the history of the country which completely alters the situation, and must necessarily leave things very different from what it found them. readers of this new edition may reasonably expect to find in it some account of the events which have within the last two years led up to this catastrophe, or at any rate some estimate of that conduct of affairs by the three governments concerned which has brought about a result all three ought to have sought to avert. there are, however, conclusive reasons against attempting to continue down to the outbreak of the war (october th) the historical sketch given in chapters ii to xii. the materials for the historian are still scanty and imperfect, leaving him with data scarcely sufficient for judging the intention and motives with which some things were done. round the acts and words of the representatives of the three governments concerned, there rages such a storm of controversy, that whoever places a particular construction upon those acts and words must need support his construction by citations from documents and arguments based on those citations. to do this would need a space much larger than i can command. the most serious difficulty, however, is that when events are close to us and excite strong feelings, men distrust the impartiality of a historian even when he does his best to be impartial. i shall not, therefore, attempt to write a history of the last two fateful years, but content myself first, with calling the reader's attention to a few salient facts that have occurred since , and to some aspects of the case which have been little considered in england; and secondly, with describing as clearly and estimating as cautiously as i can, the forces that have worked during those years with such swift and deadly effect. some of these facts may be dismissed with a word or two, because they lie outside the present crisis. one is the entrance of the colony of natal into the south african customs union, an event which created one uniform tariff system for the whole of british and dutch south africa except the transvaal. another is the extension of the two great lines of railway from the coast into the interior. this extension has given bulawayo and matabililand a swift and easy communication with cape town, thereby strengthening immensely the hold of britain upon the interior, and lessening any risk that might be feared of future native risings. it has also opened up a new and quick route from the coast of the indian ocean at beira into the heart of mashonaland, and brought the construction of a railway from mashonaland across the zambesi to lake tanganyika within the horizon of practicable enterprises. a scheme of government has been settled for the territories of the british south africa company south of the zambesi (southern rhodesia), which is now at work. the prospects of gold mining in that region are believed to have improved, and the increase of gold production in the mines of the witwatersrand has proved even more rapid than was expected in . an agreement has been concluded between britain and the german empire relating to their interests on the coast of the indian ocean, which, though its terms have not been disclosed, is generally understood to have removed an obstacle which might have been feared to the acquisition by britain of such rights at delagoa bay as she may be able to obtain from portugal, and to have withdrawn from the south african republic any hope that state might have cherished of support from germany in the event of a breach with britain. these events, however, great as is their bearing on the future, are of less present moment than those which have sprung from dr. jameson's expedition into the transvaal in december, , and the internal troubles in that state which caused and accompanied his enterprise. it rekindled race feeling all over south africa, and has had the most disastrous effects upon every part of the country. to understand these effects it is necessary to understand the state of opinion in the british colonies and in the two republics before it took place. let us examine these communities separately. in cape colony and natal there was before december, , no hostility at all between the british and the dutch elements. political parties in cape colony were, in a broad sense, british and dutch, but the distinction was really based not so much on racial differences as on economic interests. the rural element which desired a protective tariff and laws regulating native labour, was mainly dutch, the commercial element almost wholly british. mr. rhodes, the embodiment of british imperialism, was prime minister through the support of the dutch element and the africander bond. englishmen and dutchmen were everywhere in the best social relations. the old blood sympathy of the dutch element for the transvaal boers which had been so strongly manifested in , when the latter were struggling for their independence, had been superseded, or at least thrown into the background, by displeasure at the unneighbourly policy of the transvaal government in refusing public employment to cape dutchmen as well as to englishmen, and in throwing obstacles in the way of trade in agricultural products. this displeasure culminated when the transvaal government, in the summer of , closed the drifts (fords) on the vaal river, to the detriment of imports from the colony and the orange free state. in the orange free state there was, as has been pointed out in chapter xix., perfect good feeling and cordial co-operation in all public matters between the dutch and the english elements. there was also perfect friendliness to britain, the old grievances of the diamond fields dispute (see page ) and of the arrest of the free state conquest of basutoland having been virtually forgotten. towards the transvaal there was a political sympathy based partly on kinship, partly on a similarity of republican institutions. but there was also some annoyance at the policy which the transvaal government, and especially its hollander advisers, were pursuing; coupled with a desire to see reforms effected in the transvaal, and the franchise granted to immigrants on more liberal terms. of the transvaal itself i need say the less, because its condition is fully described in chapter xxv. there was of course much irritation among the uitlanders of english and colonial stock, with an arrogant refusal on the part of the ruling section and the more extreme old-fashioned boers to admit the claims of these new-comers. but there was also a party among the burghers, important more by the character and ability of its members than by its numbers, yet growing in influence, which desired reform, perceived that the existing state of things could not continue, and was ready to join the uitlanders in agitating for sweeping changes in the constitution and in administration. the events of december, , changed the face of things swiftly and decisively in all these communities. in cape colony dutch feeling, which as a political force was almost expiring, revived at once. the unexpected attack on the transvaal evolved an outburst of sympathy for it, in which the faults of its government were forgotten. mr. rhodes retired from office. the reconstructed ministry which succeeded fell in , and a new ministry supported by the africander bond came into power after a general election. its majority was narrow, and was accused of not fairly representing the country, owing to the nature of the electoral areas. a redistribution bill was passed by a species of compromise, and in the elections to the new constituencies which followed the dutch party slightly increased its majority, and kept its cabinet (in which, however, men of dutch blood are a minority) in power. party feeling, both inside and outside the legislature, became, and has remained, extremely strong on both sides. the english generally have rallied to and acclaim mr. rhodes, whose connection with dr. jameson's expedition has made him the special object of dutch hostility. there is, according to the reports which reach england, no longer any moderating third party: all are violent partisans. nevertheless--and this is a remarkable and most encouraging fact--this violence did not diminish the warmth with which the whole assembly testified its loyalty and affection towards the queen on the occasion of the completion of the sixtieth year of her reign in . and the bond ministry of mr. schreiner proposed and carried by a unanimous vote a grant of £ , per annum as a contribution by the colony to the naval defence of the empire, leaving the application of this sum to the unfettered discretion of the british admiralty. in the orange free state the explosion of dutch sentiment was still stronger. its first result was seen in the election of a president. in november, , two candidates for the vacant office had come forward, and their chances were deemed to be nearly equal. when the news of the jameson expedition was received, the chance of the candidate of british stock vanished. since then, though there was not (so far as i gather) down till the last few weeks any indication of hostility to britain, much less any social friction within the state, a disposition to draw closer to the threatened sister republic showed itself at once. this led to the conclusion of a defensive alliance between the free state and the transvaal, whereby either bound itself to defend the other, if unjustly attacked. (the transvaal is believed to have suggested, and the free state to have refused, a still closer union.) as the orange free state had no reason to fear an attack, just or unjust, from any quarter, this was a voluntary undertaking on its part, with no corresponding advantage, of what might prove a dangerous liability, and it furnishes a signal proof of the love of independence which animates this little community. we come now to the transvaal itself. in that state the burgher party of constitutional reform was at once silenced, and its prospect of usefulness blighted. so, too, the uitlander agitation was extinguished. the reform leaders were in prison or in exile. the passionate anti-english feeling, and the dogged refusal to consider reforms, which had characterized the extreme party among the boers, were intensified. the influence of president kruger, more than once threatened in the years immediately preceding, was immensely strengthened. the president and his advisers had a golden opportunity before them of using the credit and power which the failure of the rising and the expedition of had given them. they ought to have seen that magnanimity would also be wisdom. they ought to have set about a reform of the administration and to have proposed a moderate enlargement of the franchise such as would have admitted enough of the new settlers to give them a voice, yet not enough to involve any sudden transfer of legislative or executive power. whether the sentiment of the boers generally would have enabled the president to extend the franchise may be doubtful; but he could at any rate have tried to deal with the more flagrant abuses of administration. however, he attempted neither. the abuses remained, and though a commission reported on some of them, and suggested important reforms, no action was taken. the weak point of the constitution (as to which see p. ) was the power which the legislature apparently possessed of interfering with vested rights, and even with pending suits, by a resolution having the force of law. this was a defect due, not to any desire to do wrong, but to the inexperience of those who had originally framed the constitution, and to the want of legal knowledge and skill among those who had worked it, and was aggravated by the fact that the legislature consisted of one chamber only, which was naturally led to legislate by way of resolution (besluit) because the process of passing laws in the stricter sense of the term involved a tedious and cumbrous process of bringing them to the knowledge of the people throughout the country. upon this point there arose a dispute with the chief justice which led to the dismissal of that official and one of his colleagues, a dispute which could not be explained here without entering upon technical details. there is no reason to think that the president's action was prompted by any wish to give the legislature the means of wronging individuals, nor has evidence been produced to show that its powers have been in fact (at least to any material extent) so used. the matter cannot be fairly judged without considering the peculiar character of the transvaal constitution, for which the president is nowise to blame, and the statements often made in this country that the subjection of the judiciary to the legislature destroys the security of property are much exaggerated, for property has been, in fact, secure. it was, nevertheless, an error not to try to retain a man so much respected as the chief justice, and not to fulfil the promise given to sir henry de villiers (who had been invoked as mediator) that the judiciary should be placed in a more assured position. the idea which seems to have filled the president's mind was that force was the only remedy. the republic was, he thought, sure to be again attacked from within or from without; and the essential thing was to strengthen its military resources for defence, while retaining political power in the hands of the burghers. accordingly, the fortifications already begun at pretoria were pushed on, a strong fort was erected to command johannesburg, and munitions of war were imported in very large quantities, while the uitlanders were debarred from possessing arms. such precautions were natural. any government which had been nearly overthrown, and expected another attack, would have done the like. but these measures of course incensed the uitlanders, who saw that another insurrection would have less chance of success than the last, and resented the inferiority implied in disarmament, as israel resented the similar policy pursued by the philistine princes. the capitalists also, an important factor by their wealth and by their power of influencing opinion in europe, were angry and restless, because the prospect of securing reforms which would reduce the cost of working the gold reefs became more remote. this was the condition of things in the two republics and the british colonies when the diplomatic controversy between the imperial government and the south african republic, which had been going on ever since , passed in the early summer of into a more acute phase. the beginning of that phase coincided, as it so happened, with the expiry of the period during which the leaders of the johannesburg rising of had promised to abstain from interference in politics, and the incident out of which it grew was the presentation to the queen (in march ), through the high commissioner, of a petition from a large number of british residents on the witwatersrand complaining of the position in which they found themselves. the situation soon became one of great tension, owing to the growing passion of the english in south africa and the growing suspicion on the part of the transvaal boers. but before we speak of the negotiations, let us consider for a moment what was the position of the two parties to the controversy. the position of the transvaal government, although (as will presently appear) it had some measure of legal strength, was, if regarded from the point of view of actual facts, logically indefensible and materially dangerous. it was not, indeed, the fault of that government that the richest goldfield in the world had been discovered in its territory, nor would it have been possible for the boers, whatever they might have wished, to prevent the mines from being worked and the miners from streaming in. but the course they took was condemned from the first to failure. they desired to have the benefit of the gold-mines while yet retaining their old ways of life, not seeing that the two things were incompatible. moreover, they--or rather the president and his advisers--committed the fatal mistake of trying to maintain a government which was at the same time undemocratic and incompetent. if it had been representative of the whole mass of the inhabitants it might have ventured, like the governments of some great american cities, to disregard both purity and efficiency. if, on the other hand, it had been a vigorous and skilful government, giving to the inhabitants the comforts and conveniences of municipal and industrial life at a reasonable charge, the narrow electoral basis on which it rested would have remained little more than a theoretic grievance, and the bulk of the people would have cared nothing for political rights. an exclusive government may be pardoned if it is efficient, an inefficient government if it rests upon the people. but a government which is both inefficient and exclusive incurs a weight of odium under which it must ultimately sink; and this was the kind of government which the transvaal attempted to maintain. they ought, therefore, to have either extended their franchise or reformed their administration. they would not do the former, lest the new burghers should swamp the old ones, and take the control out of boer hands. they were unfit to do the latter, because they had neither knowledge nor skill, so that even had private interests not stood in the way, they would have failed to create a proper administration. it was the ignorance, as well as the exclusive spirit of the transvaal authorities, which made them unwilling to yield any more than they might be forced to yield to the demand for reform. the position in which britain stood needs to be examined from two sides, its legal right of interference, and the practical considerations which justified interference in this particular case. her legal right rested on three grounds. the first was the convention of (printed in the appendix to this volume), which entitled her to complain of any infraction of the privileges thereby guaranteed to her subjects. the second was the ordinary right, which every state possesses, to complain, and (if necessary) intervene when its subjects are wronged, and especially when they suffer any disabilities not imposed upon the subjects of other states. the third right was more difficult to formulate. it rested on the fact that as britain was the greatest power in south africa, owning the whole country south of the zambesi except the two dutch republics (for the deserts of german damaraland and the portuguese east-coast territories may be practically left out of account), she was interested in preventing any causes of disturbance within the transvaal which might spread beyond its borders, and become sources of trouble either among natives or among white men. this right was of a vague and indeterminate nature, and could be legitimately used only when it was plain that the sources of trouble did really exist and were becoming dangerous. was there not also, it may be asked, the suzerainty of britain, and if so, did it not justify intervention? i will not discuss the question, much debated by english lawyers, whether the suzerainty over the "transvaal state," mentioned in the preamble to the convention of , was preserved over the "south african republic" by the convention of , not because i have been unable to reach a conclusion on the subject, but because the point seems to be one of no practical importance. assuming, for the sake of argument, that there is a suzerainty, it is perfectly clear from an examination of the conventions and of the negotiations of that this suzerainty relates solely to foreign relations, and has nothing whatever to do with the internal constitution or government of the transvaal. the significance of the term--if it be carried over and read into the convention of --is exhausted by the provision in article iv of that instrument for the submission of treaties to the british government. no argument, accordingly, for any right of interference as regards either the political arrangements of the transvaal or the treatment of foreigners within its borders, can be founded on this real or supposed suzerainty. this view had been too frequently and too clearly expressed by the british government before , to make it possible for any british official to attempt to put any such construction upon the term; and the matter might therefore have been suffered to drop, since the right to veto treaties was explicit, and did not need to be supported by an appeal to the preamble of . the term, however, though useless to britain, was galling to the transvaal, which suspected that it would be made a pretext for infringements upon their independence in internal affairs; and these suspicions were confirmed by the talk of the uitlander spokesmen in johannesburg, who were in the habit of appealing to britain as the suzerain power. it has played a most unfortunate part in the whole controversy. suzerainty, which is a purely legal, though somewhat vague, conception, has in many minds become confused with the practical supremacy, or rather predominance, of britain in south africa, which is a totally different matter. that predominance rests on the fact that britain commands the resources of a great empire, while the dutch republics are petty communities of ranchmen. but it does not carry any legal rights of interference, any more than a preponderance of force gives germany rights against holland. as i have referred to the convention of , it may be well to observe that while continuing to believe that, on a review of the facts as they then stood, the british government were justified in restoring self-government to the transvaal in , they seem to me to have erred in conceding the convention of . though the rand goldfields had not then been discovered, lord derby ought to have seen that the relations of the transvaal to the adjoining british territories would be so close that a certain measure of british control over its internal administration might come to be needful. this control, which was indeed but slight, he surrendered in . but the improvidence of the act does not in the least diminish the duty of the country which made the convention to abide by its terms, or relieve it from the obligation of making out for any subsequent interference a basis of law and fact which the opinion of the world might accept as sufficient. it has not been sufficiently realised in england that although the transvaal may properly, in respect of british control over its foreign relations, be described as a semi-dependent state, britain was under the same obligation to treat it with a strict regard to the recognised principles of international law as if it had been a great power. she had made treaties with it, and those treaties it was her duty to observe. apart from all moral or sentimental considerations, apart from the fact that britain had at the hague conference been the warm and effective advocate of peaceful methods of settling disputes between nations, it is her truest interest to set an example of fairness, legality and sincerity. no country, not even the greatest, can afford to neglect that reasonable and enlightened opinion of thoughtful men in other countries--not to be confounded with the invective and misrepresentation employed by the press of each nation against the others--which determines the ultimate judgment of the world, and passes into the verdict of history. did then the grievances of which the british residents in the transvaal complained furnish such a basis? these grievances are well known, and will be found mentioned in chapter xxv. they were real and vexatious. it is true that some of them affected not so much british residents as the european shareholders in the great mining companies; true also that the mining industry (as will be seen from the figures on p. ) was expanding and prospering in spite of them. furthermore, they were grievances under which, it might be argued, the immigrants had placed themselves by coming with notice of their existence, and from which they might escape by taking a train into the free state or natal. and they were grievances which, however annoying, did not render either life or property unsafe,[ ] and did not prevent the johannesburgers from enjoying life and acquiring wealth. nevertheless, they were such as the british government was entitled to endeavour to have redressed. nor could it be denied that the state of irritation and unrest which prevailed on the witwatersrand, the probability that another rising would take place whenever a chance of success offered, furnished to britain, interested as she was in the general peace of the country, a ground for firm remonstrance and for urging the removal of all legitimate sources of disaffection, especially as these re-acted on the whole of south africa. the british authorities at the cape seem indeed to have thought that the unyielding attitude of the transvaal government worked much mischief in the colony, being taken by the english there as a defiance to the power and influence of britain, and so embittering their minds. among the grievances most in men's mouths was the exclusion of the new-comers from the electoral franchise. it must be clearly distinguished from the other grievances. it was a purely internal affair, in which britain had no right to intermeddle, either under the convention of or under the general right of a state to protect its subjects. nothing is clearer than that every state may extend or limit the suffrage as it pleases. if a british self-governing colony were to restrict the suffrage to those who had lived fourteen years in the colony, or a state of the american union were to do the like, neither the home government in the one case, nor the federal government in the other would have any right to interfere. all therefore that britain could do was to call the attention of the south african republic in a friendly way to the harm which the restriction of the franchise was causing, and point out that to enlarge it might remove the risk of a collision over other matters which did fall within the scope of british intervention. we are therefore, on a review of the whole position, led to conclude that britain was justified in requiring the transvaal government to redress the grievances (other than the limited suffrage) which were complained of. whether she would be justified in proceeding to enforce by arms compliance with her demand, would of course depend upon several things, upon the extent to which the existence of the grievances could be disproved, upon the spirit in which the transvaal met the demand, upon the amount of concessions offered or amendment promised. but before the british government entered on a course which might end in war, if the transvaal should prove intractable, there were some considerations which it was bound seriously to weigh. one of these was the time for entering on a controversy. the jameson invasion was only three years old; and the passions it evoked had not subsided. in it british officers, and troops flying the british flag, if not britain herself, had been wrongdoers. suspicions of british good faith were known to pervade the boer mind, and would give an ominous colour to every demand coming from britain. the lapse of time might diminish these suspicions, and give to negotiations a better prospect of success. time, moreover, was likely to work against the existing system of the transvaal. bad governments carry the seeds of their own dissolution. the reforming party among the transvaal burghers would gain strength, and try to throw off the existing _régime_. the president was an old man, whose retirement from power could not be long delayed; and no successor would be able to hold together as he had done the party of resistance to reform. in the strife of factions that would follow his retirement reform was certain to have a far better chance than it could have had since . in fact, to put it shortly, all the natural forces were working for the uitlanders, and would either open the way for their admission to a share in power, or else make the task of britain easier by giving her less united and therefore less formidable antagonists. these considerations counselled a postponement of the attempt to bring matters to a crisis. in the second place the british government had to remember the importance of carrying the opinion of the dutch in cape colony, and, as far as possible, even of the orange free state, with them in any action they might take. it has been pointed out how before december, , that opinion blamed the transvaal government for its unfriendly treatment of the immigrants. the dutch of both communities had nothing to gain and something to lose by the maladministration of the transvaal, so that they were nowise disposed to support it in refusing reforms. the only thing that would make them rally to it would be a menace to its independence, regarding which they, and especially the free state people, were extremely sensitive. plainly, therefore, unless the colonial dutch were to be incensed and the free state men turned to enemies, such a menace was to be avoided. finally, the british authorities were bound to make sure, not only that they had an adequate _casus belli_ which they could present to their own people and to the world, but also that the gain to be expected from immediately redressing the grievances of the uitlander outweighed the permanent evils war would entail. even where, according to the usage of nations, a just cause for war exists, even where victory in the war may be reckoned on, the harm to be expected may be greater than the fruits of victory. here the harm was evident. the cost of equipping a large force and transporting it across many thousand miles of sea was the smallest part of the harm. the alienation of more than half the population of cape colony, the destruction of a peaceful and prosperous republic with which britain had no quarrel, the responsibility for governing the transvaal when conquered, with its old inhabitants bitterly hostile, these were evils so grave, that the benefits to be secured to the uitlanders might well seem small in comparison. a nation is, no doubt, bound to protect its subjects. but it could hardly be said that the hardships of this group of subjects, which did not prevent others from flocking into the country, and which were no worse than they had been for some time previously, were such as to forbid the exercise of a little more patience. it was said by the war party among the english in south africa that patience was being mistaken for weakness, and that the credit of britain was being lowered all over the world, and even among the peoples of india, by her forbearance towards the transvaal. absurd as this notion may appear, it was believed by heated partizans on the spot. but outside africa, and especially in europe, the forbearance of one of the four greatest powers in the world towards a community of seventy thousand people was in no danger of being misunderstood. whether the force of these considerations, obvious to every unbiased mind which had some knowledge of south africa, was fully realized by those who directed british policy, or whether, having realized their force, they nevertheless judged war the better alternative, is a question on which we are still in the dark. it is possible--and some of the language used by the british authorities may appear to suggest this explanation--that they entered on the negotiations which ended in war in the belief that an attitude of menace would suffice to extort submission, and being unable to recede from that attitude, found themselves drawn on to a result which they had neither desired nor contemplated. be this as it may, the considerations above stated prescribed the use of prudent and (as far as possible) conciliatory methods in their diplomacy, as well as care in selecting a position which would supply a legal justification for war, should war be found the only issue. this was the more necessary because the boers were known to be intensely suspicious. every weak power trying to resist a stronger one must needs take refuge in evasive and dilatory tactics. such had been, such were sure to be, the tactics of the boers. but the boers were also very distrustful of the english government, believing it to aim at nothing less than the annexation of their country. it may seem strange to englishmen that the purity of their motives and the disinterestedness of their efforts to spread good government and raise others to their own level should be doubted. but the fact is--and this goes to the root of the matter--that the boers have regarded the policy of britain towards them as a policy of violence and duplicity. they recall how natal was conquered from them in , after they had conquered it from the zulus; how their country was annexed in , how the promises made at the time of that annexation were broken. they were not appeased by the retrocession of , which they ascribed solely to british fear of a civil war in south africa. it should moreover be remembered,--and this is a point which few people in england do remember--that they hold the annexation to have been an act of high-handed lawlessness done in time of peace, and have deemed themselves entitled to be replaced in the position their republic held before , under the sand river convention of . since the invasion of december , they have been more suspicious than ever, for they believe the british government to have had a hand in that attempt, and they think that influential capitalists have been sedulously scheming against them. their passion for independence is something which we in modern europe find it hard to realise. it recalls the long struggle of the swiss for freedom in the fourteenth century, or the fierce tenacity which the scotch showed in the same age in their resistance to the claim of england to be their "suzerain power." this passion was backed by two other sentiments, an exaggerated estimate of their own strength and a reliance on the protecting hand of providence, fitter for the days of the maccabees or of cromwell than for our own time, but which will appear less strange if the perils through which their nation had passed be remembered. these were the rocks among which the bark of british diplomacy had to be steered. they were, however, rocks above water, so it might be hoped that war could be avoided and some valuable concession secured. to be landed in war would obviously be as great a failure as to secure no concession. instead of demanding the removal of the specific grievances whereof the uitlanders complained, the british government resolved to endeavour to obtain for them an easier acquisition of the electoral franchise and an ampler representation in the legislature. there was much to be said for this course. it would avoid the tedious and vexatious controversies that must have arisen over the details of the grievances. it would (in the long run) secure reform in the best way, viz., by the action of public spirit and enlightenment within the legislature. it would furnish a basis for union between the immigrants and the friends of good government among the burghers themselves, and so conduce to the future peace of the community. there was, however, one material condition, a condition which might prove to be an objection, affecting the resort to it. since the electoral franchise was a matter entirely within the competence of the south african republic, britain must, if she desired to abide by the principles of international law, confine herself to recommendation and advice. she had no right to demand, no right to insist that her advice should be followed. she could not compel compliance by force, nor even by the threat of using force. in other words, a refusal to enlarge the franchise would not furnish any _casus belli_. this course having been adopted, the negotiations entered on a new phase with the conference at bloemfontein, where president kruger met the british high commissioner. such a direct interchange of views between the leading representatives of two powers may often be expedient, because it helps the parties to get sooner to close quarters with the substantial points of difference, and so facilitates a compromise. but its utility depends on two conditions. either the basis of discussion should be arranged beforehand, leaving only minor matters to be adjusted, or else the proceedings should be informal and private. at bloemfontein neither condition existed. no basis had been previously arranged. the conference was formal and (although the press were not admitted) virtually public, each party speaking before the world, each watched and acclaimed by its supporters over the country. the eyes of south africa were fixed on bloemfontein, so that when the conference came to its unfruitful end, the two parties were practically further off than before, and their failure to agree accentuated the bitterness both of the transvaal boers and of the english party in the colonies. to the more extreme men among the latter this result was welcome. there was already a war party in the colony, and voices clamorous for war were heard in the english press. both then and afterwards every check to the negotiations evoked a burst of joy from organs of opinion at home and in the cape, whose articles were unfortunately telegraphed to pretoria. worse still, the cry of "avenge majuba" was frequently heard in the colonies, and sometimes even in england. the story of the negotiations which followed during the months of july, august and september, cannot be told fully here, because it is long and intricate, nor summarized, because the fairness of any summary not supported by citations would be disputed. there are, however, some phenomena in the process of drifting towards war which may be concisely noticed. one of these is that the contending parties were at one moment all but agreed. the transvaal government offered to give the suffrage after five years residence (which was what had been asked by the high commissioner at bloemfontein) coupled with certain conditions, which had little importance, and were afterwards so explained as to have even less. this was, from their point of view, a great concession, one to which they expected opposition from the more conservative section of their own burghers. the british negotiators, though they have since stated that they meant substantially to accept this proposal, sent a reply whose treatment of the conditions was understood as a refusal, and which appeared to raise further questions; and when the transvaal went back to a previous offer, which had previously been held to furnish a basis for agreement, the british government declined to recur to that basis, as being no longer tenable after the later offer. the boers, who had expected (from informal communications) that the five years offer would be readily accepted, seem to have thought that there was no longer any chance of a settlement, because fresh demands would follow each concession. they ought, however, to have persevered with their five years offer, which they could the more easily have done because they had tacitly dropped the unsustainable claim to be a "sovereign and independent state," and expressed themselves ready to abide by the convention of . the british government, on its part, would seem to have thought, when the five years offer was withdrawn because the conditions attached to it were not accepted, that the boers had been trifling with them, and resolved to exact all they demanded, even though less than all would have represented a diplomatic victory. thus a conflict was precipitated which a more cautious and tactful policy might have avoided. the controversy continued through three months to turn on the question of the franchise, nor were any demands for the redress of uitlander grievances ever formulated and addressed to the transvaal either under the convention of or in respect of the general rights at international law which britain possessed. when the franchise negotiations came to an _impasse_, the british government announced (september nd) that their demands and scheme for a "final settlement of the issues created by the policy of the republic"--a phrase which pointed to something more than the redress of grievances--would be presented to the republic. these demands, however, never were presented at all. after an interval of seventeen days from the announcement just mentioned, the transvaal declared war (october th and th). the terms of their ultimatum were offensive and peremptory, such as no government could have been expected to listen to. apart, however, from the language of the ultimatum, a declaration of war must have been looked for. from the middle of july the british government had been strengthening its garrison in south africa, and the despatch of one body of troops after another had been proclaimed with much emphasis in the english newspapers. early in october it was announced that the reserves would be called out and a powerful force despatched. the transvaal had meantime been also preparing for war, so that the sending of british troops might well, after the beginning of september, be justified as a necessary precaution, since the forces then in south africa were inferior in numbers to those the boers could muster. but when the latter knew that an overwhelming force would soon confront them, and draw round them a net of steel, whence they could not escape, they resolved to seize the only advantage they possessed, the advantage of time, and to smite before their enemy was ready. it was therefore, only in a technical or formal sense that they can be said to have begun the war; for a weak state, which sees its enemy approach with a power that will soon be irresistible, has only two alternatives, to submit or to attack at once. in such a quarrel the responsibility does not necessarily rest with those who strike first. it rests with those whose action has made bloodshed inevitable. a singular result of the course things took was that war broke out before any legitimate _casus belli_ had arisen. some one has observed that whereas many wars have been waged to gain subjects, none was ever waged before to get rid of subjects by making it easier for them to pass under another allegiance. the franchise, however, did not constitute a legitimate cause of war, for the british government always admitted they had no right to demand it. the real cause of war was the menacing language of britain, coupled with her preparations for war. these led the boers also to arm, and, as happened with the arming and counter-arming of prussia and austria in , when each expected an attack from the other, war inevitably followed. to brandish the sword before a cause for war has been shown not only impairs the prospect of a peaceful settlement, but may give the world ground for believing that war is intended. by making the concession of the franchise the aim of their efforts, and supporting it by demonstrations which drove their antagonist to arms, the british government placed themselves before the world in the position of having caused a war without ever formulating a _casus belli_, and thereby exposed their country to unfavourable comment from other nations. the british negotiators were, it may be said, placed in a dilemma by the distance which separated their army from south africa, and which obliged them to move troops earlier than they need otherwise have done, even at the risk (which, however, they do not seem to have fully grasped) of precipitating war. but this difficulty might have been avoided in one of two ways. they might have pressed their suggestion for an extension of the franchise in an amicable way, without threats and without moving troops, and have thereby kept matters from coming to a crisis. or, on the other hand, if they thought that the doggedness of the transvaal would yield to nothing but threats, they might have formulated demands, not for the franchise, but for the redress of grievances, demands the refusal or evasion of which would constitute a proper cause of war, and have, simultaneously with the presentation of those demands, sent to south africa a force sufficient at least for the defence of their own territory. the course actually taken missed the advantages of either of these courses. it brought on war before the colonies were in a due state of defence, and it failed to justify war by showing any cause for it such as the usage of civilized states recognizes. as cavour said that any one can govern with a state of siege, so strong powers dealing with weak ones are prone to think that any kind of diplomacy will do. the british government, confident in its strength, seems to have overlooked not only the need for taking up a sound legal position, but the importance of retaining the good will of the colonial dutch, and of preventing the orange free state from taking sides with the transvaal. this was sure to happen if britain was, or seemed to be, the aggressor. now the british government by the attitude of menace it adopted while discussing the franchise question, which furnished no cause for war, by the importance it seemed to attach to the utterances of the body calling itself the uitlander council in johannesburg (a body which was in the strongest opposition to the transvaal authorities), as well as by other methods scarcely consistent with diplomatic usage, led both the transvaal and the free state to believe that they meant to press matters to extremities, and that much more than the franchise or the removal of certain grievances was involved; in fact, that the independence of the republic itself was at stake.[ ] they cannot have intended this, and indeed they expressly disclaimed designs on the independence of the transvaal. nevertheless the free state, when it saw negotiations stopped after september nd, and an overwhelming british force ordered to south africa while the proposals foreshadowed in the despatch of september nd remained undisclosed, became convinced that britain meant to crush the transvaal. being bound by treaty to support the transvaal if the latter was unjustly attacked, and holding the conduct of britain in refusing arbitration and resorting to force without a _casus belli_ to constitute an unjust attack, the free state volksraad and burghers, who had done their utmost to avert war, unhesitatingly threw in their lot with the sister republic. the act was desperate, but it was chivalric. the free state, hitherto happy, prosperous and peaceful, had nothing to gain and everything to lose. few of her statesmen can have doubted that britain must prevail and that their republic would share the ruin which awaited the transvaal dutch. nevertheless honour and the sense of kinship prevailed. it is to be hoped that the excited language in which the passionate feelings of the free state have found expression will not prevent englishmen from recognizing in the conduct of this little community a heroic quality which they would admire if they met it in the annals of ancient greece. it has been suggested that the question of responsibility for the war is really a trivial one, because the negotiations were all along, on one side or on both, unreal and delusive, masking the conviction of both parties that they must come to blows at last. it is said that a conflict for supremacy between the english and dutch races in south africa was inevitable, and it is even alleged that there was a long-standing conspiracy among the dutch, as well in the colonies as in the republics, to overmaster the british element and oust britain from the country. on this hypothesis several observations may be made. one is that it seems to be an afterthought, intended to excuse the failure of diplomacy to untie the knot. no one who studies the despatches can think that either the transvaal government or the british government regarded war as inevitable when the one made, and the other sent a reply intended to accept, the proposals of august th. nothing is easier than to bring charges of bad faith, but he who peruses these despatches with an impartial mind will find little or nothing to justify any such imputation on either party. another is, that the allegation that a calamity was inevitable is one so easy to make and so hard to refute that it is constantly employed to close an embarrassing discussion. you cannot argue with a fatalist, any more than with a prophet. nations whose conscience is clear, statesmen who have foresight and insight, do not throw the blame for their failures upon destiny. the chieftain in homer, whose folly has brought disaster, says, "it is not i who am the cause of this: it is zeus, and fate, and the fury that walketh in darkness." "it could not have been helped anyhow," "it was bound to come"--phrases such as these are the last refuge of despairing incompetence. the hypothesis that the dutch all over south africa were leagued for the overthrow of british power is so startling that it needs to be supported by wide and weighty evidence. is such evidence forthcoming? it has not been produced. one who has not been in south africa since dare not rely on his own observation to deny the allegation. but neither can englishmen at home accept the assertions of partisans in south africa, the extravagance of whose language shows that they have been carried away by party passion. the probabilities of the case are altogether against the hypothesis, and support the view of a temperate writer in the _edinburgh review_ for october, who describes it as "a nightmare." what are these probabilities? the dutch in the cape had been loyal till december , and had indeed been growing more and more loyal during the last fifteen years. the africander bond had shaken itself free from the suspicions once entertained of its designs. its leader, mr. hofmeyr, was conspicuously attached to the imperial connection, and was, indeed, the author of a well-known scheme for an imperial customs union. even after december, , its indignation at the attack on the transvaal had not affected the veneration of the dutch party for the british crown, so warmly expressed in . in the cape assembly, in which there was a dutch majority led by a ministry supported by the bond, voted unanimously a large annual contribution to imperial naval defence. every effort was made by mr. hofmeyr and by the prime minister of the cape to induce the transvaal to make concessions which might avert war. as regards the free state, its dutch burghers had been for many years on the best terms with their english fellow-burghers and with the british government. they had nothing to gain by a racial conflict, and their president, who is understood to have suggested the bloemfontein conference, as well as mr. fischer, one of their leading statesmen, strove hard to secure peace till immediately before war broke out. there was, moreover, no prospect of success for an effort to overthrow the power of britain. the dutch in the colony were not fighting men like their transvaal brethren, and were, except for voting purposes, quite unorganized. those of the free state were a mere militia, with no experience of war, and had possessed, at least down to , when i remember to have seen their tiny arsenal, very little in the way of war munitions. the transvaal boers were no doubt well armed and good fighters, but there were after all only some twenty or twenty-five thousand of them, a handful to contend against the british empire. the transvaal government was, moreover, from its structure and the capacity of the men who composed it, if not indisposed to indulge in day-dreams, at any rate unfit to prosecute so vast an enterprise. there seems therefore to be no foundation in any facts which have so far been made public for the belief in this "conspiracy of the dutch race," or for the inevitableness of the imagined conflict. the truth would appear to be that the transvaal people did at one time cherish the hope of extending their republic over the wide interior. they were stopped on the west in . they were stopped on the north in . they were stopped in their effort to reach the sea in . after that year british territory surrounded them on all sides except where they bordered the portuguese on the north-east. many of them, including the president, doubtless cherished the hope of some time regaining a complete independence such as that of the free state. some ardent spirits dreamt of a dutch south african republic with pretoria for its future capital; and there were probably a few men of the same visionary type in the colony and the free state who talked in the same wild way, especially after the jameson invasion had stirred dutch feeling to its depths. but from such dreams and such talk it is a long step to a "conspiracy of the dutch over all south africa." the possibility that the dutch element would some day or other prevail, a possibility to which the slowness of british immigration and the natural growth of the dutch population gave a certain substance in it down to , was in that year destroyed by the discovery of gold in the witwatersrand, which brought a new host of english-speaking settlers into south africa, and assured the numerical and economic preponderance of the english in the progressive and expanding regions of the country. it is also true that the transvaal government made military preparations and imported arms on a large scale. they expected a rising even before ; and after they also expected a fresh invasion. but there is not, so far as the public know, any shred of evidence that they contemplated an attack upon britain. the needs of defence, a defence in which they doubtless counted on the aid of the free state and of a section of their own uitlanders, sufficiently explain the accumulation of warlike munitions on which so much stress has been laid. the conclusion to which an examination of the matter leads is that no evidence whatever has been produced either that there was any such conspiracy as alleged, or that a conflict between dutch and english was inevitable. such a conflict might, no doubt, have possibly some day arisen. but it is at least equally probable that it might have been avoided. the transvaal people were not likely to provoke it, and every year made it less likely that they could do so with any chance of success. the british element was increasing, not only around their state, but within it. the prospect of support from a great european power had vanished. when their aged president retired from the scene, their old dissensions, held in check only by the fear of britain, would have reappeared, and their vicious system of government would have fallen to pieces. so far as britain was concerned, the way to avert a conflict was to have patience. haste had been her bane in south africa. it was haste which annexed the transvaal in , when a few months' delay might have given her the country. it was haste which in wrecked the plan of south african confederation. it was haste which brought about that main source of recent troubles, the invasion by the south africa company's police in . in these reflections upon recent events nothing has been said, because nothing could now be profitably said, upon two aspects of the matter--the character and conduct of the persons chiefly concerned, and the subterranean forces which are supposed to have been at work on both sides. these must be left to some future historian, and they will form an interesting chapter in his book. he will have proof positive of many things which can now only be conjectured, and of some things which, though they may be known to a few, ought not to be stated until proof of them can be produced. it is right, however, even while war is raging, to consider the circumstances that have led to war, so far as these can be discussed from the information which we all possess, because a fair consideration of those circumstances ought to influence the view which englishmen take of their antagonists, and ought to affect their judgment of the measures proper to be taken when war comes to its end, and arrangements have to be made for the resettlement of the country. those who have read the historical chapters of this book, and have reflected on the history of other british colonies, and particularly of canada, will have drawn the moral, which i have sought to enforce in the concluding chapter, that what south africa most needs is the reconcilement and ultimate fusion of the two white races. reconcilement and fusion have now, to all appearances, been thrown back into a dim and distant future. that man must be sanguine indeed who expects, as some persons say they do expect, to see the relations of the two races placed on a better footing by a bitter war between them, a war which has many of the incidents of a civil war, and is waged on one side by citizen soldiers. to most observers it seems more likely to sow a crop of dragon's teeth which will produce a harvest, if not of armed men, yet of permanent hatred and disaffection. nevertheless, even at the darkest moment, men must work with hope for the future, and strive to apply the principles of policy which experience has approved. the first principle which governs the relation of britain to her self-governing colonies is that she must do all she can to keep them contented and loyal. she cannot hope permanently to retain any which have become disloyal, and the defection of one may be the signal for the loosening of the tie which binds the others. the gift of self-government practically makes the maintenance of the imperial connection dependent on the will of the colony; and where self-government exists, voting is more powerful than arms. the transvaal republic has been often troublesome, but an unfriendly neighbour is less dangerous than a disaffected colony. a wise policy will therefore use with moderation the opportunities which the conclusion of the present war will afford for resettling the political arrangements of the country, remembering that the dutch and british races have got to live together, looking forward to a time, probably less than a century distant, when the exhaustion of mineral wealth will have made south africa again a pastoral and agricultural country, and thereby increased the importance, relatively to the town-dwelling english, of that dutch element which is so deeply rooted in the soil. to reconcile the races by employing all the natural and human forces which make for peace and render the prosperity of each the prosperity of both, and so to pave the way for the ultimate fusion of dutchman and englishman in a common imperial as well as a common africander patriotism--this should be the aim of every government that seeks to base the world-wide greatness of britain on the deepest and surest foundations. _october rd, ._ [footnote : whatever may be thought as to the much controverted edgar case, the fact that such special stress has been laid on it, and that few, if any, other cases have been instanced in which crimes against uitlanders went unpunished, goes to show that life was exposed only to those dangers which threaten it in all new mining communities.] [footnote : the language of the english newspapers in cape colony, and of some in london, did as much to strengthen this belief as the language of the transvaal papers did to inflame minds there. seldom has the press done more to destroy the prospects of peace.] note i have to thank sir donald currie and messrs. a.s. and g.g. brown for the permission kindly given me to use the maps in the excellent "guide to south africa" (published by the castle mail packets company) in the preparation of the three maps contained in this volume; and i trust that these maps will prove helpful to the reader, for a comprehension of the physical geography of the country is essential to a comprehension of its history. the friends in south africa to whom i am indebted for many of the facts i have stated and views i have expressed are too numerous to mention: but i cannot deny myself the pleasure of returning thanks for the genial hospitality and unfailing kindness which i received in every part of the country. _september th, ._ maps at end of volume political map of south africa. orographical map of south africa. rainfall map of south africa. contents page prefatory chapter vii note ( ) xlv area and population of the several colonies, republics and territories in south africa lv dates of some important events in the history of south africa lvii introduction lix part i _nature_ chapter i physical features the coast strip and the great plateau mountain-ranges climate the absence of rivers chapter ii health temperature dryness of the air malarial fevers chapter iii wild animals and their fate original abundance of wild creatures their extinction: the lion, elephant, and rhinoceros recent attempts at protection chapter iv vegetation character of the south african flora native and imported trees changes made by man in the landscape chapter v physical aspects of the various political divisions of the country cape colony natal german and portuguese africa the orange free state and the south african republic bechuanaland and the territories of the british south africa company chapter vi nature and history influence of physical conditions on the savage races slow progress of early european settlement later explorations along the interior plateau chapter vii aspects of scenery dryness and monotony of south african landscape striking pieces of scenery: basutoland, manicaland peculiar charm of south africa: colour and solitude influence of scenery on character part ii _history_ chapter viii the natives: hottentots, bushmen, and kafirs the aborigines: bushmen and hottentots the bantu or kafir tribes chapter ix out of the darkness--zimbabwye ancient walls in matabililand and mashonaland dhlodhlo: chipadzi's grave the great zimbabwye theories as to the builders of the ancient walls chapter x the kafirs: history and institutions the kafirs before their struggles with the europeans careers of dingiswayo and tshaka results of the zulu conquests kafir institutions war, religion, sorcery stagnation and cruelty of primitive kafir life chapter xi the europeans in south africa till the portuguese at sofala the dutch at the cape: the french huguenots the africander type of life and character disaffection of the dutch settlers british occupation of the cape features of british administration boer discontent and its causes the great trek of adventures of the emigrant boers the boers and the british in natal the boers in the interior: beginnings of the two dutch republics british advance: the orange river sovereignty the sand river convention of : independence of the transvaal boers the bloemfontein convention of : independence of the orange free state chapter xii the europeans in south africa, - progress of cape colony: material and political grant of responsible government in kafir wars: causes of their frequent recurrence renewed british advance: basutoland the delagoa bay arbitration first scheme of south african confederation the zulu war of formation of the transvaal republic annexation of the transvaal revolt of the transvaal: its independence restored boers and british in bechuanaland the conventions of and : swaziland german occupation of damaraland the british south africa company; acquisition of mashonaland and matabililand recent history of the transvaal: the rising of part iii _a journey through south africa_ chapter xiii travelling and communications communications along the coast lines of railroad travelling by ox-waggon chapter xiv from cape town to bulawayo the voyage to the cape cape town and its environs the journey inland: scenery of the karroo kimberley and its diamond-fields northward through bechuanaland khama: his town and his people mangwe and the matoppo hills chapter xv matabililand and mashonaland bulawayo and lo bengula the natives: causes of the rising of the native labour question dhlodhlo: scenery of the hill-country gwelo and the track to fort victoria ruins of great zimbabwye fort salisbury chapter xvi from fort salisbury to the sea--manicaland and the portuguese territories scenery of eastern mashonaland antiquities at the lezapi river among the mountains: falls of the oudzi river mtali and the portuguese border chimoyo and the eastern slope descent of the pungwe river to beira chapter xvii resources and future of matabililand and mashonaland general features of the british south africa company's territories health, wealth, and peace form of government recently established results of british extension in the north chapter xviii through natal to the transvaal delagoa bay durban and pietermaritzburg the government and politics of natal laing's nek and majuba hill the witwatersrand and its gold-fields johannesburg and pretoria chapter xix the orange free state bloemfontein constitution and politics of the free state chapter xx basutoland: the switzerland of south africa across the free state to the caledon river the missionaries and the chiefs: lerothodi the ascent of mount machacha thaba bosiyo and its history condition and prospects of the basuto nation part iv _some south african questions_ chapter xxi blacks and whites relative numbers and influence of each social condition and habits of the blacks aversion of the whites for the blacks civil and legal rights of the blacks what the future of the blacks is likely to be chapter xxii missions influence of religious ideas on various races how the natives receive the missionaries slow progress of mission work what may be hoped for chapter xxiii social characteristics of the british colonies the dutch and the english: the dutch language placidity of south african life literature, journalism, education the churches chapter xxiv politics in the british colonies the frame of colonial government absence of some familiar political issues real issues: race and colour questions general character of cape politics chapter xxv the political situation in the transvaal in the old boers and the new immigrants constitution and government of the republic uitlander discontent: the national reform union the capitalists: preparations for a revolution president kruger and his policy the chances for the movement: causes of its failure chapter xxvi economic prospects material resources: tillage and pasture minerals: the gold-fields and their duration will manufactures be developed? south africa as a market for goods future population: its increase and character chapter xxvii reflections and forecasts sources of the troubles of south africa the friction of dutch and english: and its causes british policy in its earlier and later phases future relations of the european and native races international position of south africa the future relations of boers and englishmen prospects of south african confederation south africa and britain appendix the transvaal convention of the transvaal convention of index area and population of the several colonies, republics and territories in south africa _________________________________________________________________________ | | | | | population in . | | area in square miles. |_____________________________________| | | | | | | | european. | coloured. | total. | |___________________________________|___________|_____________|___________| | | | | | | | _british_-- | | | | | |cape colony (including | | | | | | walfish bay) | , | , | , , | , , | | | | | | | |basutoland | , | | , | , | | | | | | | |bechuanaland | | | | | | (protectorate) | , (?)| (?)| , (?)| --- | | | | | | | |natal | , | , | , | , | | | | | | | |zululand | , (?)| , | , (?)| , | | | | | | | |tongaland (british) | , (?)| none | , (?)| --- | | | | | | | |territories of british | | | | | | south africa company,| | | | | | south of the | | | | | | zabesi (matabililand | | | | | | and mashonaland) | , | , (?)| unknown | --- | | | | ( ) | | | |_______________________|___________|___________|_____________|___________| | | | | | | | _independent_-- | | | | | |south african republic | | | | | | (transvaal) | , | , (?)| , (?)| , | | | | | | | |swaziland (dependent | | | | | | on south african | | | | | | republic) | , | (?)| , (?)| --- | | | | | | | |orange free state | , | , | , | , | |___________________________________|___________|_____________|___________| | | | | | | |portuguese east africa | , (?)| , (?)| , , (?)| --- | | | | | | | |german south west | | , | | | | africa | , (?)| ( ) | , (?)| --- | |___________________________________|___________|_____________|___________| dates of some important events in the history of south africa a.d. bartholomew diaz discovers the cape of good hope vasco da gama explores the east coast of africa - the dutch appear in the south african seas first dutch settlement in table bay arrival of french huguenot settlers beginning of the exploration of the interior first kafir war first british occupation of the cape - second british occupation of the cape cession of cape colony to britain conquests of tshaka, the zulu king - arrival of a body of british settlers first british settlement in natal english made the official language in cape colony - equal rights ordinance in favour of the natives emancipation of the slaves sixth kafir war emigration of the discontented boers (the great trek) - conquest of matabililand by mosilikatze the emigrant boers occupy natal british occupation and annexation of natal two native "buffer states" created in the interior seventh kafir war; province of british kaffraria created orange river sovereignty created recognition of the independence of the transvaal boers (sand river convention) recognition of the independence of the orange river boers (bloemfontein convention) representative government established in cape colony establishment of a constitution for the south african republic - proclamation of a protectorate over basutoland discovery of diamonds on the lower vaal river british occupation and annexation of griqualand west responsible government granted to cape colony delagoa bay arbitration - british annexation of the transvaal war with cetewayo and conquest of zululand retrocession of the transvaal annexation of southern and protectorate over northern bechuanaland - german occupation of damaraland convention of london with the transvaal republic discovery of the witwatersrand gold field foundation of the british south africa company conquest of matabililand by the company responsible government granted to natal protectorate declared over the tonga chiefs rising at johannesburg and expedition of dr. jameson from pitsani outbreak of war between britain and the two dutch republics oct. introduction in the latter part of the year i travelled across south africa from cape town to fort salisbury in mashonaland, passing through bechuanaland and matibililand. from fort salisbury, which is only two hundred miles from the zambesi, i returned through manicaland and the portuguese territories to beira on the indian ocean, sailed thence to delagoa bay and durban, traversed natal, and visited the transvaal, the orange free state, basutoland, and the eastern province cape colony. the country had long possessed a great interest for me, and that interest was increased by studying on the spot its physical character as well as the peculiar economic and industrial conditions which have made it unlike the other newly settled countries of the world. seeing these things and talking with the leading men in every part of the country, i began to comprehend many things that had previously been obscure to me, and saw how the political troubles of the land were connected with the life which nature imposed on the people. immediately after my return to europe, fresh political troubles broke out, and events occurred in the transvaal which fixed the eyes of the whole world upon south africa. i had not travelled with the view of writing a book; but the interest which the events just mentioned have aroused, and which is likely to be sustained for a good while to come, leads me to believe that the impressions of a traveller who has visited other new countries may be useful to those who desire to know what south africa is really like, and why it makes a noise and stir in the world disproportionate to its small population. i have called the book "impressions" lest it should be supposed that i have attempted to present a complete and minute account of the country. for this a long residence and a large volume would be required. it is the salient features that i wish to describe. these, after all, are what most readers desire to know: these are what the traveller of a few weeks or months can give, and can give all the better because the details have not become so familiar to him as to obscure the broad outlines. instead of narrating my journey, and weaving into the narrative observations on the country and people, i have tried to arrange the materials collected in a way better fitted to present to the reader in their natural connection the facts he will desire to have. those facts would seem to be the following: ( ) the physical character of the country, and the aspects of its scenery; ( ) the characteristics of the native races that inhabit it; ( ) the history of the natives and of the european settlers, that is to say the chief events which have made the people what they now are; ( ) the present condition of the several divisions of the country, and the aspects of life in it; ( ) the economic resources of the country, and the characteristic features of its society and its politics. these i have tried to set forth in the order above indicated. the first seven chapters contain a very brief account of the physical structure and climate, since these are the conditions which have chiefly determined the economic progress of the country and the lines of european migration, together with remarks on the wild animals, the vegetation, and the scenery. next follows a sketch of the three aboriginal races, and an outline of the history of the whites since their first arrival, four centuries ago. the earlier events are lightly touched on, while those which have brought about the present political situation are more fully related. in the third part of the book, asking the reader to accompany me on the long journey from cape town to the zambesi valley and back again, i have given in four chapters a description of the far interior as one sees it passing from barbarism to civilization--its scenery, the prospects of its material development, the life which its new settlers lead. these regions, being the part of the country most lately brought under european administration, seem to deserve a fuller treatment than the older and better-known regions. three other chapters give a more summary account of natal, of the transvaal gold-fields, of that model republic the orange free state, and of basutoland, a native state under british protection which possesses many features of peculiar interest. in the fourth and last division of the book several questions of a more general character are dealt with which could not conveniently be brought into either the historical or the descriptive parts. i have selected for discussion those topics which are of most permanent importance and as to which the reader is most likely to be curious. among them are the condition of the natives, and their relations to the white people; the aspects of social and political life; the situation of affairs in the transvaal in , and the causes which brought about the reform rising and the expedition of dr. jameson; and finally, the economic prospects of the country, and the political future of its colonies and republics. in these concluding chapters, as well as in the historical sketch, my aim has been to set forth and explain facts rather than to pass judgments upon the character and conduct of individuals. whoever desires to help others to a fair view of current events must try not only to be impartial, but also to avoid expressing opinions when the grounds for those opinions cannot be fully stated; and where controversy is raging round the events to be described, no judgment passed on individual actors could fail to be deemed partial by one set of partizans or by the other. feeling sure that the present problems will take some time to solve, i have sought to write what those who desire to understand the country may find useful even after the next few years have passed. and, so far from wishing to champion any view or to throw any fresh logs on the fire of controversy that has been blazing for the last few years, i am convinced that the thing now most needed in the interests of south africa is to let controversies die out, to endeavour to forget the causes of irritation, and to look at the actual facts of the case in a purely practical spirit. altogether apart from its recent troubles, south africa is an interesting, and indeed fascinating subject of study. there are, of course, some things which one cannot expect to find in it. there has not yet been time to evolve institutions either novel or specially instructive, nor to produce new types of character (save that of the transvaal boer) or new forms of social life. there are no ancient buildings, except a few prehistoric ruins; nor have any schools of architecture or painting or literature been as yet developed. but besides the aspects of nature, often weird and sometimes beautiful, there are the savage races, whose usages and superstitions open a wide field for research, and the phenomena of whose contact with the whites raise some grave and gloomy problems. there are the relations of the two european races--races which ought long ago to have been happily blended into one, but which have been kept apart by a train of untoward events and administrative errors. few of the newer countries have had a more peculiar or more chequered history; and this history needs to be studied with a constant regard to the physical conditions that have moulded it. coming down to our own time, nowhere are the struggles of the past seen to be more closely intertwined with the troubles of the present; nor does even irish history furnish a better illustration of the effect of sentiment upon practical politics. few events of recent times have presented more dramatic situations, and raised more curious and intricate issues of political and international morality, than those which have lately been set before us by the discovery of the transvaal gold-fields and the rush of nineteenth-century miners and speculators into a pastoral population which retains the ideas and habits of the seventeenth-century. still more fascinating are the problems of the future. one can as yet do little more than guess at them; but the world now moves so fast, and has grown so small, and sees nearly every part of itself so closely bound by ties of commerce or politics to every other part, that it is impossible to meditate on any great and new country without seeking to interpret its tendencies by the experience of other countries, and to conjecture the rôle it will be called on to play in the world-drama of the centuries to come. i have sought, therefore, not only to make south africa real to those who do not know it, and to give them the materials for understanding what passes there and following its fortunes with intelligence, but also to convey an impression of the kind of interest it awakens. it is still new: and one sees still in a fluid state the substance that will soon crystallize into new forms. one speculates on the result which these mingled forces, these ethnic habits and historical traditions, and economic conditions, will work out. and reflecting on all these things, one feels sure that a country with so commanding a position, and which has compressed so much history into the last eighty years of its life, will hold a conspicuous place in that southern hemisphere which has in our own times entered into the political and industrial life of the civilized world. part i _nature_ chapter i physical features to understand the material resources and economic conditions of south africa, and, indeed, to understand the history of the country and the political problems which it now presents, one must first know something of its physical structure. the subject may seem dry, and those readers who do not care for it may skip this chapter. but it need not be uninteresting, and it is certainly not uninstructive. for myself, i can say that not only south african history, but also the prospects of south african industry and trade, were dark matters to me till i had got, by travelling through the country, an idea of those natural features of the southern part of the continent which have so largely governed the course of events and have stamped themselves so deeply upon the habits of the people. some notion of these features i must now try to convey. fortunately, they are simple, for nature has worked in africa, as in america, upon larger and broader lines than she has done in europe. the reader will do well to keep a map beside him, and refer[ ] constantly to it, for descriptions without a map avail little. africa south of the zambesi river consists, speaking broadly, of three regions. there is a strip of lowland lying along the coast of the indian ocean, all the way round from cape town, past durban and delagoa bay and beira, till you reach the mouth of the zambesi. on the south, between cape town and durban, this strip is often very narrow, for in many places the hills come, as they do at cape town, right down to the sea. but beyond durban, as one follows the coast along to the north-east, the level strip widens. at delagoa bay it is some fifteen or twenty miles wide; at beira it is sixty or eighty miles wide, so that the hills behind cannot be seen from the coast; and farther north it is still wider. this low strip is in many places wet and swampy, and, being swampy, is from durban northward malarious and unhealthful in the highest degree. its unhealthfulness is a factor of prime importance in what may be called the general scheme of the country, and has had, as we shall presently see, the most important historical consequences. behind the low coast strip rise the hills whose slopes constitute the second region. they rise in most places rather gradually, and they seldom (except in manicaland, to be hereafter described) present striking forms. the neighbourhood of cape town is almost the only place where high mountains come close to the shore--the only place, therefore, except the harbour of st. john's far to the east, where there is anything that can be called grand coast scenery. as one travels inland the hills become constantly higher, till at a distance of thirty or forty miles from the sea they have reached an average height of from to feet, and sixty miles from to feet. these hills, intersected by valleys which grow narrower and have steeper sides the farther inland one goes, are the spurs or outer declivity of a long range of mountains which runs all the way from cape town to the zambesi valley, a distance of sixteen hundred miles, and is now usually called by geographers (for it has really no general name) the drakensberg or quathlamba range. their height varies from to feet, some of the highest lying not far to the north-east of cape town. in one region, however, several summits reach to , feet. this is basutoland, the country that lies at the corner where cape colony, natal, and the orange free state meet. it is a region remarkable in several respects, for its scenery as well as for its history, and for the condition of the native race that inhabits it, and i shall have to give some account of it in a later chapter. these mountains of basutoland are the loftiest in africa south of kilimandjaro, and keep snow on their summits for several months in the year. behind the quathlamba range the country spreads out to the north and west in a vast tableland, sometimes flat, sometimes undulating, sometimes intersected by ridges of rocky hills. this is the third region. its average height above the sea varies from to feet, and the hills reach in places nearly . thus the quathlamba range may be regarded as being really the edge of the tableland, and when in travelling up from the coast one reaches the water-shed, or "divide" (an american term which south africans have adopted), one finds that on the farther or northerly side there is very little descent. the peaks which when seen from the slopes towards the coast looked high and steep are on this inner side insignificant, because they rise so little above the general level of the plateau. this plateau runs away inland to the west and north-west, and occupies seven-eighths of the surface of south africa. it dips gently on the north to the valley of the zambesi; but on the west spreads out over the kalahari desert and the scarcely less arid wastes of damaraland, maintaining (except along the lower course of the orange river) an altitude of from to feet above the sea, until within a comparatively short distance of the atlantic ocean. the physical structure of the country is thus extremely simple. there is only one considerable mountain-chain, with a vast table-land filling the interior behind it, and a rough, hilly country lying between the mountains and the low belt which borders on the indian ocean. let the reader suppose himself to be a traveller wishing to cross the continent from east to west. starting from a port, say delagoa bay or beira, on the portuguese coast, the traveller will in a few hours, by either of the railways which run westward from those ports, traverse the low strip which divides them from the hill-country. to ascend the valleys and cross the water-shed of the great quathlamba range on to the plateau takes a little longer, yet no great time. then, once upon the plateau, the traveller may proceed steadily to the west for more than a thousand miles over an enormous stretch of high but nearly level land, meeting no considerable eminence and crossing no perceptible water-shed till he comes within sight of the waves of the atlantic. or if he turns to the north-west he will pass over an undulating country, diversified only by low hills, till he dips slowly into the flat and swampy ground which surrounds lake ngami, itself rather a huge swamp than a lake, and descends very gradually from that level to the banks of the zambesi, in the neighbourhood of the great victoria falls. in fact, this great plateau is south africa, and all the rest of the country along the sea-margin a mere appendage to it. but so large a part of the plateau is, as we shall see presently, condemned by its dryness to remain sterile and very thinly peopled, that the interior has not that preponderating importance which its immense area might seem to give it. it is not worth while to describe the minor ridges,--though some of them, especially in cape colony, are abrupt and high enough to be called mountains,--for none has any great importance as affecting either material or historical conditions. the longest are those which run parallel to the dreary and almost uninhabited west coast, and form the terraces by which the great plateau sinks down to the margin of the atlantic. neither can i touch on the geology, except to observe that a great part of the plateau, especially in the northern part and towards the north-east end of the quathlamba range, consists of granite or gneiss, and is believed to be of very great antiquity, _i.e._, to have stood, as it now stands, high above the level of the sea from a very remote period of the earth's history. the rocks of the karroo region are more recent. nowhere in south africa has any area of modern volcanic action, much less any active volcano, been discovered. more ancient eruptive rocks, such as greenstones and porphyries, are of frequent occurrence, and are often spread out in level sheets above the sedimentary beds of the karroo and of the basutoland and free state ranges. finally, it must be noted that the coast has extremely few harbours. from cape town eastward and north-eastward there is no sheltered deep-water haven till one reaches that of durban, itself troubled by a bar, and from durban to the zambesi no good ports save delagoa bay and beira. on the other side of the continent, saldanha bay, twenty miles north of cape town, is an excellent harbour. after that the atlantic coast shows none for a thousand miles. so much for the surface and configuration of the country. now let us come to the climate, which is a not less important element in making south africa what it is. the heat is, of course, great, though less great than a traveller from north africa or india expects to find in such a latitude. owing to the vast mass of water in the southern hemisphere, that hemisphere is cooler in the same latitude than is the northern. cape town, in latitude ° s., has a colder winter and not so hot a summer as gibraltar and aleppo, in latitude ° n. still the summer temperature is high even at durban, in latitude ° s., while the northern part of the transvaal republic, and all the territories of the british south africa company, including matabililand and mashonaland, lie within the tropic of capricorn, that is to say, correspond in latitude to nubia and the central provinces of india between bombay and calcutta. the climate is also, over most of the country, extremely dry. except in a small district round cape town, at the southern extremity of the continent, there is no proper summer and winter, but only a dry season, the seven or eight months when the weather is colder, and a wet season, the four or five months when the sun is highest. nor are the rains that fall in the wet season so copious and continuous as they are in some other hot countries; in many parts of india, for instance, or in the west indies and brazil. thus even in the regions where the rainfall is heaviest, reaching thirty inches or more in the year, the land soon dries up and remains parched till the next wet season comes. the air is therefore extremely dry, and, being dry, it is clear and stimulating in a high degree. now let us note the influence upon the climate of that physical structure we have just been considering. the prevailing wind, and the wind that brings most of the rain in the wet season, is the east or south-east. it gives a fair supply of moisture to the low coast strip which has been referred to above. passing farther inland, it impinges upon the hills which run down from the quathlamba range, waters them, and sometimes falls in snow on the loftiest peaks. a certain part of the rain-bearing clouds passes still farther inland, and scatters showers over the eastern part of the tableland, that is to say, over the transvaal, the orange free state, eastern bechuanaland, and the territories still farther north, toward the zambesi. very little humidity, however, reaches the tracts farther to the west. the northern part of cape colony as far as the orange river, the western part of bechuanaland, and the wide expanse of damaraland have a quite trifling rainfall, ranging from four or five to ten inches in the whole year. under the intense heat of the sun this moisture soon vanishes, the surface bakes hard, and the vegetation withers. all this region is therefore parched and arid, much of it, in fact, a desert, and likely always to remain so. these great and dominant physical facts--a low coast belt, a high interior plateau, a lofty, rugged mountain-range running nearly parallel to, and not very far from, the shore of the ocean, whence the rainclouds come, a strong sun, a dry climate--have determined the character of south africa in many ways. they explain the very remarkable fact that south africa has, broadly speaking, no rivers. rivers are, indeed, marked on the map--rivers of great length and with many tributaries; but when in travelling during the dry season you come to them you find either a waterless bed or a mere line of green and perhaps unsavoury pools. the streams that run south and east from the mountains to the coast are short and rapid torrents after a storm, but at other times dwindle to feeble trickles of mud. in the interior there are, to be sure, rivers which, like the orange river or the limpopo, have courses hundreds of miles in length. but they contain so little water during three-fourths of the year as to be unserviceable for navigation, while most of their tributaries shrink in the dry season to a chain of pools, scarcely supplying drink to the cattle on their banks. this is one of the reasons why the country remained so long unexplored. people could not penetrate it by following waterways, as happened both in north and in south america; they were obliged to travel by ox-waggon, making only some twelve or sixteen miles a day, and finding themselves obliged to halt, when a good bit of grass was reached, to rest and restore the strength of their cattle. for the same reason the country is now forced to depend entirely upon railways for internal communication. there is not a stream (except tidal streams) fit to float anything drawing three feet of water. it is a curious experience to travel for hundreds of miles, as one may do in the dry season in the north-eastern part of cape colony and in bechuanaland, through a country which is inhabited, and covered in some places with wood, in others with grass or shrublets fit for cattle, and see not a drop of running water, and hardly even a stagnant pond. it is scarcely less strange that such rivers as there are should be useless for navigation. but the cause is to be found in the two facts already stated. in those parts where rain falls it comes at one season, within three or four months. moreover, it comes then in such heavy storms that for some hours, or even days, the streams are so swollen as to be not only impassable by waggons, but also unnavigable, because, although there is plenty of water, the current is too violent. then when the floods have ceased the streams fall so fast, and the channel becomes so shallow, that hardly even a canoe will float. the other fact arises from the proximity to the east coast of the great quathlamba chain of mountains. the rivers that flow from it have mostly short courses, while the few that come down from behind and break through it, as does the limpopo, are interrupted at the place where they break through by rapids which no boat can ascend. [footnote : in particular i will ask the reader to refer to the two maps showing the physical features of the country which have been inserted in this volume.] chapter ii health the physical conditions just described determine the healthfulness of the country, and this is a matter of so much moment, especially to those who think of settling in south africa, that i take the earliest opportunity of referring to it. the sun-heat would make the climate very trying to europeans, and of course more trying the farther north toward the equator they live, were it not for the two redeeming points i have dwelt on--the elevation and the dryness of the interior. to be , , or feet above the sea is for most purposes the same thing as being in a more temperate latitude, and more than five-sixths in area of the districts which are now inhabited by europeans have an elevation of fully feet. not merely the tablelands of the orange free state and the transvaal, but also by far the larger part of cape colony and nearly the whole of natal (excluding a small strip along the coast), attain this elevation. thus even in summer, when the heat is great during the day, the coolness of the night refreshes the system. the practical test of night temperature is whether one wishes for a blanket to sleep under. in madras and bombay all the year round, in new york through several months of summer, in paris or sometimes even in london for a few days in july or august, a light blanket is oppressive, and the continuance of the high day temperature through the hours of darkness exhausts and enfeebles all but vigorous constitutions. but in south africa it is only along the coast, in places like durban, delagoa bay, or beira, that one feels inclined to dispense with a woollen covering at night, while in johannesburg or bloemfontein a good thick blanket is none too much even in november, before the cooling rains begin, or in december, when the days are longest. in fact, the fall of temperature at sunset is often a source of risk to those who, coming straight from europe, have not yet learned to guard against sudden changes, for it causes chills which, if they find a weak organ to pounce upon, may produce serious illness. these rapid variations of temperature are not confined to the passage from day to night. sometimes in the midst of a run of the usual warm, brilliant weather of the dry season there will come a cold, bitter south east wind, covering the sky with gray clouds and driving the traveller to put on every wrap he possesses. i remember, toward the end of october, such a sudden "cold snap" in matabililand, only twenty degrees from the equator. one shivered all day long under a thick greatcoat, and the natives lit fires in front of their huts and huddled round them for warmth. chills dangerous to delicate people are apt to be produced by these changes, and they often turn into feverish attacks, not malarial, though liable to be confounded with malarial fevers. this risk of encountering cold weather is a concomitant of that power of the south-east wind to keep down the great heats, which, on the whole, makes greatly for the salubrity of the country; so the gain exceeds the loss. but new comers have to be on their guard, and travellers will do well, even between the tropic and the equator, to provide themselves with warm clothing. strong as the sun is, its direct rays seem to be much less dangerous than in india or the eastern united states. sunstroke is unusual, and one sees few people wearing, even in the tropical north, those hats of thick double felt or those sun-helmets which are deemed indispensable in india. in fact, europeans go about with the same head-gear which they use in an english summer. but the relation of sun-stroke to climate is obscure. why should it be extremely rare in california, when it is very common in new york in the same latitude? why should it be almost unknown in the hawaiian islands, within seventeen degrees of the equator? its rarity in south africa is a great point in favour of the healthfulness of the country, and also of the ease and pleasantness of life. in india one has to be always mounting guard against the sun. he is a formidable and ever-present enemy, and he is the more dangerous the longer you live in the country. in south africa it is only because he dries up the soil so terribly that the traveller wishes to have less of him. the born africander seems to love him. the dryness of the climate makes very strongly for its salubrity. it is the absence of moisture no less than the elevation above sea-level that gives to the air its fresh, keen, bracing quality, the quality which enables one to support the sun-heat, which keeps the physical frame in vigour, which helps children to grow up active and healthy, which confines to comparatively few districts that deadliest foe of europeans, swamp-fever. malarial fever in one of its many forms, some of them intermittent, others remittent, is the scourge of the east coast as well as of the west coast. to find some means of avoiding it would be to double the value of africa to the european powers which have been establishing themselves on the coasts. no one who lives within thirty miles of the sea nearly all the way south from cape guardafui to zululand can hope to escape it. it is frequent all round the great nyanza lakes, and particularly severe in the valley of the nile from the lakes downward to khartoum. it prevails through the comparatively low country which lies along the congo and the chief tributaries of that great stream. it hangs like a death-cloud over the valley of the zambesi, and is found up to a height of or feet, sometimes even higher, in nyassaland and the lower parts of the british territories that stretch to lake tanganyika. the administrator of german east africa has lately declared that there is not a square mile of that vast region that can be deemed free from it. even along the generally arid shores of damaraland there are spots where it is to be feared. but cape colony and natal and the orange free state are almost exempt from it. so, too, are all the higher parts of the transvaal, of bechuanaland, of matabililand, and of mashonaland. roughly speaking, one may say that the upper boundary line of malarial fevers in these countries is about feet above the sea, and where fevers occur at a height above feet they are seldom of a virulent type. thus, while the lower parts of the transvaal between the quathlamba mountains and the sea are terribly unhealthy, while the portuguese country behind delagoa bay and beira as far as the foot of the hills is equally dangerous,--beira itself has the benefit of a strong sea-breeze,--by far the larger part of the recently occupied british territories north and west of the transvaal is practically safe. it is, of course, proper to take certain precautions, to avoid chills and the copious use of alcohol and it is specially important to observe such precautions during and immediately after the wet season, when the sun is raising vapours from the moist soil, when new vegetation has sprung up, and when the long grass which has grown during the first rains is rotting under the later rains. places which are quite healthful in the dry weather, such as gaberones and the rest of the upper valley of the rivers notwani and limpopo in eastern bechuanaland, then become dangerous, because they lie on the banks of streams which inundate the lower grounds. much depends on the local circumstances of each spot. to illustrate the differences between one place and another, i may take the case of the three chief posts in the territories of the british south africa company. buluwayo, nearly feet above the sea, is always practically free from malaria, for it stands in a dry, breezy upland with few trees and short grass. fort victoria, feet above the sea, is salubrious enough during the dry season, but often feverish after the rains, because there is some wet ground near it. fort salisbury, feet above the sea, is now healthful at all times, but parts of it used to be feverish at the end of the rainy season, until they were drained in the beginning of . so pretoria, the capital of the transvaal republic, is apt to be malarious during the months of rain, because (although feet above the sea) it lies in a well-watered hollow; while at johannesburg, thirty miles off, on the top of a high, bare, stony ridge, one has no occasion to fear fever, though the want of water and proper drainage, as well as the quantity of fine dust from the highly comminuted ore and "tailings" with which the air is filled, had until given rise to other maladies, and especially to septic pneumonia. these will diminish with a better municipal administration, and similarly malaria will doubtless vanish from the many spots where it is now rife when the swampy grounds have been drained and the long grass eaten down by larger herds of cattle. it is apparently the dryness and the purity of the air which have given south africa its comparative immunity from most forms of chest disease. many sufferers from consumption, for whom a speedy death, if they remained in europe, had been predicted, recover health, and retain it till old age. the spots chiefly recommended are on the high grounds of the interior plateau, where the atmosphere is least humid. ceres, ninety-four miles by rail from cape town, and beaufort west, in the karroo, have been resorted to as sanatoria; and kimberley, the city of diamonds, has an equally high reputation for the quality of its air. however, some of the coast districts are scarcely less eligible, though cape town has too many rapid changes of weather, and durban too sultry a summer, to make either of them a desirable place of residence for invalids. apart from all questions of specific complaints, there can be no doubt as to the general effect of the climate upon health. the aspect of the people soon convinces a visitor that, in spite of its heat, the country is well fitted to maintain in vigour a race drawn from the cooler parts of europe. comparatively few adult englishmen sprung from fathers themselves born in africa are as yet to be found. but the descendants of the dutch and huguenot settlers are africanders up to the sixth or seventh generation, and the stock shows no sign of losing either its stature or its physical strength. athletic sports are pursued as eagerly as in england. chapter iii wild animals and their fate when first explored, south africa was unusually rich in the kinds both of plants and of animals which it contained; and until forty or fifty years ago the number, size, and beauty of its wild creatures were the things by which it was chiefly known to europeans, who had little suspicion of its mineral wealth, and little foreboding of the trouble that wealth would cause. why it was so rich in species is a question on which geology will one day be able to throw light, for much may depend on the relations of land and sea in earlier epochs of the earth's history. probably the great diversities of elevation and of climate which exist in the southern part of the continent have contributed to this profuse variety; and the fact that the country was occupied only by savages, who did little or nothing to extinguish any species nature had planted, may have caused many weak species to survive when equally weak ones were perishing in asia and europe at the hands of more advanced races of mankind. the country was therefore the paradise of hunters. besides the lion and the leopard, there were many other great cats, some of remarkable beauty. besides the elephant, which was in some districts very abundant, there existed two kinds of rhinoceros, as well as the hippopotamus and the giraffe. there was a wonderful profusion of antelopes,--thirty-one species have been enumerated,--including such noble animals as the eland and koodoo, such beautiful ones as the springbok and klipspringer, such fierce ones as the blue wildebeest or gnu. there were two kinds of zebra, a quagga, and a buffalo, both huge and dangerous. probably nowhere in the world could so great a variety of beautiful animals be seen or a larger variety of formidable ones be pursued. all this has changed, and changed of late years with fatal speed, under the increasing range and accuracy of firearms, the increasing accessibility of the country to the european sportsman, and the increasing number of natives who possess guns. the dutch boer of eighty years ago was a good marksman and loved the chase, but he did not shoot for fame and in order to write about his exploits, while the professional hunter who shot to sell ivory or rare specimens had hardly begun to exist. the work of destruction has latterly gone on so fast that the effect of stating what is still left can hardly be to tempt others to join in that work, but may help to show how urgent is the duty of arresting the process of extermination. when the first dutchmen settled at the cape the lion was so common as to be one of the every-day perils of life. tradition points out a spot in the pleasure-ground attached to the houses of parliament at cape town where a lion was found prowling in what was then the commandant's garden. in it was feared that lions would storm the fort to get at the sheep within it, and so late as they killed nine cows within sight of the present castle. to-day, however, if the lion is to be found at all within the limits of cape colony, it is only in the wilderness along the banks of the orange river. he was abundant in the orange free state when it became independent in , but has been long extinct there. he survives in a few spots in the north of the transvaal and in the wilder parts of zululand and bechuanaland, and is not unfrequent in matabililand and mashonaland. one may, however, pass through those countries, as i did in october, , without having a chance of seeing the beast or even hearing its nocturnal voice, and those who go hunting this grandest of all quarries are often disappointed. in the strip of flat land between the mountains and the indian ocean behind sofala and beira, and in the zambesi valley, there remain lions enough; but the number diminishes so fast that even in that malarious and thinly peopled land none may be left thirty years hence. the leopard is still to be found all over the country, except where the population is thickest; and as the leopard haunts rocky places, it is, though much hunted for the sake of its beautiful skin, less likely to be exterminated. some of the smaller carnivora, especially the pretty lynxes, have now become very rare. there is a good supply of hyenas, but they are ugly. elephants used to roam in great herds over all the more woody districts, but have now been quite driven out of cape colony, natal, and the two dutch republics, save that in a narrow strip of forest country near the south coast, between mossel bay and algoa bay, some herds are preserved by the cape government. so, too, in the north of the transvaal there are still a few left, also specially preserved. it is only on the east coast south of the zambesi, and here and there along that river, that the wild elephant can now be found. from these regions it will soon vanish, and unless something is done to stop the hunting of elephants the total extinction of the animal in africa may be expected within another half-century; for the foolish passion for slaughter which sends so-called sportsmen on his track, and the high price of ivory, are lessening its numbers day by day. a similar fate awaits the rhinoceros, once common even near the cape, where he overturned one day the coach of a dutch governor. the white kind, which is the larger, is now all but extinct, while the black rhinoceros has become scarce even in the northern regions between the limpopo and the zambesi. the hippopotamus, protected by his aquatic habits, has fared better, and may still be seen plunging and splashing in the waters of the pungwe, the limpopo, and other rivers in portuguese east africa. but natal will soon know this great amphibian no more; and within cape colony, where the creature was once abundant even in the swamps that bordered table bay, he is now to be found only in the pools along the lower course of the orange river. the crocodile holds his ground better, and is still a serious danger to oxen who go down to drink at the streams. in zululand and all along the east coast, as well as in the streams of mashonaland and matabililand, there is hardly a pool which does not contain some of these formidable saurians. even when the water shrinks in the dry season till little but mud seems to be left, the crocodile, getting deep into the mud, maintains a torpid life till the rains bring him back into activity. lo bengula sometimes cast those who had displeased him, bound hand and foot, into a river to be devoured by these monsters, which he did not permit to be destroyed, probably because they were sacred to some tribes. the giraffe has become very scarce, though a herd or two are left in the south of matabililand, and a larger number in the kalahari desert. so, also, the zebra and many of the species of antelopes, especially the larger kinds, like the eland and the sable, are disappearing, while the buffalo is now only to be seen (except in a part of the colony where a herd is preserved) in the portuguese territories along the zambesi and the east coast. the recent cattle-plague has fallen heavily upon him. so the ostrich would probably now remain only in the wilds of the kalahari had not large farms been created in cape colony, where young broods are reared for the sake of the feathers. on these farms, especially near graham's town and in the oudtshorn district, one may see great numbers; nor is there a prettier sight than that of two parent birds running along, with a numerous progeny of little ones around them. though in a sense domesticated, they are often dangerous, for they kick forward and claw downward with great violence, and the person whom they knock down and begin to trample on has little chance of escape with his life. fortunately, it is easy to drive them off with a stick or even an umbrella; and we were warned not to cross an ostrich-farm without some such defence. snakes, though there are many venomous species, seem to be less feared than in india or the wilder parts of australia. the python grows to twenty feet or more, but is, of course, not poisonous, and never assails man unless first molested. the black _momba_, which is nearly as large as a rattlesnake, is, however, a dangerous creature, being ready to attack man without provocation, and the bite may prove fatal in less than an hour. one sees many skins of this snake in the tropical parts of south africa, and hears many thrilling tales of combats with them. they are no longer common in the more settled and temperate regions. although even in cape colony and the dutch republics there is still more four-footed game to be had than anywhere in europe, there remain only two regions where large animals can be killed in any considerable numbers. one of these is the portuguese territory between delagoa bay and the zambesi, together with the adjoining parts of the transvaal, where the lower spurs of the quathlamba range descend to the plain. this district is very malarious during and after the rains, and most of it unhealthy at all seasons. the other region is the kalahari desert and the country north of it between lake ngami and the upper zambesi. the kalahari is so waterless as to offer considerable difficulties to european hunters, and the country round lake ngami is swampy and feverish. so far the wild creatures have nature in their favour; yet the passion for killing is in many persons so strong that neither thirst nor fever deters them, and if the large game are to be saved, it will clearly be necessary to place them under legal protection. this has been attempted so far as regards the elephant, rhinoceros, giraffe, and eland. in german east africa dr. von wissmann, the administrator of that territory, has recently ( ) gone further, and ordained restrictions on the slaughter of all the larger animals, except predatory ones. the governments of the two british colonies and the two boer republics, which have already done well in trying to preserve some of the rarest and finest beasts, ought to go thoroughly into the question and enact a complete protective code. still more necessary is it that a similar course should be taken by the british south africa company and by the imperial government, in whose territories there still survive more of the great beasts. it is to be hoped that even the lion and some of the rare lynxes will ultimately receive consideration. noxious as they are, it would be a pity to see them wholly exterminated. when i was in india, in the year , i was told that there were only seven lions then left in that vast area, all of them well cared for. the work of slaughter ought to be checked in south africa before the number gets quite so low as this, and though there may be difficulties in restraining the natives from killing the big game, it must be remembered that as regards many animals it is the european rather than the native, who is the chief agent of destruction. the predatory creatures which are now most harmful to the farmer are the baboons, which infest rocky districts and kill the lambs in such great numbers that the cape government offers bounties for their slaughter. but no large animal does mischief for a moment comparable to that of the two insect plagues which vex the eastern half of the country, the white ants and the locusts. of these i shall have something to say later. chapter iv vegetation the flora of south africa is extremely rich, showing a number of genera, and of species which, in proportion to its area, exceeds the number found in most other parts of the world. but whether this wealth is due to the diversity of physical conditions which the country presents, or rather to geological causes, that is, to the fact that there may at some remote period have been land connections with other regions which have facilitated the immigration of plants from various sides, is a matter on which science cannot yet pronounce, for both the geology and the flora of the whole african continent have been very imperfectly examined. it is, however, worth remarking that there are marked affinities between the general character of the flora of the south-western corner of south africa and that of the flora of south-western australia, and similar affinities between the flora of south-eastern and tropical africa and the flora of india, while the relations to south america are fewer and much less marked. this fact would seem to point to the great antiquity of the south atlantic ocean. to give in such a book as this even the scantiest account of the plants of south africa would obviously be impossible. all i propose is to convey some slight impression of the part which its vegetation, and particularly its trees, play in the landscape and in the economic conditions of the country. even this i can do but imperfectly, because, like most travellers, i passed through large districts in the dry season, when three-fourths of the herbaceous plants are out of flower. no part of the country is richer in beautiful flowers than the immediate neighbourhood of cape town. this extreme south-western corner of africa has a climate of the south temperate zone; that is to say, it has a real summer and a real winter, and gets most of its rain in winter, whereas the rest of south africa has only a wet season and a dry season, the latter coming in winter. so, too, this corner round cape town has a vegetation characteristically its own, and differing markedly from that of the arid karroo regions to the north, and that of the warm subtropical regions in the east of the colony and in natal. it is here that the plants flourish which europeans and americans first came to know and which are still to them the most familiar examples of the south african flora. heaths, for instance, of which there are said to be no less than three hundred and fifty species in this small district, some of extraordinary beauty and brilliance, are scarcely found outside of it. i saw two or three species on the high peaks of basutoland, and believe some occur as far north as the tropic on the tops of the quathlamba range; but in the lower grounds, and even on the plateau of the karroo they are absent. the general aspect of the vegetation on the karroo, and eastward over the plateau into bechuanaland and the transvaal, is to the traveller's eye monotonous--a fact due to the general uniformity of the geological formations and the general dryness of the surface. in natal and in mashonaland types different from those of either the cape or the karroo appear, and i have never seen a more beautiful and varied alpine flora than on a lofty summit of basutoland which i ascended in early summer. but even in mashonaland, and in matabililand still more, the herbaceous plants make, at least in the dry season, comparatively little show. i found the number of conspicuous species less than i had expected, and the diversity of types from the types that prevail in the southern part of the plateau (in bechuanaland and the orange free state) less marked. this is doubtless due to the general similarity of the conditions that prevail over the plateau. everywhere the same hot days and cold nights, everywhere the same dryness. however, i must avoid details, especially details which would be interesting only to a botanist, and be content with a few words on those more conspicuous features of the vegetation which the traveller notes, and which go to make up his general impression of the country. speaking broadly, south africa is a bare country, and this is the more remarkable because it is a new country, where man has not had time to work much destruction. there are ancient forests along the south coast of cape colony and natal, the best of which are (in the former colony) now carefully preserved and administered by a forest department of government. such is the great knysna forest, where elephants still roam wild. but even in these forests few trees exceed fifty or sixty feet in height, the tallest being the so-called yellow-wood, and the most useful the sneeze-wood. on the slopes of the hills above graham's town and king william's town one finds (besides real forests here and there) immense masses of dense scrub, or "bush," usually from four to eight feet in height, sometimes with patches of the prickly-pear, an invader from america, and a formidable one; for its spines hurt the cattle and make passage by men a troublesome business. it was this dense, low scrub which constituted the great difficulty of british troops in the fierce and protracted kafir wars of fifty years ago; for the ground which the scrub covers was impassable except by narrow and tortuous paths known only to the natives, and it afforded them admirable places for ambush and for retreat. nowadays a large part of the bush-covered land is used for ostrich-farms, and it is, indeed, fit for little else. the scrub is mostly dry, while the larger forests are comparatively damp, and often beautiful with flowering trees, small tree-ferns, and flexile climbers. but the trees are not lofty enough to give any of that dignity which a european forest, say in england or germany or norway, often possesses, and as the native kinds are mostly evergreens, their leaves have comparatively little variety of tint. one of the most graceful is the curious silver-tree, so called from the whitish sheen of one side of its leaves, which grows abundantly on the slopes of table mountain, but is found hardly anywhere else in the colony. if this is the character of the woods within reach of the coast rains, much more conspicuous is the want of trees and the poorness of those scattered here and there on the great interior plateau. in the desert region, that is to say, the karroo, the northern part of cape colony to the orange river, western bechuanaland, and the german territories of namaqualand and damaraland, there are hardly any trees, except small, thorny mimosas (they are really acacias, the commonest being _acacia horrida_), whose scanty, light-green foliage casts little shade. on the higher mountains, where there is a little more moisture, a few other shrubs or small trees may be found, and sometimes beside a watercourse, where a stream runs during the rains, the eye is refreshed by a few slender willows; but speaking generally, this huge desert, one-third of south africa, contains nothing but low bushes, few of which are fit even for fuel. farther east, where the rainfall is heavier, the trees, though still small, are more frequent and less thorny. parts of the great plain round kimberley were tolerably well wooded thirty years ago, but the trees have all been cut down to make mine props or for fire-wood. north of mafeking the rolling flats and low hills of bechuanaland are pretty fairly wooded, and so to a less degree are the adjoining parts of the transvaal and matabililand. the road going north from mafeking passes through some three hundred miles of such woodlands, but a less beautiful or interesting woodland i have never seen. the trees are mostly the thorny mimosas i have mentioned. none exceed thirty, few reach twenty-five, feet. though they grow loosely scattered, the space between them is either bare or occupied by low and very prickly bushes. the ground is parched, and one can get no shade, except by standing close under a trunk somewhat thicker than its neighbours. still farther north the timber is hardly larger, though the general aspect of the woods is improved by the more frequent occurrence of flowering trees, some sweet-scented, with glossy leaves and small white flowers, some with gorgeous clusters of blossoms. three are particularly handsome. one, usually called the kafir-boom, has large flowers of a brilliant crimson. another (_lonchocarpus speciosus_[ ]), for which no english name seems to exist, shows lovely pendulous flowers of a bluish lilac, resembling in colour those of the _wistaria_. the third is an arboraceous st. john's wort (_hypericum schimperi_[ ]), which i found growing in a valley of manicaland, at a height of nearly feet above the sea. all three would be great ornaments to a south european shrubbery could they be induced to bear the climate, which, in the case of the two latter (for i hardly think the kafir-boom would suit a colder air), seems not impossible. in manicaland, among the mountains which form the eastern edge of the plateau, the trees are taller, handsomer, and more tropical in their character, and palms, though of no great height, are sometimes seen. but not even in the most humid of the valleys and on the lower spurs of the range, where it sinks into the coast plain, nor along the swampy banks of the pungwe river, did i see any tree more than sixty feet high, and few more than thirty. neither was there any of that luxuriant undergrowth which makes some tropical forests, like those at the foot of the nilghiri hills in india or in some of the isles of the pacific, so impressive as evidences of the power and ceaseless activity of nature. the poverty of the woods in bechuanaland and matabililand seems to be due not merely to the dryness of the soil and to the thin and sandy character which so often marks it, but also to the constant grass-fires. the grass is generally short, so that these fires do not kill the trees; nor does one hear of such great forest conflagrations as are frequent and ruinous in western america and by no means unknown in the south of cape colony. but these fires doubtless injure the younger trees sufficiently to stunt their growth, and this mischief is, of course, all the greater when an exceptionally dry year occurs. in such years the grass-fires, then most frequent, may destroy the promise of the wood over a vast area. the want of forests in south africa is one of the greatest misfortunes of the country, for it makes timber costly; it helps to reduce the rainfall, and it aggravates the tendency of the rain, when it comes, to run off rapidly in a sudden freshet. forests have a powerful influence upon climate in holding moisture,[ ] and not only moisture, but soil also. in south africa the violent rain-storms sweep away the surface of the ground, and prevent the deposition of vegetable mould. nothing retains that mould or the soil formed by decomposed rock as well as a covering of wood and the herbage which the neighbourhood of comparatively moist woodlands helps to support. it is much to be desired that in all parts of the country where trees will grow trees should be planted, and that those which remain should be protected. unfortunately, most of the south african trees grow slowly, so where planting has been attempted it is chiefly foreign sorts that are tried. among these the first place belongs to the australian gums, because they shoot up faster than any others. one finds them now everywhere, mostly in rows or groups round a house or a hamlet, but sometimes also in regular plantations. they have become a conspicuous feature in the landscape of the veldt plateau, especially in those places where there was no wood, or the little that existed has been destroyed. kimberley, for instance, and pretoria are beginning to be embowered in groves of eucalyptus; buluwayo is following suit; and all over matabililand and mashonaland one discovers in the distance the site of a farm-steading or a store by the waving tops of the gum-trees. if this goes on these australian immigrants will sensibly affect the aspect of the country, just as already they have affected that of the riviera in south-eastern france, of the campagna of rome, of the rolling tops of the nilghiri hills in southern india, from which, unhappily, the far more beautiful ancient groves ("sholas") have now almost disappeared. besides those gums, another australasian tree, the thin-foliaged and unlovely, but quick-growing "beefwood," has been largely planted at kimberley and some other places. the stone-pine of southern europe, the cluster-pine (_pinus pinaster_), and the aleppo or jerusalem pine (_pinus halepensis_), have all been introduced and seem to do well. the australian wattles have been found very useful in helping to fix the soil on sandy flats, such as those near cape town, and the bark of one species is an important article of commerce in natal, where (near maritzburg, for instance) it grows profusely. but of all the immigrant trees none is so beautiful as the oak. the dutch began to plant it round cape town early in the eighteenth century, and it is now one of the elements which most contribute to the charm of the scenery in this eminently picturesque south-west corner of the country. nothing can be more charming than the long oak avenues which line the streets of stellenbosch, for instance; and they help, with the old-fashioned dutch houses of that quaint little town, to give a sort of hobbema flavour to the foregrounds. the changes which man has produced in the aspect of countries, by the trees he plants and the crops he sows, are a curious subject for inquiry to the geographer and the historian. these changes sometimes take place very rapidly. in the hawaiian islands, for instance, discovered by captain cook little more than a century ago, many of the shrubs which most abound and give its tone to the landscape have come (and that mostly not by planting, but spontaneously) from the shores of asia and america within the last eighty years. in egypt most of the trees which fill the eye in the drive from cairo to the pyramids were introduced by mehemet ali, so that the banks of the nile, as we see them, are different not only from those which herodotus saw, but even from those which napoleon saw. in north africa the central american prickly-pear and the australian gum make the landscape quite different from that of carthaginian or even of roman times. so south africa is changing--changing all the more because many of the immigrant trees thrive better than the indigenous ones, and are fit for spots where the latter make but little progress; and in another century the country may wear an aspect quite unlike that which it now presents. [footnote : i owe these names to the kindness of the authorities at the royal gardens at kew, who have been good enough to look through fifty-four dried specimens which i collected and preserved as well as i could while travelling through mashonaland and basutoland. eleven of these fifty-four were pronounced to be species new to science, a fact which shows how much remains to be done in the way of botanical exploration.] [footnote : it has been plausibly suggested that one reason why many english rivers which were navigable in the tenth century (because we know that the northmen traversed them in vessels which had crossed the german ocean) but are now too shallow to let a row-boat pass, is to be found in the destruction of the forests and the draining of the marshes which the forests sheltered.] chapter v physical aspects of the various political divisions hitherto i have spoken of south africa as a natural whole, ignoring its artificial division into colonies and states. it may be well to complete the account of the physical characteristics of the country by giving the reader some notion of the aspects of each of the political divisions, and thereby a notion also of their relative importance and resources as wealth-producing regions. cape colony cape colony is a huge territory more than twice as large as the united kingdom. but very little of it is available for tillage, and much of it is too arid even for stock-keeping. the population, including natives, is only seven to the square mile. nearly the whole of it is high country. all along its westerly coast and its southerly coast there is a strip of low ground bordering the ocean, which in some places is but a mile or two wide, and in others, where a broad valley opens spreads backward, giving thirty or forty square miles of tolerably level or undulating ground. the rich wine and corn district round stellenbosch and paarl and northward towards malmesbury is such a tract. behind this low strip the country rises, sometimes in steep acclivities, up which a road or railway has to be carried in curves and zigzags, sometimes in successive terraces, the steps, so to speak, by which the lofty interior breaks down towards the sea. behind these terraces and slopes lies the great tableland described in a preceding chapter. though i call it a tableland, it is by no means flat, for several long, though not lofty, ranges of hills, mostly running east and west, intersect it. some tracts are only feet, others as much as feet, above the sea, while the highest hilltops approach feet. the part of this high country which lies between longitude ° and ° e., with the nieuweld and sneeuwberg mountains to the north of it, and the zwarte berg to the south, is called the great karroo. (the word is hottentot, and means a dry or bare place.) it is tolerably level, excessively dry, with no such thing as a running stream over its huge expanse of three hundred miles long and half as much wide, nor, indeed, any moisture, save in a few places shallow pools which almost disappear in the dry season. the rainfall ranges from five to fifteen inches in the year. it is therefore virtually a desert, bearing no herbage (except for a week or two after a rainstorm), and no trees, though there are plenty of prickly shrubs and small bushes, some of these succulent enough, when they sprout after the few showers that fall in the summer, to give good browsing to sheep and goats. the brilliancy of the air, the warmth of the days, and the coldness of the nights remind one who traverses the karroo of the deserts of western america between the rocky mountains and the sierra nevada, though the soil is much less alkaline, and the so-called "sage-brush" plants characteristic of an alkaline district are mostly absent. to the north of the karroo and of the mountains which bound it, a similar district, equally arid, dreary, and barren, stretches away to the banks of the orange river, which here in its lower course has less water than in its upper course, because, like the nile, it receives no affluents and is wasted by the terrible sun. in fact, one may say that from the mountains dividing the southern part of the karroo from the coast lands all the way north to the orange river, a distance of nearly four hundred miles, nature has made the country a desert of clay and stone (seldom of sand), though man has here and there tried to redeem it for habitation. the north-eastern part of the interior of cape colony is more generally elevated than the south-western. from graaf-reinet northward to kimberley and mafeking, and north-eastward to the borders of basutoland, the country is feet or more above sea-level; much of it is nearly level, and almost all of it bare of wood. it is better watered than the western districts, enjoying a rainfall of from ten to twenty-five inches in the year, and is therefore mostly covered with grass after the rains, and not merely with dry thorny bushes. nevertheless, its general aspect in the dry season is so parched and bare that the stranger is surprised to be told that it supports great quantities of cattle, sheep, and goats. the south-eastern part, including the quathlamba range, and the hilly country descending from that range to the sea, has a still heavier rainfall and is in some places covered with forest. here the grass is richer, and in the valleys there is plenty of land fit for tillage without irrigation. the colony of natal much smaller, but more favoured by nature, is the british colony of natal, which adjoins the easternmost part of cape colony, and now includes the territories of zululand and tonga land. natal proper and zululand resemble in their physical conditions the south-eastern corner of cape colony. both lie entirely on the sea slope of the quathlamba range, and are covered by mountains and hills descending from that range. both are hilly or undulating, with a charming variety of surface; and they are also comparatively well watered, with a perennial stream in every valley. hence there is plenty of grass, and towards the coast plenty of wood also, while the loftier interior is bare. the climate is much warmer than that of cape colony, and in the narrow strip which borders the sea becomes almost tropical. nor is this heat attributable entirely to the latitude. it is largely due to the great mozambique current, which brings down from the tropical parts of the indian ocean a vast body of warm water which heats the adjoining coast just as the gulf stream heats the shores of georgia and the carolinas; and the effect of this mass of hot water upon the air over it would doubtless be felt much more in natal were it not for the rapid rise of the ground from the sea in that colony. pietermaritzburg, the capital, is only some fifty miles from the coast as the crow flies. but though it lies in a valley, it is feet above sea-level, and from it the country steadily rises inland, till at laing's nek (the watershed between the indian ocean and the atlantic), the height of feet is reached, and the winter cold is severe. nearly the whole of natal and four-fifths of zululand may thus be deemed a temperate country, where europeans can thrive and multiply. so far as soil goes it is one of the richest as well as one of the fairest parts of south africa. tongaland, a smaller district, lies lower and is less healthy. german south-west africa very different is the vast german territory ( , square miles) which stretches northward from cape colony, bounded on the south by the orange river, on the north by the west african territories of portugal, on the east by bechuanaland. great namaqualand and damaraland constitute an enormous wilderness, very thinly peopled, because the means of life are very scanty. this wilderness is, except the narrow and sandy coast strip, a high country ( to feet above sea-level) and a dry country, drier even than the karroo, and far too dry for any kind of cultivation. some parts, especially those in the south-west, are hopelessly parched and barren; others have small bushes or grass; while on the higher grounds and generally in the far northern parts, where the ovampo tribe dwell, grass is abundant, and as cattle can thrive there is also population. copper has been discovered in considerable quantities, and other minerals (including coal) are believed to exist. but the country, taken all in all, and excepting the little explored districts of the north-east, toward the upper zambesi,--districts whose resources are still very imperfectly known,--is a dreary and desolate region, which seems likely to prove of little value. germany now owns the whole of it, save the port of walfish bay, which has been retained for and is administered by cape colony. portuguese south-east africa on the opposite side of the continent portugal holds the country which lies along the indian ocean from british tongaland northward to the zambesi. close to the sea it is level, rising gently westward in hills, and in some places extending to the crest of the quathlamba mountains. thus it has considerable variety of aspect and climate, and as the rain falls chiefly on the slopes of the mountains, the interior is generally better watered than the flat seaboard, which is often sandy and worthless. much of this region is of great fertility, capable of producing all the fruits of the tropics. but much of it, including some of the most fertile parts, is also very malarious, while the heat is far too great for european labour. when plantations are established throughout it, as they have been in a few--but only a few--spots by the portuguese, it will be by natives that they will be cultivated. the kafir population is now comparatively small, but this may be due rather to the desolating native wars than to the conditions of the soil. so much for the four maritime countries. there remain the two dutch republics and the british territories which have not yet been formed into colonies. the orange free state the orange free state ( , square miles) lies entirely on the great plateau, between and feet above sea-level. it is in the main a level country, though hills are scattered over it, sometimes reaching a height of nearly feet. a remarkable feature of most of these hills, as of many all over the plateau, is that they are flat-topped, and have often steep, even craggy escarpments. this seems due to the fact that the strata (chiefly sandstone) are horizontal; and very often a bed of hard igneous rock, some, kind of trap or greenstone, or porphyry, protects the summit of the hill from the disintegrating influences of the weather. it is a bare land, with very little wood, and that small and scrubby, but is well covered with herbage, affording excellent pasture during two-thirds of the year. after the first rains, when these wide stretches of gently undulating land are dressed in their new vesture of brilliant green, nothing can be imagined more exhilarating than a ride across the wide expanse; for the air is pure, keen, and bracing, much like that of the high prairies of colorado or wyoming. there are fortunately no blizzards, but violent thunderstorms are not uncommon, and the hailstones--i have seen them as big as bantams' eggs--which fall during such storms sometimes kill the smaller animals, and even men. dry as the land appears to the eye during the winter, the larger streams do not wholly fail, and water can generally be got. the south-eastern part of the free state, especially along the caledon river, is extremely fertile, one of the best corn-growing parts of africa. the rest is fitter for pasture than for tillage, except, of course, on the alluvial banks of the rivers, and nearly the whole region is in fact occupied by huge grazing farms. as such a farm needs and supports only a few men, the population grows but slowly. the free state is nearly as big as england and just as big as the state of new york; but it has only , white inhabitants and about , natives. the south african republic somewhat larger,--about as large as great britain and nearly two-thirds the size of france--is the south african republic, which we commonly talk of as the transvaal. of its white population, which numbers some , , two-thirds are in the small mining district of the witwatersrand. all the transvaal, except a strip on the eastern and another strip on the northern border along the river limpopo, also belongs to the great plateau and exhibits the characteristic features of the plateau. the hills are, however, higher than in the free state, and along the east, where the quathlamba range forms the outer edge of the plateau, they deserve to be called mountains, for some of them reach feet. these high regions are healthy, for the summer heats are tempered by easterly breezes and copious summer rains. the lower parts lying toward the indian ocean and the limpopo river are feverish, though drainage and cultivation may be expected to reduce the malaria and improve the conditions of health. like the free state, the transvaal is primarily a pasture land, but in many parts the herbage is less juicy and wholesome than in the smaller republic, and belongs to what the dutch boers call "sour veldt." there are trees in the more sheltered parts, but except in the lower valleys, they are small, and of no economic value. the winter cold is severe, and the fierce sun dries up the soil, and makes the grass sear and brown for the greater part of the year. strong winds sweep over the vast stretches of open upland, checked by no belts of forest. it is a country whose aspect has little to attract the settler. no one would think it worth fighting for so far as the surface goes; and until sixteen years ago nobody knew that there was enormous wealth lying below the surface. british territories--bechuanaland of one british territory outside the two colonies, viz., basutoland, i shall have to speak fully hereafter. a second, bechuanaland, including the kalahari desert, is of vast extent, but slender value. it is a level land lying entirely on the plateau between , and feet above the sea, and while some of its streamlets drain into the limpopo, and so to the indian ocean, others flow westward and northward into marshes and shallow lakes, in which they disappear. one or two, however, succeed, in wet seasons, in getting as far as the orange river, and find through it an outlet to the sea. it is only in the wet season that the streamlets flow, for bechuanaland is intensely dry. i travelled four hundred miles through it without once crossing running water, though here and there in traversing the dry bed of a brook one was told that there was water underneath, deep in the sand. notwithstanding this superficial aridity, eastern bechuanaland is deemed one of the best ranching tracts in south africa, for the grass is sweet, and the water can usually be obtained by digging, though it is often brackish. there is also plenty of wood--thin and thorny, but sufficiently abundant to diversify the aspect of what would otherwise be a most dreary and monotonous region. the territories of the british south africa company north of bechuanaland and the transvaal, and stretching all the way to the zambesi, are those immense territories which have been assigned to the british south africa company as the sphere of its operations, and to which the name of rhodesia has been given. matabililand and mashonaland, the only parts that have been at all settled, are higher, more undulating, and altogether more attractive than bechuanaland, with great swelling downs somewhat resembling the steppes of southern russia or the prairies of kansas. except in the east and south-east, the land is undulating rather than hilly, but in the south-west, towards the upper limpopo, there lies a high region, full of small rocky heights often clothed with thick bush--a country difficult to traverse, as has been found during the recent native outbreak; for it was there that most of the kafirs took shelter and were found difficult to dislodge. towards the south-east, along the middle course of the limpopo, the country is lower and less healthy. on the northern side of the central highlands, the ground sinks towards the zambesi, and the soil, which among the hills is thin or sandy, becomes deeper. in that part and along the river banks there are great possibilities of agricultural development, while the uplands, where the subjacent rock is granite or gneiss, with occasional beds of slate or schist, are generally barer and more dry, fit rather for pasture than for tillage. more rain falls than in bechuanaland, so it is only at the end of the dry season, in october, that the grass begins to fail on the pastures. the climate, though very warm,--for here we are well within the tropics,--is pleasant and invigorating, for nowhere do brighter and fresher breezes blow, and the heat of the afternoons is forgotten in the cool evenings. it is healthy, too, except along the swampy river banks and where one descends to the levels of the zambesi, or into the limpopo valley. the reader will have gathered from this general sketch that there are no natural boundaries severing from one another the various political divisions of south africa. the north-eastern part of cape colony is substantially the same kind of country as the orange free state and eastern bechuanaland; the transvaal, or at least three-fourths of its area, is physically similar to the free state; the boundary between cape colony and natal is an artificial one; while matabililand and mashonaland present features resembling those of the northern transvaal, differing only in being rather hotter and rather better watered. so far as nature is concerned, the conditions she prescribes for the life of man, the resources she opens to his energies, are very similar over these wide areas, save, of course, that some parts are much richer than others in mineral deposits. it is only along the frontier line which divides natal and the portuguese dominions from the transvaal and the territories of the british south africa company that a political coincides with a physical line of demarcation. even german south-west africa differs scarcely at all from the kalahari desert, which adjoins it and which forms the western part of bechuanaland, and differs little also from the north-western regions of cape colony. if the reader will compare the two physical maps contained in this volume with the map which shows the political divisions of the country he will notice that these political divisions do not correspond with the areas where more or less rain falls, or where the ground is more or less raised above the sea or traversed by mountain chains. the only exception is to be found in the fact that the boundary of natal towards basutoland and the orange free state has been drawn along the watershed between the indian ocean and the atlantic, and that the boundary line between the portuguese territories and those of the transvaal republic and of the british south africa company, is in many places the line of division between the mountains and the low country. the orange river and the limpopo have, in parts of their courses, been taken as convenient political frontiers. but rivers, though convenient for this purpose to the statesman and the geographer, are not natural boundaries in the true sense of the term. and thus we may say that the causes which have cut up south africa into its present colonies and states have been (except as aforesaid) historical causes, rather than differences due to the hand of nature. chapter vi nature and history now that some general idea of how nature has shaped and moulded south africa has been conveyed to the reader, a few pages may be devoted to considering what influence on the fortunes of the country and its inhabitants has been exerted by its physical character. the history of every country may be regarded as the joint result of three factors--the natural conditions of the country itself, the qualities of the races that have occupied it, and the circumstances under which their occupation took place. and among savage or barbarous people natural conditions have an even greater importance than they have in more advanced periods of civilisation, because they are more powerful as against man. man in his savage state is not yet able to resist such conditions or to turn them to serve his purposes, but is condemned to submit to the kind of life which they prescribe. this was the case with the first inhabitants of south africa. they seem to have entered it as savages, and savages they remained. nature was strong and stern; she spread before them no such rich alluvial plains as tempted cultivation in the valleys of the nile and the euphrates. intellectually feeble, and without the patience or the foresight to attempt to till the soil in a land where droughts are frequent and disastrous, the bushmen were content with killing game, and the hottentots with living on the milk of their cattle. such a life, which was one of uncertainty and often of hardship, permitted no accumulation of wealth, gave no leisure, suggested no higher want than that of food, and was in all respects unfavourable to material progress. even the bantu people, who probably came later and were certainly more advanced, for they carried on some little cultivation of the soil, remained at a low level. nature gave them, except in dry years, as much corn as they needed in return for very little labour. clothing they did not need, and their isolation from the rest of the world left them ignorant of luxuries. when the european voyagers found them at the end of the fifteenth century, they were making little or no advance in the arts of life. upon the growth of european settlements the influence of the physical structure of the country has been very marked. when the portuguese had followed the long line of coast from the mouth of the orange river to that of the zambesi, and from the mouth of the zambesi northward to zanzibar, they settled only where they heard that gold and ivory could be obtained. their forts and trading stations, the first of which dates from , were therefore planted on the coast northward from the limpopo river. sofala, a little south of the modern port of beira, was the principal one. here they traded, and twice or thrice they made, always in search of the gold-producing regions, expeditions inland. these expeditions, however, had to traverse the flat and malarious strip of ground which lies along the indian ocean. a large part of the white troops died, and the rest arrived at the higher ground so much weakened that they could achieve no permanent conquests, for they were opposed by warlike tribes. in the course of years a small population speaking portuguese, though mixed with native blood, grew up along the coast. the climate, however, destroyed what vigour the whites had brought from europe, and by degrees they ceased to even attempt to conquer or occupy the interior. the heat and the rains, together with fever, the offspring of heat and rains, checked further progress. three centuries passed, during which the knowledge of south-eastern africa which the civilised world had obtained within the twenty years that followed the voyages of vasco da gama, was scarcely increased. during those three centuries, america, which had not been discovered till six years after bartholomew diaz passed the cape of good hope, had been, all except a part of the north-west, pretty thoroughly explored and partitioned out among five european powers. large and prosperous colonies had sprung up and before the end of the eighteenth century one great independent state had established itself. the discovery of australia and new zealand came much later than that of america; but within one century from the first european settlement in australia (a.d. ) the whole continent, though its interior is uninviting, had been traversed along many lines, and five prosperous european colonies had grown to importance. the slow progress of exploration and settlement in south africa during so long a period is therefore a noteworthy phenomenon which deserves a few observations. as regards the portuguese part of the east african coast, the explanation just given is sufficient. as regards that part of the west coast which lies south of the portuguese colony of angola, the natural features of the country make no explanation needed. no more arid or barren coast is to be found anywhere, and in its whole long stretch there is but one tolerable port, that of walfish bay. the inland region is scarcely better. much of it is waterless and without herbage. no gold nor ivory nor other article of value was obtainable. accordingly, nobody cared to settle or explore, and the land would probably be still lying unclaimed had not the settlement of herr lüderitz and a vague desire for territorial expansion prompted germany to occupy it in . the south coast, from the cape to the tugela river, was much more attractive. here the climate was salubrious, the land in many places fertile, and everywhere fit for sheep or cattle. here, accordingly, a small european community, first founded in , grew up and spread slowly eastward and northward along the shore during the century and a half from its first establishment. the dutch settlers did not care to penetrate the interior, because the interior seemed to offer little to a farmer. behind the well-watered coast belt lay successive lines of steep mountains, and behind those mountains the desert waste of the karroo, where it takes six acres to keep a sheep. accordingly, it was only a few bold hunters, a few farmers on the outskirts of the little maritime colony, and a few missionaries, who cared to enter this wide wilderness. when exploration began, it began from this south-west corner of africa. it began late. in , when the british took the cape from the dutch, few indeed were the white men who had penetrated more than one hundred miles from the coast, and the farther interior was known only by report. for thirty years more progress was slow; and it is within our own time that nearly all the exploration, and the settlement which has followed quickly on the heels of exploration, has taken place. just sixty years ago the dutch boers passed in their heavy waggons from cape colony to the spots where bloemfontein and pretoria now stand. in - david livingstone made his way through bechuanaland to the falls of the zambesi and the west coast at st. paul de loanda. in the vast territories between the transvaal republic and the zambesi began to be occupied by the mashonaland pioneers. all these explorers, all the farmers, missionaries, hunters, and mining prospectors, came up into south central africa from the south-west extremity of the continent over the great plateau. they moved north-eastward, because there was more rain, and therefore more grass and game in that direction than toward the north. they were checked from time to time by the warlike native tribes; but they were drawn on by finding everywhere a country in which europeans could live and thrive. it was the existence of this high and cool plateau that permitted their discoveries and encouraged their settlement. and thus the rich interior has come to belong, not to the portuguese, who first laid hold of south africa, but to the races who first entered the plateau at the point where it is nearest the sea, the dutch and the english. coming a thousand miles by land, they have seized and colonised the country that lies within sixty or eighty miles of the ocean behind the portuguese settlements, because they had good healthy air to breathe during all those thousand miles of journey; while the portuguese, sunk among tropical swamps, were doing no more than maintain their hold upon the coast, and were allowing even the few forts they had established along the lower course of the zambesi to crumble away. the same natural conditions, however, which have made the plateau healthy, have kept it sparsely peopled. much of this high interior, whose settlement has occupied the last sixty years, is a desert unfit, and likely to be always unfit, for human habitation. even in those parts which are comparatively well watered, the grazing for sheep and cattle is so scanty during some months of the year that farms are large, houses are scattered far from one another, and the population remains extremely thin. the wilderness of the karroo cuts off cape town and its comparatively populous neighbourhood from the inhabited, though thinly inhabited, pastoral districts of the orange free state. between these two settled districts there are only a few villages, scattered at intervals of many miles along a line of railway four hundred miles in length. in the free state and the transvaal the white population is extremely sparse, save in the mining region of the witwatersrand, because ranching requires few hands, and only a few hundred square miles out of many thousands have been brought under cultivation. thus, while the coolness of the climate has permitted europeans to thrive in these comparatively low latitudes, its dryness has kept down their numbers and has retarded not only their political development, but their progress in all those arts and pursuits which imply a tolerably large and varied society. the note of south african life, the thing that strikes the traveller with increasing force as he visits one part of the country after another, is the paucity of inhabitants, and the isolated life which these inhabitants, except in six or seven towns, are forced to lead. this is the doing of nature. she has not severed the country into distinct social or political communities by any lines of physical demarcation, but she has provided such scanty means of sustenance for human life and so few openings for human industry unaided by capital, that the settlers (save where capital has come to their aid) remain few indeed, and one may call the interior of south africa a vast solitude, with a few oases of population dotted here and there over it. chapter vii aspects of scenery the sketch i have given of the physical character of south africa will doubtless have conveyed to the reader that the country offers comparatively little to attract the lover of natural scenery. this impression is true if the sort of landscape we have learned to enjoy in europe and in the eastern part of the united states be taken as the type of scenery which gives most pleasure. variety of form, boldness of outline, the presence of water in lakes and running streams, and, above all, foliage and verdure, are the main elements of beauty in those landscapes; while if any one desires something of more imposing grandeur, he finds it in snow-capped mountains like the alps or the cascade range, or in majestic crags such as those which tower over the fiords of norway. but the scenery of south africa is wholly unlike that of europe or of most parts of america. it is, above all things, a dry land, a parched and thirsty land, where no clear brooks murmur through the meadow, no cascade sparkles from the cliff, where mountain and plain alike are brown and dusty except during the short season of the rains. and being a dry land, it is also a bare land. few are the favoured spots in which a veritable forest can be seen; for though many tracts are wooded, the trees are almost always thin and stunted. in matabililand, for instance, though a great part of the surface is covered with wood, you see no trees forty feet high, and few reaching thirty; while in the wilderness of the kalahari desert and damaraland nothing larger than a bush is visible, except the scraggy and thorny mimosa. these features of south africa--the want of water and the want of greenness--are those to which a native of western europe finds it hardest to accustom himself, however thoroughly he may enjoy the brilliant sun and the keen dry air which go along with them. and it must also be admitted that over very large areas the aspects of nature are so uniform as to become monotonous. one may travel eight hundred miles and see less variety in the landscape than one would find in one-fourth of the same distance anywhere in western europe or in america east of the alleghany mountains. the same geological formations prevail over wide areas, and give the same profile to the hilltop, the same undulations to the plain; while in travelling northward toward the equator the flora seems to change far less between ° and ° south latitude than it changes in the journey from barcelona to havre, through only half as many degrees of latitude. there are, nevertheless, several interesting bits of scenery in south africa, which, if they do not of themselves repay the traveller for so long a journey, add sensibly to his enjoyment. the situation of cape town, with a magnificent range of precipices rising behind it, a noble bay in front, and environs full of beautiful avenues and pleasure-grounds, while bold mountain-peaks close the more distant landscape, is equalled by that of few other cities in the world. constantinople and naples, bombay and san francisco, cannot boast of more perfect or more varied prospects. there are some fine pieces of wood and water scenery along the south coast of cape colony, and one of singular charm in the adjoining colony of natal, where the suburbs of durban, the principal port, though they lack the grandeur which its craggy heights give to the neighbourhood of cape town have, with a warmer climate, a richer and more tropically luxuriant vegetation. in the great range of mountains which runs some seventeen hundred miles from cape town almost to the banks of the zambesi, the scenery becomes striking in three districts only. one of these is basutoland, a little native territory which lies just where cape colony, the orange free state, and natal meet. its peaks are the highest in africa south of mount kilimanjaro, for several of them reach , feet. on the south-east this mountain-land, the switzerland of south africa, faces natal and east griqualand with a long range of formidable precipices, impassable for many miles. the interior contains valleys and glens of singular beauty, some wild and rugged, some clothed with rich pasture. the voice of brooks, a sound rare in africa, rises from the hidden depths of the gorges, and here and there torrents plunging over the edge of a basaltic cliff into an abyss below make waterfalls which are at all seasons beautiful, and when swollen by the rains of january majestic. except wood, of which there is unhappily nothing more than a little scrubby bush in the sheltered hollows, nearly all the elements of beauty are present; and the contrast between the craggy summits and the soft rich pasture and cornlands which lie along their northern base, gives rise to many admirable landscapes. two hundred miles north-north-east of basutoland the great quathlamba range rises in very bold slopes from the coast levels behind delagoa bay, and the scenery of the valleys and passes is said to be extremely grand. knowing it, however, only by report, i will not venture to describe it. nearly five hundred miles still farther to the north, in the district called manicaland, already referred to, is a third mountain region, less lofty than basutoland, but deriving a singular charm from the dignity and variety of its mountain forms. the whole country is so elevated that summits of or even feet do not produce any greater effect upon the eye than does ben lomond as seen from loch lomond, or mount washington from the glen house. but there is a boldness of line about these granite peaks comparable to those of the west coast of norway or of the finest parts of the swiss alps. some of them rise in smooth shafts of apparently inaccessible rock; others form long ridges of pinnacles of every kind of shape, specially striking when they stand out against the brilliantly clear morning or evening sky. the valleys are well wooded, the lower slopes covered with herbage, so the effect of these wild peaks is heightened by the softness of the surroundings which they dominate, while at the same time the whole landscape becomes more complex and more noble by the mingling of such diverse elements. no scenery better deserves the name of romantic. and even in the tamer parts, where instead of mountains there are only low hills, or "kopjes" (as they are called in south africa), the slightly more friable rock found in these hills decomposes under the influence of the weather into curiously picturesque and fantastic forms, with crags riven to their base, and detached pillars supporting loose blocks and tabular masses, among or upon which the timid mashonas have built their huts in the hope of escaping the raids of their warlike enemies, the matabili. though i must admit that south africa, taken as a whole, offers far less to attract the lover of natural beauty than does southern or western europe or the pacific states of north america, there are two kinds of charm which it possesses in a high degree. one is that of colour. monotonous as the landscapes often are, there is a warmth and richness of tone about them which fills and delights the eye. one sees comparatively little of that whitish-blue limestone which so often gives a hard and chilling aspect to the scenery of the lower ridges of the alps and of large parts of the coasts of the mediterranean. in africa even the grey granite or gneiss has a deeper tone than these limestones, and it is frequently covered by red and yellow lichens of wonderful beauty. the dark basalts and porphyries which occur in many places, the rich red tint which the surface of the sandstone rocks often takes under the scorching sun, give depth of tone to the landscape; and though the flood of midday sunshine is almost overpowering, the lights of morning and evening, touching the mountains with every shade of rose and crimson and violet, are indescribably beautiful. it is in these morning and evening hours that the charm of the pure dry air is specially felt. mountains fifty or sixty miles away stand out clearly enough to enable all the wealth of their colour and all the delicacy of their outlines to be perceived; and the eye realises, by the exquisitely fine change of tint between the nearer and the more distant ranges, the immensity and the harmony of the landscape. europeans may think that the continuous profusion of sunlight during most of the year may become wearisome. i was not long enough in the country to find it so, and i observed that those who have lived for a few years in south africa declare they prefer that continuous profusion to the murky skies of britain or holland or north germany. but even if the fine weather which prevails for eight months in the year be monotonous, there is compensation in the extraordinary brilliancy of the atmospheric effects throughout the rainy season, and especially in its first weeks. during nine days which i spent in the transvaal at that season, when several thunderstorms occurred almost every day, the combinations of sunshine, lightning, and cloud, and the symphonies--if the expression may be permitted--of light and shade and colour which their changeful play produced in the sky and on the earth, were more various and more wonderful than a whole year would furnish forth for enjoyment in europe. the other peculiar charm which south african scenery possesses is that of primeval solitude and silence. it is a charm which is differently felt by different minds. there are many who find the presence of what homer calls "the rich works of men" essential to the perfection of a landscape. cultivated fields, gardens, and orchards, farmhouses dotted here and there, indications in one form or another of human life and labour, do not merely give a greater variety to every prospect, but also impart an element which evokes the sense of sympathy with our fellow-beings, and excites a whole group of emotions which the contemplation of nature, taken by itself, does not arouse. no one is insensible to these things and some find little delight in any scene from which they are absent. yet there are other minds to which there is something specially solemn and impressive in the untouched and primitive simplicity of a country which stands now just as it came from the hands of the creator. the self-sufficingness of nature, the insignificance of man, the mystery of a universe which does not exist, as our ancestors fondly thought, for the sake of man, but for other purposes hidden from us and for ever undiscoverable--these things are more fully realised and more deeply felt when one traverses a boundless wilderness which seems to have known no change since the remote ages when hill and plain and valley were moulded into the forms we see to-day. feelings of this kind powerfully affect the mind of the traveller in south africa. they affect him in the karroo, where the slender line of rails, along which his train creeps all day and all night across wide stretches of brown desert and under the crests of stern dark hills, seems to heighten by contrast the sense of solitude--a vast and barren solitude interposed between the busy haunts of men which he has left behind on the shores of the ocean and those still busier haunts whither he is bent, where the pick and hammer sound upon the witwatersrand, and the palpitating engine drags masses of ore from the depths of the crowded mine. they affect him still more in the breezy highlands of matabililand, where the eye ranges over an apparently endless succession of undulations clothed with tall grass or waving wood, till they sink in the blue distance toward the plain through which the great zambesi takes its seaward course. the wilderness is indeed not wholly unpeopled. over the wide surface of matabililand and mashonaland--an area of some two hundred thousand square miles--there are scattered natives of various tribes, whose numbers have been roughly estimated at from , to , persons. but one rarely sees a native except along a few well-beaten tracks, and still more rarely comes upon a cluster of huts in the woods along the streamlets or half hidden among the fissured rocks of a granite kopje. the chief traces of man's presence in the landscape are the narrow and winding footpaths which run hither and thither through the country, and bewilder the traveller who, having strayed from his waggon, vainly hopes by following them to find his way back to the main track, or the wreaths of blue smoke which indicate the spot where a kafir has set the grass on fire to startle and kill the tiny creatures that dwell in it. nothing is at first more surprising to one who crosses a country inhabited by savages than the few marks of their presence which strike the eye, or at least an unpractised eye. the little plot of ground the kafirs have cultivated is in a few years scarcely distinguishable from the untouched surface of the surrounding land, while the mud-built hut quickly disappears under the summer rains and the scarcely less destructive efforts of the white ants. here in south africa the native races seem to have made no progress for centuries, if, indeed, they have not actually gone backward; and the feebleness of savage man intensifies one's sense of the overmastering strength of nature. the elephant and the buffalo are as much the masters of the soil as is the kafir, and man has no more right to claim that the land was made for him than have the wild beasts of the forest who roar after their prey and seek their meat from god. these features of south african nature, its silence, its loneliness, its drear solemnity, have not been without their influence upon the mind and temper of the european settler. the most peculiar and characteristic type that the country has produced is the boer of the eastern plateau, the offspring of those dutch africanders who some sixty years ago wandered away from british rule into the wilderness. these men had, and their sons and grandsons have retained, a passion for solitude that even to-day makes them desire to live many miles from any neighbour, a sturdy self-reliance, a grim courage in the face of danger, a sternness from which the native races have often had to suffer. the majesty of nature has not stimulated in them any poetical faculty. but her austerity, joined to the experiences of their race, has contributed to make them grave and serious, closely bound to their ancient forms of piety, and prone to deem themselves the special objects of divine protection. part ii _a sketch of south african history_ chapter viii the natives: hottentots, bushmen, and kafirs by far the most interesting features in the history of south africa have been the relations to one another of the various races that inhabit it. there are seven of these races, three native and four european. the european races, two of them, especially the dutch and the english, are, of course, far stronger, and far more important as political factors, than are the natives. nevertheless, the natives have an importance too, and one so great that their position deserves to be fully set forth and carefully weighed. for, though they are inferior in every point but one, they are in that point strong. they are prolific. they already greatly outnumber the whites, and they increase faster. the cases of conflict or contact between civilized european man and savage or semi-civilized aboriginal peoples, which have been very numerous since the tide of discovery began to rise in the end of the fifteenth century, may be reduced to three classes. the first of these classes includes the cases where the native race, though perhaps numerous, is comparatively weak, and unable to assimilate european civilization, or to thrive under european rule (a rule which has often been harsh), or even to survive in the presence of a european population occupying its country. to this class belong such cases as the extinction of the natives of the antilles by the spaniards, the disappearance of the natives of southern australia and tasmania before british settlement, the dying out, or retirement to a few reserved tracts, of the aborigines who once occupied all north america east of the rocky mountains. the russian advance in siberia, the advance of spanish and italian and german colonists in the territories of la plata in south america, may be added to this class, for though the phenomena are rather those of absorption than of extinction, the result is practically the same. the country becomes european and the native races vanish. an opposite class of cases arises where europeans have conquered a country already filled by a more or less civilized population, which is so numerous and so prolific as to maintain itself with ease in their presence. such a case is the british conquest of india. the europeans in india are, and must remain, a mere handful among the many millions of industrious natives, who already constitute, in many districts, a population almost too numerous for the resources of the country to support. moreover, the climate is one in which a pure european race speedily dwindles away. the position of the dutch in java, and of the french in indo-china, is similar; and the french in madagascar will doubtless present another instance. between these two extremes lies a third group of cases--those in which the native race is, on the one hand, numerous and strong enough to maintain itself in the face of europeans, while, on the other hand, there is plenty of room left for a considerable european population to press in, climatic conditions not forbidding it to spread and multiply. to this group belong such colonizations as those of the spaniards in mexico and peru, of the russians in parts of central asia, of the french in algeria and tunis, of the spaniards in the canary isles, and of the english and americans in hawaii. in all these countries the new race and the old race can both live and thrive, neither of them killing off or crowding out the other, though in some, as in hawaii, the natives tend to disappear, while in others, as in algeria, the immigrants do not much increase. sometimes, as in the canary isles and mexico, the two elements blend, the native element being usually more numerous, though less advanced; and a mixed race is formed by intermarriage. sometimes they remain, and seem likely to remain, as distinct as oil is from water. south africa belongs to this third class of cases. the dutch and the english find the country a good one and become fond of it. there is plenty of land for them. they enjoy the climate. they thrive and multiply. but they do not oust the natives, except sometimes from the best lands, and the contact does not reduce the number of the latter. the native--that is to say, the native of the kafir race--not merely holds his ground, but increases far more rapidly than he did before europeans came, because the europeans have checked intertribal wars and the slaughter of the tribesmen by the chiefs and their wizards, and also because the europeans have opened up new kinds of employment. as, therefore, the native will certainly remain, and will, indeed, probably continue to be in a vast majority, it is vital to a comprehension of south african problems to know what he has been and may be expected to become. the native races are three, and the differences between them are marked, being differences not only of physical appearance and of language, but also of character, habits, and grade of civilization. these three are the bushmen, the hottentots, and those bantu tribes whom we call kafirs. the bushmen were, to all appearance, the first on the ground, the real aborigines of south africa. they are one of the lowest races to be found anywhere, as low as the fuegians or the "black fellows" of australia, though perhaps not quite so low as the veddahs of ceylon or the now extinct natives of tasmania. they seem to have been originally scattered over all south africa, from the zambesi to the cape, and so late as eighty years ago were almost the only inhabitants of basutoland, where now none of them are left. they were nomads of the most primitive type, neither tilling the soil nor owning cattle, but living on such wild creatures as they could catch or smite with their poisoned arrows, and, when these failed, upon wild fruits and the roots of plants. for the tracking and trapping of game they had a marvellous faculty, such as neither the other races nor any european could equal. but they had no organization, not even a tribal one, for they wandered about in small groups; and no religion beyond some vague notion of ghosts, and of spirits inhabiting or connected with natural objects; while their language was a succession of clicks interrupted by grunts. very low in stature, and possibly cognate to the pygmies whom mr. h.m. stanley found in central africa, they were capable of enduring great fatigue and of travelling very swiftly. untamably fierce unless caught in childhood, and incapable of accustoming themselves to civilized life, driven out of some districts by the european settlers, who were often forced to shoot them down in self-defence, and in other regions no longer able to find support owing to the disappearance of the game, they are now almost extinct, though a few remain in the kalahari desert and the adjoining parts of northern bechuanaland and western matabililand, toward lake ngami. i saw at the kimberley mines two or three dwarf natives who were said to have bushmen blood in them, but it is no longer easy to find in the colony a pure specimen. before many years the only trace of their existence will be in the remarkable drawings of wild animals with which they delighted to cover the smooth surfaces of sheltered rocks. these drawings, which are found all the way from the zambesi to the cape, and from manicaland westward, are executed in red, yellow, and black pigments, and are often full of spirit. rude, of course, they are, but they often convey the aspect, and especially the characteristic attitude, of the animal with great fidelity. the second native race was that which the dutch called hottentot, and whom the portuguese explorers found occupying the maritime region in the south-west corner of the continent, to the east and to the north of the cape of good hope. they are supposed to have come from the north and dispossessed the bushmen of the grassy coast lands, driving them into the more arid interior. but of this there is no evidence; and some have even fancied that the hottentot race itself may have been a mixed one, produced by intermarriage between bushmen and kafirs. be this as it may, the hottentots were superior to the bushmen both physically and intellectually. they were small men, but not pygmies, of a reddish or yellowish black hue, with no great muscular power in their slender frames. their hair, very short and woolly, grew, like that of the bushmen, in small balls or tufts over the skull, just as grass tufts grow separate from one another in the drier parts of the veldt. they possessed sheep and also cattle, lean beasts with huge horns; and they roved hither and thither over the country as they could find pasture for their animals, doing a little hunting, but not attempting to till the soil, and unacquainted with the metals. living in tribes under their chiefs, they fought a little with one another, and a great deal with the bushmen, who tried to prey upon their cattle. they were a thoughtless, cheerful, good-natured, merry sort of people, whom it was not difficult to domesticate as servants, and their relations with the dutch settlers, in spite of two wars, were, on the whole, friendly. within a century after the foundation of cape colony, their numbers, never large, had vastly diminished, partly from the occupation by the colonists of their best grazing-grounds, but still more from the ravages of small-pox and other epidemics, which ships touching on their way from the east indies brought into the country. in a.d. whole tribes perished in this way. i speak of the hottentots in the past tense, for they are now, as a distinct race, almost extinct in the colony, although a good deal of their blood has passed into the mixed coloured population of cape town and its neighbourhood--a population the other elements of which are malays from the dutch east indies, and the descendants of slaves brought from the west coast of africa in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. from unions between hottentot women and the dutch sprang the mixed race whom the dutch call bastards and the english griquas, and who, though now dying out, like the french and indian half-breeds of western canada, played at one time a considerable part in colonial politics. along the south bank of the orange river and to the north of it, in great namaqualand, small tribes, substantially identical with the hottentots, still wander over the arid wilderness. but in the settled parts of the colony the hottentot, of whom we used to hear so much, and whom the portuguese remembering the death of the viceroy d'almeida (who was killed in a skirmish in a.d. ), at one time feared so much, has vanished more completely than has the red indian from the atlantic states of north america. and the extinction or absorption of the few remaining nomads will probably follow at no distant date. very different have been the fortunes, very different are the prospects, of the third and far more numerous south african race, those whom we call kafirs, and who call themselves abantu or bantu ("the people"). the word "kafir" is arabic. it has nothing to do with mount kaf (the caucasus), but means an infidel (literally, "one who denies"), and is applied by mussulmans not merely to these people, but to other heathen also, as, for instance, to the idolaters of kafiristan, in the hindu-kush mountains. the portuguese doubtless took the name from the arabs, whom they found established at several points on the east african coast northward from sofala, and the dutch took it from the portuguese, together with such words as "kraal" (corral), and "assagai." the bantu tribes, if one may include under that name all the blacks who speak languages of the same general type, occupy the whole of east africa southward from the upper nile, where that river issues from the great nyanza lakes, together with the congo basin and most of south-west africa. they include various groups, such as the ama-kosa tribes (to which belong the tembus and pondos), who dwell on the coast of cape colony eastward from the great fish river; the ama-zulu group, consisting of the zulus proper (in natal and zululand), the swazis, the matabili, farther to the north, and the angoni, in nyassaland, beyond the zambesi river; the amatonga group, between zululand and delagoa bay; the bechuana group, including the bamangwato, the basuto and the barolongs, as well as the barotse, far off on the middle course of the zambesi; the makalaka or maholi, and cognate tribes, inhabiting mashonaland and manicaland. the linguistic and ethnical affinities of these groups and tribes are still very imperfectly known, but their speech and their habits are sufficiently similar to enable us to refer them to one type, just as we do the finnic or the slavonic peoples in europe. and they are even more markedly unlike the hottentots or the bushmen than the slavs are to the finns, or both of these to those interesting aborigines of northern europe, the lapps. the bantu or kafirs--i use the term as synonymous--who dwell south of the zambesi are usually strong and well-made men, not below the average height of a european. in colour they vary a good deal; some are as black as the gulf of guinea negro, some rather brown than black. all have the thick lips, the woolly hair, and the scanty beard of the negro, and nearly all the broad, low nose; yet in some the nose is fairly high, and the cast of features suggests an admixture of semitic blood--an admixture which could be easily explained by the presence, from a pretty remote time, of arab settlers, as well as traders, along the coast of the indian ocean. as the bantu vary in aspect, so do they also in intelligence. no tribe is in this respect conspicuously superior to any other, though the zulus show more courage in fight than most of the others, the fingos more aptitude for trade, the basutos more disposition to steady industry. but, while the general level of intellect is below that of the red indians or the maoris or the hawaiians (if rather above that of the guinea negroes), individuals are now and then found of considerable talents and great force of character. three such men as the zulu tshka, the basuto moshesh, and the bechuana khama, not to speak of those who, like the eloquent missionary tiyo soga, have received a regular european education, are sufficient to show the capacity of the race for occasionally reaching a standard which white men must respect. and in one regard the bantu race shows a kind of strength which the red indians and polynesians lack. they are a very prolific people, and under the conditions of peace which european rule secures they multiply with a rapidity which some deem alarming. how long the various bantu tribes have been in south africa is a question on which no light has yet been thrown, or can, indeed, be expected. some of them have a vague tradition that they came from the north; but the recollections of savages seldom go back more than five or six generations, and retain little except the exploits or the genealogy of some conspicuous chief. when the portuguese arrived in the end of the fifteenth century, they found kafirs already inhabiting the country from natal northward. but apparently they did not then extend as far to the west of natal as they do now; and there is no reason to think that considerable parts of the interior, such as the region which is now the orange free state and basutoland, were not yet occupied, but left to the wandering bushmen. the kafirs were then, and continued down to our own time, in a state of incessant tribal warfare; and from time to time one martial tribe, under a forceful chief, would exterminate or chase away some weaker clan and reduce wide areas to a wilderness. of any large conquests, or of any steady progress in the arts either of war or of peace, there is no record, and indeed, in the general darkness, no trace. the history of the native races, so far as ascertainable, begins with the advent of the whites, and even after their advent remains extremely shadowy until, early in this century, the onward march of settlement gave the dutch and english settlers the means of becoming better acquainted with their black neighbours. across this darkness there strikes one ray of light. it is a very faint ray, but in the absence of all other light it is precious. it is that which is supplied by the prehistoric ruins and the abandoned gold-workings of mashonaland. chapter ix out of the darkness--zimbabwye the ruined buildings of mashonaland and matabililand have excited in recent years an amount of interest and curiosity which is disproportionate to their number, size, and beauty, but by no means disproportionate to their value as being the only record, scant as it is, we possess of what has been deemed an early south african civilization. i will describe in the fewest words such of these buildings as i saw, leaving the reader of archæological tastes to find fuller details in the well-known book of that enterprising explorer, the late mr. theodore bent. some short account of them seems all the more needed, because the first descriptions published gave the impression that they were far more considerable than they really are. scattered over the plateau of southern mashonaland and matabililand, from its mountainous edge on the east to the neighbourhood of tati on the west, there are to be found fragments of walls built of small blocks of granite resembling paving stones (usually about a foot long by six inches high), but often larger, not cut smooth, but chipped or trimmed to a fairly uniform size. these walls are without mortar or other cementing material, but the stones are so neatly set together, and the wall usually so thick, that the structure is compact and cohesive. the walls are mostly thinner at the top than at the base. the only ornamentation consists in placing some of the layers at an acute angle to the other layers above and below, so as to produce what is called the herring-bone pattern. occasionally a different pattern is obtained by leaving spaces at intervals between the horizontal stones of certain layers, making a kind of diaper. in some cases this ornamentation, always very simple, occurs only on one part of the wall, and it has been said that it occurs usually if not invariably on the part which faces the east. i heard of ten or twelve such pieces of wall in different parts of the plateau, and saw photographs of most of these. probably others exist, for many districts, especially in the hills, have been imperfectly explored, and trees easily conceal these low erections. one was described to me, where the walls are the facings of seven terraces, rising one above another to a sort of platform on the top. this i have not seen; but it is probably similar to one which i did see and examine at a place called dhlodhlo, about fifty miles south-east of bulawayo. this group of ruins, one of the most interesting in the country, stands high among rocky hills, from which a superb view is gained over the wide stretches of rolling table-land to the north and north-west, a charming situation which might have attracted the old builders did they possess any sense of beauty. on a low eminence there has been erected such a wall of such hewn, or rather trimmed, stones as i have just described. it is now about twenty feet in height, and may have originally been higher. on the eastern side this wall consists of three parts, each about six feet high, with two narrow terraces, each from five to six feet wide, between them, the second wall rising from the first terrace, and the third or highest wall from the second terrace. on this side some of the stone courses have the simple forms of ornamental pattern already mentioned. on the opposite, or western and north-western, side only one terrace and a low, unornamented wall of trimmed stones are now discernible. to the north, still within what seems to have been the main inclosing wall, are small inclosures built of trimmed stone, which may have been chambers originally roofed with wood or bushes. at the top of the highest wall there is at the north-north-west end a small level platform of earth or rubble, which seems to have been filled in behind the terraced walls. this platform is approached by a narrow passage between walls of trimmed stone, at one point in which there appears to have been a sort of narrow gateway barely wide enough for two persons to pass. there is no trace of any stone building on the top of the platform, and the remains of clay huts which one finds there may well be quite modern. to the south of this principal structure there is a second small hill or boss of granite, protected on three sides by steep sheets of granite rock. its top is inclosed by a low wall of trimmed stones, now in places quite broken away, with no trace of any stone building within. all round on the lower ground are large inclosures rudely built of rough stones, and probably intended for cattle-kraals. they may be quite modern, and they throw no light on the purpose of the ancient buildings. nor is much light to be obtained from the objects which have been found in the ruins. when i was there they were being searched by the mashonaland ancient ruins exploration company, a company authorized by the british south africa company to dig and scrape in the ancient buildings of the country for gold or whatever else of value may be there discoverable, an enterprise which, though it may accelerate the progress of archæological inquiry, obviously requires to be conducted with great care and by competent persons. so far as i could observe, all due care was being used by the gentleman in charge of the work at dhlodhlo; but considering how easy it is to obliterate the distinctive features of a ruin and leave it in a condition unfavourable to future examination, it seems desirable that the company should, as a rule, await the arrival of trained archæologists rather than hurry on explorations by amateurs, however zealous and well intentioned. of the objects found, which were courteously shown to me, some are modern, such as the bits of pottery, apparently indian or chinese, the bits of glass, the bullets and fragments of flint-lock muskets, a small cannon, and an iron hammer. these are doubtless of portuguese origin, though it does not follow that any portuguese expedition ever penetrated so far inland, for they may have been gifts or purchases from the portuguese established on the coast four or five hundred miles away. so, too, the silver and copper ornaments found, and some of the gold ones (occasionally alloyed with copper), which show patterns apparently portuguese, may be recent. there are also, however, some gold ornaments, such as beads, bangles (a skeleton was found with bangles on the legs and a bead necklace), and pieces of twisted gold wire, which may be far more ancient, and indeed as old as the structure itself. a small crucible with nuggets and small bits of gold goes to indicate that smelting was carried on, though the nearest ancient gold-workings are six miles distant. probably here, as at hissarlik and at carthage, there exist remains from a long succession of centuries, the spot having been occupied from remote antiquity.[ ] at present it is not only uninhabited, but regarded by the natives with fear. they believe it to be haunted by the ghosts of the departed, and are unwilling, except in the daytime and for wages paid by the exploration company, to touch or even to enter the ruins. they can hardly be persuaded even to relate such traditions as exist regarding the place. all that has been gathered is that it was the dwelling of a line of _mambos_, or chiefs, the last of whom was burned here by mosilikatze, the matabili king, when he conquered the country sixty years ago. (the place does show marks of fire.) but the buildings were here long before the mambos reigned, and who built them, or why, no one knows. the natives come sometimes to make offerings to ancestral ghosts, especially when they ask for success in hunting; and if the hunt be successful, strips of meat are cut off and placed in cleft sticks for the benefit of the ghosts. three hypotheses have been advanced regarding the dhlodhlo building. one regards them as a fortress. the objection to this is that the terraced and ornamented wall is so far from contributing to defence that it actually facilitates attack; for, by the help of the terraces and of the interstices among the stones which the ornamental pattern supplies, an active man could easily scale it in front. moreover, there is hard by, to the north, a higher and more abrupt hill which would have offered a far better site for a fort. the second view is that dhlodhlo was a mining station, where slaves were kept at work; but if so, why was it not placed near the old gold-workings instead of some miles off, and of what use were the terraced walls? the inquirer is therefore led to the third view--that the building was in some way connected with religious worship, and that the ornament which is seen along the eastern wall was placed there with some religious motive. there is, however, nothing whatever to indicate the nature of that worship, nor the race that practised it, for no objects of a possibly religious character (such as those i shall presently mention at zimbabwye) have been found here. i visited a second ruin among the mountains of mashonaland, near the lezapi river, at a place called chipadzi's grave, a mile from the kraal of a chief named chipunza. here a rocky granite kopje, almost inaccessible on two sides, is protected on one of the other sides by a neatly built wall of well-trimmed stones, similar to that of dhlodhlo, but without ornament. the piece that remains is some fifty yards long, five feet thick at the base, and eleven feet high at its highest point. it is obviously a wall of defence, for the only erections within are low, rough inclosures of loose stones, and three clay huts, one of which covers the grave of chipadzi, a chief who died some twenty years ago, and who was doubtless interred here because the place was secluded and already in a fashion consecrated by the presence of the ancient wall. that the wall is ancient hardly admits of doubt, for it is quite unlike any of the walls--there are not many in the country--which the kafirs now build, these being always of stones entirely untrimmed and very loosely fitted together, though sometimes plastered with mud to make them hold.[ ] there is nothing to see beyond the wall itself, and the only interest of the place is in its showing that the race who built dhlodhlo and other similar walls in matibililand were probably here also. much larger and more remakable is the group of ruins (situated seventeen miles from fort victoria, in southern mashonaland) which goes by the name of the great zimbabwye. this bantu word is said to denote a stone building, but has often been used to describe the residence of a great chief, whatever the materials of which it is constructed. it is a common noun, and not the name of one particular place. europeans, however, confine it to this one ruin, or rather to two ruined buildings near each other. one of these is on the top of a rocky and in parts precipitous hill, the other in a valley half a mile from the foot of the hill. the first, which we may call the fort, consists of a line of wall, in parts double, defending the more accessible parts of the eastern and south-eastern end of the hill or kopje, which is about feet high, and breaks down on its southern side in a nearly vertical sheet of granite. the walls, which in some places are thirty feet high, are all built of small trimmed blocks of granite such as i have already described, without mortar, but neatly fitted together. they are in excellent preservation, and are skilfully constructed in a sort of labyrinth, so as to cover all the places where an enemy might approach. from the openings in the wall, where doors were probably placed, passages are carried inward, very narrow and winding, so that only one person at a time can pass, and completely commanded by the high wall on either side. everything speaks of defence, and everything is very well adapted, considering the rudeness of the materials, for efficient defence. there is no sort of ornament in the walls, except that here and there at the entrances some stones are laid transversely to the others, and that certain long, thin pieces of a slaty stone, rounded so that one might call them stone poles--they are about five to seven feet long--project from the top of the wall. neither is there any trace of an arch or vaulted roof. none of what look like chambers has a roof. they were doubtless covered with the branches of trees. very few objects have been found throwing any light on the object of the building or its builders, and these have been now removed, except some small pieces of sandstone, a rock not found in the neighbourhood, which (it has been conjectured) may have been brought for the purposes of mining. the other building is much more remarkable. it stands on a slight eminence in the level ground between the hill on which the fort stands and another somewhat lower granite hill, and is about a third of a mile from the fort. it consists of a wall, rather elliptical than circular in form, from thirty to forty feet high, fourteen feet thick near the ground, and from six to nine thick at the top, where one can walk along a considerable part with little difficulty. this wall is built of the same small, well-trimmed blocks of granite, nicely fitted together, and for more than half the circumference is in excellent preservation, although shrubs and climbing vines have here and there rooted themselves in it. the rest of it is more or less broken, and in one place quite overthrown. there are two gates, at the west and the north. the wall is quite plain, except for about one-third (or perhaps a little less) of the outer face, where there is such an ornament as i have already described, of two courses of stones set slantingly at an acute angle to the ordinary flat courses above and below. these two courses are the fifth and seventh from the top. in the space surrounded by the wall, which is about three-quarters of an acre, are some small inclosures of trimmed stone, apparently chambers. there is also a singular wall running parallel to the inner face of the great inclosing wall for some twenty yards, leaving between it and that inner face a very narrow passage, which at one point must have been closed by a door (probably of stone), for at that point steps lead up on either side, and hollow spaces fit for receiving a door remain. at one end this passage opens into a small open space, where the most curious of all the erections are to be found, namely, two solid towers of trimmed stones. one of these is quite low, rising only some five feet from the ground. the other is more than forty feet high, overtopping the great inclosing wall (from which it is eight feet distant) by about five feet, and has a bluntly conical top. it reminds one a little of an irish round tower, though not so high, save that the irish towers are hollow and this solid, or of a buddhist tope, save that the topes which are solid, are very much thicker. there is nothing whatever to indicate the purpose of this tower, but the fact that the space in which it and the smaller tower stand is cut off from the rest of the enclosed area by a pretty high wall seems to show that it was meant to be specially protected or was deemed to be specially sacred. outside the main inclosing wall are several small inclosures of irregular shape, surrounded by similar walls of trimmed stones, but all low and broken and with nothing inside. one of these joins on to the main wall of the great inclosure. this is all that there is to see at zimbabwye. what i have described seems little, and that little is simple, even rude. the interest lies in guessing what the walls were built for, and by whom. comparatively little has been discovered by digging. no inscriptions whatever have been found. some figures of birds rudely carved in a sort of soapstone were fixed along the top of the walls of the fort, and have been removed to the cape town museum. it is thought that they represent vultures, and the vulture was a bird of religious significance among some of the semitic nations. fragments of soapstone bowls were discovered, some with figures of animals carved on them, some with geometrical patterns, while on one were marks which might possibly belong to some primitive alphabet. there were also whorls somewhat resembling those which occur so profusely in the ruins of troy, and stone objects which may be phalli, though some at least of them are deemed by the authorities of the british museum (to whom i have shown them) to be probably pieces used for playing a game like that of fox-and-geese. the iron and bronze weapons which were found may have been comparatively modern, but the small crucibles for smelting gold, with tools and a curious ingot-mould (said to resemble ancient moulds used at tin workings) were apparently ancient. what purpose were these buildings meant to serve? that on the hill was evidently a stronghold, and a stronghold of a somewhat elaborate kind, erected against an enemy deemed formidable. the large building below can hardly have been a place of defence, because it stands on level ground with a high, rocky hill just above it, which would have afforded a much stronger situation. neither was it a mining station, for the nearest place where any trace of gold has been found is seven miles away, and in a mining station, even if meant to hold slave workers, there would have been no use for a wall so lofty as this. two hypotheses remain: that this was the residence of a chief, or that it was erected for the purposes of religious worship. it may have been both--a palace, so to speak, with a temple attached. the presence of the inner inclosure, guarded by its separate wall, and with its curious tower, is most plausibly explained by supposing a religious purpose; for as religion is the strangest of all human things, and that in which men most vary, so it is naturally called in to explain what is otherwise inexplicable. what, then, was the religion of those who built this shrine, if shrine it was? the ornamentation of that part of the outer wall which faces the rising sun suggests sun-worship. the phalli (if they are phalli) point to one of the oriental forms of the worship of the forces of nature. the birds' heads may have a religious significance, and possibly the significance which it is said that vultures had in the syrian nature-worship. these data give some slight presumptions, yet the field for conjecture remains a very wide one, and there is nothing in the buildings to indicate the particular race who erected the fort and the temple (if it was a temple). however, the tower bears some resemblance to a tower which appears within a town wall on an ancient coin of the phoenician city of byblus; and this coincidence, slight enough, has, in the dearth of other light, been used to support the view that the builders belonged to some semitic race. had we nothing but the ruined walls of zimbabwye, dhlodhlo, and the other spots where similar ruins have been observed, the problem would be insoluble. we could only say that the existing native races had at some apparently distant time been more civilized than they are now and capable of building walls they do not now build, or else we should suppose that some now extinct race had built these. but there are other facts known to us which suggest, though they do not establish, an hypothesis regarding the early history of the country. in very remote times there existed, as is known from the egyptian monuments, a trade from south-east africa into the red sea. the remarkable sculptures at deir el bahari, near luxor, dating from the time of queen hatasu, sister of the great conqueror thothmes iii. (b.c. ?), represent the return of an expedition from a country called punt, which would appear, from the objects brought back, to have been somewhere on the east african coast.[ ] much later the book of kings ( kings ix. - ; x. , , ) tells us that solomon and hiram of tyre entered into a sort of joint adventure trade from the red sea port of ezion-geber to a country named ophir, which produced gold. there are other indications that gold used to come from east africa, but so far as we know it has never been obtained in quantity from any part of the coast between mozambique and cape guardafui. thus there are grounds for believing that a traffic between the red sea and the coast south of the zambesi may have existed from very remote times. of its later existence there is of course no doubt. we know from arabian sources that in the eighth century an arab tribe defeated in war established itself on the african coast south of cape guardafui, and that from the ninth century onward there was a considerable trade between south-east africa and the red sea ports--a trade which may well have existed long before. and when the portuguese began to explore the coast in they found arab chieftains established at various points along it as far south as sofala, and found them getting gold from the interior. three things, therefore, are certain--a trade between south-east africa and the red sea, a certain number of arabs settled along the edge of the ocean, and an export of gold. now all over mashonaland and matabililand ancient gold-workings have been observed. some are quite modern,--one can see the wooden supports and the iron tools not yet destroyed by rust,--and it would seem from the accounts of the natives that the mining went on to some small extent down to sixty years ago, when the matabili conquered the country. others, however, are, from the appearance of the ground, obviously much more ancient. i have seen some that must have been centuries old, and have been told of others apparently far older, possibly as old as the buildings at zimbabwye. i was, moreover, informed by mr. cecil rhodes (who is keenly interested in african archæology) that he had seen on the high plateau of inyanga, in eastern mashonaland, some remarkable circular pits lined with stone, and approached in each case by a narrow subterranean passage, which can best be explained by supposing them to have been receptacles for the confinement of slaves occupied in tilling the soil, as the surrounding country bears mark, in the remains of ancient irrigation channels, of an extensive system of tillage where none now exists. the way in which the stones are laid in these pit-walls is quite unlike any modern kafir work, and points to the presence of a more advanced race. putting all these facts together, it has been plausibly argued that at some very distant period men more civilized than the kafirs came in search of gold into mashonaland, opened these mines, and obtained from them the gold which found its way to the red sea ports, and that the buildings whose ruins we see were their work. how long ago this happened we cannot tell, but if the strangers came from arabia they must have done so earlier than the time of mohammed, for there is nothing of an islamic character about the ruins or the remains found, and it is just as easy to suppose that they came in the days of solomon, fifteen centuries before mohammed. nor can we guess how they disappeared: whether they were overpowered and exterminated by the kafirs, or whether, as mr. selous conjectures, they were gradually absorbed by the latter, their civilization and religion perishing, although the practice of mining for gold remained. the occasional occurrence among the kafirs of faces with a cast of features approaching the semitic has been thought to confirm this notion, though nobody has as yet suggested that we are to look here for the lost ten tribes. whoever these people were, they have long since vanished. the natives seem to have no traditions about the builders of zimbabwye and the other ancient walls, though they regard the ruins with a certain awe, and fear to approach them at twilight. it is this mystery which makes these buildings, the solitary archæological curiosities of south africa, so impressive. the ruins are not grand, nor are they beautiful; they are simple even to rudeness. it is the loneliness of the landscape in which they stand, and still more the complete darkness which surrounds their origin, their object, and their history, that gives to them their unique interest. whence came the builders? what tongue did they speak? what religion did they practise? did they vanish imperceptibly away, or did they fly to the coast, or were they massacred in a rising of their slaves? we do not know; probably we shall never know. we can only say, in the words of the eastern poet: "they came like water, and like wind they went." [footnote : mr. neal, managing director of the company, has been good enough to inform me that since my visit he satisfied himself that there had been occupations by different races and probably at widely distant dates. many skeletons have been found, with a good deal of gold jewelry, and some bronze implements.] [footnote : this place is described by mr. selous in his interesting book, _a hunter's wanderings in africa_, pp. - . he thinks the wall as well built as those at the great zimbabwye. to me it seemed not so good, and a little rougher even than the work at dhlodhlo. hard by is a modern kafir fort, chitikete, with a plastered and loop-holed rough stone wall, quite unlike this wall at chipadzi's grave. this place is further described in chapter xvi.] [footnote : maspero (_histoire ancienne des peuples d'orient_, p. ) conjectures somaliland] chapter x the kafirs: their history and institutions the curtain rises upon the kafir peoples when the portuguese landed on the east coast of africa in the beginning of the sixteenth century. arab sheiks then held a few of the coast villages, ruling over a mixed race, nominally mohammedan, and trading with the bantu tribes of the interior. the vessels of these arabs crossed the indian ocean with the monsoon to calicut and the malabar coast, and the indian goods they carried back were exchanged for the gold and ivory which the natives brought down. the principal race that held the country between the limpopo and the zambesi was that which the portuguese called makalanga or makaranga, and which we call makalaka. they are the progenitors of the tribes who, now greatly reduced in numbers and divided into small villages and clans, occupy mashonaland. their head chief was called the monomotapa, a name interpreted to mean "lord of the mountain" or "lord of the mines." this personage was turned by portuguese grandiloquence into an emperor, and by some european geographers into the name of an empire; so monomotapa came to figure on old maps as the designation of a vast territory. when, in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, the dutch at the cape began to learn something of the kafirs who dwelt to the eastward, they found that there was no large dominion, but a great number of petty tribes, mostly engaged in war with one another. some were half nomad, none was firmly rooted in the soil; and the fact that tribes who spoke similar dialects were often far away from one another, with a tribe of a different dialect living between, indicated that there had been many displacements of population of which no historical record existed. early in the present century events occurred which showed how such displacements might have been brought about. in the last years of the eighteenth century dingiswayo, the exiled son of the chief of the abatetwa tribe, which lived in what is now zululand, found his way to the cape, and learned to admire the military organization of the british troops who were then holding the colony. returning home and regaining his throne, he began to organise and drill his warriors, who before that time had fought without order or discipline, like other savages. his favourite officer was tshaka, a young chief, also exiled, who belonged to the then small tribe of zulus. on the death of dingiswayo, tshaka was chosen its chief by the army, and the tribes that had obeyed dingiswayo were thenceforward known under the name of zulus. tshaka, who united to his intellectual gifts a boundless ambition and a ruthless will, further improved the military system of his master, and armed his soldiers with a new weapon, a short, broad-bladed spear, fit for stabbing at close quarters, instead of the old light javelin which had been theretofore used. he formed them into regiments, and drilled them to such a perfection of courage that no enemy could withstand their rush, and the defeated force, except such as could escape by fleetness of foot, was slaughtered on the spot. quarter had never been given in native wars, but the trained valour of the zulus, and their habit of immediately engaging the enemy hand to hand, not only gave them an advantage like that which suddenly made the spartan infantry superior to all their neighbours, but rendered their victories far more sanguinary than native battles had previously been tshaka rapidly subjected or blotted out the clans that lived near, except the swazis, a kindred tribe whose difficult country gave them some protection. he devastated all the region round that of his own subjects, while the flight before his warriors of the weaker tribes, each of which fell upon its neighbours with the assagai, caused widespread slaughter and ruin all over south-east africa. natal became almost a desert, and of the survivors who escaped into the mountains, many took to human flesh for want of other food. to the north of the vaal river a section of the zulu army, which had revolted under its general, mosilikatze, carried slaughter and destruction through the surrounding country for hundreds of miles, till it was itself chased away beyond the limpopo by the emigrant boers, as will be related in the following chapter. to trace the history of these various native wars would occupy far more space than i can spare. i will sum up their general results. a new and powerful kingdom, far stronger than any other native monarchy we know to have existed before or since, was formed by the zulus. it remained powerful under dingaan (who murdered his half brother tshaka in ), panda (brother of tshaka and dingaan), and cetewayo (son of panda), till , when it was overthrown by the british. various offshoots from the zulu nation were scattered out in different directions. the matabili occupied matabililand in . the angoni had before that year crossed the zambesi and settled in nyassaland, where they are still formidable to their native neighbours and troublesome to the whites. kafir tribes from the north-east were chased southward into the mountain country now called basutoland, most of which had been previously inhabited only by bushmen, and here the basuto kingdom was built up out of fugitive clans, by the famous chief moshesh, between and . some of the bechuana tribes were driven from the east into their present seats in bechuanaland, some few far north-west to the banks of the zambesi, where livingstone found them. not only what is now natal, but most of what is now the orange free state, with a part of the transvaal, was almost denuded of inhabitants. this had the important consequence of inducing the emigrants from cape colony, whose fortunes i shall trace in the following chapter, to move toward these regions and establish themselves there. the gaza tribe, of zulu race, but revolters from tshaka, broke away from that tyrant, and carried fire and sword among the tongas and other tribes living to the west and north-west of delagoa bay. in they destroyed the portuguese garrison there. in a chief called mzila became their king, and established his dominion over all the tribes that dwell on the eastern slope of the quathlamba mountains, between the limpopo and the zambesi. he and his son gungunhana, who in was seized and carried off by the portuguese, were for a time at the head of the third great native power in south africa, the other two being that of cetewayo, which perished in , and that of lo bengula, overthrown in . all three chiefs were zulus in blood. originally small in number, this race has played by far the greatest part in the annals of the native peoples. the career of tshaka has deserved some description, because it changed the face of south africa in a somewhat similar way, allowing for the difference of scale, to that in which the career of tshaka's contemporary, napoleon bonaparte, changed the face of europe. but in , eight years after tshaka's death, the white man, who had hitherto come in contact with the kafirs only on the zambesi and at a few points on the south-eastern and southern coast, began that march into the interior which has now brought him to the shores of lake tanganyika. thenceforward the wars of the natives among themselves cease to be important. it is their strife with the european conqueror that is of consequence, and the narrative of that strife belongs to the history of the european colonies and republics, which will be given in the two succeeding chapters. this, however, seems the right place for some remarks on the government and customs of the kafir tribes, intended to explain the conditions under which these tribes have met and attempted to resist the white strangers who have now become their rulers. the kafirs were savages, yet not of a low type, for they tilled the soil, could work in metals, spoke a highly developed language, and had a sort of customary law. the south-east coast tribes, zulus, pondos, tembus, kosas, inhabiting a fairly well-watered and fertile country, were, as a rule, the strongest men and the fiercest fighters; but the tribes of the interior were not inferior in intellect, and sometimes superior in the arts. lower in every respect were the west-coast tribes. they dwelt in a poor and almost waterless land, and their blood was mixed with that of hottentots and bushmen. in every race the organization was by families, clans, and tribes, the tribe consisting of a number of clans or smaller groups, having at its head one supreme chief, belonging to a family whose lineage was respected. the power of the chief was, however, not everywhere the same. among the zulus, whose organization was entirely military, he was a despot whose word was law. among the bechuana tribes, and their kinsfolk the basutos, he was obliged to defer to the sentiment of the people, which (in some tribes) found expression in a public meeting where every freeman had a right to speak and might differ from the chief.[ ] even such able men as the basuto moshesh and the bechuana khama had often to bend to the wish of their subjects, and a further check existed in the tendency to move away from a harsh and unpopular chief and place one's self under the protection of some more tactful ruler. everywhere, of course, the old customs had great power, and the influence of the old men who were most conversant with them was considerable. the chief of the whole tribe did not interfere much with affairs outside his own particular clan, and was a more important figure in war-time than during peace. aided by a council of his leading men, each chief administered justice and settled disputes; and it was his function to allot land to those who asked for a field to till, the land itself belonging to the tribe as a whole. the chiefs act gave a title to the piece allotted so long as it was cultivated, for public opinion resented any arbitrary eviction; but pasture-land was open to all the cattle of the clansmen. it was in cattle that the wealth of a chief or a rich man lay, and cattle, being the common measure of value, served as currency, as they serve still among the more remote tribes which have not learned to use british coin. polygamy was practised by all who could afford it, the wife being purchased from her father with cattle, more or fewer according to her rank. this practice, called _lobola_, still prevails universally, and has caused much perplexity to the missionaries. its evil effects are obvious, but it is closely intertwined with the whole system of native society. a chief had usually a head wife, belonging to some important house, and her sons were preferred in succession to those of the inferior wives. in some tribes the chief, like a turkish sultan, had no regular wife, but only concubines. among the coast tribes no one, except a chief, was suffered to marry any one of kin to him. there was great pride of birth among the head chiefs, and their genealogies have in not a few cases been carefully kept for seven or eight generations. slavery existed among some of the tribes of the interior, and the ordinary wife was everywhere little better than a slave, being required to do nearly all the tillage and most of the other work, except that about the cattle, which, being more honourable, was performed by men. the male kafir is a lazy fellow who likes talking and sleeping better than continuous physical exertion, and the difficulty of inducing him to work is the chief difficulty which european mine-owners in south africa complain of. like most men in his state of civilization, he is fond of hunting, even in its lowest forms, and of fighting. both of these pleasures are being withdrawn from him, the former by the extinction of the game, the latter by the british government; but it will be long before he acquires the habits of steady and patient industry which have become part of the character of the inhabitants of india. war was the natural state of the tribes toward one another, just as it was among the red indians and the primitive celts, and indeed generally everywhere in the early days of europe. their weapons were the spear or assagai, and a sort of wooden club, occasionally a crescent-shaped battle-axe, and still less frequently the bow. horses were unknown, for the ox, sheep, goat and dog were over all south africa the only domesticated quadrupeds. one tribe, however, the basutos, now breeds horses extensively, and has turned them to account in fighting. the rapid movement of their mounted warriors was one of the chief difficulties the colonial forces had to deal with in the last basuto war. the courage in war which distinguished the tribes of zulu and kosa race was all the more creditable because it had not, like that of the mohammedan dervishes of the sudan, or of mohammedans anywhere engaged in a _jehad_, a religious motive and the promise of future bliss behind it. the british army has encountered no more daring or formidable enemies. nine wars were needed to subjugate the kafirs of the southern coast, although till recently they had few firearms. but the natives had no idea of the tactics needed in facing a civilized foe. as in their battles with the boers they were destroyed by the fire of horsemen riding up, delivering a volley, and riding off before an assagai could reach them, so in the great war with cetewayo in they fought in the open and were mowed down by british volleys; and in the matabili perished in the same way under the fire of riflemen and maxim guns sheltered behind a laager of wagons. religion was a powerful factor in kafir life; but religion did not mean the worship of any deity, for there was no deity. still less had it any moral significance. to the kafirs, as to most savage races, the world was full of spirits--spirits of the rivers, the mountains, and the woods. most important were the ghosts of the dead, who had power to injure or to help the living, and who were therefore propitiated by offerings at stated periods, as well as on occasions when their aid was specially desired. this kind of worship, the worship once most generally diffused throughout the world, and which held its ground among the greeks and italians in the most flourishing period of ancient civilization, as it does in china and japan to-day, was and is virtually the religion of the kafirs. it was chiefly rendered to the ghosts of the chiefs, who retained in the spirit world the exceptional importance they had held among the living; and it had much weight in maintaining loyalty to a chief, because revolt against him was an insult to a powerful set of ghosts. the ghost dwelt at the spot where the body was buried, and it was therefore at the grave that the offerings, mostly of cakes and kafir beer, were made. occasionally animals were killed, not so much by way of sacrifice as for the sake of providing the ghost with a specially precious kind of food, though the two ideas run close together in most primitive worships.[ ] among the matabili, for instance, there was once a year a great feast in honour of the king's ancestors, who were supposed to come and join in the mirth. it was also to the grave that those who wished to call up the ghost by spells went to effect their nefarious purpose, and the real place of interment of a great chief was for this reason sometimes concealed, i found at thaba bosiyo, the famous stronghold of the basuto chief moshesh, that his body had been secretly removed from the place where he was buried to baffle the wizards, who might try to use his ghost against the living. the ghost is, of course, apt to be spiteful, that of an uncle (i was told) particularly so; and if he is neglected he is extremely likely to bring some evil on the family or tribe. sometimes the spirit of an ancestor passes into an animal, and by preference into that of a snake, not that it lives in the snake, but that it assumes this form when it wishes to visit men. a particular kind of green snake is revered by the matabili for this reason. and most, if not all, tribes had an animal which they deemed to be of kin to them, and which they called their "_siboko_," a term apparently corresponding to the totem of the north american indians. creatures of this species they never killed, and some tribes took their name from it. thus the ba-taung are the people of the lion; the ba-mangwato have the duyker antelope for their totem; and in the basuto _pitso_ (public meeting) an orator will begin by addressing his audience as "sons of the crocodile." of human sacrifices there seems to be no trace. men were killed for all possible reasons, but never as offerings. and, indeed, to have so killed them would have been to treat the ghosts as cannibals, a view foreign to native habits, for though human flesh has been resorted to in times of severe famine, it has never been regularly eaten, and the use of it excites disgust. whether the kafirs had any idea of a supreme being is a question which has been much discussed. in several tribes the word, differently spelled "umlimo" or "mlimo" or "molimo" (said to mean "hidden" or "unseen"), is used to denote either a power apparently different from that of the nature sprites or ghosts of the dead, or else the prophet or soothsayer who delivers messages or oracles supposed to emanate from this power. the missionaries have in their native versions of the bible used the term to translate the word "god." sometimes, among the tongas at least, the word _tilo_ (sky) is used to describe a mysterious force; as, for instance, when a man dies without any apparent malady, he is said to be killed by the _tilo_.[ ] on the whole, after many inquiries from missionaries and others who know the natives well, i was led to the conclusion that the kafirs have a vague notion of some power transcending that of common ghosts, and able to affect the operations of nature (as, for instance, to send rain), but far too dimly conceived to be properly describable as a divine being.[ ] or to put the thing in other words, the ordinary and familiar nature-sprites and ghosts of the departed do not exhaust the possibilities of super-human agency; for there remains, as among the athenians whose altar st. paul found (acts xvii. ), an "unknown god," or rather unknown power, probably associated with the heavens above, whose interference may produce results not attainable through inferior spiritual agencies. one of the difficulties in reaching any knowledge of the real belief of the people is that they are usually examined by leading questions, and are apt to reply affirmatively to whatever the querist puts to them. their thoughts on these dark subjects are either extremely vague and misty or extremely material; the world of abstract thought, in which european minds have learned to move with an ease and confidence produced by the possession of a whole arsenal of theological and metaphysical phrases, being to them an undiscovered country. since there were no deities and no idols, there were no priests; but the want of a priesthood was fully compensated by the presence of wizards; for among the kafirs, as among other primitive peoples, there was and is an absolute belief in the power of spells, and of sorcery generally. these wizards, like the medicine men among the red indians, were an important class, second only to the chiefs. they were not a caste, though very often the son of a wizard would be brought up to the profession. the practitioners were on the lookout for promising boys, and would take and train one to witchcraft, imparting their secrets, which included a remarkable knowledge of the properties of various plants available for poison or healing. sometimes the wizard acted as a physician; sometimes he would attempt to make rain; sometimes he would profess to deliver messages from the unseen world, and in these cases he might become a terrible power for mischief. such a revelation made to the kosa clans on the south coast in - , directing them to kill their cattle and destroy their grain, because the ghosts of their ancestors were coming to drive out the whites, led to the death by famine of more than , people. such a revelation proceeding from a soothsayer, occasionally called the mlimo, who dwelt in a cavern among granite rocks in the matoppo hills at a place called matojeni, south-east of bulawayo[ ] (oracles have always tended to come from caves), had much to do with the rising of the matabili in . but the most frequent and most formidable work done by the wizard was that of "smelling out" persons who were bewitching others so as to cause sickness or misfortune. in this branch of his profession the wizard often became the engine of the jealousy or rapacity of the chief, who would secretly prompt him to denounce a prominent or a wealthy man. suspicion being once roused, the victim had little chance: he was despatched, and his property seized by the chief. witchcraft, and the murders it gave rise to, have been the darkest side of native life. the sorcerer has usually been the enemy of the missionary, who threatens his gains; but his power is now generally declining, and the british government forbids the practice of smelling out witches, as well as many other shocking and disgusting rites which used to accompany the admission of boys and girls to the status of adults, or were practised at sundry festivals. of the faith in minor and harmless spells one finds instances everywhere. in matabililand, for instance, a boy was pointed out to me who had just been occupied in putting a charm into the footprint of a lion, in order to prevent the unwelcome visitor from returning; and nearly every native wears some kind of amulet.[ ] these beliefs will take a long time to die, but the missionaries have now usually the good sense to see that they do little harm. as their religious customs were rather less sanguinary than those of the guinea coast negroes, so the kafirs themselves were, when the whites first saw them, somewhat more advanced in civilization. compared with the red indians of america, they stood at a point lower than that of the iroquois or cherokees, but superior to the utes or to the diggers of the pacific coast. they could work in iron and copper, and had some notions of ornament. their music is rude, but not wholly devoid of melody, and they use instruments of stone, wood, and iron, by striking which a kind of tune can be played. some tribes, such as the tongas, have good voices, and a marked taste for music. they have some simple games, and a folk-lore which consists chiefly in animal tales, resembling those collected by mr. harris in his _uncle remus_, save that the hare plays among the bantu peoples the part of br'er rabbit.[ ] to poetry, even in its most rudimentary forms, they do not seem to have attained. yet they are by no means wanting in intelligence, and have, with less gaiety, more sense of dignity and more persistence in their purposes than the guinea negro. when the portuguese and dutch first knew the kafirs, they did not appear to be making any progress toward a higher culture. human life was held very cheap; women were in a degraded state, and sexual morality at a low ebb. courage, loyalty to chief and tribe, and hospitality were the three prominent virtues. war was the only pursuit in which chieftains sought distinction, and war was mere slaughter and devastation, unaccompanied by any views of policy or plans of administration. the people were--and indeed still are--passionately attached to their old customs, which even a king rarely ventured to disturb (though tshaka is said to have abolished among his subjects the rite of circumcision, which is generally practised by the kafirs); and it was probably as much the unwillingness to have their customs disturbed as the apprehension for their land that made many of the tribes oppose to the advance of the europeans so obstinate a resistance. though they feared the firearms of the whites, whom they called wizards, it was a long time before they realized their hopeless inferiority, and the impossibility of prevailing in war. their minds were mostly too childish to recollect and draw the necessary inferences from previous defeats, and they never realized that the whites possessed beyond the sea an inexhaustible reservoir of men and weapons. even the visit of lo bengula's envoys to england in , when they were shown all the wonders of london, in order that through them the matabili nation might be deterred from an attack on the whites, failed to produce any effect upon the minds of the young warriors, who were fully persuaded that they could destroy the few strangers in their country as easily as they had overthrown the mashonas. the only chiefs who seem to have fully grasped the relative strength of the europeans, and thus to have formed schemes of policy suitable to their inferior position, were moshesh, who profited by the advice of the french missionaries, and khama, who was himself a christian and the pupil of missionaries. nor did any chief ever rise to the conception of forming a league of blacks against whites. the natives, as we shall see, have had harsh treatment from the europeans. many unjust things, many cruel things, many things which would excite horror if practised in european warfare, have been done against them. but whoever tries to strike the balance of good and evil due to the coming of the whites must remember what the condition of the country was before the whites came. as between the different tribes there was neither justice nor pity, but simply the rule of the strongest, unmitigated by any feeling of religion or morality. in war non-combatants as well as combatants were ruthlessly slaughtered, or reserved only for slavery; and war was the normal state of things. within each tribe a measure of peace and order was maintained. but the weak had a hard time, and those who were rich, or had roused the enmity of some powerful man, were at any moment liable to perish on the charge of witchcraft. in some tribes, such as the matabili, incessant slaughter went on by the orders of the king. nothing less than the prolific quality of the race could have kept south africa well peopled in the teeth of such a waste of life as war and murder caused. of the character of the individual native as it affects his present relations with the whites and the probable future of the race, i shall have to speak in a later chapter (chapter xxi), as also of the condition and prospects of the christian missions which exist among them, and which form the main civilizing influence now at work. [footnote : see further as to this primary assembly the remarks on the basuto _pitso_ in chapter xx.] [footnote : those who are curious on this subject may consult mr. frazer's _golden bough_, and the late mr. robertson smith's _religion of the semites_, where many interesting and profoundly suggestive facts regarding it are collected.] [footnote : as in homer's day sudden deaths were attributed to the arrows of apollo or artemis.] [footnote : m. junod, a swiss missionary at delagoa bay, who made a careful study of the tonga tribes, told me that they sometimes use the word _shikimbo_, which properly denotes the ghost of an ancestor, to denote a higher unseen power. and i was informed that the basutos will pray to the "lesser molimos," the ghost of their ancestors, to ask the great molimo to send rain.] [footnote : this mlimo--whether the name is properly applicable to the divinity, whatever it was, or to the prophet, seems doubtful--belonged to the makalakas, but was revered by the matabili, who conquered them.] [footnote : it need hardly be said that they have a full belief in the power of certain men to assume the forms of beasts. i was told that a leading british official was held to be in the habit, when travelling in the veldt, of changing himself, after his morning tub, into a rat, and creeping into his waggon, whence he presently re-emerged in human shape.] [footnote : several collections have been made of these tales. the first is that of bishop callaway, the latest that of my friend mr. jacottet, a swiss missionary in basutoland, who has published a number of basuto stories in his _contes populaires des bassoutos_, and of barotse stories in another book.] chapter xi the europeans in south africa till it is no less true of south africa than it is of the old countries of europe that to understand the temper of the people, the working of their government, the nature of the political problems which they have to solve, one must know something of their history. south africa has had a great deal of history, especially in the present century, and there are few places in which recollections of the past are more powerful factors in the troubles of the present. in the short sketch i propose to give i shall advert only to the chief events, and particularly to those whose importance is still felt and which have done most to determine the relations of the european races to one another. the constitutional and parliamentary history of the two british colonies and the two boer republics has been short and not specially interesting. the military history has been on a small scale. the economic and industrial history has been simple and remarkable only so far as the mines are concerned. but the history of the dealings of the white races with one another and with the blacks is both peculiar and instructive, and well deserves a fuller narrative and more elaborate treatment than i have space to give. four european races have occupied the country. of those, however, who came with vasco da gama from lisbon in we shall have little to say, and of the handful who followed herr lüderitz from bremen in still less. the interest of the tale lies in the struggles of two branches of the same low-german stock, the dutch and the english. the first to appear on the scene were the men of portugal, then in the fresh springtime of its power and with what seemed a splendid career of discovery and conquest opening before it.[ ] bartholomew diaz, whose renown has been unjustly obscured by that of vasco da gama, discovered the cape of storms, as he called it,--the name of good hope was given by king john ii.,--in , and explored the coast as far as the mouth of the great fish river. in - da gama, on his famous voyage to india, followed the southern and eastern coast to melinda; and in , on his second voyage, after touching at delagoa bay, he visited sofala, which was then the port to which most of the gold and ivory came from the interior. here he found arabs established in the town, as they were in other maritime trading places all the way north to mombasa. at what date they first settled there is unknown; probably they had traded along the coast from times long before mohammed. they were superior to the native blacks, though mixed in blood, but of course far inferior to the portuguese, who overthrew their power. in the portuguese built a fort at sofala, and from there and several other points along the coast prosecuted their trade with the inland regions, using the conquered arabs as their agents. for a century they remained the sole masters not only of the south-east african seaboard, but of the indian ocean, no vessel of any other european country appearing to dispute their pre-eminence. they might, had they cared, have occupied and appropriated the whole southern half of the continent; but in the sixteenth century it was not of colonization, nor even so much of conquest, that monarchs, governors, and navigators thought, but of gold. portugal had no surplus population to spare for settling her new territories, and--not to speak of brazil--she had a far richer trade to develop in western india than anything which africa could offer. it may now excite surprise that she should have taken no step to claim the long stretch of country whose shores her sailors had explored, from the mouth of the orange river on the west to that of the limpopo on the east. but there was no gold to be had there, and a chance skirmish with the hottentots in table bay, in which the viceroy d'almeida, returning from india, was killed in , gave them a false notion of the danger to be feared from that people, who were in reality one of the weakest and least formidable among african races. accordingly, the portuguese, who might have possessed themselves of the temperate and healthy regions which we now call cape colony and natal, confined their settlements to the malarious country north of the tropic of capricorn. here they made two or three attempts, chiefly by moving up the valley of the zambesi, to conquer the native tribes, or to support against his neighbours some chieftain who was to become their vassal. their numbers were, however, too small, and they were too feebly supported from home, to enable them to secure success. when they desisted from these attempts, their missionaries, chiefly dominican friars, though some jesuits were also engaged in the work, maintained an active propaganda among the tribes, and at one time counted their converts by thousands. not only missionaries, but small trading parties, penetrated the mysterious interior; and one or two light cannons, as well as articles which must have come to africa from india, such as fragments of indian and chinese pottery, have been found many hundred miles from the sea.[ ] but on the whole the portuguese exerted very little permanent influence on the country and its inhabitants. the missions died out, most of the forts crumbled away or were abandoned, and all idea of further conquest had been dropped before the end of last century. there were, indeed, two fatal obstacles to conquering or civilising work. one was the extreme unhealthiness both of the flat country which lies between the sea and the edge of the great interior plateau, and of the whole zambesi valley, up which most of the attempts at an advance had been made. fever not only decimated the expeditions and the garrisons of the forts, but enervated the main body of settlers who remained on the coast, soon reducing whatever enterprise or vigour they had brought from europe. the other was the tendency of the portuguese to mingle their blood with that of the natives. very few women were brought out from home, so that a mixed race soon sprang up, calling themselves portuguese, but much inferior to the natives of portugal. the portuguese, even more than the spaniards, have shown both in brazil and in africa comparatively little of that racial contempt for the blacks, and that aversion to intimate social relations with them, which have been so characteristic of the dutch and the english. there have, of course, been a good many mulattos born of dutch fathers in africa, as of anglo-american fathers in the west indies and in the former slave states of north america. but the dutch or english mulatto was almost always treated as belonging to the black race, and entirely below the level of the meanest white, whereas among the portuguese a strong infusion of black blood did not necessarily carry with it social disparity.[ ] in the beginning of the seventeenth century the dutch, prosecuting their war against the spanish monarchy, which had acquired the crown of portugal in and held it till , attacked the portuguese forts on the east african coast, but after a few years abandoned an enterprise in which there was little to gain, and devoted their efforts to the more profitable field of the east indies. with this exception, no european power troubled the portuguese in africa. they had, however, frequent conflicts with the natives, and in were driven from their fort at inhambane, between sofala and delagoa bay, and in from sofala itself, which, however, they subsequently recovered. it was not till the progress of inland discovery, and especially the establishment of a boer republic in the transvaal had made the coast seem valuable, that two new and formidable rivals appeared on the scene. under the combined operation of these causes such power as portugal possessed on this coast declined during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. except on the deadly banks of the zambesi, she never had a permanent settlement more than fifty miles from the sea, and very few so far inland. the population that spoke portuguese and professed christianity did not exceed a few thousands, and of these the large majority were at least half kafir in blood. it became plain that such life and force as the nation once possessed had, at any rate in africa, died out, and that if ever the continent was to be developed it would not be by the race that had first explored it. here, therefore, we may leave the eastern coast and the feeble settlers who shivered with ague in its swamps, and turn our eyes to the far south, where a new and more vigorous race began, a century and a half after the time of vasco da gama, to lay the foundations of a new dominion. the first teutonic people that entered the african continent were the vandals in the fifth century. they came across the straits of gibraltar as conquerors, but they soon established a powerful fleet and acquired a maritime empire in the western mediterranean. the second band of teutons to enter were the dutch. they were already a sea power active in the far east, whither they had been led by their war with spain. but it was not as conquerors that they came, nor even as settlers intending to build up a colonial community. they came to establish a place of call for their vessels trading to india, where fresh water and vegetables might be obtained for their crews, who suffered terribly from scurvy on the voyage of six months or more from the netherlands to the ports of farther india. from the early years of the seventeenth century both dutch and english vessels had been in the habit of putting in to table bay to refit and get fresh water. indeed, in two english commanders had landed there and proclaimed the sovereignty of king james i, though their action was not ratified either by the king or by the english east india company. in a shipwrecked dutch crew spent six months in table valley, behind the spot where cape town now stands, and having some seeds with them, planted vegetables and got a good crop. they represented on their return to holland the advantages of the spot, and in three vessels despatched by the dutch east india company disembarked a body of settlers, under the command of jan van riebeek, who were directed to build a fort and hospital, and, above all, to raise vegetables and obtain from the hottentots supplies of fresh meat for passing ships. it is from these small beginnings of a kitchen-garden that dutch and british dominion in south africa has grown up. the history of this dutch settlement presents a singular contrast to that of the portuguese. during the first quarter of a century the few settlers kept themselves within the narrow limits of the cape peninsula. in an outlying agricultural community was planted at stellenbosch, twenty-five miles from cape town, but not till the end of the century was the first range of mountains crossed. meantime the population began to grow. in the first slaves were introduced,--west african negroes,--a deplorable step, which has had the result of making the south african whites averse to open-air manual work and of practically condemning south africa to be a country of black labour. shortly afterwards the company began to bring in asiatic convicts, mostly mohammedan malays, from its territories in the east indian archipelago. these men intermarried with the female slaves, and to a less extent with hottentot women, and from them a mixed coloured race has sprung up, which forms a large part of the population of cape town and the neighbouring districts. the influx of these inferior elements was balanced by the arrival in of about three hundred french huguenots, a part of those who had taken refuge in holland after the revocation of the edict of nantes by louis xiv. they were persons of a high stamp, more intelligent and educated than most of the previous settlers had been, and they brought with them a strong attachment to their protestant faith and a love of liberty. from them many of the best colonial families are sprung. at first they clung to their language, and sought to form a distinct religious community; but they were ultimately compelled to join the dutch reformed church, and the use of french was forbidden in official documents or religious services. before the middle of the eighteenth century that language had disappeared, and the newcomers had practically amalgamated with their dutch neighbours. the company's government was impartially intolerant, and did not until permit the establishment of a lutheran church, although many german lutherans had settled in the country. from the time when the settlers began to spread out from the coast into the dry lands of the interior a great change came upon them, and what we now call the distinctive south african type of character and habits began to appear. the first immigrants were not, like some of the english settlers in virginia, men of good social position in their own country, attached to it by many ties, nor, like the english settlers in the new england colonies, men of good education and serious temper, seeking the freedom to worship god in their own way. they came from the humbler classes, and partly because they had few home ties, partly because the voyage to holland was so long that communication with it was difficult, they maintained little connection with the mother country and soon lost their feeling for it. the huguenot immigrants were more cultivated, and socially superior to the rude adventurers who had formed the bulk of the dutch settlers, but they had of course no home country to look to. france had cast them out; holland was alien in blood and speech. so it befell that of all the colonists that europe had sent forth since the voyage of columbus, the south african whites were those who soonest lost their bond with europe, and were the first set of emigrants to feel themselves a new people, whose true home lay in the new land they had adopted. thus early in south african annals were the foundations laid of what we now call the africander sentiment--a sentiment which has become one of the main factors in the history of the country. nor was this all. when the comparatively small area of fertile land which could be cultivated without irrigation had been taken up, the keeping of cattle suggested itself as an easy means of livelihood. the pasture, however, was so thin that it was necessary to graze the cattle over wide stretches of ground, and the farther they went into the interior the scantier was the pasture and the larger therefore did the area of land become over which a farmer let his oxen or sheep run. this process of extending cattle-farms--if farms they can be called--over the interior was materially accelerated through the destruction of the nearer hottentot tribes by the frightful outbreak of smallpox which begun in a.d. , followed by another not less virulent in . the europeans suffered severely from it, the negroes, slave and free, still more, but the hottentots most of all. in fact, it cleared them away from all the southern and western parts of the colony and left these regions open to europeans. only the bushmen remained, whose more solitary life gave them comparative immunity from contagion. thus from the beginning of the eighteenth century, and during the whole of it, there was a constant dispersion of settlers from the old nucleus into the circumjacent wilderness. they were required to pay a sum amounting to five pounds a year for the use of three thousand _morgen_ (a little more than six thousand acres) of grazing ground, and were accustomed at certain seasons to drive their herds up into the deserts of the karroo for a change of feed, just after the time when the summer rains stimulate the scrubby vegetation of that desert region. these settlers led a lonely and almost nomadic life. much of their time was passed in their tent-waggons, in which, with their wives and children, they followed the cattle from spot to spot where the pasture was best. they became excellent marksmen and expert in the pursuit of wild beasts. some made a living by elephant-hunting in the wilderness, and those who tended cattle learned to face the lion. they were much molested by the bushmen, whose stealthy attacks and poisoned arrows made them dangerous enemies, and they carried on with the latter a constant war, in which no quarter was given. thus there developed among them that courage, self-reliance, and passion for independence which are characteristic of the frontiersman everywhere, coupled with a love of solitude and isolation which the conditions of western america did not produce. for in western america the numbers and ferocity of the red indians, and those resources of the land which encouraged the formation of agricultural and timber-producing communities, made villages follow the march of discovery and conquest, while in pastoral africa villages were few and extremely small. isolation and the wild life these ranchmen led soon told upon their habits. the children grew up ignorant; the women, as was natural where slaves were employed, lost the neat and cleanly ways of their dutch ancestors; the men were rude, bigoted, indifferent to the comforts and graces of life. but they retained their religious earnestness, carrying their bibles and the practice of daily family worship with them in their wanderings; and they retained also a passion for freedom which the government vainly endeavoured to restrain. though magistrates, called _landdrosts_, were placed in a few of the outlying stations, with assessors taken from the people, called _heemraden_, to assist them in administering justice, it was found impossible to maintain control over the wandering cattle-men, who from their habit of "trekking" from place to place were called trek boers.[ ] the only organization that brought them together was that which their ceaseless strife with the bushmen enjoined. being all accustomed to the use of arms, they formed war-parties, which from time to time attacked and rooted out the bushmen from a disturbed area; and the government recognized these military needs and methods by appointing field-commandants to each district, and subordinate officers, called field-cornets, to each sub-district. these functionaries have become the basis of the system of local government among the south african dutch, and the war-bands, called commandos, have played a great part in the subsequent military history of the country. the eastward progress of expansion presently brought the settlers into contact with more formidable foes in the bantu tribes, who dwelt beyond the great fish river. in some kafir clans of the kosa race crossed that river and drove off the cattle off the farmers to the west of it, and a war, the first of many fiercely fought kafir wars, followed, which ended in the victory of the colonists. all this while the colony had been ruled by the dutch east india company through a governor and council, appointed by the directors in holland, and responsible to them only--a system roughly similar to that which the english established in india during the eighteenth century. the administration was better or worse according to the character and capacity of the governor for the time being, but it was on the whole unpopular with the colonists, not merely because they were excluded from all share in it (except to some small extent in the courts of justice), but also because the company kept in its own hands a monopoly of the trade, and managed trade with a view to its own commercial interests rather than to those of the community. thus discontent grew, and this discontent was one of the causes which led to the dispersion of the people into the wilderness, whose remoteness secured to them a practical freedom. in disaffection had been so much stimulated by the maladministration of a weak governor, and by the news of the revolt of the american colonies against great britain, that delegates were sent to holland to demand redress for their commercial and other grievances, as well as a share in the government of the colony. the company was by this time in financial straits, and less powerful with the states-general of the netherlands than it had formerly been. long negotiations followed, reforms were promised, and at last, in , two commissioners were sent out to investigate and frame measures of reform. the measures they promulgated were, however, deemed inadequate by the more ardent spirits, and by those especially who dwelt in the outlying districts, where the government had exerted, and could exert, little control. in , first at graaf-reinet and then at swellendam, the people rose in revolt, not, as they stated, against the mother country, but against the company. they turned out the landdrosts, and set up miniature republics, each with a representative assembly. it would not have been difficult for the government to have reduced these risings by cutting off supplies of food. but now south africa was suddenly swept into the great whirlpool of european politics, and events were at hand which made these petty local movements insignificant, save in so far as they were evidences of the independent spirit of the people. from , when the battle of plassey was fought, the english power in india had been rapidly growing, and the cape, which they had not cared to acquire in , had now become in their eyes a station of capital importance. when war broke out between britain and holland in , the english had attempted to seize the colony, but retired when they found a strong french force prepared to aid the dutch in its defence. now they were again at war with holland, which, over-run by the armies of revolutionary france, had become the batavian republic. in an english expedition, bearing orders from the stadholder of the netherlands, then a refugee in england, requiring the company's officers to admit them, landed at simon's bay, and after some slight resistance obliged cape town and its castle to capitulate. within a few months the insurgents at swellendam and graaf-reinet submitted, and british troops held the colony till , when it was restored to the batavian republic on the conclusion of the peace of amiens. next year, however, war broke out afresh; and the english government, feeling the extreme importance, in the great struggle which they were waging with napoleon, of possessing a naval stronghold as a half-way house to india, resolved again to occupy the cape. in a strong force was landed in table bay, and after one engagement the dutch capitulated. in the english occupation was turned into permanent sovereignty by a formal cession of the colony on the part of the then restored stadholder, who received for it and certain dutch possessions in south america the sum of £ , , . the european population of the colony, which was thus finally transferred to the rule of a foreign though a cognate nation, consisted in of about , persons, mostly of dutch, with a smaller number of german or french descent. they had some , black slaves, and of the aboriginal hottentots about , remained. nearly all spoke dutch, or rather the rude local dialect into which the dutch of the original settlers (said to have been largely frieslanders), had degenerated. the descendants of the huguenots had long since lost their french. no people find it agreeable to be handed over to the government of a different race, and the british administration in the colony in those days was, though restrained by the general principles of english law, necessarily autocratic, because representative institutions had never existed at the cape. still things promised well for the peace and ultimate fusion of the dutch and english races. they were branches of the same low-german stock, separated by fourteen hundred years of separate history, but similar in the fundamental bases of their respective characters. both were attached to liberty, and the british had indeed enjoyed at home a much fuller measure of it than had the dutch in the settled parts of the colony. both professed the protestant religion, and the dutch were less tolerant toward roman catholics than the english. the two languages retained so much resemblance that it was easy for an englishman to learn dutch and for a dutchman to learn english. an observer might have predicted that the two peoples would soon, by intercourse and by intermarriage, melt into one, as dutch and english had done in new york. for a time it seemed as if this would certainly come to pass. the first two british governors were men of high character, whose administration gave little ground for complaint to the old inhabitants. the company's restrictions on trade had been abolished, and many reforms were introduced by the new rulers. schools were founded, the administration of justice was reorganised under new courts, the breed of cattle and horses was improved, the slave-trade was forbidden, and missions to the natives were largely developed. meanwhile local institutions were scarcely altered, and the official use of the dutch language was maintained. the roman-dutch law, which had been in force under the company's rule, was permitted to remain, and it is to-day the common law of all the british colonies and territories, as well as of the boer republics, in south africa. intermarriage began, and the social relations of the few english who had come in after , with the many dutch were friendly. in the british government sent out about five thousand emigrants from england and scotland, who settled in the thinly occupied country round algoa bay on the eastern border of the colony; and from that time on there was a steady, though never copious, influx of british settlers, through whose presence the use of the english language increased, together with a smaller influx of germans, who soon lost their national individuality and came to speak either english or the local dutch. before long, however, this fair promise of peace and union was overclouded, and the causes which checked the fusion of the races in the colony, and created two dutch republics beyond its limits, have had such momentous results that they need to be clearly stated. the first was to be found in the character of the dutch population. they were farmers, a few dwelling in villages and cultivating the soil, but the majority stock-farmers, living scattered over a wide expanse of country, for the thinness of the pasture had made and kept the stock-farms very large. they saw little of one another, and nothing of those who dwelt in the few towns which the colony possessed. they were ignorant, prejudiced, strongly attached to their old habits, impatient of any control. the opportunities for intercourse between them and the british were thus so few that the two races acquired very little knowledge of one another, and the process of social fusion, though easy at capetown and wherever else the population was tolerably dense, was extremely slow over the country at large. a deplorable incident which befell on the eastern border in did much to create bad blood. a slight rising, due to the attempted arrest of a farmer on a charge of maltreating his native servant, broke out there. it was soon suppressed, but of the prisoners taken six were condemned to death and five were hanged. this harsh act, which was at the time justified as a piece of "necessary firmness," produced wide-spread and bitter resentment, and the mention of slagter's nek continued for many years to awaken an outburst of anti-british feeling among the boers. a second cause was the unwisdom of the british authorities in altering (between and ) the old system of local government (with the effect of reducing the share in it which the citizens had enjoyed), and in substituting english for dutch as the language to be used in official documents and legal proceedings. this was a serious hardship, for probably not more than one-sixth of the people understood english. a third source of trouble arose out of the wars with the kafirs on the eastern border. since the first hostilities of there had been four serious struggles with the tribes who lived beyond the fish river, and in a host of savages suddenly burst into the colony, sweeping off the cattle and killing the farmers. after some hard fighting the kafirs were reduced to sue for peace, and compelled by the governor to withdraw beyond the keiskama river. but the british government at home, considering that the natives had been ill-treated by the colonists, and in fact provoked to war, overruled the governor, and allowed them to return to their old seats, where they were, no doubt, a source of danger to the border farmers. thinking the home authorities either weak or perverse, the farmers bitterly resented this action, and began to look on the british colonial office as their enemy. but the main grievance arose out of those native and colour questions which have ever since continued to trouble south africa. slavery had existed in the colony since , and had produced its usual consequences, the degradation of labour, and the notion that the black man has no rights against the white. in the first moravian mission to the hottentots was frowned upon, and a pastor who had baptized natives found himself obliged to return to europe. the current of feeling in europe, and especially in england, which condemned the "domestic institution" and sought to vindicate the human rights of the negro, had not been felt in this remote corner of the world, and from about onward the english missionaries gave intense offence to the colonists by espousing the cause of the natives and the slaves, and reporting every case of cruel or harsh treatment which came to their knowledge. it is said that they often exaggerated, or made charges on insufficient evidence, and this is likely enough. but it must also be remembered that they were the only protectors the blacks had; and where slavery exists, and a weak race is dominated by a strong one, there are sure to be many abuses of power. when, in , hottentots and other free coloured people were placed by governmental ordinance on an equal footing with whites as regards private civil rights, the colonists were profoundly disgusted, and their exasperation was increased by the enactment of laws restraining their authority over their slaves, as well as by the charges of ill-treating the natives which continued to be brought against them by the missionaries. finally, in , the british parliament passed a statute emancipating the slaves throughout all the british colonies, and awarding a sum of twenty million pounds sterling as compensation to the slave-owners. the part of this sum allotted to cape colony (a little more than three millions sterling) was considerably below the value of the slaves (about , ) held there, and as the compensation was made payable in london, most slave owners sold their claims at inadequate prices. many farmers lost the bulk of their property, and labour became in many districts so scarce that agriculture could hardly be carried on. the irritation produced by the loss thus suffered, intensifying the already existing discontent, set up a ferment among the dutch farmers. their spirit had always been independent, and the circumstances of their isolated life had enabled them to indulge it. even under the government of their dutch kinsfolk they had been restless, and now they received, as they thought, one injustice after another at the hands of alien rulers. to be watched and denounced by the missionaries, to have black people put on a level with them, to lose the fruits of their victory over the kafirs--all these things had been bad enough. now, however, when their property itself was taken away and slavery abolished on grounds they could neither understand nor approve, they determined to endure no longer, and sought for some means of deliverance. rebellion against so strong a power as that of britain was evidently foredoomed to failure. but to the north and east a great wild country lay open before them, where they could lead that solitary and half-nomadic life which they loved, preserve their old customs, and deal with the natives as they pleased, unvexed by the meddlesome english. accordingly, many resolved to quit the colony altogether and go out into the wilderness. they were the more disposed to this course, because they knew that the wars and conquests of tshaka, the ferocious zulu king, had exterminated the kafir population through parts of the interior, which therefore stood open to european settlement. thus it was that the great trek, as the dutch call it,--the great emigration, or secession, as we should say,--of the dutch boers began in , twenty-five years before another question of colour and slavery brought about a still greater secession on the other side of the atlantic. if the reader will here refer to the map, and measure from cape town a distance of about four hundred and fifty miles to the east (to the mouth of the great fish river), and about the same distance to the north-north-east (to where the towns of middelburg and colesberg now stand), he will obtain a pretty fair idea of the limits of european settlement in . the outer parts of this area toward the north and east were very thinly peopled, and beyond them there was a vast wilderness, into which only a few hunters had penetrated, though some farmers had, during the last decade or two, been accustomed to drive their flocks and herds into the fringe of it after the rains, in search of fresh pastures. the regions still farther to the north and east were almost entirely unexplored. they were full of wild beasts, and occupied here and there by native tribes, some, like the various branches of the zulu race, eminently fierce and warlike. large tracts, however, were believed to be empty and desolate, owing to the devastations wrought during his twenty years of reign by tshaka, who had been murdered eight years before. of the existence of mineral wealth no one dreamed. but it was believed that there was good grazing land to be found on the upland that lay north of the great quathlamba range (where now the map shows the orange free state and the transvaal republic). more to the south lay the territory we now call natal. it was described by those very few persons who had explored it as fertile and well-watered, a country fit both for tillage and for pasture; but wide plains and high mountains had to be crossed to reach it by land from the north-west, and close to it on the north-east was the main body of the zulu nation, under king dingaan, the brother and sucessor of tshaka. into this wilderness did the farmers set forth, and though some less laudable motives may have been mingled with the love of independence and the resentment at injustice which mainly prompted their emigration, it is impossible not to admire their strenuous and valiant spirit. they were a religious people, knowing no book but the bible, and they deemed themselves, like many another religious people at a like crisis of their fortunes, to be under the special protection of heaven, as was israel when it went out of egypt into a wilderness not so vast nor so full of perils as was that which the boers were entering. escaping from a sway which they compared to that of the egyptian king, they probably expected to be stopped or turned back. but pharaoh, though he had turned a deaf ear to their complaints, was imbued with the british spirit of legality. he consulted his attorney-general, and did not pursue them. the colonial government saw with concern the departure of so many useful subjects. but it was advised that it had no legal right to stop them, so it stood by silently while party after party of emigrants--each householder with his wife and his little ones, his flocks and his herds and all his goods--took its slow way from the eastern or northern parts of the colony, up the slopes of the coast range, and across the passes that lead into the high plateau behind. within two years from , to , persons set forth. they travelled in large covered wagons drawn by ten or twelve yoke of oxen, and they were obliged to travel in parties of no great size, lest their cattle should exhaust the pasture along the track they followed. there was, however a general concert of plan among them, and most of the smaller groups united at spots previously fixed upon for a rendezvous. all the men were armed, for the needs of defence against the bushmen, and the passion for killing game, had made the farmers expert in the use of the rifle. as marksmen they were unusually steady and skilful, and in the struggles that followed nothing but their marksmanship saved them. few to-day survive of those who took part in this great trek, but among those few is paul kruger, now president of the south african republic, who followed his father's cattle as they were driven forward across the prairie, being then a boy of ten. i have not space to tell, save in the briefest outline, the striking and romantic story of the wanderings of the emigrant boers and their conflicts with the native tribes. the first party, like the first host of crusaders that started for the east in the end of the eleventh century, perished miserably. it consisted of ninety-eight persons travelling with thirty wagons. they penetrated far to the north-east, into what is now the territory of the transvaal republic. some were cut off by the natives; some, reduced to a mere handful by fever and by the loss of their cattle,--for they had ventured into the unhealthy lower country to the south-east of the mountains, where the tsetse-fly abounds,--made their way to the coast at delagoa bay. another party, formed by the union of a number of smaller bodies at thaba 'ntshu, a rocky peak in the orange free state, visible on the eastern horizon from the present town of bloemfontein, advanced thence to the north, and presently came in contact with a redoubtable branch of the zulu race, famous in later history under the name of matabili. this tribe was then ruled by the chief umzilikazi, or mosilikatze, a warrior of great energy and talent. he had been one of tshaka's favourite generals, but, having incurred that king's displeasure, had fled, about a.d. , with his regiment to the north-west, and established his headquarters near a place called mosega (between pretoria and mafeking), in what is now the transvaal republic. thence he raided and massacred the bechuanas and other tribes of this region, though himself unable to withstand the main zulu nation, which, under dingaan, was living farther to the south. the matabili provoked war by falling upon and destroying a detachment of the emigrants. intruders the latter doubtless were, but, as the matabili themselves had slaughtered without mercy the weaker kafir tribes, the boers might think they need not feel any compunction in dealing out the like measure to their antagonists. and, in point of fact, the emigrants seem all through to have treated the natives much as israel treated the natives of canaan, and to have conceived themselves to have old testament authority for occupying the territories of the heathen, and reducing them by the sternest methods to serfdom or submission. here they had an unprovoked massacre to avenge, and they showed equal promptitude and courage. pouncing upon mosilikatze, they defeated his vastly superior force with so great a slaughter that he fled north-westward far away beyond the limpopo river, and fell like a thunderbolt upon the tribes who dwelt between that stream and the zambesi, killing many and making slaves of the rest. here, with the king's kraal of buluwayo for its capital, was established the kingdom of the matabili, which remained as a terror to its neighbours till, in its turn, destroyed by dr. jameson and the british south africa company in . it was a curious chain of events that brought fire and slaughter so suddenly, in , upon the peoples of the zambesi valley. as the conflicts of nomad warriors along the great wall of china in the fourth century of our era set a-going a movement which, propagated from tribe to tribe, ended by precipitating the goths upon the mediterranean countries, and brought alaric to the salarian gate of rome, so the collapse of the french monarchy, inducing the revolution and the consequent war with england, carried the english to the cape, brought the boers into collision with the matabili, and at last hurled the savage host of mosilikatze on the helpless makalakas. the defeat and expulsion of the matabili left the vast territories between the orange river and the limpopo in the hands of the boer immigrants. within these territories, after much moving hither and thither, those small and rude communities began to grow up which have ripened, as we shall presently see, into the two dutch republics of our own time. but, meanwhile, a larger and better organized body of boers, led by a capable and much-respected man named pieter retief, marched first eastward and then southward across the quathlamba watershed, and descended from the plateau into the richer and warmer country between those mountains and the indian ocean. this region had been in almost depopulated by the invasions of tshaka, and now contained scarce any native inhabitants. a few englishmen had since been settled on the inlet then called port natal, where now the prosperous town of durban lies beneath the villas and orchards of berea, and (having obtained a cession of the maritime slip from king tshaka) were maintaining there a sort of provisional republic. in they had asked to be recognised as a colony under the name of victoria, in honour of the young princess who two years afterwards mounted the throne, and to have a legislature granted them. the british government, however, was still hesitating whether it should occupy the port, so the emigrants did not trouble themselves about its rights or wishes. thinking it well to propitiate the zulu king, dingaan, whose power over-shadowed the country, the boer leaders proceeded to his kraal to obtain from him a formal grant of land. the grant was made, but next day the treacherous tyrant, offering them some native beer as a sort of stirrup-cup before their departure, suddenly bade his men fall upon and "kill the wizards." the excellent retief perished with his whole party, and a body of emigrants not far distant was similarly surprised and massacred by a zulu army of overwhelming strength. these cruelties roused the rest of the emigrants to reprisals, and in a fierce battle, fought on december , , the anniversary of which is still celebrated by the people of the transvaal, a handful of boers overthrew dingaan's host. like the soldiers of cortes in mexico, they owed this, as other victories, not merely to their steady valour, but to their horses. riding up to the line of savage warriors, they delivered a volley, and rode back before an assagai could reach them, repeating this manoeuvre over and over again till the hostile ranks broke and fled. ultimately their forces, united with those of a brother of dingaan, who had rebelled against him and had detached a large part of the zulu warriors, drove dingaan out of zululand in . panda, the rebel brother, was installed king in his stead, as a sort of vassal to the boer government, which was now entitled the republic of natalia, and the boers founded a city, pietermaritzburg, and began to portion out the land. they deemed the british authorities to have abandoned any claim to the country by the withdrawal of a detachment of troops which had been landed at port natal in . but their action, and in particular their ejection from the country of a mass of kafirs whom they proposed to place in a district already occupied by another tribe, had meanwhile excited the displeasure of the government of cape colony. that government, though it had not followed them into the deserts of the interior, had never renounced, and indeed had now and then reasserted its right to consider them british subjects. they, however, repudiated all idea of subjection, holding british sovereignty to be purely territorial, so that when they had passed out of the region which the british crown claimed they had become a free and independent people, standing alone in the world. their attempt to establish a new white state on the coast was a matter of serious concern, because it might affect trade with the interior, and plant in a region which britain deemed her own the germ of what might become a new maritime power. and as the colonial government considered itself the general protector of the natives, and interested in maintaining the kafirs between the boer state and cape colony, the attacks of the boers on the kafirs who lived to the west of them toward the colony, could not be permitted to pass unchecked. the british government, though still unwilling to assume fresh responsibilities, for in those days it was generally believed that the colonial possessions of britain were already too extensive, nevertheless ultimately concluded, for the reasons given above, to assert its authority over port natal and the country behind as far as the crest of the mountains. a small force was accordingly sent to port natal in . it was there besieged by the boer levies, and would have been forced to surrender but for the daring ten days' ride through the whole breadth of kaffraria of a young englishman, richard king, who brought the news to graham's town, six hundred miles distant. a force sent by sea relieved the starving garrison after a siege of twenty-six days. the boer forces dispersed, but it was not till a year later that the territory of natal was formally declared a british colony. lord stanley, then colonial secretary, was reluctant to take over the responsibilities of a new dominion with a disaffected white population and a mass of savage inhabitants, and only yielded to the urgent arguments of sir george napier, then governor of the cape. in , after long and angry debates (sometimes interrupted by the women, who passionately denounced the british government), the volksraad, or popular assembly of the tiny republic, submitted to the british crown, having delivered a warm but ineffectual protest against the principle of equal civil rights for whites and blacks laid down by the british government. the colony of natal was then constituted, first ( ) as a dependency of cape colony, afterward ( ) as a separate colony. a part of the boers, estimated at five hundred families, remained in it; but the majority, including all the fiercer spirits, recrossed the mountains (some forthwith, some five years later), with their cattle, and joined the mass of their fellow-emigrants who had remained on the plateaus of the interior. meanwhile an immense influx of kafirs, mostly from zululand, although many belonged to other tribes whom the zulus had conquered, repopulated the country, and in it the blacks have since been about ten times as numerous as the whites. thus ended the dutch republic of natalia, after six years of troubled life. while it was fighting with the zulus on the east, and other kafirs on the west, it was torn by incessant intestine quarrels, and unable either to levy taxes, or to compel for any other purpose the obedience of its own citizens. but its victories over dingaan's armies were feats of arms as remarkable as any south africa has seen. the english are not generally slow to recognize the fine qualities of their adversaries, but they have done less than justice to the resolution and the daring which the boers displayed in these early campaigns against the natives.[ ] with the british annexation of natal ended the first of the attempts which the emigrant boers have made to obtain access to the sea. it was a turning-point in the history of south africa, for it secured to great britain that command of the coast which has ever since been seen to be more and more vital to her predominance, and it established a new centre of english settlement in a region till then neglected, from whence large territories, including zululand and, recently, southern tongaland, have been acquired. although britain purported to act, and, indeed, in a certain sense did act, in self-defence, one cannot repress a feeling that the boer settlers, who had occupied a territory they found vacant and had broken the power of the savage zulu king, were hardly used. they ought, at any rate, to have had earlier notice of british intentions. but against this may be set the fact that the internal dissensions which rent the infant republic would have sooner or later brought it to the ground, compelling british intervention, and that the native races have fared better under british control than they seemed likely to do under that of the boers, whose behaviour towards them, though little more harsh than that of the english colonists, has been much less considerate than that of the imperial government. hardly less troubled was the lot of the emigrants who had scattered themselves over the wide uplands that lie between the orange river and the limpopo. they, too, were engaged in incessant wars with the native tribes, who were, however, less formidable than the zulus, and much cattle lifting went on upon both sides. only one native tribe and one native chief stand out from the confused tangle of petty raids and forays which makes up (after the expulsion of the matabili) the earlier annals of the boer communities. this chief was the famous moshesh, to speak of whose career i may digress for a moment from the thread of this narrative. the kafir races have produced within this century three really remarkable men--men who, like toussaint l'ouverture in hayti, and kamehameha i. in hawaii, will go down in history as instances of the gifts that sometimes show themselves even among the most backward races. tshaka, the zulu, was a warrior of extraordinary energy and ambition, whose power of organization enabled him to raise the zulu army within a few years to a perfection of drill and discipline and a swiftness of movement which made them irresistible, except by europeans. khama, the chief who still reigns among the bechuanas, has been a social reformer and administrator of judgment, tact, and firmness, who has kept his people in domestic peace and protected them from the dangerous influences which white civilization brings with it, while at the same time helping them onward toward such improvements as their character admits. moshesh, chief of the basutos, was born in the end of the eighteenth century. he belonged to a small clan which had suffered severely in the wars caused by the conquest of tshaka, whose attacks upon the tribes nearest him had driven them upon other tribes, and brought slaughter and confusion upon the whole of south-eastern africa. though only a younger son, his enterprise and courage soon made him a leader. the progress of his power was aided by the skill he showed in selecting for his residence and stronghold a flat topped hill called thaba bosiyo, fenced round by cliffs, with pasture for his cattle, and several springs of water. in this impregnable stronghold, from which he drew his title of "chief of the mountain," he resisted repeated sieges by his native enemies and by the emigrant boers. the exploits of moshesh against his native foes soon brought adherents round him, and he became the head of that powerful tribe, largely formed out of the fragments of other tribes scattered and shattered by war, which is now called the basuto. unlike most kafir warriors, he was singularly free from cruelty, and ruled his own people with a mildness which made him liked as well as respected. in he had the foresight to invite missionaries to come and settle among his people, and the following year saw the establishment of the mission of the evangelical society of paris, whose members, some of them french, some swiss, a few scotch, have been the most potent factors in the subsequent history of the basuto nation. when the inevitable collision between the basutos and the white men arrived, moshesh, partly through counsels of the missionaries, partly from his own prudence, did his best to avoid any fatal breach with the british government. nevertheless, he was several times engaged in war with the orange river boers, and once had to withstand the attack of a strong british force led by the governor of cape colony. but his tactful diplomacy made him a match for any european opponent, and carried him through every political danger. moshesh died, full of years and honour, about twenty-eight years ago, having built up, out of the dispersed remnants of broken tribes, a nation which has now, under the guiding hand of the missionaries, and latterly of the british government also, made greater progress in civilization and christianity than any other kafir race. of its present condition i shall speak in a later chapter. we may now turn back to pursue the story of the fortunes of the emigrant boers who had remained on the landward or northerly side of the quathlamba range, or had returned thither from natal. in they numbered not more than , persons all told, possibly less; for, though after fresh emigrants from the colony had joined them, many had perished in the native wars. subsequently, down to the end of , these numbers were increased by others, who returned from natal, displeased at the land settlement made there; and while these natalians settled, some to the south-west, round winburg, others farther north, in the region between pretoria and the vaal river, the earlier boer occupants of the latter region moved off still farther north, some to lydenburg, some to the zoutpansberg and the country sloping to the limpopo river. thus the emigrant dutch were now scattered over an area seven hundred miles long and three hundred miles wide, an area bounded on the south-east by the quathlamba mountain-chain, but on the north and west divided by no natural limit from the great plain which stretches west to the atlantic and north to the zambesi. they were practically independent, for the colonial government did not attempt to interfere with their internal affairs. but britain still claimed that they were, in strict intendment of law, british subjects,[ ] and she gave no recognition to the governments they set up. to have established any kind of administration over so wide a territory would have been in any case difficult for so small a body of people, probably about four thousand adult males; but the characteristics which had enabled them to carry out their exodus from cape colony and their campaigns of conquest against the natives with so much success made the task of organization still more difficult. they had in an eminent degree "the defects of their qualities." they were self-reliant and individualistic to excess; they loved not only independence, but isolation; they were resolved to make their government absolutely popular, and little disposed to brook the control even of the authorities they had themselves created. they had, in fact, a genius for disobedience; their ideal, if one can attribute any ideals to them, was that of israel in the days when every man did that which was right in his own eyes. it was only for warlike expeditions, which they had come to enjoy not only for the sake of the excitement, but also because they were able to enrich themselves by the capture of cattle, that they could be brought together, and only to their leaders in war that they would yield obedience. very few had taken to agriculture, for which, indeed, the dry soil was seldom fitted, and the half-nomadic life of stock-farmers, each pasturing his cattle over great tracts of country, confirmed their dissociative instincts. however, the necessities of defence against the natives, and a common spirit of hostility to the claims of sovereignty which the british government had never renounced, kept them loosely together. thus several small republican communities grew up. each would have preferred to manage its affairs by a general meeting of the citizens, and sometimes tried to do so. but as the citizens dispersed themselves over the country, this became impossible, so authority, such slight authority as they could be induced to grant, was in each vested in a small elective assembly called the volksraad or council of the people. these tiny republics were held together by a sort of faintly federative tie, which rested rather in a common understanding than upon any legal instrument, and whose observance was always subject to the passion of the moment. the communities which dwelt to the north-east, beyond the vaal river, while distracted by internal feuds chiefly arising from personal or family enmities, were left undisturbed by the colonial government. they lived hundreds of miles from the nearest british outpost, and their wars with the kafirs scarcely affected those tribes with whom the british authorities came in contact. those authorities, as i have already observed, were in those days, under orders received from home, anxious rather to contract than to extend the sphere of imperial influence, and cared little for what happened far out in the wilderness, except whenever the action of the boers induced troubles among the natives. it was otherwise with the emigrants who lived to the south-west, between the vaal river and the frontier of cape colony, which was then at the village of colesberg, between what is now de aar junction and the upper course of the orange river. here there were endless bickerings between the boers, the rapidly growing native tribe of the basutos, and the half-breeds called griquas, hunting clans sprung from dutch fathers and hottentot women, who, intermixed with white people, and to some extent civilized by the missionaries, were scattered over the country from where the town of kimberley now stands southward to the junction of the orange and caledon rivers. these quarrels, with the perpetual risk of a serious native war arising from them, distressed a succession of governors at cape town and a succession of colonial secretaries in downing street. britain did not wish (if i may use a commercial term not unsuited to her state of mind) "to increase her holding" in south africa. she regarded the cape as the least prosperous and promising of her colonies, with an arid soil, a population largely alien, and an apparently endless series of costly kafir wars. she desired to avoid all further annexations of territory, because each annexation brought fresh responsibilities, and fresh responsibilities involved increased expenditure. at last a plan was proposed by dr. philip, a prominent missionary who had acquired influence with the government. the missionaries were the only responsible persons who knew much about the wild interior, and they were often called on to discharge functions similar to those which the bishops performed for the barbarian kings in western europe in the fifth and sixth centuries of our era. the societies which they represented commanded some influence in parliament; and this fact also disposed the colonial office to consult them. dr. philip suggested the creation along the north-eastern border of a line of native states which should sever the colony from the unsettled districts, and should isolate the more turbulent emigrant boers from those who had remained quietly in the colony. this plan was adopted. treaties were made in with moshesh, the basuto chief, and with adam kok, a griqua captain living on the orange river, as a treaty had been made nine years before with another griqua leader named waterboer, who lived farther north (near the present site of kimberley); and these three states, all recognized by britain, were intended to cover the colony on the side where troubles were most feared. but the arrangement soon broke down, for the whites would not recognize a griqua captain, while the whole troubles between them and the natives continued. accordingly, a forward step was taken in by placing a few british troops under a military resident at bloemfontein, half-way between the orange and vaal rivers, to keep order there. and in the whole region from the orange to the vaal was formally annexed under the name of the orange river sovereignty. the country had been without any government, for the emigrants who dwelt in it had no organization of their own, and did not recognize the republics beyond the vaal. this formal assertion of british authority provoked an outbreak among those of the emigrants, all, or nearly all, of boer stock, who clung to their independence. roused and reinforced by their boer brethren from beyond the vaal, who were commanded by andries pretorius, the most energetic and capable of the emigrant leaders, and the same who had besieged the british troops at port natal, they attacked bloemfontein, obliged the resident's small force to capitulate, and advanced south to the orange river. sir harry smith, then governor of the cape, promptly moved forward a small force, defeated the boers in a sharp skirmish at boomplats (august , ), and re-established british authority over the sovereignty, which was not, however, incorporated with cape colony. the boers beyond the vaal were left to themselves. peace, however, was not yet assured. fresh quarrels broke out among the native tribes, ending in a war between the basutos and the british resident. unsupported by a large section of the local farmers, who remained disaffected to the government, and preferred to make their own terms with the basutos, and having only a trifling armed force at his command, the resident fared ill; and his position became worse when pretorius, still powerful beyond the vaal, threatened to move in and side with the basutos. cape colony was at that moment involved in a serious war with the kafirs of the south coast, and could spare no troops for these northern troubles. so when pretorius intimated that he and the northern boers wished to make some permanent and pacific arrangement with britain, which, though it did not claim their territory, still claimed their allegiance, commissioners were sent to negotiate with him and those of the northern or transvaal group of emigrants who recognized his leadership, for there were other factions who stood apart by themselves. thus in a convention was concluded at sand river with "the commandant and delegates of the boers living beyond the vaal," by which the british government "guaranteed to the emigrant farmers beyond the vaal river the right to manage their own affairs, and to govern themselves according to their own laws without any interference on the part of the british government," with provisions "disclaiming all alliances with any of the coloured nations north of the vaal river," permitting the emigrants to purchase ammunition in the british colonies, and declaring that "no slavery is or shall be permitted or practised by the farmers in the country north of the vaal river." from this sand river convention the south african republic, afterward slowly formed out of the small communities which then divided the country, dates its independence; and by the same instrument it practically severed itself from the boer emigrants who were left in the orange river sovereignty south of the vaal, conduct which the republican party among these emigrants deemed a betrayal. that sovereignty remained british, and probably would have so continued but for an unexpected incident. it was still vexed by the war with the basutos, and when general cathcart, who had now come out as governor of the cape, attacked moshesh with a considerable force of british regulars, he was drawn into a sort of ambush in their difficult country, suffered a serious reverse, and would have been compelled to invade basutoland afresh with a larger army had not moshesh prudently asked for peace. peace was concluded. but the british government was weary of these petty and apparently unending native wars, and soon after the news of the battle with moshesh reached london, the duke of newcastle, and lord aberdeen's government, in which he was colonial secretary, resolved to abandon the sovereignty altogether. to those who look back on with the eyes of this seems a strange determination, for the british crown had ruled the country for eight years and recently given it a regular new constitution. moreover, whereas the farmers beyond the vaal were nearly all of pure boer stock, those in the orange river sovereignty were mixed with english settlers, and from their proximity to the colony were much less averse to the british connection. in fact, a large part of them--though it is not now easy to discover the exact proportion--warmly resisted the proposal of the british government to retire, and independence had to be forced on them against their will. in cape colony, too, and among the missionaries, there was a strong repugnance to the policy of withdrawal. the authorities of the colony and the colonial office at home were, however, inexorable. they saw no use in keeping territories which were costly because they had to be defended against native raids, and from which little benefit was then expected. hardly any notice had been taken in britain of the sand river convention, which the conservative ministry of that day had approved, and when, at the instance of delegates sent home by those who, in the orange river territory, desired to remain subject to the british crown, a motion was made in the house of commons asking the queen to reconsider the renunciation of her sovereignty over that territory, the motion found no support and had to be withdrawn. parliament, indeed, went so far as to vote forty-eight thousand pounds by way of compensation, in order to get rid of this large territory and a great number of attached subjects. so little did englishmen then care for that south african dominion which they have subsequently become so eager to develop and extend. by the convention signed at bloemfontein on february , , the british government "guaranteed the future independence of the country and its government," and its inhabitants were "declared, to all intents and purposes, a free and independent people." no slavery or trade in slaves was to be permitted north of the orange river. the orange river government was to be free to purchase ammunition in the british colonies, and liberal privileges in connection with import duties were to be granted to it. these two conventions of and are epochs of supreme importance in south african history, for they mark the first establishment of non-british independent states, whose relations with the british colonies were thereafter to constitute the central thread in the annals of the country. as that of recognised the transvaal state, so from that of , which is a more explicit and complete declaration of independence than had been accorded to the transvaal people two years before, dates the beginning of the second boer republic, the orange free state, which, subsequently increased by the conquest from the basutos of a strip of fertile territory in the south, has ever since remained perfectly independent and at peace with the british colonies. its only serious troubles have arisen from native wars, and these have long ago come to an end. in an assembly of delegates enacted for it the republican constitution under which it has ever since been quietly and peaceably governed. it had the good fortune to elect, as its president, in , a lawyer from cape colony, of dutch extraction, mr. (afterwards sir) john brand, who guided its course with great tact and wisdom for twenty-four years, and whose favourite expression, "all shall come right," now inscribed on his tombstone at bloemfontein, has become throughout south africa a proverbial phrase of encouragement in moments of difficulty.[ ] beyond the vaal river things have gone very differently. the farmers of that region were more scattered, more rude and uneducated, and more prone to factious dissensions than those of the free state proved to be after ; and while the latter were compressed within definite boundaries on three sides, the transvaal boers were scattered over a practically limitless area. during the next twenty-five years the transvaal people had very little to do with the british government. but they were distracted by internal feuds, and involved in almost incessant strife with the natives. these two sources of trouble brought their government, in , to a condition of virtual collapse. but that collapse and the annexation which followed it belong to a later phase of south african history, and we must now turn from them to trace the progress of events in other parts of the country between and . [footnote : the best recent account of the doings of the portuguese is to be found in dr. theal's book, _the portuguese in south africa_, published in .] [footnote : i have heard from lord wolseley that in his expedition against sikukuni, a kafir chief in the north-east of the transvaal, he was told by a german trader who acted as guide that the natives had shown to him (the trader) fragments of ancient european armour which were preserved in a cave among the mountains. the natives said that this armour had been worn by white men who had come up from the sea many, many years ago, and whom their own ancestors had killed.] [footnote : maceo, the well-known leader of the cuban insurgents who was killed in , was a half-breed, in whose band there were plenty of pure whites. in no southern state of north america would white men have followed a mulatto.] [footnote : the word boer means farmer or peasant (german _bauer_).] [footnote : a clear and spirited account of these events may be found in mr. r. russell's book, _natal, the land and its story_, published in .] [footnote : sir p. maitland's proclamation of august , , expressly reserved the rights of the crown to consider those who had gone beyond natal as being still its subjects, notwithstanding the establishment of a settled government in that colony. (see bird's _annals of natal_, vol. ii., p. .)] [footnote : some further account of the orange free state will be found in chapter xix.] chapter xii the europeans in south africa, - between the years and the history of anglo-dutch south africa breaks up into four distinct streams. the transvaal and south african republic pursues its own course from onward, the orange free state from , and natal from , in which year that district was separated from the cape and constituted as a distinct colony. between and the south african republic and natal are again brought into close relations with the march of events in cape colony. but before we trace the three last mentioned streams in their several courses it is well to return to the cape, by far the largest and most populous of the four communities, and sketch in outline the chief events that mark the development of that colony down to the memorable epoch of - . these events group themselves into three divisions--the material progress of cape colony, the changes in the form of its government, and those wars with the kafir tribes which, while they retarded its growth in population, steadily increased its area. the departure of some eight or ten thousand boers, the most discontented part of the population, in the years following , not only removed an element which, excellent in other respects, was politically at once unrestful and old-fashioned, but left plenty of vacant space to be occupied by new immigrants from europe. new immigrants, however, came slowly, because at that time the tide of british emigration was setting mainly to america, while german emigration had hardly begun. the kafir wars had, moreover, given south africa a bad name, and the settlers of (see above, p. ) had suffered several years of hardship before prosperity came to them. however, between and four or five thousand british immigrants were brought in, with the aid of the government, and a little later a number of germans who had served england in the german legion during the crimean war. again, in , more than two thousand german peasants were settled on the south coast in lands which had been previously held by kafirs. these people made good colonists, and have now become merged in the british population, which began to predominate in the eastern province as the dutch still does in the western. as the country filled there was a steady, though slow, progress in farming and in export trade. the merino sheep had been introduced in and , and its wool had now become a source of wealth; so, too, had ostrich farming, which began about and developed rapidly after the introduction of artificial incubation in . the finances, which had been in disorder, were set right, roads began to be made, churches and schools were established, and though the kafir raids caused much loss of life and of cattle on the eastern border, the cost of these native wars, being chiefly borne by the home government, did not burden the colonial revenue. in the first railway was constructed, and by more than one thousand miles of railway were open for traffic. there were, however, no industries except stock-keeping and tillage until - , when the discovery of diamonds (of which more anon) brought a sudden rush of immigrants from europe, stimulated trade so powerfully that the revenue of the colony doubled within five years, and began that surprising development of mineral resources which has been the most striking feature of recent years. with the growth of population, which had risen under british rule from about , europeans in to , in and , in , there came also changes in the form of government. at first the governor was an autocrat, except so far as he was controlled by the fear that the colonists might appeal to the colonial office in london against him: and the administration was therefore wise or foolish, liberal or severe, according to the qualities of the individual governor. some serious mistakes were committed, and one governor, lord charles somerset, has left the reputation of arbitrary rule; but the officials sent out seem, on the whole, to have pursued a more judicious policy and shown more respect to local opinion than the representatives of the dutch east india company had (with one or two brilliant exceptions) done in the previous century. the blunders which preceded the great trek of were attributable rather to the home government than to its agents on the spot, and in the years that followed colonial feeling complained more often of downing-street than it did of government house at cape town. the irritation which from time to time broke out sprang chiefly from questions connected with the natives. like all europeans dwelling among inferior races, the mass of the colonists, english as well as dutch, looked upon the native population as existing for their benefit, and resented the efforts which the home government made to secure for the blacks equal civil rights and adequate protection. their wrath was specially kindled by the vehemence with which a few among the missionaries denounced any wrongs deemed to have been suffered by the natives within the colony, and argued the case of the kafir tribes who were from time to time in revolt. i do not attempt to apportion the blame in these disputes; but any one who has watched the relations of superior and inferior races in america or india or the pacific islands will think it probable that many harsh and unjust things were done by the colonists, as every one who knows how zeal tends to mislead the judgment of well-intentioned men will think it no less probable that there was some exaggeration on the part of the philanthropic friends of the blacks, and that some groundless charges were brought against the colonists. the missionaries, especially those of the london society, had a certain influence with the colonial office, and were supposed to have much more than they had. thus from to about there was a perpetual struggle between the colonists and the missionaries, in which struggle the governor tended to side with the colonists, whose public opinion he felt round him, while the colonial office leaned to the philanthropists, who could bring political pressure to bear through the house of commons. unfortunate as these bickerings were, they had at least the result of tending to unite the dutch and english elements in the population, for on native questions there was little difference of attitude between those elements. in a legislative council was created, consisting, however, of officials and of members nominated by the governor, and not, as the colonists had petitioned, chosen by election. twenty years later, when the population had greatly increased and the demand for representative institutions could no longer be resisted, a regular two-chambered legislature was set up, consisting of a legislative council and a house of assembly, both elected on a wide franchise, with no distinction of race or colour, though of course the coloured voters were comparatively few, because the tribal kafirs living under their chiefs were excluded, while of other blacks there was only a small proportion who held property even to the limited extent required for the suffrage. this legislature met for the first time in . four years previously an event had occurred which showed how desirable it was that constitutional means should be provided for the expression of the people's wishes. the home government had sent out a vessel carrying a number of convicts to be landed and kept in the colony, where no convicts had been seen since the days of the dutch company. a strong and unanimous feeling arose at once against this scheme, which was regarded as likely to prove even more harmful in south africa than it had proved in australia, because there was at the cape a large native population, among whom the escaped or released convict, possessing the knowledge and capacity of a white man, but unrestrained by any responsibility or sense of a character to lose, would be able to work untold mischief. the inhabitants of cape town and its neighbourhood held meetings of protest, sent remonstrances to england, and mutually pledged themselves to supply no food to the convict ship. this pledge they carried out, and during the five months that the convict ship lay in simon's bay, it was from the naval squadron there that she had to receive provisions. the colonial office at last yielded; and the people, while rejoiced at the success they had achieved, and at the heartiness with which dutch and english had co-operated for a common object, were more than ever disposed to desire some control over their own affairs. although after the sole power of legislation was vested in the colonial parliament, subject to the right of the british crown to disallow an act,--a right which is of course very rarely used,--the executive power still remained with the governor and his council, who were appointed by the home government, and not responsible to the cape legislature. it has, however, become a settled principle of british colonial policy to grant to each and every colony not only legislative power, but responsible executive government so soon as the white population of the colony has become relatively large enough and settled enough to enable that kind of constitution to be properly worked. in the whites of cape colony had come to exceed , , and the need for a change had been emphasized shortly before by a conflict of opinion between the governor and the legislature as to the best means of setting right the finances of the colony. parliament having been dissolved, the new houses declared for responsible government, and the home government wisely assented to their wish. accordingly, the "cabinet system" of britain was established, the governor's executive council being turned into a ministry responsible to the legislature, and the governor himself becoming a sort of local constitutional sovereign on the model of the british crown, that is to say a sovereign who reigns but does not govern, the executive acts done in his name being done by the advice and on the responsibility of the ministry, who hold office at the pleasure of the legislature. thus from onward the colony has enjoyed complete self-government, and has prospered under it despite the antagonism which has frequently shown itself between the eastern and western provinces, an antagonism due partly to economic causes, partly to the predominance of the english element in the former and of the dutch in the latter region. the working of the cabinet system has been even smoother than in most of the other british colonies; but while setting this to the credit of the good sense and moderation of the people, it must also be noted that the most exciting crises which have arisen in south africa have lain outside the scope of the colonial ministry and legislature, being matters which have touched the two dutch republics or the relations of british territories to foreign powers. these matters, being international, belong to the british crown, and to its local representative, the governor, in his capacity of high commissioner for south africa; and in that capacity he is not required to consult the cape ministry and legislature, but acts under the directions of the colonial office in london. the grant of cabinet government tended to stimulate political life among the dutch farmers, hitherto the more backward part of the population, and in their wishes secured a reversal of the ordinance made sixty years before for the exclusive use of english in official documents and legal proceedings. dutch was now placed on a level with english as an official language in parliament and the law courts. but this assertion of dutch sentiment was due to causes which will be better understood when we come to the events of and . most of the peaceful growth which has been described would have been more rapid but for the frequent vexation of native wars. twice under the rule of the dutch company and seven times under the british crown have there been sanguinary conflicts with the fierce kafir tribes of the kosa group, who dwell in the east of the colony. on the north there had been only hottentots, a weak nomad race, who soon vanished under the attacks of smallpox and the pressure of the whites. on the north-east the deserts of the karroo lay between the colonists and the kafirs who inhabited the plains of the upper orange and vaal rivers. but on the east the country was comparatively well watered, and supported a large kafir population full of courage and fighting spirit. collisions between them and the whites were inevitable. the country they occupied was mostly rugged, and covered with a dense low wood, or rather scrub, traversed by narrow and winding tracks, which were of course familiar to them, and difficult for white troops. they had always the advantage in point of numbers, and though they were usually beaten and compelled to sue for peace, the obvious anxiety of the colonial government to conclude a peace emboldened them to fresh outbreaks. to civilized men, who know the enormous superiority of discipline and of firearms, it seems strange that these natives, who in the earlier wars had no firearms, should have so often renewed what we can see was a hopeless struggle. but it must be remembered that the natives, who saw only small white forces brought against them, and knew that the whole number of whites in the colony was small, have never realized, and do not realize even to-day, the enormous reserve of the white population in europe. their minds cannot take in large numbers, cannot look far forward, cannot grasp large issues, and are swayed by sudden gusts of feeling which overcome all calculation of results. accordingly, the kafirs returned over and over again to the contest, while the colonial government, not wishing to extend its frontiers, and hating the expense of this unprofitable strife, never grappled with the problem in a large way, but tried on each occasion to do just enough to restore order for the time being. it would probably have been better to have spent once for all a large sum in a thorough conquest of the kosas, planting strong forts here and there through their country, and organizing a regular gendarmerie. but until the annexation of natal in placed british power on the other side of these turbulent tribes, the process of conquest might well seem interminable, for it was plain that as soon as one clan had been brought to submission troubles would break out with the next that lay beyond it, and fresh wars have to be undertaken to reduce each of these in its turn. some allowance must therefore be made for the tendency of the government to take short views and do no more than was needed for the moment, especially as nearly every new war brought upon the governor for the time being the displeasure of the colonial office, and brought upon the colonial office the censure of economists and philanthropists at home. the theatre of these wars was the country along the south coast between algoa bay and the kei river, and an important step forward was made when, after the wars of - and - , the province of british kaffraria, extending to the kei river, was created, placed under imperial officials, and garrisoned by british regiments. four years afterwards, in , the kafirs of this province, at the bidding of their chiefs, prompted by a wizard who professed to have received messages from the world of spirits, destroyed their cattle and their stores of grain, in the belief that the dead ancestors of the tribe would reappear and join them in driving out the white men, while herds of cattle would issue from the ground and crops would suddenly spring up and cover the soil. many of the clans were already on the verge of famine when the promised day arrived, and when it had passed starvation began, and within a few months, despite the efforts of the colonial authorities to supply food, some , kafirs perished of hunger or disease. this frightful catastrophe, which carried many thousands westward into cape colony in search of work, and left large tracts vacant, led to the establishment in those tracts of white settlers, and ultimately, in , to the union of british kaffraria with the colony. it also so much weakened the kosas that for the unprecedentedly long period of twenty years there was no kafir war. in and some risings occurred which were suppressed with no great difficulty; and in the boundaries of the colony, which had been advancing by a series of small annexations, were finally rounded off on the eastern side by the addition of the territory of the pondos, which made it conterminous in that direction with the colony of natal. to complete the chronicle of native wars, we ought now to turn to natal, on whose borders there arose, in , a conflict with the greatest native power--that of the zulus--which the british had yet encountered. before that year, however, a momentous change in british colonial policy had occurred, and i must go a little way back to describe the events which gave rise to it. the reader will recollect that in and britain had abjured all purpose of extending the boundaries of her dominion towards the interior by recognizing the independence of the two dutch republics, which date their legal rise from the two conventions concluded in those years. she had done so quite honestly, desiring to avoid the expense and responsibility which further advances must entail, and with the wish of leaving the two new republics to work out their own salvation in their own way. for some years nothing occurred to create fresh difficulties. but in a war broke out between the orange free state and the basuto chief moshesh, who claimed land which the free state farmers had occupied. the free state commandos attacked him, and had penetrated basutoland as far as the stronghold of thaba bosiyo, when they were obliged to return to protect their own farms from the roving bands of horsemen which moshesh had skilfully detached to operate in their rear. being hard pressed they appealed to the governor of cape colony to mediate between them and moshesh. moshesh agreed, and a new frontier was settled by the governor. however, in fresh troubles broke out, and there was again war between moshesh and the free state. the governor of cape colony was again invoked, but his decision was not respected by the basutos, whom moshesh could not always control,--for they are much less submissive to their chiefs than are the zulus,--and hostilities having recommenced after a brief interval of peace, the free state made a supreme effort, and in was on the point of destroying the basuto power, though it had never been able to capture thaba bosiyo, when moshesh appealed to the high commissioner to extend british protection to his people. unwilling to see basutoland annexed by the free state, and fearing injury to the colony from the dispersion of basuto fugitives through it, the high commissioner consented, and declared the basutos british subjects. the free state was suffered to retain a large tract of fertile land along the north bank of the caledon river, which it had conquered; but it was mortified by seeing british authority established to the south of it, all the way from natal to the borders of cape colony, and by the final extinction of the hopes which it had cherished of extending its territories to the sea and acquiring a harbour at the mouth of the st. john's river. these events, which befell in , mark the recommencement of british advance toward the interior. still more momentous was another occurrence which belongs to the same year. in and a sudden rush began from all parts of south africa to a small district between the modder and the vaal rivers (where the town of kimberley now stands), in which diamonds had been discovered. within a few months thousands of diggers from europe and america, as well as from the surrounding countries, were at work here, and the region, hitherto neglected, became a prize of inestimable value. a question at once arose as to its ownership. the orange free state claimed it, but it was also claimed by a griqua (half-breed) captain, named nicholas waterboer, son of old andries waterboer, and by a native batlapin chief, while parts were claimed by the transvaal republic. the claims of the last-named state were disposed of by the decision of the governor of natal, who had been recognized as arbitrator by the griquas, the batlapin, and the president of the republic. he awarded the tract in dispute to waterboer, including in his award the part claimed by the free state, which had refused arbitration so far as regarded the district lying south of the vaal, holding that district to have been indubitably part of the old orange river sovereignty, which was in turned into the orange free state. as waterboer had before the award offered his territory to the british government, the country was forthwith erected into a crown colony under the name of griqualand west. this was in . the free state, whose case had not been stated, much less argued, before the umpire, protested, and was after a time able to appeal to a judgment delivered by a british court, which found that waterboer had never enjoyed any right to the territory. however, the new colony had by this time been set up and the british flag displayed. the british government, without either admitting or denying the free state title, declared that a district in which it was difficult to keep order amid a turbulent and shifting population ought to be under the control of a strong power, and offered the free state a sum of ninety thousand pounds in settlement of whatever claim it might possess. the acceptance by the free state in of this sum closed the controversy, though a sense of injustice continued to rankle in the breasts of some of the citizens of the republic. amicable relations have subsisted ever since between it and cape colony, and the control of the british government over the basutos has secured for it peace in the quarter which was formerly most disturbed. these two cases show how various are the causes and how mixed the motives which press a great power forward even against the wishes of its statesmen. the basutos were declared british subjects partly out of a sympathetic wish to rescue and protect them, partly because policy required the acquisition of a country naturally strong and holding an important strategical position. griqualand west, taken in the belief that waterboer had a good title to it, was retained after this belief had been dispelled, partly perhaps because a population had crowded into it which consisted mainly of british subjects, and was not easily controllable by a small state, but mainly because colonial feeling refused to part with a region of such exceptional mineral wealth. and the retention of griqualand west caused, before long, the acquisition of bechuanaland, which in its turn naturally led to that northward extension of british influence which has carried the union jack to the shores of lake tanganyika. the wish to restrict responsibility, which had been so strong twenty years before, had now died out of the british public at home, and had grown feebler even in the minds of the statesmen whose business it was to find the money needed for these increasing charges on the imperial treasury; while the philanthropic interest in the native races, stimulated by the discoveries of livingstone, now took the form not of proposing to leave them to themselves, but of desiring to protect them against the adventurers, whether of boer or of english blood, whom it was found impossible to prevent from pressing forward into the wilderness. it is remarkable that the change, as yet only an incipient change, in the public opinion of the english people, who now began to feel the desire not merely to retain but to expand their colonial dominion, should have become apparent just at the time when there occurred that discovery of diamonds which showed that this hitherto least progressive of the larger colonies possessed unsuspected stores of wealth. the discovery brought a new stream of enterprising and ambitious men into the country, and fixed the attention of the world upon it. it was a turning point in south african history. that change in the views of the british government on which i have been commenting found at this moment a fresh expression in another quarter. in the portuguese government concluded a commercial treaty with the south african republic, under which it seemed probable that a considerable trade might spring up between the portuguese coast of the indian ocean and the interior. this called attention to the port of lourenço marques, on the shore of delagoa bay, the best haven upon that coast. great britain claimed it under a cession which had been obtained from a native chief of the country by a british naval exploring expedition in . portugal, however, resisted the claim. in it was referred to the arbitration of marshal macmahon, then president of the french republic, and in he awarded the territory in dispute to portugal. both cases were weak, and it is not easy to say which was the weaker, for, although the portuguese had undoubtedly been first on the ground, their occupation, often disturbed by the native tribes, had been extremely precarious. the decision was a serious blow to british hopes, and has become increasingly serious with the further development of the country. yet it was mitigated by a provision contained in the agreement for arbitration that the power against whom the decision might go should have thereafter from the successful power a right of preëmption as against any other state desiring to purchase the territory.[ ] this provision is momentous as giving britain the right to prevent not only the south african republic, but any european power, from acquiring a point of the utmost importance both commercial and strategical. rumours have often been circulated that britain would gladly acquire by purchase the harbour of delagoa bay, but the sensitive patriotism of the portuguese people is at present so strongly opposed to any sale of territory that no portuguese ministry is likely to propose it.[ ] at the very time when the attempt to acquire delagoa bay revealed the new purposes which had begun to animate great britain, another scheme was suggested to the colonial office by the success which had lately attended its efforts in canada. in the passing of the british north america act drew the theretofore isolated provinces of the dominion into a confederation, relieving the home government of some grave responsibilities, and giving to the whole country the advantages of common administration and legislation in matters of common concern. lord carnarvon, then colonial secretary, threw himself into the idea of similarly uniting the different colonies and states of south africa. it had been advocated by sir george grey, when governor in , and had even received the support of the orange free state, whose volksraad passed a resolution favouring it in that year. many considerations of practical convenience suggested this scheme, chief among them the desirability of having both a uniform policy in native affairs (the absence of which had recently caused trouble) and a common commercial policy and tariff system. accordingly, in lord carnarvon addressed a despatch to the governor of cape colony, recommending such a scheme as fit to be adopted by that colony, which three years before had received responsible government, and mr. j.a. froude was sent out to press it upon the people. the choice did not prove a fortunate one, but even a more skilful emissary would probably have failed, for the moment was inopportune. the cape people were not ready for so large and far-reaching a proposal. the orange free state was exasperated at the loss of griqualand west. the transvaal people, though, as we shall see presently, their republic was in sore straits, were averse to anything that could affect their independence. however, sir bartle frere, the next governor of the cape, who went out in , entered heartily into lord carnarvon's plan, which continued to be pressed till , when it was rejected by the cape parliament, largely at the instance of envoys from the transvaal boers, who urged the cape dutch not to accept it until the transvaal (which, as shall be presently set forth, had been annexed in ) should have regained its independence. this failure of the proposals of the home government seriously damaged the prospects of future federation schemes, and is only one of several instances in south african history that show how much harm impatience may do, even when the object is itself laudable. the next step in the forward march of british rule took place far to the south-west, on the borders of natal. that territory had, in , become a separate colony, distinct from the cape, and with a legislative council three-fourths of whose members were elective. it had still a relatively small white population, for many of the boer immigrants had quitted it between and , and though a body of english settlers arrived soon after the latter year, there were in only some , white residents, while the natives numbered fully , . the zulu kingdom, which adjoined it on the east, had passed (in ) from the sluggish panda to his more energetic son cetewayo (pronounced "ketshwayo"), whose ambitious spirit had revived the military organization and traditions of his uncle tshaka. cetewayo had been installed as king by a british official, and had lived ever since at peace with the colony; but the powerful army which he possessed roused disquiet among the natalians, and alarmed the then governor of the cape and high commissioner for south africa, sir bartle frere. differences had arisen between him and cetewayo, and when the latter refused to submit to the demands which the high commissioner addressed to him, including a requirement that he should disband his regiments and receive a british resident, war was declared against him. this act was justified at the time on the ground that the zulu military power constituted a standing menace to natal and to south africa in general, and that the vast majority of the natives living in natal itself might join the zulu king were he to invade the colony. whether this risk was sufficiently imminent to warrant such a step was then, and has been since, warmly debated in england. most of those who have given impartial study to the subject, and have studied also the character and earlier career of the high commissioner, are disposed to think that war might have been and ought to have been avoided, and that sir bartle frere, in declaring it, committed a grave error; but it is right to add that there are persons in south africa who still defend his action. the invasion of zululand which followed began with a disaster--the surprise at isandhlwana (january, ) of a british force, which was almost annihilated by a vastly superior native army. ultimately, however, cetewayo was defeated and made prisoner. zululand was divided among thirteen petty chiefs under a british resident, and subsequently, in , annexed to the british crown as a dependency, to be administered by the governor of natal. except for some disturbances in , its people have since remained peaceful, prosperous, and to all appearance contented. it has now ( ) been decided to annex zululand to natal. we may now return to follow the fortunes of the emigrant boers of the far north-eastern interior whose republic, recognized by the imperial government in , was at length, after twenty-five years, to be brought into a closer connection than ever with the british colonies by events which are still fresh in men's memories, and which are exerting a potent influence on the politics of our own time. the scale of these events was small, but the circumstances are full of instruction, and many years may yet elapse before their consequences have been fully worked out. the dutch farmers who had settled beyond the vaal river were more rude and uneducated than those of the free state, had no admixture of english blood, and remained unaffected by intercourse with the more civilized people of cape colony. their love of independence was accompanied by a tendency to discord. their warlike spirit had produced a readiness to take up arms on slight occasions, and had degenerated into a fondness for predatory expeditions. they were, moreover, always desirous of enlarging the area of their stock farms by the annexation of fresh territory to the north and west, and thus were constantly brought into collision with the native occupants of the country. scattered thinly over a wide area of pasture land, they were practically exempt from the control of law courts or magistrates, while at the same time the smallness of their numbers, and the family ties which linked them into jealous and mutually distrustful groups, gave rise to personal rivalries among the leaders and bitter feuds among the adherents of each faction, resembling those which used to distract a city republic in ancient greece or medieval italy. the absence of any effective government had attracted many adventurers from various parts of south africa, who wandered as traders or hunters through the wilder parts of the country and along its borders, men often violent and reckless, who ill-treated the natives, and constituted not only a public scandal, but, by the provocations which they gave to the kafir chiefs, a danger to the peace of the adjoining british territories, as well as to that of the transvaal itself. from their first settlement beyond the vaal in the years immediately following the great trek of , the farmers, though considering themselves to form one people, had been grouped in several small communities. in there were four such, those of potchefstroom, utrecht, lydenburg, and zoutpansberg, each having its volksraad (people's council) and president or executive head, while a sort of loosely federative tie linked them together for the purposes, not of internal administration, but of defence against common foes. in the potchefstroom people tried to conquer the orange free state, then in the third year of its life, but desisted on finding that the infant republic was prepared to defend itself. a single volksraad for all the communities beyond the vaal had been chosen as far back as ; but respect for authority grew very slowly, and for a time it could not be said to represent more than a party. in , however, it ratified the sand river convention, and in it appointed a commission to draft a complete body of law. finally, in , an instrument called the "grondwet," or fundamental law, was drawn up by a body of delegates named (by a "krygsraad," or war council) for that purpose. this instrument was revised and adopted by the volksraad, and presently received the adhesion of two of the semi-independent communities, those of potchestroom and zoutpansberg, and in also of those at lydenburg and utrecht, which had by that time united. it has been since several times modified, and the question whether it is to be deemed a truly rigid constitution, like that of the united states or that of the swiss confederation, has given rise to much controversy.[ ] a civil war broke out in , and the country can hardly be said to have reached one united government till , when the then president, mr. m. w. pretorius (son of the old antagonist of the english), was recognized by all the communities and factions as their executive head. even in the white population of the south african republic was very small, probably not more than , all told, giving an average of less than one person to three square miles. there were, however, hundreds of thousands of natives, a few of whom were living as servants, under a system of enforced labour which was sometimes hardly distinguishable from slavery, while the vast majority were ruled by their own chiefs, some as tributaries of the republic, some practically independent of it. with the latter wars were frequently raging--wars in which shocking cruelties were perpetrated on both sides, the kafirs massacring the white families whom they surprised, the boer commandos taking a savage vengeance upon the tribes when they captured a kraal or mountain stronghold. it was the sight of these wars which drove dr. livingstone to begin his famous explorations to the north. the farmers were too few to reduce the natives to submission, though always able to defeat them in the field, and while they relished an expedition, they had an invincible dislike to any protracted operations which cost money. taxes they would not pay. they lived in a sort of rude plenty among their sheep and cattle, but they had hardly any coined money, conducting their transactions by barter, and they were too rude to value the benefits which government secures to a civilized people. accordingly the treasury remained almost empty, the paper money which was issued fell till in it was worth only one-fourth of its face value, no public improvements were made, no proper administration existed, and every man did what was right in his own eyes. in mr. m. w. pretorius was obliged to resign the presidency, owing to the unpopularity he had incurred by accepting the arbitration mentioned above (p. ), which declared the piece of territory where diamonds had been found not to belong to the republic, and which the volksraad thereupon repudiated. his successor was mr. burgers, a cape dutchman who had formerly been a clergyman of the dutch reformed church and afterwards an advocate at the cape, a man of energy, integrity, and eloquence, but deficient in practical judgment, and who soon became distrusted on account of his theological opinions. it used to be jestingly said that the boers disliked him because he denied that the devil possessed that tail which is shown in the pictures that adorn the old dutch bibles; but his deviations from orthodoxy went much further than this, and were deemed by the people to be the cause of the misfortunes they experienced under his guidance. he formed large plans for the development of the country and the extension of boer power over south africa, plans which his citizens were unable to appreciate and the resources at his disposal were quite unfit to accomplish. disorganization, aggravated by intestine faction, grew worse and worse. the state was practically bankrupt; trade had ceased, money could not be raised. in , in a war which had broken out with sikukuni, a kafir chief who lived in the mountains of the north-east, the boers were repulsed, and ultimately returned in confusion to their homes. on the south, cetewayo, then in the zenith of his power, was unfriendly, and seemed likely to pour in his zulu hordes. the weakness and disorders of the republic had become a danger not only to the british subjects who had begun to settle in it, especially at the lydenburg gold mines, but also to the neighbouring british territories, and especially to natal; so a british commissioner was sent to examine into the condition of the country, with secret instructions empowering him to proclaim, if he should deem it necessary, and if he was satisfied that the majority of the inhabitants would approve, its annexation to the british crown. after three months' inquiry the commissioner, sir theophilus shepstone, exercised this power upon april , , and his act was approved by the high commissioner at the cape and by the colonial secretary in england. president burgers had endeavoured to rouse his people by pointing out that only through reforms could they preserve their independence. they agreed to the reforms, but would not help him to carry them out, and obstinately refused to pay taxes. he was helpless, for while the more rigidly calvinistic section of the population supported paul kruger, his opponent in the approaching presidential election, others (especially the english who had settled in the spots where a little gold had been found) favoured annexation to great britain, and most of the boers had been repelled by his unorthodox opinions. accordingly, after entering a protest against the annexation, he returned to cape colony, and received a pension, his private means having been entirely spent in the service of his country.[ ] the vice-president (mr. kruger) and the executive council of the republic also protested, and sent delegates to london to remonstrate. by the mass of the boer people--for the few english, of course, approved--little displeasure was shown and no resistance made. had a popular vote been taken it would doubtless have been adverse to annexation, for a memorial circulated shortly afterwards, praying for a reversal of sir t. shepstone's act, received the signatures of a large majority of the boer citizens.[ ] but while they regretted their independence, they had been so much depressed by their disasters, and were so much relieved to know that the strong arm of britain would now repel any kafir invasion, as to take the change more quietly than any one who remembered their earlier history would have expected. on the english public, which knew little and cared less about south african affairs, the news that their empire had been extended by a territory nearly as large as the united kingdom, though it came as a complete surprise, produced little impression. they were then excited over the outbreak of the war between russia and the turks, and absorbed in the keen party struggles which lord beaconsfield's apparent desire to help the turks had caused in england, so that scant attention was given to a distant colonial question. a motion condemning the annexation which was brought forward in the house of commons received no support. nearly all of those few persons who cared about south africa had been alienated from the boers by their treatment of the natives. scarcely any one foresaw the long series of troubles, not yet ended, to which the annexation was destined to give rise. neither did it arouse any serious opposition in cape colony, though the dutch element there regarded with misgivings the withdrawal of independence from their emigrant kinsfolk. to those who now look back at the act, in the light of the events which followed, it seems a high-handed proceeding to extinguish a republic which had been formally recognized twenty-five years before, and to do this without giving the people an opportunity of declaring their wishes. yet the act was not done in a spirit of rapacity. neither the british government nor the british people had the least idea of the wealth that lay hidden beneath the barren and desolate ridges of the witwatersrand. no one in england talked (though the notion had crossed a few ambitious minds) of pushing british dominion up to the zambesi. the transvaal republic was bankrupt and helpless, distracted by internal quarrels, unable to collect any taxes, apparently unable to defend itself against its kafir enemies, and likely to be the cause of native troubles which might probably spread till they affected all europeans in south africa. there was some reason to believe that the citizens, though they had not been consulted, would soon acquiesce in the change, especially when they found, as they soon did find, that the value of property rose with the prospect of security and of the carrying out of internal improvements by a strong and wealthy power. such was certainly the belief of sir t. shepstone and of lord carnarvon, and it seemed to be confirmed by the apparent tranquillity which the boers exhibited. so, indeed, they might have acquiesced notwithstanding their strenuous love of independence, had they been wisely dealt with. but the british government proceeded forthwith to commit three capital blunders. the first of these, and the least excusable, was the failure to grant that local autonomy which sir t. shepstone had announced when he proclaimed annexation. the volksraad which the people were promised was never convoked; the constitution under which they were to enjoy self-government was never promulgated. there was no intention to break these promises, but merely a delay, culpable, indeed, but due to ignorance of the popular boer sentiment, and to the desire of the colonial office to carry out its pet scheme of south african confederation before conceding to the transvaal such a representative assembly as would have had the power to reject, on behalf of the people, the scheme when tendered to them. nor were matters mended when at last a legislature was granted, to consist of some officials, and of six members nominated by the governor, for this made the people fear that a genuine freely elected volksraad would never be conceded at all. the second blunder was the selection of the person who was to administer the country. sir t. shepstone, who knew it well and was liked by the boers, was replaced by a military officer who had shown vigour in dealing with local disturbances in griqualand west, but was totally unfit for delicate political work. as representative government had not yet been introduced, his administration was necessarily autocratic in form, and became autocratic in spirit also. he was described to me by some who knew him as stiff in mind and arrogant in temper, incapable of making allowances for the homely manners of the boers and of adapting himself to the social equality which prevailed among them. a trifling cause aggravated their dislike. his complexion was swarthy, and they suspected that this might be due to some tinge of negro blood. he refused to listen to their complaints, levied taxes strictly, causing even the beloved ox-waggon to be seized when money was not forthcoming, and soon turned their smouldering discontent into active disaffection. finally, the british government removed the two native dangers which the boers had feared. in sir bartle frere's war with cetewayo destroyed the zulu power, the dread of which might have induced the boers to resign themselves to british supremacy, and an expedition under sir garnet wolseley reduced sikukuni's strongholds and established peace in the north-east. it was probably necessary to deal with sikukuni, though the british government seems to have forgotten its former doubts as to the right of the boers to the territory of that chief; but in extinguishing the zulu kingdom the high commissioner overlooked the fact that he was also extinguishing the strongest motive which the republicans had for remaining british subjects. the british government were doubly unfortunate. it was the annexation of the transvaal in that had alarmed cetewayo and helped to precipitate the war of . it was now the overthrow of cetewayo, their formidable enemy, that helped to precipitate a revolt of the boers. at this time, however, everybody in british south africa, and nearly everybody in england, supposed the annexation to be irrevocable. leading members of the parliamentary opposition had condemned it. but when that opposition, victorious in the general election of , took office in april of that year, the officials in south africa, whose guidance they sought, made light of boer discontent, and declared that it would be impossible now to undo what had been done in . thus misled, the new cabinet refused to reverse the annexation, saying by the mouth of the under secretary for the colonies, "_fieri non debuit, factum valet_." this decision of the british government, which came as a surprise upon the recalcitrant republicans in the transvaal, precipitated an outbreak. in december, , a mass-meeting of the boers was held at a place called paardekraal (now krugersdorp). it was resolved to rise in arms; and a triumvirate was elected, consisting of messrs. m.w. pretorius, kruger and joubert, which proclaimed the re-establishment of the south african republic, and hoisted the national flag on dingaan's day, december .[ ] the boers, nearly every man of whom was accustomed to fighting, now rose _en masse_ and attacked the small detachments of british troops scattered through the country, some of which were cut off, while the rest were obliged to retire to posts which they fortified. the governor of natal, general sir george colley, raised what troops he could in that colony, and marched northward; but before he could reach the transvaal border a strong force of boers, commanded by commandant-general joubert, crossed it and took up a position at laing's nek, a steep ridge close to the watershed between the upper waters of the klip river, a tributary of the vaal, and those of the buffalo river, which joins the tugela and flows into the indian ocean. here the british general, on january , , attacked the boers, but was repulsed with heavy loss, for the ridge behind which they were posted protected them from his artillery, while their accurate rifle fire cut down his column as it mounted the slope. a second engagement, eleven days later, on the ingogo heights, caused severe loss to the british troops. finally, on the night of february , general colley, with a small detachment, seized by night majuba hill, a mountain which rises about feet above laing's nek, and completely commands that pass.[ ] unfortunately he omitted to direct the main force, which he had left behind at his camp, four miles south of the nek, to advance against the boers and occupy their attention; so the latter, finding no movement made against them in front, and receiving no artillery fire from majuba hill above them, checked the first impulse to retire, which the sight of british troops on the hilltop had produced, and sent out a volunteer party to scale the hill. protected by the steep declivities from the fire of the soldiers above them, they made their way up, shooting down those whom they saw against the sky-line, and finally routed the british force, killing general colley, with ninety-one others, and taking fifty-nine prisoners. by this time fresh troops were beginning to arrive in natal, and before long the british general who had succeeded to the command had at his disposal a force which the boers could not possibly have resisted. the home government, however, had ordered an armistice to be concluded (march ), and on march terms were agreed to by which the "transvaal state" (as it was called) was again recognized as a quasi-independent political community, to enjoy complete self-government under the suzerainty of the british crown. these terms were developed in a more formal convention, signed at pretoria in august, , which recognized the transvaal as autonomous, subject, however, to the suzerainty of the queen, to british control in matters of foreign policy, to the obligation to allow british troops to pass through the republic in time of war, and to guarantees for the protection of the natives.[ ] the position in which the transvaal thus found itself placed was a peculiar one, and something between that of a self-governing colony and an absolutely independent state. the nearest legal parallel is to be found in the position of some of the great feudatories of the british crown in india, but the actual circumstances were of course too unlike those of india to make the parallel instructive. few public acts of our time have been the subjects of more prolonged and acrimonious controversy than this reversal in of the annexation of . the british government were at the time accused, both by the english element in the south african colonies, and by their political opponents at home, of an ignominious surrender. they had, so it was urged, given way to rebellion. they had allowed three defeats to remain unavenged. they had weakly yielded to force what they had repeatedly and solemnly refused to peaceful petitions. they had disregarded the pledges given both to englishmen and to natives in the transvaal. they had done all this for a race of men who had been uniformly harsh and unjust to the kafirs, who had brought their own republic to bankruptcy and chaos by misgovernment, who were and would remain foes of the british empire, who were incapable of appreciating magnanimity, and would construe forbearance as cowardice. they had destroyed the prestige of british power in africa among whites and blacks, and thereby sowed for themselves and their successors a crop of future difficulties. to these arguments it was replied that the annexation had been made, and the earlier refusals to reverse it pronounced, under a complete misapprehension as to the facts. the representatives of the colonial office in south africa had reported, partly through insufficient knowledge, partly because their views were influenced by their feelings, that there was no such passion for independence among the boers as events had shown to exist.[ ] once the true facts were known, did it not become not merely unjust to deprive the transvaal people of the freedom they prized so highly, but also impolitic to retain by force those who would have been disaffected and troublesome subjects? a free nation which professes to be everywhere the friend of freedom is bound--so it was argued--to recognize the principles it maintains even when they work against itself; and if these considerations went to show that the retrocession of the transvaal was a proper course, was it either wise or humane to prolong the war and crush the boer resistance at the cost of much slaughter, merely in order to avenge defeats and vindicate a military superiority which the immensely greater forces of britain made self-evident? a great country is strong enough to be magnanimous, and shows her greatness better by justice and lenity than by a sanguinary revenge. these moral arguments, which affect different minds differently, were reinforced by a strong ground of policy. the boers of the orange free state had sympathised warmly with their kinsfolk in the transvaal, and were with difficulty kept from crossing the border to join them. the president of the free state, a sagacious man, anxious to secure peace, had made himself prominent as a mediator, but it was not certain that his citizens might not, even against his advice, join in the fighting. among the africander dutch of cape colony and natal the feeling for the transvaal boers was hardly less strong, and the accentuation of dutch sentiment, caused by the events of and , has ever since been a main factor in the politics of cape colony. the british government were advised from the cape that the invasion of the transvaal might probably light up a civil war through the two colonies. the power of great britain would of course have prevailed, even against the whole dutch-speaking population of south africa; but it would have prevailed only after much bloodshed, and at the cost of an intense embitterment of feeling, which would have destroyed the prospects of the peace and welfare of the two colonies for many years to come. the loss of the transvaal seemed a slight evil in comparison. whether such a race conflict would in fact have broken out all over south africa is a question on which opinion is still divided, and about which men may dispute for ever. the british government, however, deemed the risk of it a real one, and by that view their action was mainly governed. after careful inquiries from those best qualified to judge, i am inclined to think that they were right. it must, however, be admitted that the event belied some of their hopes. they had expected that the transvaal people would appreciate the generosity of the retrocession, as well as the humanity which was willing to forgo vengeance for the tarnished lustre of british arms. the boers, however, saw neither generosity nor humanity in their conduct, but only fear. jubilant over their victories, and (like the kafirs in the south coast wars) not realizing the overwhelming force which could have been brought against them, they fancied themselves entitled to add some measure of contempt to the dislike they already cherished to the english, and they have ever since shown themselves unpleasant neighbours. the english in south africa, on their part, have continued to resent the concession of independence to the transvaal, and especially the method in which it was conceded. those who had recently settled in the republic, relying on the declarations repeatedly made that it would for ever remain british, complained that no proper compensation was made to them, and that they had much to suffer from the boers. those who live in the two colonies hold that the disgrace (as they term it) of majuba hill ought to have been wiped out by a march to pretoria, and that the boers should have been made to recognize that britain is, and will remain, the paramount power in fact as well as in name. they feel aggrieved to this day that the terms of peace were settled at laing's nek, within the territory of natal, while it was still held by the boers. even in cape colony, where the feeling is perhaps less strong than it is in natal, the average englishman has neither forgotten nor forgiven the events of . i have dwelt fully upon these events because they are, next to the great trek of , the most important in the internal history of south africa, and those which have most materially affected the present political situation. the few years that followed may be more briefly dismissed. the transvaal state emerged from its war of independence penniless and unorganized, but with a redoubled sense of divine favour and a reinvigorated consciousness of national life. the old constitution was set to work; the volksraad again met; mr. stephen john paul kruger, who had been the leading figure in the triumvirate, was chosen by the people to be president, and has subsequently been thrice re-elected to that office. undismayed by the scantiness of his state resources, he formed bold and far-reaching plans of advance on the three sides which lay open to him. to the north a trek was projected, and some years later was nearly carried out, for the occupation of mashonaland. to the south bands of boer adventurers entered zululand, the first of them as trekkers, the rest as auxiliaries to one of the native chiefs, who were at war with one another. these adventurers established a sort of republic in the northern districts, and would probably have seized the whole had not the british government at last interfered and confined them to a territory of nearly three thousand square miles, which was recognized in under the name of the new republic, and which in merged itself in the transvaal. to the west, other bands of boer raiders entered bechuanaland, seized land or obtained grants of land by the usual devices, required the chiefs to acknowledge their supremacy, and proceeded to establish two petty republics, one called stellaland, round the village of vryburg, north of kimberley, and the other, farther north, called goshen. these violent proceedings, which were not only injurious to the natives, but were obviously part of a plan to add bechuanaland to the transvaal territories, and close against the english the path to those northern regions in which britain was already interested, roused the british government. in the end of an expedition led by sir charles warren entered bechuanaland. the freebooters of the two republics retired before it, and the districts they had occupied were erected into a crown colony under the name of british bechuanaland. in this territory was annexed to cape colony. in order to prevent the boers from playing the same game in the country still farther north, where their aggressions had so far back as led khama, chief of the bamangwato, to ask for british protection, a british protectorate was proclaimed (march, ) over the whole country as far as the borders of matabililand; and a few years later, in , a treaty was concluded with lo bengula, the matabili king, whereby he undertook not to cede territory to, or make a treaty with, any foreign power without the consent of the british high commissioner. the west was thus secured against the further advance of the boers, while on the eastern shore the hoisting of the british flag at st. lucia bay in (a spot already ceded by panda in ), followed by the conclusion (in ) of a treaty with the tonga chiefs, by which they undertook not to make any treaty with any other power, announced the resolution of the british crown to hold the coast line up to the portuguese territories. this policy of preventing the extension of boer dominion over the natives was, however, accompanied by a willingness to oblige the transvaal people in other ways. though they had not observed the conditions of the convention of , the boers had continued to importune the british government for an ampler measure of independence. in they succeeded in inducing lord derby, then colonial secretary, to agree to a new convention, which thereafter defined the relations between the british crown and the south african republic, a title now at last formally conceded. by this instrument (called the convention of london),[ ] whose articles were substituted for the articles of the convention of , the control of foreign policy stipulated for in the pretoria convention of was cut down to a provision that the republic should "conclude no treaty with any state or nation other than the orange free state, nor with any native tribe to the eastward or westward of the republic," without the approval of the queen. the declarations of the two previous conventions (of and ) against slavery were renewed, and there was a "most favoured nation" clause with provisions for the good treatment of strangers entering the republic. nothing was said as to the "suzerainty of her majesty" mentioned in the convention of . the boers have contended that this omission is equivalent to a renunciation, but to this it has been (among other things) replied that as that suzerainty was recognized not in the "articles" of the instrument of , but in its introductory paragraph, it has not been renounced, and still subsists.[ ] a few years later, the amity which this convention was meant to secure was endangered by the plan formed by a body of boer farmers and adventurers to carry out an idea previously formed by mr. kruger, and trek northward into the country beyond the limpopo river, a country where the natives were feeble and disunited, raided on one side by the matabili and on the other by gungunhana. this trek would have brought the emigrants into collision with the english settlers who had shortly before entered mashonaland. president kruger, however, being pressed by the imperial government, undertook to check the movement, and so far succeeded that the waggons which crossed the limpopo were but few and were easily turned back. prevented from expanding to the north, the boers were all the more eager to acquire swaziland, a small but rich territory which lies to the east of their republic, and is inhabited by a warlike kafir race, numbering about , , near of kin to the zulus, but for many years hostile to them. both the boers and cetewayo had formerly claimed supremacy over this region. the british government had never admitted the boer claim, but when the head chief of the swazis had, by a series of improvident concessions, granted away to adventurers, most of them boers, nearly all the best land and minerals the country contained, it was found extremely difficult to continue the system of joint administration by the high commissioner and the transvaal government which had been provisionally established, and all the more difficult because by the concession to the new republic (which had by this time become incorporated with the transvaal) of the part of zululand which adjoined swaziland, direct communication between natal and swaziland had become difficult, especially in the malarious season. accordingly, after long negotiations, an arrangement was concluded, in , which placed the swazi nation and territory under the control of the south african republic, subject to full guarantees for the protection of the natives. a previous convention (of ) had given the south african republic certain rights of making a railway to the coast at kosi bay through the low and malarious region which lies between swaziland and the sea, and the earlier negotiations had proceeded on the assumption that these rights were to be adjusted and renewed in the same instrument which was destined to settle the swaziland question. the boer government, however, ultimately declined to include such an adjustment in the new convention, and as this new convention superseded and extinguished the former one of , those provisions for access to the sea necessarily lapsed. the british government promptly availed itself of the freedom its rivals had thus tendered to it, and with the consent of the three chiefs (of tonga race) who rule in the region referred to, proclaimed a protectorate over the strip of land which lies between swaziland and the sea, as far north as the frontiers of portuguese territory. thus the door has been finally closed on the schemes which the boers have so often sought to carry out for the acquisition of a railway communication with the coast entirely under their own control. it was an object unfavourable to the interests of the paramount power, for it would not only have disturbed the commercial relations of the interior with the british coast ports, but would also have favoured the wish of the boer government to establish political ties with other european powers. the accomplishment of that design was no doubt subjected by the london convention of to the veto of britain. but in diplomacy facts as well as treaties have their force, and a power which has a seaport, and can fly a flag on the ocean, is in a very different position from one cut off by intervening territories from those whose support it is supposed to seek. thus the establishment of the protectorate over these petty tonga chiefs may be justly deemed one of the most important events in recent south african history. down to great britain and portugal had been the only european powers established in south africa. for some time before that year there had been german mission stations in parts of the region which lies between the orange river and the west african possessions of portugal, and in a bremen merchant named lüderitz established a trading factory at the bay of angra pequeña, which lies on the atlantic coast about one hundred and fifty miles north of the mouth of that river, and obtained from a neighbouring chief a cession of a piece of territory there, which the german government a few months later recognized as a german colony. five years earlier, in , walfish bay, which lies farther north, and is the best haven (or rather roadstead) on the coast, had been annexed to cape colony; but though it was generally understood both in the colony and in england, that the whole of the west coast up to the portuguese boundary was in some vague way subject to british influence, nothing had been done to claim any distinct right, much less to perfect that right by occupation. the colony had always declined or omitted to vote money for the purpose, and the home government had not cared to spend any. when the colonists knew that germany was really establishing herself as their neighbour on the north, they were much annoyed; but it was now too late to resist, and in , after a long correspondence, not creditable to the foresight or promptitude of the late lord derby, who was then colonial secretary, the protectorate of germany was formally recognized, while in the boundaries of the german and british "spheres of influence" farther north were defined by a formal agreement--the same agreement which settled the respective "spheres of influence" of the two powers in eastern africa, between the zambesi and the upper nile. although the people of cape colony continue to express their regret at having a great european power conterminous with them on the north, there has been really little or no practical contact between the germans and the colonists, for while the northern part of the colony, lying along the lower course of the orange river, is so arid as to be very thinly peopled, the southern part of the german territory, called great namaqualand, is a wilderness inhabited only by wandering hottentots (though parts of it are good pasture land), while, to the east, namaqualand is separated from the habitable parts of british bechuanaland by the great kalahari desert. the new impulse for colonial expansion which had prompted the germans to occupy damaraland and the cameroons on the western, and the zanzibar coasts on the eastern, side of africa was now telling on other european powers, and made them all join in the scramble for africa, a continent which a few years before had been deemed worthless. italy and france entered the field in the north-east, france in the north-west; and britain, which had in earlier days moved with such slow and wavering steps in the far south, was roused by the competition to a swifter advance. within nine years from the assumption of the protectorate over british bechuanaland, which the action of the boers had brought about in , the whole unappropriated country up to the zambesi came under british control. in a treaty made with lo bengula extended the range of british influence and claim not only over matabililand proper, but over mashonaland and an undefined territory to the eastward, whereof lo bengula claimed to be suzerain. next came, in , the grant of a royal charter to a company, known as the british south africa company, which had been formed to develop this eastern side of lo bengula's dominion, and to work the gold mines believed to exist there, an undertaking chiefly due to the bold and forceful spirit of mr. cecil rhodes, who perceived that if britain did not speedily establish some right to the country, the transvaal boers would trek in and acquire it. in the pioneer british settlers moved up through bechuanaland into mashonaland, and the company, which, like the east india company of the eighteenth century, was to be a ruling and administering power as well as a trading association, established itself along the eastern part of the great plateau and began to build forts. here it came into collision with the portuguese, who, stimulated by the activity of other nations, had been re-asserting their dormant claims to the interior and sending up expeditions to occupy the country. a skirmish which occurred near massikessi, in manicaland, ended in the repulse of the portuguese, and the capture of their commanders, who were, however, soon after released by dr. jameson, the newly appointed administrator of the company; and another conflict in may, , in which the portuguese again suffered severely, hastened the conclusion of a treaty (june, ) between great britain and portugal, by which the boundary between the portuguese territories and those included in the british "sphere of influence" was fixed. by this treaty a vast region in the interior which lies along the upper zambesi west of portuguese territory and south of the congo free state was recognized by portugal as within the british sphere. an agreement of the preceding year between germany and great britain (july , ) had defined the limits of german and british influence on the east side of the continent; and as germany, portugal, and the congo state were the only civilized powers conterminous with great britain in this part of the world, these treaties, together with the instrument--to which great britain had been a party--that determined the limits of the congo state, settled finally all these questions of the interior, and gave to great britain a legal title to her share of it. that title, however, like the other titles by which the european powers held their new african possessions, was a paper title, and valid only as against other neighbouring european powers. it had nothing whatever to do with the kafir tribes who dwelt in the country. what are called the rights of a civilized power as against the natives rests in some cases upon treaties made with the chiefs, treaties of whose effect the chiefs are often ignorant, and in others on the mere will of the european power which proclaims to the world that it claims the country; and it is held that the power which makes the claim must, at least in the latter class of cases, perfect its claim by actual occupation. in the case of these new british territories treaties were made with a certain number of chiefs. one already existed with lo bengula, king of the matabili; but it merely bound him not to league himself with any other power, and did not make him a british vassal. it was clear, however, that with so restless and warlike a race as the matabili this state of things could not last long. lo bengula had been annoyed at the march of the pioneers into mashonaland, and tried to stop them, but was foiled by the swiftness of their movements. once they were established there he seems to have desired to keep the peace; but his young warriors would not suffer him to do so. they had been accustomed to go raiding among the feeble and disunited mashonas, whom they slaughtered and plundered to their hearts' content. when they found that the company resented these attacks, collisions occurred, and the reluctance to fight which lo bengula probably felt counted for little. what he could do he did: he protected with scrupulous care not only the missionaries, but other europeans at his kraal, and, after the war had broken out, he sent envoys to treat, two of whom, by a deplorable error, were killed by the advancing column of bechuanaland imperial police, for as the company's officers were not at the moment prepared, either in money or in men, for a conflict, the imperial government sent a force northward from bechuanaland to co-operate with that which the company had in mashonaland. a raid by matabili warriors on the mashonas living near fort victoria, whom they called their slaves, precipitated hostilities (july to october, ). the matabili, whose vain confidence in their own prowess led them to attack in the open when they ought to have resorted to bush fighting, were defeated in two battles by the company's men. lo bengula fled towards the zambesi and died there (january, ) of fever and despair, as shere ali khan had died when chased out of kabul by the british in ; while his indunas and the bulk of the matabili people submitted with little further resistance. matabililand was now occupied by the company, which shortly afterwards took possession of the northern part of its sphere of operations by running a telegraph wire across the zambesi and by placing officers on the shore of lake tanganyika. in march, , the matabili and some of the mashona chiefs revolted, but after five months' fighting, in which many lives were lost, peace was restored, and the subsequent construction of two railways into the heart of the country of these tribes has given a great, if not complete, security against a renewal of like troubles.[ ] by the establishment of the british south africa company to the north of the transvaal that state had now become inclosed in british territory on every side except the east; nor could it advance to delagoa bay, because portugal was bound by the arbitration treaty of to allow great britain a right of pre-emption over her territory there. meantime new forces had begun to work within the republic. between and gold had been found in several places on the eastern side of the country, but in quantities so small that no one attached much importance to the discovery. after , however, it began to be pretty largely worked. in the conglomerate or _banket_ beds of the witwatersrand were discovered,[ ] and the influx of strangers, which had been considerable from onward, increased immensely, till in the number of recent immigrants, most of whom were adult males, had risen to a number (roughly estimated at , ) largely exceeding that of the whole boer population. although the first result of the working of the gold mines and the growth of the towns had been to swell the revenues of the previously impecunious republic, president kruger and the boers generally were alarmed at seeing a tide of aliens from the british colonies and europe and the united states, most of them british subjects, and nearly all speaking english, rise up around and threaten to submerge them. they proceeded to defend themselves by restricting the electoral franchise, which had theretofore been easily acquirable by immigrants. laws were passed which, by excluding the newcomers, kept the native boer element in a safe majority; and even when in a concession was made by the creation of a second legislative chamber, based on a more extended franchise, its powers were carefully restricted, and the election not only of the first raad (the principal chamber), but also of the president and executive council, remained confined to those who had full citizenship under the previous statutes. discontent spread among the new-comers, who complained both of their exclusion from political rights and of various grievances which they and the mining industry suffered at the hands of the government. a reform association was formed in . in the visit of the british high commissioner, who had come from the cape to negotiate with the president on swaziland and other pending questions, led to a vehement pro-british and anti-boer demonstration at pretoria, and thenceforward feeling ran high at johannesburg, the new centre of the rand mining district and of the immigrant population. finally, in december, , a rising took place at johannesburg, the circumstances attending which must be set forth in the briefest way, for the uncontroverted facts are fresh in every one's recollection, while an attempt to discuss the controverted ones would lead me from the field of history into that of contemporary politics.[ ] it is enough to say while a large section of the uitlanders (as the new alien immigrants are called) in johannesburg were preparing to press their claims for reforms upon the government, and to provide themselves with arms for that purpose, an outbreak was precipitated by the entry into transvaal territory from pitsani in bechuanaland of a force of about five hundred men, mostly in the service of the british south africa company as police, and led by the company's administrator, with whom (and with mr. rhodes, the managing director of the company) a prior arrangement had been made by the reform leaders, that in case of trouble at johannesburg he should, if summoned, come to the aid of the uitlander movement. a question as to the flag under which the movement was to be made caused a postponement of the day previously fixed for making it. the leaders of the force at pitsani, however, became impatient, thinking that the boer government was beginning to suspect their intentions; and thus, though requested to remain quiet, the force started on the evening of december . had they been able, as they expected, to get through without fighting, they might probably have reached johannesburg in three or four days' march, for the distance is only miles. but while the high commissioner issued a proclamation disavowing their action and ordering them to retire, they found themselves opposed by the now rapidly gathering boer levies, were repulsed at krugersdorp, and ultimately forced to surrender on the forenoon of january , , at a place called doornkop. the johannesburg uitlanders, who, though unprepared for any such sudden movement, had risen in sympathy at the news of the inroad, laid down their arms a few days later.[ ] i have given the bare outline of these latest events in south african history for the sake of bringing the narrative down to the date when i began to write. but as i was at pretoria and johannesburg immediately before the rising of december took place, and had good opportunities of seeing what forces were at work, and in what direction the currents of opinion were setting, i propose to give in a subsequent chapter (chapter xxv) a somewhat fuller description of the state of things in the transvaal at the end of , and to reserve for a still later chapter some general reflections on the course of south african history. [footnote : it has been stated (see mr. molteno's _federal south africa_, p. ) that portugal was then prepared to sell her rights for a small sum--according to report, for £ , .] [footnote : in the southern boundary of portuguese territory was fixed by a treaty with great britain at a point on the coast named kosi bay, about seventy miles south of lourenço marques.] [footnote : see especially the case of brown _vs._ leyds, decided in january, by the high court of the south african republic. an english translation of the grondwet has been published by mr. w. a. macfadyen of pretoria, in a little volume entitled _the political laws of the south african republic_.] [footnote : some extracts from the narrative, vindicating his conduct, which he had prepared and which was published after his death (in ), may be found in mr. john nixon's _complete story of the transvaal_, an interesting book, though written in a spirit far from judicial.] [footnote : although there is some reason to think that if sir t. shepstone had waited a few weeks or months, the boers would have been driven by their difficulties to ask to be annexed.] [footnote : see above, p. .] [footnote : a description of majuba hill will be found in chapter xviii.] [footnote : the convention of will be found in the appendix to this volume.] [footnote : sir b. frere reported after meeting the leaders of the discontented boers in april, , that the agitation, though more serious than he supposed, was largely "sentimental," and that the quieter people were being coerced by the more violent into opposition.] [footnote : this convention will be found in the appendix to this volume.] [footnote : arguments on this question may be found in a parliamentary paper.] [footnote : see further as to this rising some remarks in chapter xv.] [footnote : see chapter xviii. for an account of these beds.] [footnote : the salient facts may be found in the evidence taken by the committee of inquiry appointed by the cape assembly in . the much more copious evidence taken by a select committee of the british house of commons in adds comparatively little of importance to what the cape committee had ascertained.] [footnote : of the many accounts of the incidents that led to this rising which have appeared, the clearest i have met with is contained in the book of m. mermeix, _la revolution de johannesburg_. a simple and graphic sketch has been given by an american lady (mrs. j. h. hammond), in her little book entitled _a woman's part in a revolution_.] part iii _a journey through south africa_ chapter xiii travelling and communications there is nothing one more desires to know about a country, and especially a new country, than how one can travel through it. there was nothing about which, when contemplating a journey to south africa, i found it more difficult to get proper information in england; so i hope that a few facts and hints will be useful to those who mean to make the tour, while to others they may serve to give a notion of the conditions which help or obstruct internal communication. first, as to coast travel. there is no line of railway running along the coast, partly because the towns are small, as well as few and far between, partly because the physical difficulties of constructing a railway across the ridges which run down to the sea are considerable, but chiefly, no doubt, because the coasting steamers are able to do what is needed. the large vessels of the castle line and the union line run once a week between cape town and durban (the port of natal), calling at port elizabeth and east london, sometimes also at mossel bay. thus one can find two opportunities every week of getting east or west in powerful ocean steamers, besides such chances as smaller vessels, designed for freight rather than for passengers, supply. from durban there is one weekly boat as far as delagoa bay, a voyage of about twenty-four hours. from delagoa bay northward to beira and mozambique the traveller must rely either on the steamers of the german east africa line, which run from hamburg through the red sea all the way to durban making the entire voyage in about seven weeks, or on messrs. rennie's line, which ply from durban to delagoa bay, beira and chinde. the drawback to these coast voyages is that the sea is apt to be rough between cape town and durban, less frequently so between durban and beira, and that there is no sheltered port between cape town and delagoa bay. at port elizabeth and at east london the large steamers lie out in the ocean, and passengers reach the land by a small tender, into which they are let down in a sort of basket, if there is a sea running, and are occasionally, if the sea be very high, obliged to wait for a day or more until the tender can take them off. similar conditions have prevailed at durban, where a bar has hitherto prevented the big liners, except under very favourable conditions of tide and weather, from entering the otherwise excellent port. much, however, has recently been done to remove the durban bar, and it is expected that the largest steamers will soon be able to cross it at high tide. at delagoa bay the harbour is spacious and sheltered, though the approach requires care and is not well buoyed and lighted. at beira the haven is still better, and can be entered at all states of the tide. there is now a brisk goods trade, both along the coast between the ports i have mentioned, and from europe to each of them. secondly, as to the railways. the railway system is a simple one. a great trunk-line runs north-eastward from cape town to a place called de aar junction, in the eastern part of the colony. here it bifurcates. one branch runs first east and then north-north-east through the orange free state and the transvaal to pretoria; the other runs north by east to kimberley and mafeking, and thence through bechuanaland to bulawayo.[ ] the distance from cape town to pretoria is ten hundred and forty miles, and the journey takes (by the fastest train) fifty-two hours. from cape town to mafeking it is eight hundred and seventy-five miles, the journey taking about fifty hours; and from mafeking to bulawayo it is a little over five hundred more. from this trunk-line two important branches run southward to the coast, one to port elizabeth, the other to east london; and by these branches the goods landed at those ports, and destined for kimberley or johannesburg, are sent up. the passenger traffic on the branches is small, as people who want to go from the eastern towns to cape town usually take the less fatiguing as well as cheaper sea voyage. three other lines of railway remain. one, opened in the end of , connects durban with pretoria and johannesburg; another, opened in , runs from delagoa bay to pretoria; a third, opened part of it in and the last part in , connects beira with fort salisbury, in the territory of the british south africa company.[ ] of these railways the trunk-line with its branches was constructed by and is (except the parts which traverse the orange free state and the transvaal) owned by the government of cape colony. it has latterly paid very well. the line from durban to the transvaal border at charlestown belongs to the natal government, and is also a considerable source of revenue. the rest of this line, from charlestown northward through the transvaal, is the property of a dutch company, which also owns the line from delagoa bay to pretoria and from pretoria to the frontier of the free state. the beira railway belongs to a company controlled by the british south africa company, and is virtually a part of that great undertaking. all these railways, except the beira line, have the same gauge, one of three feet six inches. the beira line has a two-foot gauge, but is now ( ) being enlarged to the standard gauge. throughout south africa the lines of railway are laid on steeper gradients than is usual in europe: one in forty is not uncommon, and on the natal line it is sometimes one in thirty, though this is being gradually reduced. although the accommodation at the minor stations is extremely simple, and sometimes even primitive, the railways are well managed, and the cars are arranged with a view to sleep on the night journeys; so that one can manage even the long transit from cape town to pretoria with no great fatigue. considering how very thinly peopled the country is, so that there is practically no local passenger and very little local goods traffic, the railway service is much better than could have been expected, and does great credit to the enterprise of the people. railways have made an enormous difference, not to travel only, but to trade and to politics; for before the construction of the great trunk-line (which was not opened to pretoria till ) the only means of conveyance was the ox-waggon. the ox-waggon needs a few words of description, for it is the most characteristic feature of south african travel. it is a long low structure, drawn by seven, eight, nine, or even ten yoke of oxen, and is surmounted (when intended to carry travellers) by a convex wooden frame and canvas roof. the animals are harnessed by a strong and heavy chain attached to the yoke which holds each pair together. the oxen usually accomplish about twelve miles a day, but can be made to do sixteen, or with pressure a little more. they walk very slowly, and they are allowed to rest and feed more hours than those during which they travel. the rest-time is usually the forenoon and till about four p.m. with another rest for part of the night. it was in these waggons that the boers carried with them their wives and children and household goods in the great exodus of . it was in such waggons that nearly all the explorations of south africa have been made, such as those by the missionaries, and particularly by robert moffat and by livingstone (in his earlier journeys), and such as those of the hunting pioneers, men like anderson, gordon-cumming, and selous. and to this day it is on the waggon that whoever traverses any unfrequented region must rely. horses, and even mules, soon break down; and as the traveller must carry his food and other necessaries of camp life with him, he always needs the waggon as a basis of operations, even if he has a seasoned horse which he can use for two or three days when speed is required. waggons have, moreover, another value for a large party; they can be readily formed into a laager, or camp, by being drawn into a circle, with the oxen placed inside and so kept safe from the attacks of wild beasts. and where there are hostile kafirs to be feared, such a laager is an efficient fortress, from within which a few determined marksmen have often successfully resisted the onslaught of hordes of natives. an immense trade has been carried on by means of ox-waggons between the points where the railways end and the new settlements in matabililand and mashonaland. when i passed from mafeking to bulawayo in october, , thousands of oxen were drawing hundreds of waggons along the track between those towns. when, a month later, i travelled from fort salisbury to chimoyo, then the terminus of the beira line, i passed countless waggons standing idle along the track, because owing to the locusts and the drought which had destroyed most of the grass, the oxen had either died or grown too lean and feeble to be able to drag the loads. hence the cattle-plague which in carried off the larger part of the transport-oxen was a terrible misfortune, not only to the natives who owned these animals, but also to the whole northern region, which largely depends upon cattle transport for its food, its comforts, its building materials, and its mine machinery. it is the character of the country that has permitted the waggon to become so important a factor in south african exploration, politics, and commerce. the interior, though high, is not generally rugged. much of it--indeed, all the eastern and northern parts--is a vast rolling plain, across which wheeled vehicles can pass with no greater difficulty than the beds of the streams, sometimes deeply cut through soft ground, present. the ranges of hills which occur here and there are generally traversed by passes, which, though stony, are not steep enough to be impracticable. over most of the southern half of the plateau there is no wood, and where forests occur the trees seldom grow thick together, and the brushwood is so dry and small that it can soon be cut away to make a passage. had south africa been thickly wooded, like the eastern parts of north america or some parts of australia, waggon-travelling would have been difficult or impossible; but most of it is, like the country between the missouri river and the great salt lake, a dry open country, where the waggon can be made a true ship of the desert. this explains the fact, so surprising to most european readers of african travel and adventure, that wherever man can walk or ride he can take his moving home with him. for rapid transit, however, the traveller who has passed beyond the railway is now not wholly dependent on the ox. coaches, drawn sometimes by mules, sometimes by horses, run from some points on the railways to outlying settlements; they are, however, always uncomfortable and not always safe. they travel night and day, usually accomplishing from six to eight miles an hour on good ground, but much less where the surface is sandy or rugged. in the north and north-east of cape colony and in the transvaal, as well as in matabililand, horses are very little used either for riding or for driving, owing to the prevalence of a disease called horse-sickness, which attacks nearly every animal, and from which only about a quarter recover. this is one reason why so little exploration has been done on horseback; and it is a point to be noted by those who desire to travel in the country, and who naturally think of the mode by which people used to make journeys in europe, and by which they make journeys still in large parts of south and of north america, as well as in western asia. i have spoken of the "tracks" used by waggons and coaches; the reader must not suppose that these tracks are roads. there are few made roads in south africa, except in the neighbourhood of cape town, durban, maritzburg, graham's town, and one or two other towns. those in natal are among the best. neither are there (except as aforesaid) any bridges, save here and there rude ones of logs thrown across a stream bed. elsewhere the track is merely a line across the veldt (prairie), marked and sometimes cut deep by the wheels of many waggons, where all that man has done has been to remove the trees or bushes. here and there the edges of the steep stream banks have been cut down so as to allow a vehicle to descend more easily to the bottom, where during the rains the stream flows, and where during the rest of the year the ground is sandy or muddy. after heavy rain a stream is sometimes impassable for days together, and the waggons have to wait on the bank till the torrent subsides. at all times these water channels are troublesome, for the oxen or mules are apt to jib or get out of hand in descending the steep slope, and it is no easy matter to get them urged up the steep slope on the other side. accidents often occur, and altogether it may be said that the _dongas_--this is the name given to these hollow stream channels--form the most exciting feature of south african travel (in places where wild beasts and natives are no longer dangerous) and afford the greatest scope for the skill of the south african driver. skilful he must be, for he never drives less than six span of oxen, and seldom less than three pairs of horses or mules (the bulawayo coach had, in , five pairs). it takes two men to drive. one wields an immensely long whip, while the other holds the reins. both incessantly apostrophise the animals. it is chiefly with the whip that the team is driven; but if the team is one of mules, one of the two drivers is for a large part of the time on his feet, running alongside the beasts, beating them with a short whip and shouting to them by their names, with such adjectives, expletives, and other objurgations as he can command. many dutchmen do drive wonderfully well. i have said nothing of internal water travel by river or lake, because none exists. there are no lakes, and there is not a river with water enough to float the smallest steamboat, except some reaches of the limpopo river in the wet season. the only steamer that plies anywhere on a river is that which ascends the pungwe river from beira to fontesvilla; it goes only as far as the tide goes, and on most of its trips spends fully half its time sticking on the sand-banks with which the pungwe abounds. so far as i know, no one has ever proposed to make a canal in any part of the country. from what has been said it will be gathered that there is no country where railways are and will be more needed than south africa. they are the chief need of the newly settled districts, and the best means, next to a wise and conciliatory administration, of preventing fresh native outbreaks. unfortunately, they will for a great while have no local traffic, because most of the country they pass through has not one white inhabitant to the square mile. their function is to connect the coast with the distant mining centres, in which population has begun to grow. to lay them is, however, comparatively cheap work. except in the immediate neighbourhood of a town, nothing has to be paid for the land. the gradients all through the interior plateau are comparatively easy, and the engineers have in africa cared less for making their ascents gentle than we do in older countries. even in the hilly parts of the transvaal and matabililand the ranges are not high or steep, and one can turn a kopje instead of cutting or tunnelling through it. few bridges are needed, because there are few rivers. a word as to another point on which any one planning a tour to south africa may be curious--the accommodation obtainable. most travellers have given the inns a bad name. my own experience is scanty, for we were so often the recipient of private hospitality as to have occasion to sleep in an inn (apart from the "stores" of bechuanaland and mashonaland, of which more hereafter) in four places only, mafeking, ladybrand, durban, and bloemfontein. but it seemed to us that, considering the newness of the country and the difficulty in many places of furnishing a house well and of securing provisions, the entertainment was quite tolerable, sometimes much better than one had expected. in the two colonies, and the chief places of the two republics, clean beds and enough to eat can always be had; in the largest places there is nothing to complain of, though the prices are sometimes high. luxuries are unprocurable, but no sensible man will go to a new country expecting luxuries. [footnote : at the time of my visit it went no further than mafeking.] [footnote : there is also a line of railway from port elizabeth to graaf-reinet, some short branch lines near cape town, and a small line from graham's town to the coast at port alfred.] chapter xiv from cape town to bulawayo in this and the four following chapters i propose to give some account of the country through which the traveller passes on his way from the coast to the points which are the natural goals of a south african journey, kimberley and johannesburg, bulawayo and fort salisbury, hoping thereby to convey a more lively impression of the aspects of the land and its inhabitants than general descriptions can give, and incidentally to find opportunities for touching upon some of the questions on which the future of the country will turn. first, a few words about the voyage. you can go to south africa either by one of the great british lines across the atlantic to the ports of cape colony and natal, or by the german line through the red sea and along the east african coast to beira or delagoa bay. the steamers of the german line take thirty days from port said to beira, and two days more to delagoa bay. they are good boats, though much smaller than those of the two chief english lines to the cape (the castle and the union), and the voyage from port said has the advantage of being, at most times of the year, a smooth one pretty nearly the whole way. they touch at aden, zanzibar, dar-es-salaam, and quilimane, and give an opportunity of seeing those places. but all along the east african coast the heat is excessive--a damp, depressing heat. and the whole time required to reach beira from england, even if one travels by rail from calais to marseilles, brindisi, or naples, and takes a british steamer thence to port said, joining the german boat at the latter port, is more than five weeks. nearly everybody, therefore, chooses the atlantic route from southampton or london to the cape. the atlantic voyage, which lasts from sixteen to twenty days, is, on the whole, a pleasant and healthful one. the steamers, both those of the castle line and those of the union line--and the same may be said for the new zealand line and the aberdeen line which plies to australia, both of these touching at the cape--are comfortable and well appointed, and i cannot imagine any navigation more scrupulously careful than that which i saw on board the _hawarden castle_, by which i went out and returned. during the winter and spring months there is often pretty rough weather from england as far as madeira. but from that island onward, or at any rate from the canaries onward, one has usually a fairly smooth sea with moderate breezes till within two or three days of cape town, when head winds are frequently encountered. nor is the heat excessive. except during the two days between cape verde and the equator, it is never more than what one can enjoy during the day and tolerate during the night. one sees land only at madeira, where the steamer coals for a few hours; at the picturesque canary islands, between which she passes, gaining, if the weather be clear, a superb view of the magnificent peak of teneriffe; and at cape verde, where she runs (in the daytime) within a few miles of the african coast. those who enjoy the colours of the sea and of the sea skies, and to whom the absence of letters, telegrams, and newspapers is welcome, will find few more agreeable ways of passing a fortnight. after cape finisterre very few vessels are seen. after madeira every night reveals new stars rising from the ocean as our own begin to vanish. tutte le stolle già dell' altro polo vedea la notte, e il nostro tanto basso che non sorgeva fuor del marin suolo,[ ] as ulysses says, in dante's poem, of his voyage to the southern hemisphere. the pleasure of watching unfamiliar constellations rise from the east and sweep across the sky, is a keen one, which often kept us late from sleep. for a few hours only before reaching cape town does one discern on the eastern horizon the stern grey mountains that rise along the barren coast. a nobler site for a city and a naval stronghold than that of the capital of south africa can hardly be imagined. it rivals gibraltar and constantinople, bombay and san francisco. immediately behind the town, which lies along the sea, the majestic mass of table mountain rises to a height of feet, a steep and partly wooded slope capped by a long line of sheer sandstone precipices more than feet high, and flanked to right and left by bold, isolated peaks. the beautiful sweep of the bay in front, the towering crags behind, and the romantic pinnacles which rise on either side, make a landscape that no one who has seen it can forget. the town itself is disappointing. it has preserved very little of its old dutch character. the miniature canals which once traversed it are gone. the streets, except two, are rather narrow, and bordered by low houses; nor is there much to admire in the buildings, except the handsome parliament house, the new post office, and the offices of the standard bank. the immediate suburbs, inhabited chiefly by malays and other coloured people, are mean. but the neighbourhood is extremely attractive. to the north-west table mountain and its spurs descend steeply to the sea, and the road which runs along the beach past the village of sea point offers a long series of striking views of shore and crag. it is on the east, however, that the most beautiful spots lie. five miles from cape town and connected with it by railway, the village of rondebosch nestles under the angle of table mountain, and a mile farther along the line is the little town of wynberg. round these places, or between them and cape town, nearly all the richer, and a great many even of the poorer, white people of cape town live. the roads are bordered by pretty villas, whose grounds, concealed by no walls, are filled with magnolias and other flowering trees and shrubs. avenues of tall pines or of superb oaks, planted by the dutch in the last century, run here and there along the by-roads. immediately above, the grey precipices of table mountain tower into the air, while in the opposite direction a break in the woods shows in the far distance the sharp summits, snow-tipped during the winter months, of the lofty range of the hottentots holland mountains. it would be hard to find anywhere, even in italy or the pyrenees, more exquisite combinations of soft and cultivated landscape with grand mountain forms than this part of the cape peninsula presents. perhaps the most charming nook of all is where the quaint old dutch farmhouse of groot constantia[ ] stands among its vineyards, about ten miles from cape town. behind it is the range which connects the hills of simon's bay with table mountain; its declivities are at this point covered with the graceful silver-tree, whose glistening foliage shines brighter than that of the european olive. beneath the farmhouse are the vineyards which produce the famous sweet wine that bears the name of constantia, sloping gently towards the waters of false bay, whose farther side is guarded by a wall of frowning peaks, while the deep blue misty ocean opens in the distance. it is a landscape unlike anything one can see in europe, and though the light in sea and sky is brilliant, the brilliance is on this coast soft and mellow, unlike the clear sharp radiance of the arid interior. no one who cares for natural scenery quits cape town without ascending table mountain, whose summit affords not only a very beautiful and extensive prospect over the surrounding country, but a striking ocean view. looking down the narrow gullies that descend from the top, one sees the intensely blue sea closing them below, framed between their jutting crags, while on the other side the busy streets and wharves of cape town lie directly under the eye, and one can discover the vehicles in the streets and the trees in the governor's garden. the heaths and other flowers and shrubs that grow profusely over the wide top, which is not flat, as he who looks at it from the sea fancies, but cut up by glens, with here and there lake reservoirs in the hollows, are very lovely, and give a novel and peculiar charm to this ascent.[ ] nor is the excursion to cape point, the real cape of storms of bartholomew diaz, and the cape of good hope of vasco da gama, less beautiful. an hour in the railway brings one to simon's bay, the station of the british naval squadron, a small but fairly well sheltered inlet under high hills. from this one drives for four hours over a very rough track through a lonely and silent country, sometimes sandy, sometimes thick with brushwood, but everywhere decked with brilliant flowers, to the cape, a magnificent headland rising almost vertically from the ocean to a height of feet. long, heavy surges are always foaming on the rocks below and nowhere, even on this troubled coast, where the hot mozambique current meets a stream of cold antarctic water, do gales more often howl and shriek than round these rocky pinnacles. one can well understand the terror with which the portuguese sailors five centuries ago used to see the grim headland loom up through the clouds driven by the strong south-easters, that kept them struggling for days or weeks to round the cape that marked their way to india. but sir francis drake, who passed it coming home westward from his ever-famous voyage round the world, had a more auspicious experience: "we ran hard aboard the cape, finding the report of the portuguese to be most false, who affirm that it is the most dangerous cape of the world, never without intolerable storms and present danger to travellers who come near the same. this cape is a most stately thing, and the finest cape we saw in the whole circumference of the earth." a third excursion, which well repays the traveller, is to the quaint little town of stellenbosch, founded by adrian van der stel (governor of the colony) in , and called after himself and his wife, whose name was bosch. it is built in genuine dutch style, with straight streets of two-storied white houses, the windows nearly flush with the walls as in holland, the wood-work and the green shutters those of holland, and long lines of dark-green oaks shading the foot-walks on each side the street. soft, rich pastures all round--for there is plenty of water brought down from the hills--complete the resemblance to a hobbema landscape; and it is only when one looks up and sees rocky mountains soaring behind into the sky that the illusion is broken. it is here, and in the town of swellendam, farther east, and in some of the villages that lie northward of stellenbosch in the western province, that the dutch element has remained strongest and has best retained its ancient ways and customs. we have, however, delayed long enough round the capital, and it is time to plunge into the interior by the railway. sixty miles to the north of cape town, the trunk-line, which has threaded its way through the valleys of an outlying range of mountains, reaches the foot of the great inner table-land at a place called hex river, and in an hour climbs by zigzags up an incline which is in some places as steep as one in thirty-five, mounting feet into a desert land. rugged brown mountains, sometimes craggy, sometimes covered with masses of loose stone, rise above the lower ground, now a valley, now an open plain, through which the railway takes its eastward way. the bushes, which had been tall and covered with blossoms on the ascent, are now stunted, bearing small and usually withered flowers. hardly an herb, and not a blade of grass, is to be seen on the ground, which is sometimes of clay, baked hard by the sun, sometimes of sand, without a drop of water anywhere. yet water flows when, now and then in the summer, a storm breaks, or a few showers come; and then nature revives, and for a week or two flowers spring from the soil and a fresher green comes upon the bushes. in a landscape so arid one hears with surprise that the land is worth ten shillings an acre for one or two of the smallest shrubs give feed for sheep, and there are wells scattered about sufficient for the flocks. the farms are large, usually of at least six thousand acres, so one seldom sees a farmhouse. the farmers are all of boer stock. they lead a lonely life in a silent and melancholy nature, but their habitual gravity has not made them unsocial, for they are fond of riding or driving in their waggons to visit one another on all occasions of festivity or mourning. every ten or fifteen miles there is a station, and here the british element in the population appears, chiefly occupied in store-keeping. at matjesfontein one finds an hotel and a number of small villas built to serve as a health resort. wells surrounded by australian gums planted for shade, make a little oasis in the desert. farther east the village of beaufort west, the only place along the line that aspires to be called a town, boasts a church with a spire, and has one or two streets, though most of its houses are stuck down irregularly over a surface covered with broken bottles and empty sardine and preserved meat tins. here, too, there is a large, shallow pond of water, and here people with weak lungs come to breathe the keen, dry, invigorating air. of its efficacy there is no doubt, but one would think that the want of society and of variety would be almost as depressing as the air is stimulating. the prospects have a certain beauty, for beyond the wide, bare, greyish-brown plain to the south sharp mountains stand up, which take at sunrise and sunset delightful tints of blue and purple, and the sense of a vast expanse on earth beneath and in heaven above has something strange and solemn. but the monotony of perpetual sunlight upon a landscape which has no foregrounds and never changes, save in colour, must be trying to those who have no occupation except that of getting well. this karroo scenery continues, with little variation, for hundreds of miles. to the north of the railway, which runs mostly from west to east, the aspect of the country is much the same, dry, stony, and forbidding, for full three hundred miles to the orange river, and beyond that into namaqualand. except for the few houses at some of the stations, it seems a wilderness; yet here and there stand tiny villages, connected by lines of coach with the railway, whither the neighbouring farmers come to supply their household needs. but as the train moves farther and farther eastward the features of nature grow less austere. the mountains by degrees recede or sink; the country becomes more of an open plain, though with isolated hills visible here and there over its expanse. it is also slightly greener, and after the rains some little grass springs up, besides the low, succulent shrub which the sheep eat. at de aar junction, five hundred miles from cape town, the line to bloemfontein and the transvaal branches off to the right. we follow the western branch over a vast slightly undulating plain to the orange river, here a perennial stream, and at six hundred and forty-six miles from cape town find ourselves once more in the haunts of men at kimberley. kimberley, the city of diamonds, has had a curious history. in - the precious crystals, first found in near the orange river, were discovered here in considerable quantity. a sudden rush of adventurers from all parts of south africa, as well as from europe, gave it in three or four years a population of many thousands. the mining claims were then and for some years afterwards in the hands of a large number of persons and companies who had opened them or purchased them. the competition of these independent miner-workers was bringing down the price of the stones, and the waste or leakage arising from the theft of stones by the native work-people, who sold them to european i.d.b. (illicit diamond-buyers), seriously reduced the profits of mining. it was soon seen that the consolidation of the various concerns would effect enormous savings and form the only means of keeping up the price of diamonds. the process of amalgamating the claims and interests and merging them in one huge corporation was completed in , chiefly by the skill and boldness of mr. cecil j. rhodes, who had gone to natal for his health shortly before , and came up to kimberley in the first months of the rush. since the amalgamation, the great corporation called the de beers consolidated mining company (which now owns nearly all the mines), has reduced the output of diamonds to just such an annual amount as experience has proved that europe and america--the united states is the chief market--are able to take at a price high enough to leave a large profit. by this means the price has been well maintained. this policy, however, has incidentally reduced the population of kimberley. one powerful corporation, with its comparatively small staff of employees, has taken the place of the crowd of independent adventurers of the old days, and some of the mines have been closed because the rest are sufficient to produce as many diamonds as it is deemed prudent to put upon the market. thus there are now only about , people in the town, and some of the poorer quarters are almost deserted, the stores and taverns, as well as the shanty dwellings, empty and falling to pieces. in the better quarters, however, the old roughness has been replaced by order and comfort. many of the best villas are embowered in groves of tall australian gum-trees, while the streets and roads are bordered either by gum-trees or by hedges of prickly-pear or agave. the streets are wide, and most of the houses are detached and of one story, built like indian bungalows; so the town covers an area quite disproportionate to its population, and gives the impression of an extensive city. for the residence of the europeans employed in the two great mines which the company works, a suburb called kenilworth has been built by mr. rhodes, where neat houses of four, five, or six rooms each stand in handsome avenues planted with australian trees, the so-called "beefwood" and the red gum. they are not beautiful trees, but they have the merit of growing very fast, and any shade is welcome. the diamonds are found in beds of clay, of which there are two: a yellow and softish clay, lying on or near the surface, and a hard blue clay, lying deeper. these clays, which are usually covered by a thin layer of calcareous rock, are supposed to be the remains of mud-pits due to volcanic action, such as the so-called mud-volcanoes of iceland, near námaskard, on the banks of lake myvatn, or such as the similar boiling mud-pits of the yellowstone park country, called from their brilliant colours the "paint-pots." it is, at any rate, from circular clay basins, inclosed within a harder rock (basalt, black shale, and quartzite) that the stones are obtained. some of the mines are worked even to a depth of feet by shafts and subterranean galleries. some are open, and these, particularly that called the wesselton mine, are an interesting sight. this deep hollow, one-third of a mile in circumference and feet deep, inclosed by a strong fence of barbed wire, is filled by a swarm of active kafir workmen, cleaving the "hard blue" with pickaxes, piling it up on barrows, and carrying it off to the wide fields; where it is left exposed to the sun, and, during three months, to the rain. having been thus subjected to a natural decomposition, it is the more readily brought by the pickaxe into smaller fragments before being sent to the mills, where it is crushed, pulverized, and finally washed to get at the stones. nowhere in the world does the hidden wealth of the soil and the element of chance in its discovery strike one so forcibly as here, where you are shown a piece of ground a few acres in extent, and are told, "out of this pit diamonds of the value of £ , , have been taken." twenty-six years ago the ground might have been bought for £ . the most striking sight at kimberley, and one unique in the world, is furnished by the two so-called "compounds" in which the natives who work in the mines are housed and confined. they are huge inclosures, unroofed, but covered with a wire netting to prevent anything from being thrown out of them over the walls, and with a subterranean entrance to the adjoining mine. the mine is worked on the system of three eight-hour shifts, so that the workman is never more than eight hours together underground. round the interior of the wall there are built sheds or huts, in which the natives live and sleep when not working. a hospital is also provided within the inclosure, as well as a school where the work-people can spend their leisure in learning to read and write. no spirits are sold--an example of removing temptation from the native which it is to be wished that the legislature of cape colony would follow. every entrance is strictly guarded, and no visitors, white or native, are permitted, all supplies being obtained from the store within, kept by the company. the de beers mine compound contained at the time of my visit natives, belonging to a great variety of tribes, so that here one could see specimens of the different native types, from natal and pondoland on the south, to the shores of lake tanganyika in the far north. they come from every quarter, attracted by the high wages, usually eighteen to thirty shillings a week, and remain for three months or more and occasionally even for long periods, knowing, of course, that they have to submit to the precautions which are absolutely needed to prevent them from appropriating the diamonds they may happen to find in the course of their work. to encourage honesty, ten per cent, of the value of any stone which a workman may find is given to him if he brings it himself to the overseer, and the value of the stones on which this ten per cent, is paid is estimated at £ , in each year. nevertheless, a certain number of thefts occur. i heard from a missionary an anecdote of a basuto who, after his return from kimberley, was describing how, on one occasion, his eye fell on a valuable diamond in the clay he was breaking into fragments. while he was endeavouring to pick it up he perceived the overseer approaching, and, having it by this time in his hand, was for a moment terribly frightened, the punishment for theft being very severe. the overseer, however, passed on. "and then," said the basuto, "i knew that there was indeed a god, for he had preserved me." when the native has earned the sum he wants--and his earnings accumulate quickly, since he can live upon very little--he takes his wages in english sovereigns, a coin now current through all africa as far as tanganyika, goes home to his own tribe, perhaps a month's or six weeks' journey distant, buys two oxen, buys with them a wife, and lives happily, or at least lazily, ever after. here in the vast oblong compound one sees zulus from natal, fingos, pondos, tembus, basutos, bechuanas, gungunhana's subjects from the portuguese territories, some few matabili and makalaka, and plenty of zambesi boys from the tribes on both sides of that great river--a living ethnological collection such as can be examined nowhere else in south africa. even bushmen, or at least natives with some bushman blood in them, are not wanting. they live peaceably together, and amuse themselves in their several ways during their leisure hours. besides games of chance we saw a game resembling "fox and geese," played with pebbles on a board; and music was being discoursed on two rude native instruments, the so-called "kafir piano," made of pieces of iron of unequal length fastened side by side in a frame, and a still ruder contrivance of hard bits of wood, also of unequal size, which when struck by a stick emit different notes, the first beginnings of a tune. a very few were reading or writing letters, the rest busy with their cooking or talking to one another. some tribes are incessant talkers, and in this strange mixing-pot of black men one may hear a dozen languages spoken as one passes from group to group. the climate of kimberley is healthy, and even bracing, though not pleasant when a north-west wind from the kalahari desert fills the air with sand and dust. its dryness recommends it as a resort for consumptive patients, while the existence of a cultivated, though small, society, makes it a less doleful place of residence than are the sanatoria of the karroo. the country round is, however, far from attractive. save on the east, where there rises a line of hills just high enough to catch the lovely lights of evening and give colour and variety to the landscape, the prospect is monotonous in every direction. like the ocean, this vast plain is so flat that you cannot see how vast it is. except in the environs of the town, it is unbroken by tree or house, and in a part of those environs the masses of bluish-grey mine refuse that strew the ground give a dismal and even squalid air to the foreground of the view. one is reminded of the deserted coal-pits that surround wigan, or the burnt-out and waste parts of the black country in south staffordshire, though at kimberley there is, happily, no coal-smoke or sulphurous fumes in the air, no cinder on the surface, no coal-dust to thicken the mud and blacken the roads. some squalor one must have with that disturbance of nature which mining involves, but here the enlightened activity of the company and the settlers has done its best to mitigate these evils by the planting of trees and orchards, by the taste which many of the private houses show, and by the provision here and there of open spaces for games. from kimberley the newly-opened railway runs one hundred and fifty miles farther north to vryburg, till lately the capital of the crown colony of british bechuanaland, annexed in to cape colony, and thence to mafeking. after a few miles the line crosses the vaal river, here a respectable stream for south africa, since it has, even in the dry season, more water than the cam at cambridge, or the cherwell at oxford--perhaps as much as the arno at florence. it flows in a wide, rocky bed, about thirty feet below the level of the adjoining country. the country becomes more undulating as the line approaches the frontiers, first of the orange free state, and then of the transvaal republic, which bounds that state on the north. bushes are seen, and presently trees, nearly all prickly mimosas, small and unattractive, but a pleasant relief from the bare flats of kimberley, whence all the wood that formerly grew there has been taken for mine props and for fuel. there is more grass, too, and presently patches of cultivated land appear, where kafirs grow maize, called in south africa "mealies." near the village of taungs[ ] a large native reservation is passed, where part of the batlapin tribe is settled, and here a good deal of ground is tilled, though in september, when no crop is visible, one scarcely notices the fields, since they are entirely unenclosed, mere strips on the veldt, a little browner than the rest, and with fewer shrublets on them. but the landscape remains equally featureless and monotonous, redeemed only, as evening falls, by the tints of purple and violet which glow upon the low ridges or swells of ground that rise in the distance. vryburg is a cheerful little place of brick walls and corrugated-iron roofs; mafeking another such, still smaller and, being newer, with a still larger proportion of shanties to houses. at mafeking the railway ended in . it has since been opened all the way to bulawayo. here ends also the territory of cape colony, the rest of bechuanaland to the north and west forming the so-called bechuanaland protectorate, which in october, , was handed over by the colonial office, subject to certain restrictions and provisions for the benefit of the natives, to the british south africa company, within the sphere of whose operations it had, by the charter of , been included. after the invasion of the transvaal republic by the expedition led by dr. jameson, which started from pitsani, a few miles north of mafeking, in december, , this transfer was recalled, and bechuanaland is now again under the direct control of the high commissioner for south africa as representing the british crown. it is administered by magistrates, who have a force of police at their command, and by native chiefs, the most powerful and famous of whom is khama. close to mafeking itself there was living a chieftain whose long career is interwoven with many of the wars and raids that went on between the boers and the natives from to --montsioa (pronounced "montsiwa"), the head of a tribe of barolongs. we were taken to see him, and found him sitting on a low chair under a tree in the midst of his huge native village, dressed in a red flannel shirt, a pair of corduroy trousers, and a broad grey felt hat with a jackal's tail stuck in it for ornament. his short woolly hair was white, and his chocolate-coloured skin, hard and tough like that of a rhinoceros, was covered with a fretwork of tiny wrinkles, such as one seldom sees on a european face. he was proud of his great age (eighty-five), and recalled the names of several british governors and generals during the last seventy years. but his chief interest was in inquiries (through his interpreter) regarding the queen and events in england, and he amused his visitors by the diplomatic shrewdness with which, on being told that there had been a change of government in england, and a majority in favour of the new government, he observed "they have made a mistake; they could not have had a better government than the old one." he was a wealthy man, owning an immense number of the oxen which then carried on (for the cattle plague soon after destroyed most of them) the transport service between mafeking and bulawayo; and, from all i could learn, he ruled his people well, following the counsels of the british government, which in delivered him out of the hands of the boers. he died in the middle of . at mafeking we bade farewell to the railway, and prepared to plunge into the wilderness. we travelled in a light american waggon, having a cape dutchman as driver and a coloured "cape boy" to help him, but no other attendants. the waggon had a small iron tank, which we filled with water that had been boiled to kill noxious germs, and with this we made our soup and tea. for provisions we carried biscuits, a little tinned soup and meat, and a few bottles of soda-water. these last proved to be the most useful part of our stores, for we found the stream-or well-water along the route undrinkable, and our mouths were often so parched that it was only by the help of sips of soda-water that we could manage to swallow the dry food. at the european stores which occur along the road, usually at intervals of thirty or forty miles, though sometimes there is none for sixty miles or more, we could often procure eggs and sometimes a lean chicken; so there was enough to support life, though seldom did we get what is called in america "a square meal." northward from mafeking the country grows pretty. at first there are trees scattered picturesquely over the undulating pastures and sometimes forming woods--dry and open woods, yet welcome after the bareness which one has left behind. here we passed the tiny group of houses called pitsani, little dreaming that three months later it would become famous as the place where the matabililand police were marshalled, and from which they started on their ill-starred march into the transvaal, whose bare and forbidding hills we saw a few miles away to the east. presently the ground becomes rougher, and the track winds among and under a succession of abrupt kopjes (pronounced "koppies"), mostly of granitic or gneissose rock. one is surprised that a heavy coach, and still heavier waggons, can so easily traverse such a country, for the road is only a track, for which art has done nothing save in cutting a way through the trees. it is one of the curious features of south africa that the rocky hills have an unusual faculty for standing detached enough from one another to allow wheeled vehicles to pass between them, and the country is so dry that morasses, the obstacle which a driver chiefly fears in most countries, are here, for three-fourths of the year, not feared at all. this region of bold, craggy hills, sparsely wooded, usually rising only some few hundred feet out of the plateau itself, which is about feet above the sea, continues for about thirty miles. to it there succeeds a long stretch of flat land along the banks of the sluggish notwani, the only perennial river of these parts; for the stream which on the map bears the name of molopo, and runs away west into the desert to lose nearly all of its water in the sands, is in september dry, and one crosses its channel without noticing it. this notwani, whose course is marked by a line of trees taller and greener than the rest, is at this season no better than a feeble brook, flowing slowly, with more mud than water. but it contains not only good-sized fish, the catching of which is the chief holiday diversion of these parts, but also crocodiles, which, generally dormant during the season of low water, are apt to obtrude themselves when they are least expected, and would make bathing dangerous, were there any temptation to bathe in such a thick green fluid. that men as well as cattle should drink it seems surprising, yet they do,--europeans as well as natives,--and apparently with no bad effects. below palla, one hundred and ninety-five miles north of mafeking, the notwani joins the limpopo, or crocodile river, a much larger stream, which has come down from the transvaal hills, and winds for nearly a thousand miles to the north and east before it falls into the indian ocean. it is here nearly as wide as the thames at henley, fordable in some places, and flowing very gently. the country all along this part of the road is perfectly flat, and just after the wet season very feverish, but it may be traversed with impunity from the end of may till december. it is a dull region--everywhere the same thin wood, through which one can see for about a quarter of a mile in every direction, consisting of two or three kinds of mimosa, all thorny, and all so spare and starved in their leafage that one gets little shade beneath them when at the midday halt shelter has to be sought from the formidable sun. on the parched ground there is an undergrowth of prickly shrubs, among which it is necessary to move with as much care as is needed in climbing a barbed-wire fence. when at night, camping out on the veldt, one gathers brushwood to light the cooking-fire, both the clothes and the hands of the novice come badly off. huge ant-hills begin to appear, sometimes fifteen to twenty feet high and as many yards in circumference; but these large ones are all dead and may be of considerable age. in some places they are so high and steep, and stand so close together, that by joining them with an earthen rampart a strong fort might be made. when people begin to till the ground more largely than the natives now do, the soil heaped up in these great mounds will be found most serviceable. it consists of good mould, very friable, and when spread out over the service ought to prove fertile. in pulverizing the soil, the ants render here much the same kind of service which the earthworms do in europe. there are no flowers at this season (end of september), and very little grass; yet men say that there is no better ranching country in all south africa, and the oxen which one meets all the way, feeding round the spots where the transport-waggons have halted, evidently manage to pick up enough herbage to support them. the number of ox-waggons is surprising in so lonely a country, till one remembers that most of the food and drink, as well as of the furniture, agricultural and mining tools, and wood for building,--indeed, most of the necessaries and all the luxuries of life needed in matabililand,--have to be sent up along this road, which is more used than the alternative route through the transvaal from pretoria _via_ pietersburg. no wonder all sorts of articles are costly in bulawayo, when it has taken eight or ten weeks to bring them from the nearest railway terminus. the waggons do most of their journeying by night, allowing the oxen to rest during the heat of the day. one of the minor troubles of travel is the delay which ensues when one's vehicle meets a string of waggons, sometimes nearly a quarter of a mile long, for each has eight, nine, or even ten, span of oxen. they move very slowly, and at night, when the track happens to be a narrow one among trees, it is not easy to get past. except for these waggons the road is lonely. one sees few natives, though the narrow footpaths crossing the wheel-track show that the country is inhabited. here and there one passes a large native village, such as ramoutsie and machudi, but small hamlets are rare, and solitary huts still rarer. the country is of course very thinly peopled in proportion to its resources, for, what with the good pasture nearly everywhere and the fertile land in many places, it could support eight or ten times the number of barolongs, bamangwato, and other bechuanas who now live scattered over its vast area. it is not the beasts of prey that are to blame for this, for, with the disappearance of game, lions have become extremely scarce, and leopards and lynxes are no longer common. few quadrupeds are seen, and not many kinds of birds. vultures, hawks, and a species something like a magpie, with four pretty white patches upon the wings and a long tail, are the commonest, together with bluish-grey guinea-fowl, pigeons and sometimes a small partridge. in some parts there are plenty of bustards, prized as dainties, but we saw very few. away from the track some buck of the commoner kinds may still be found, and farther to the west there is still plenty of big game in the kalahari desert. but the region which we traversed is almost as unattractive to the sportsman as it is to the lover of beauty. it is, indeed, one of the dullest parts of south africa. the next stage in the journey is marked by palapshwye, khama's capital. this is the largest native town south of the zambesi, for it has a population estimated at over , . it came into being only a few years ago, when khama, having returned from the exile to which his father had consigned him on account of his steadfast adherence to christianity, and having succeeded to the chieftainship of the bamangwato, moved the tribe from its previous dwelling-place at shoshong, some seventy miles to the south-west, and fixed it here. such migrations and foundations of new towns are not uncommon in south africa, as they were not uncommon in india in the days of the pathan and mogul sovereigns, when each new occupant of the throne generally chose a new residence to fortify or adorn. why this particular site was chosen i do not know. it stands high, and is free from malaria, and there are springs of water in the craggy hill behind; but the country all round is poor, rocky in some places, sandy in others, and less attractive than some other parts of bechuanaland. we entered the town late at night, delayed by the deep sand on the track, and wandered about in the dark for a long while before, after knocking at one hut after another, we could persuade any native to come out and show us the way to the little cluster of european dwellings. the kafirs are terribly afraid of the night, and fear the ghosts, which are to them the powers of darkness, more than they care for offers of money. khama was absent in england, pressing upon the colonial office his objections to the demand made by the british south africa company that his kingdom should be brought within the scope of their administration and a railway constructed through it from mafeking to bulawayo. besides the natural wish of a monarch to retain his authority undiminished, he was moved by the desire to keep his subjects from the use of intoxicating spirits, a practice which the establishment of white men among them would make it difficult, if not impossible, to prevent. the main object of khama's life and rule has been to keep his people from intoxicants. his feelings were expressed in a letter to a british commissioner, in which he said: "i fear lo bengula less than i fear brandy. i fought against lo bengula and drove him back. he never gives me a sleepless night. but to fight against drink is to fight against demons and not men. i fear the white man's drink more than the assagais of the matabili, which kill men's bodies. drink puts devils into men and destroys their souls and bodies." though a christian himself, and giving the missionaries in his dominions every facility for their work, he has never attempted to make converts by force. a prohibition of the use of alcohol, however, has seemed to him to lie "within the sphere of governmental action," and he has, indeed, imperilled his throne by efforts to prevent the bamangwato from making and drinking the stronger kind of kafir beer, to which, like all natives, they were much addicted.[ ] this beer is made from the so-called "kafir-corn" (a grain resembling millet, commonly cultivated by the natives), and, though less strong than european-made spirits, is more intoxicating than german or even english ale. khama's prohibition of it had, shortly before my visit, led to a revolt and threatened secession of a part of the tribe under his younger brother, radiclani, and the royal reformer, (himself a strict total abstainer), had been compelled to give way, lamenting, in a pathetic speech, that his subjects would not suffer him to do what was best for them. just about the same time, in england, the proposal of a measure to check the use of intoxicating liquors led to the overthrow of a great party and clouded the prospects of any temperance legislation. alike in britain and in bechuanaland it is no light matter to interfere with a people's favourite indulgences. european spirits are, however, so much more deleterious than kafir beer that khama still fought hard against their introduction. the british south africa company forbids the sale of intoxicants to natives in its territory, but khama naturally felt that when at railway stations and stores spirits were being freely consumed by whites, the difficulty of keeping them from natives would be largely increased. the colonial office gave leave for the construction of the railway, and brought khama into closer relations with the company, while securing to him a large reserve and establishing certain provisions for his benefit and that of his people. however, a few months later (in the beginning of ) the extension of the company's powers as to bechuanaland was recalled, and khama is now under the direct protection of the imperial government. his kingdom covers on the map a vast but ill-defined area, stretching on the west into the kalahari desert, and on the north-west into the thinly peopled country round lake ngami, where various small tribes live in practical independence. sovereignty among african natives is tribal rather than territorial. khama is the chief of the bamangwato, rather than ruler of a country, and where the bamangwato dwell there khama reigns. a large proportion of them dwell in or near palapshwye. born about , he is by far the most remarkable kafir now living in south africa, for he has shown a tact, prudence, and tenacity of purpose which would have done credit to a european statesman. he was converted to christianity while still a boy, and had much persecution to endure at the hands of his heathen father, who at last banished him for refusing to take a second wife. what is not less remarkable, he has carried his christianity into practice, evincing both a sense of honour as well as a humanity which has made him the special protector of the old and the weak, and even of the bushmen who serve the bamangwato. regarded as fighters, his people are far inferior to the matabili, and he was often in danger of being overpowered by the fierce and rapacious lo bengula. as early as he crossed assagais with and defeated a matabili _impi_ (war-band), earning the praise of the grim mosilikatze, who said, "khama is a man. there is no other man among the bamangwato." though frequently thereafter threatened and sometimes attacked, he succeeded, by his skilful policy, in avoiding any serious war until the fall of lo bengula in . seeing the tide of white conquest rising all round him, he has had a difficult problem to face, and it is not surprising that he has been less eager to welcome the company and its railway than those who considered him the white man's friend had expected. the coming of the whites means not only the coming of liquor, but the gradual occupation of the large open tracts where the natives have hunted and pastured their cattle, with a consequent change in their mode of life, which, inevitable as it may be, a patriotic chief must naturally wish to delay. palapshwye, the largest native town south of the zambesi, is an immense mass of huts, planted without the smallest attempt at order over the sandy hill slope, some two square miles in extent. the huts are small, with low walls of clay and roofs of grass, so that from a distance the place looks like a wilderness of beehives. each of the chief men has his own hut and those of his wives inclosed in a rough fence of thorns, or perhaps of prickly-pear, and between the groups of huts lie open spaces of sand or dusty tracks. in the middle of the town close to the huts of khama himself, who, however, being a christian, has but one wife, stands the great kraal or _kothla_. it is an inclosure some three hundred yards in circumference, surrounded by a stockade ten feet high, made of dry trunks and boughs of trees stuck in the ground so close together that one could not even shoot a gun, or hurl an assagai through them. the stockade might resist the first attack of native enemies if the rest of the town had been captured, but it would soon yield to fire. in the middle of it stands the now dry trunk of an old tree, spared when the other trees were cut down to make the kraal, because it was supposed to have magical powers, and heal those who touched it. a heap of giraffe skins lay piled against it, but its healing capacity now finds less credit, at least among those who wish to stand well with the chief. within this inclosure khama holds his general assemblies when he has some address to deliver to the people or some ordinance to proclaim. he administers criminal justice among his subjects, and decides their civil disputes, usually with the aid of one or two elderly counsellors. he has tried to improve their agricultural methods, and being fond of horses has formed a good stud. unhappily, in , the great murrain descended upon the bamangwato, and khama and his tribe lost nearly all the cattle (said to have numbered eight hundred thousand) in which their wealth consisted. the british magistrate--there are about seventy europeans living in the town--described these bechuanas as a quiet folk, not hard to manage. they have less force of character and much less taste for fighting than zulus or matabili. the main impression which they leave on a stranger is that of laziness. of the many whom we saw hanging about in the sun, hardly one seemed to be doing any kind of work. nor do they. they grow a few mealies (maize), but it is chiefly the women who hoe and plant the ground. they know how to handle wire and twist it round the handles of the _sjamboks_ (whips of hippopotamus hide). but having few wants and no ambition, they have practically no industries, and spend their lives in sleeping, loafing, and talking. when one watches such a race, it seems all the more strange that a man of such remarkable force of character as khama should suddenly appear among them.[ ] for about sixty miles north-eastward from palapshwye the country continues dull, dry, and mostly level. after that rocky hills appear, and in the beds of the larger streams a little water is seen. at tati, ninety miles from palapshwye (nearly four hundred from mafeking), gold reefs have been worked at intervals for five and twenty years, under a concession originally granted ( ), by lo bengula, and a little european settlement has grown up. here one passes from bechuanaland into the territories which belonged to the matabili, and now to the british south africa company. the country rises and grows more picturesque. the grass is greener on the pastures. new trees appear, some of them bearing beautiful flowers, and the air is full of tales of lions. for, in africa, where there is more grass there is more game, and where there is more game there are more beasts of prey. lions, we were told, had last week dragged a kafir from beneath a waggon where he was sleeping. lions had been seen yester eve trotting before the coach. lions would probably be seen again to-morrow. but to us the beast was always a lion of yesterday or a lion of to-morrow, never a lion of to-day. the most direct evidence we had of his presence was when, some days later, we were shown a horse on which that morning a lion had sprung, inflicting terrible wounds. the rider was not touched, and galloped the poor animal back to camp. at mangwe, a pretty little station with exceptionally bad sleeping quarters, the romantic part of the country may be said to begin. all round there are rocky kopjes, and the track which leads northward follows a line of hollows between them, called the mangwe pass, a point which was of much strategical importance in the matabili war of , and became again of so much importance in the recent native rising ( ) that one of the first acts of the british authorities was to construct a rough fort in it and place a garrison there. oddly enough, the insurgents did not try to occupy it, and thereby cut off the english in matabililand from their railway base at mafeking, the reason being, as i was informed, that the _molimo_, or prophet, whose incitements contributed to the insurrection, had told them that it was by the road through this pass that the white strangers would quit the country for ever. a more peaceful spot could not be imagined than the pass was when we passed through it at a.m., "under the opening eyelids of the dawn." smooth green lawns, each surrounded by a fringe of wood, and filled with the songs of awakening birds, lay beneath the beetling crags of granite,--granite whose natural grey was hidden by brilliant red and yellow lichens,--and here and there a clear streamlet trickled across the path. climbing to the top of one of these rocky masses, i enjoyed a superb view to north, west, and east, over a wilderness of rugged hills, with huge masses of grey rock rising out of a feathery forest, while to the north the undulating line, faintly blue in the far distance, marked the point where the plateau of central matabililand begins to decline toward the valley of the zambesi. it was a beautiful prospect both in the wild variety of the foreground and in the delicate hues of ridge after ridge melting away towards the horizon, and it was all waste and silent, as it has been since the world began. the track winds through the hills for some six or eight miles before it emerges on the more open country. these kopjes, which form a sort of range running east-south-east and west-north-west, are the matoppo hills, in which the main body of the matabili and other insurgent natives held their ground during the months of april, may and june, . although the wood is not dense, by no means so hard to penetrate as the bush or low scrub which baffled the british troops in the early kafir wars, waged on the eastern border of cape colony, still the ground is so very rough, and the tumbled masses of rock which lie round the foot of the granite kopjes afford so many spots for hiding, that the agile native, who knows the ground, had a far better chance against the firearms of the white men than he could have had in the open country where the battles of took place. seeing such a country one can well understand that it was quite as much by famine as by fighting that the rising of was brought to an end. from the northern end of the mangwe pass it is over forty miles to bulawayo, the goal of our journey, and the starting-point for our return journey to the coast of the indian ocean. but bulawayo is too important a place to be dealt with at the end of a chapter already sufficiently long. [footnote : "already night saw all the stars of the other pole, and ours brought so low that it rose not from the surface of the sea."] [footnote : called after constance, wife of governor adrian van der stel.] [footnote : nimble climbers will do well to descend from the top down a grand cleft in the rocks, very narrow and extremely steep, which is called the great kloof. at its bottom, just behind cape town, one sees in a stream-bed the granite rock on which the horizontal strata of sandstone that form table mountain rest.] [footnote : here, in december, , the natives rose in revolt, exasperated by the slaughter of their cattle, though that slaughter was the only method of checking the progress of the cattle plague.] [footnote : there is also a weaker kind made, intoxicating only if consumed in very large quantity.] [footnote : for most of what is here stated regarding khama i am indebted to an interesting little book by the late bishop knight-bruce, entitled _khama, an african chief_.] chapter xv from bulawayo to fort salisbury--matabililand and mashonaland bulawayo means, in the zulu tongue, the place of slaughter, and under the sway of lo bengula it deserved its name. just sixty years ago mosilikatze, chief of the matabili, driven out of what is now the transvaal republic by the dutch boers who had emigrated from cape colony, fled four hundred miles to the north-west and fell like a sudden tempest upon the makalakas and other feeble tribes who pastured their cattle in this remote region. his tribe was not large, but every man was a tried warrior. the makalakas were slaughtered or chased away or reduced to slavery, and when mosilikatze died in , his son lo bengula succeeded to the most powerful kingdom in south africa after that of cetewayo, chief of the zulus. of the native town which grew up round the king's kraal there is now not a trace--all was destroyed in . the kraal itself, which lo bengula fired when he fled away, has gone, and only one old tree marks the spot where the king used to sit administering justice to his subjects. a large part of this justice consisted in decreeing death to those among his _indunas_ or other prominent men who had excited his suspicions or whose cattle he desired to appropriate. sometimes he had them denounced--"smelt out," they called it--by the witch-doctors as guilty of practising magic against him. sometimes he dispensed with a pretext, and sent a messenger to the hut of the doomed man to tell him the king wanted him. the victim, often ignorant of his fate, walked in front, while the executioner, following close behind, suddenly dealt him with the _knob-kerry_, or heavy-ended stick, one tremendous blow, which crushed his skull and left him dead upon the ground. women, on the other hand, were strangled.[ ] no one disputed the despot's will, for the matabili, like other zulus, show to their king the absolute submission of soldiers to their general, while the less martial tribes, such as the bechuanas and basutos, obey the chief only when he has the sentiment of the tribe behind him. one thing, however, the king could not do. he owned a large part of all the cattle of the tribe, and he assumed the power to grant concessions to dig for minerals. but the land belonged to the whole tribe by right of conquest, and he had no power to alienate it. moved by the associations of the ancient capital, mr. rhodes directed the residence of the administrator, government house, as it is called, to be built on the site of lo bengula's kraal. but the spot was not a convenient one for the creation of a european town, for it was a good way from any stream, and there was believed to be a valuable gold-reef immediately under it. accordingly, a new site was chosen, on somewhat lower ground, about two miles to the south-west. here new bulawayo stands, having risen with a rapidity rivalling that of a mining-camp in western america. the site has no natural beauty, for the landscape is dull, with nothing to relieve its monotonous lines except the hill of tsaba induna, about fifteen miles distant to the east. the ground on which the town stands, sloping gently to the south, is bare, dusty, and wind-swept, like the country all round. however, the gum-trees, planted in the beginning of , when the streets were laid out, had already shot up to twelve or fifteen feet in height and began to give some little shade. brick houses were rising here and there among the wooden shanties and the sheds of corrugated iron. an opera house was talked of, and already the cricket-ground and racecourse, without which englishmen cannot be happy, had been laid out. town lots, or "stands," as they are called in south africa, had gone up to prices which nothing but a career of swift and brilliant prosperity could justify. however, that prosperity seemed to the inhabitants of bulawayo to be assured. settlers kept flocking in. storekeepers and hotel-keepers were doing a roaring trade. samples of ore were every day being brought in from newly explored gold-reefs, and all men's talk was of pennyweights, or even ounces, to the ton. everybody was cheerful, because everybody was hopeful. it was not surprising. there is something intoxicating in the atmosphere of a perfectly new country, with its undeveloped and undefined possibilities: and the easy acquisition of this spacious and healthful land, the sudden rise of this english town, where two years before there had been nothing but the huts of squalid savages, had filled every one with a delightful sense of the power of civilized man to subjugate the earth and draw from it boundless wealth. perhaps something may also be set down to the climate. bulawayo is not beautiful. far more attractive sites might have been found among the hills to the south. but it has a deliciously fresh, keen brilliant air, with a strong breeze tempering the sun-heat, and no risk of fever. indeed, nearly all this side of matabililand is healthful, partly because it has been more thickly peopled of late years than the eastern side of the country, which was largely depopulated by the matabili raids. next to the prospects of the gold-reefs (a topic to which i shall presently return), the question in which a visitor in felt most interest was the condition of the natives. it seemed too much to expect that a proud and warlike race of savages should suddenly, within less than two years from the overthrow of their king, have abandoned all notion of resistance to the whites and settled down as peaceable subjects. the whites were a mere handful scattered over an immense area of country, and the white police force did not exceed four or five hundred men. nevertheless, the authorities of the british south africa company were of opinion that peace had been finally secured, and that no danger remained from the natives. they observed that, while the true matabili who remained in the country--for some had fled down to or across the zambesi after the defeats of --were comparatively few in number, the other natives, mostly makalakas,[ ] were timid and unwarlike. they held that when a native tribe has been once completely overcome in fight, it accepts the inevitable with submission. and they dwelt on the fact that lo bengula's tyranny had been a constant source of terror to his own subjects. after his flight some of his leading indunas came to dr. jameson and said, "now we can sleep." this confidence was shared by all the europeans in the country. english settlers dwelt alone without a shade of apprehension in farms, six, eight, or ten miles from another european. in the journey i am describing from mafeking to fort salisbury, over eight hundred miles of lonely country, my wife and i were accompanied only by my driver, a worthy cape dutchman named renske, and by a native "cape boy." none of us was armed, and no one of the friends we consulted as to our trip even suggested that i should carry so much as a revolver, or that the slightest risk was involved in taking a lady through the country. how absolutely secure the administrator at bulawayo felt was shown by his sending the matabililand mounted police (those who afterwards marched into the transvaal) to pitsani, in southern bechuanaland, in november, leaving the country denuded of any force to keep order. it is easy to be wise after the event. the confidence of the europeans in the submissiveness of the natives is now seen to have been ill founded. causes of discontent were rife among them, which, at first obscure, became subsequently clear. two of these causes were already known at the time of my visit, though their seriousness was under-estimated. in mashonaland the natives disliked the tax of ten shillings for each hut, which there, as in the transvaal republic,[ ] they have been required to pay; and they complained that it was apt to fall heavily on the industrious kafir, because the idle one escaped, having nothing that could be taken in payment of it. this tax was sometimes levied in kind, sometimes in labour, but by preference in money when the hut-owner had any money, for the company desired to induce the natives to earn wages. if he had not, an ox was usually taken in pledge. in matabililand many natives, i was told, felt aggrieved that the company had claimed the ownership of and the right to take to itself all the cattle, as having been (in the company's view) the property of lo bengula, although many of these had, in fact, been left in the hands of the indunas, and a large part were, in december, , distributed among the natives as their own property. subsequent inquiries have shown that this grievance was deeply and widely felt. as regards the land, there was evidently the material out of which a grievance might grow, but the grievance did not seem to have yet actually arisen. the land was being sold off in farms, and natives squatting on a piece of land so sold might be required by the purchaser to clear out. however, pains were taken, i was told, to avoid including native villages in any farm sold. often it would not be for the purchaser's interest to eject the natives, because he might get labourers among them, and labour is what is most wanted. two native reservations had been laid out, but the policy of the company was to keep the natives scattered about among the whites rather than mass them in the reservations. under lo bengula there had been no such thing as private ownership of land. the land was "nationalized," and no individual kafir was deemed to have any permanent and exclusive right even to the piece of it which he might be at the time cultivating. while he actually did cultivate he was not disturbed, for the simple reason that there was far more land than the people could or would cultivate. the natives, although they till the soil, are still half-nomads. they often shift their villages, and even when the village remains they seldom cultivate the same patch for long together. though europeans had been freely buying the land, they bought largely to hold for a rise and sell again, and comparatively few of the farms bought had been actually stocked with cattle, while, of course, the parts under tillage were a mere trifle. hence there did not seem to have been as yet any pressure upon the natives, who, though they vastly outnumber the europeans, are very few in proportion to the size of the country. i doubt if in the whole territory of the company south of the zambesi river there are , , . to these possible sources of trouble there was added one now perceived to have been still graver. native labour was needed not only for public works, but by private persons for mining operations. as the number of kafirs who came willingly was insufficient, the indunas were required to furnish stout young men to work; and according to mr. selous,[ ] who was then living in the country, force was often used to bring them in. good wages were given; but the regulations were irksome, and the native police, who were often employed to bring in the labourers, seem to have abused their powers. to the genuine matabili, who lived only for war and plunder, and had been accustomed to despise the other tribes, work, and especially mine work, was not only distasteful, but degrading. they had never been really subdued. in they hid away most of the firearms they possessed, hoping to use them again. now, when their discontent had increased, two events hastened an outbreak. one was the removal of the white police to pitsani. only forty-four were left in matabililand to keep order. the other was the appearance of a frightful murrain among the cattle, which made it necessary for the company to order the slaughter even of healthy animals in order to stop the progress of the contagion. the plague had come slowly down through german and portuguese east africa, propagated, it is said, by the wild animals, especially buffaloes. some kinds of wild game are as liable to it as domesticated oxen are, and on the upper zambesi in september, , so large a part of the game had died that the lions, mad with hunger, were prowling round the native kraals and making it dangerous to pass from village to village. this new and unlooked for calamity created a ferment in the minds of the natives. the slaughter of their cattle seemed to them an act of injustice. just when they were terrified at this calamity (which, it was reported, had been sent up among them by lo bengula, or his ghost, from the banks of the zambesi) and incensed at this apparent injustice, coming on the top of their previous visitation, the news of the defeat and surrender of the company's police force in the transvaal spread among them. they saw the white government defenceless, and its head, dr. jameson, whose kindliness had impressed those who knew him personally, no longer among them. then, under the incitements of a prophet, came the revolt. this, however, is a digression. in october, , we travelled, unarmed and unconcerned, by night as well as by day, through villages where five months later the kafirs rose and murdered every european within reach. so entirely unsuspected was the already simmering disaffection. the native question which occupied bulawayo in september, , was that native-labour question which, in one form or another, is always present to south african minds. all hard labour, all rough and unskilled labour, is, and, owing to the heat of the climate as well as the scarcity of white men, must be, done by blacks; and in a new country like matabililand the blacks, though they can sometimes be induced to till the land, are most averse to working under ground. they are only beginning to use money, and they do not want the things which money buys. the wants of a native living with his tribe and cultivating mealies or kafir corn are confined to a kaross (skin cloak) or some pieces of cotton cloth. the prospect of leaving his tribe to go and work in a mine, in order that he may earn wages wherewith he can buy things he has no use for, does not at once appeal to him. the white men, anxious to get to work on the gold-reefs, are annoyed at what they call the stupidity and laziness of the native, and usually clamour for legislation to compel the natives to come and work, adding, of course, that regular labour would be the best thing in the world for the natives. some go so far as to wish to compel them to work at a fixed rate of wages, sufficient to leave a good profit for the employer. others go even further, and as experience has shown that the native does not fear imprisonment as a penalty for leaving his work, desire the infliction of another punishment which he does fear--that is, the lash. such monstrous demands seem fitter for the mouths of spaniards in the sixteenth century than for englishmen in the nineteenth. the difficulty of getting labour is incident to a new country, and must be borne with. in german east africa it has been so much felt that the administrator of that region has proposed to import indian labour, as the sugar-planters of natal, and as those of trinidad and demerara in the west indies, have already done. but it is to some extent a transitory difficulty. the mines at kimberley succeed in drawing plenty of native labour; so do the mines on the witwatersrand; so in time the mine-owners in matabililand may hope to do also. they must, however, be prepared, until a regular afflux of labourers has been set up, to offer, as the kimberley people do, wages far in excess of anything the kafirs could possibly gain among their own people, in order to overcome the distaste of the native--a very natural distaste, due to centuries of indolence in a hot climate--to any hard and continuous toil. this is no great compensation to make to those whose land they have taken and whose primitive way of life they have broken up and for ever destroyed. but once the habit of coming to work for wages has been established in these northern regions,--and it need not take many years to establish it,--the mining companies will have no great difficulty in getting as much labour as they want, and will not be obliged, as they now are, to try to arrange with a chief for the despatch of some of his "boys." bulawayo is the point from which one starts to visit the victoria falls on the zambesi, the only very grand natural object which south africa has to show. the expedition, however, is a much longer one than a glance at the map would suggest. owing to the prevalence of the tsetse-fly in the valley of the great river, one cannot take oxen without the prospect of losing them, and must therefore travel on foot or with donkeys. the want of a waggon makes camping out much more troublesome and involves a large force of native porters. thus elaborate preparations are needed, and though the distance, as the crow flies, from bulawayo to the falls is only some two hundred miles, at least six weeks are needed for the trip, a space of time we could not spare. i have described in the last chapter the route from cape town to the capital of matabililand which persons coming from england would naturally take. it is not, however, by any means the shortest route to the sea, and is therefore not the route along which the bulk of the european trade is likely in future to pass. from cape town to bulawayo it is fourteen hundred miles; but from bulawayo to the port of beira, on the indian ocean, it is only six hundred and fifty miles _via_ fort salisbury and mtali, and will be only about five hundred if a more direct railway line should ever be laid out. i propose to take the reader back to the sea at beira by this fort salisbury and mtali route, and in following it he will learn something about mashonaland and the mountains which divide british from portuguese territory. bulawayo is distant from fort salisbury two hundred and eighty miles. the journey takes by coach four days and four nights, travelling night and day, with only short halts for meals. an ox-waggon accomplishes it in about three weeks. the track runs nearly all the way along high ground, open, breezy, and healthful, because dry, but seldom picturesque. it is a land of rolling downs, the tops of which are covered with thin grass, while better pastures, and sometimes woods also, are found in the valleys of the streams and on the lower slopes of the hills. the first part of the way, from bulawayo to the little town of gwelo, is rather dull. one crosses the bimbezi river, where the matabili were finally overthrown in the war of , and the shangani[ ] river, where they suffered their first defeat. the company's force was advancing along the high open ground to attack bulawayo, and the native army met them on the road. both battlefields are bare and open, and one wonders at the folly of the natives who advanced over such ground, exposed to the rifle-fire and the still more deadly maxim guns of the invaders. armed in large part only with assagais, they were mown down before they could even reach the front of the british line, and their splendid courage made their destruction all the more complete. had they stuck to the rocky and woody regions they might have made the war a far longer and more troublesome business than it proved to be. no stone marks either battle-field. from a spot between the two rivers we turned off to the south to visit the prehistoric remains at dhlodhlo. it was an extremely lonely track, on which we did not meet a human being for some thirty miles. no house, not even a kafir hut, was to be found, so we bivouacked in the veldt, to the lee of a clump of thorn-bushes. the earlier part of the nights is delightful at this season (october), but it is apt to get cold between and a.m., and as there is usually a south-east wind blowing, the shelter of a bush or a tall ant-hill is not unwelcome. whoever enjoys travelling at all cannot but enjoy such a night alone under the stars. one gathers sticks to make the fire, and gets to know which wood burns best. one considers how the scanty supply of water which the waggon carries may be most thriftily used for making the soup, boiling the eggs and brewing the tea. one listens (we listened in vain) for the roar of a distant lion or the still less melodious voice of the hyena. the brilliance of the stars is such that only the fatigue of the long day--for one must always start by or before sunrise to spare the animals during the sultry noon--and the difficulty of sitting down in a great, bare, flat land, where there is not a large stone and seldom even a tree, can drive one into the vehicle to sleep. the meals, consisting of tinned meat and biscuits, with eggs and sometimes a small, lean, and desiccated chicken, are very scanty and very monotonous, but the air is so dry and fresh and bracing that one seems to find meat and drink in it. next day we came, at the foot of the matoppo hills, to a solitary farm, where we found a bright young englishman, who, with only one white companion, had established himself in this wilderness and was raising good crops on fields to which he brought water from a neighbouring streamlet. even the devastation wrought by a flight of locusts had not dispirited him nor diminished his faith in the country. it is not the least of the pleasures of such a journey that one finds so many cheery, hearty, sanguine young fellows scattered about this country, some of them keeping or helping to keep stores, some of them, like our friend here, showing what the soil may be made to do with skill and perseverance, and how homes may be reared upon it. one is always hospitably received; one often finds in the hard-working pioneer or the youth behind the store counter a cultivated and thoughtful mind; one has, perhaps, a glimpse of an attractive personality developing itself under simple yet severe conditions, fitted to bring out the real force of a man. after half an hour's talk you part as if you were parting with an old friend, yet knowing that the same roof is not likely ever to cover both of you again. there are, of course, rough and ill-omened explorers and settlers in south africa, as in other new countries: but having wandered a good deal, in different countries, on the outer edge of civilization, i was struck by the large proportion of well-mannered and well-educated men whom one came across in this tropical wilderness. from the young englishman's farm we turned in among the hills, following the course of the brook, and gently rising till we reached a height from which a superb view to the north unrolled itself. the country was charming, quite unlike the dull brown downs of yesterday. on each side were steep hills, sometimes rocky, sometimes covered thick with wood; between them in the valley a succession of smooth, grassy glades, each circled round by trees. it was rural scenery--scenery in which one could wish to build a cottage and dwell therein, or in which a pastoral drama might be laid. there was nothing to suggest europe, for the rocks and, still more, the trees were thoroughly african in character, and the air even drier and keener than that of sicily. but the landscape was one which any lover of theocritus might have come to love; and some day, when there are large towns in matabililand, and plenty of englishmen living in them, the charm of these hills will be appreciated. the valley rises at last to a grassy table-land, where, on a boss of granite rock, stand the ancient walls of dhlodhlo, which we had come to see. i have already described the ruins (see chapter ix), which are scanty enough, and interesting, not from any beauty they possess, but because we have so few data for guessing at their purpose or the race that built them. the country is now very solitary, and the natives fear to approach the ruins, especially at night, believing them to be haunted. having spent some hours in examining them, we were just starting when a swarm of locusts passed, the first we had seen. it is a strange sight, beautiful if you can forget the destruction it brings with it. the whole air, to twelve or even eighteen feet above the ground, is filled with the insects, reddish brown in body, with bright gauzy wings. when the sun's rays catch them it is like the sea sparkling with light. when you see them against a cloud they are like the dense flakes of a driving snow-storm. you feel as if you had never before realized immensity in number. vast crowds of men gathered at a festival, countless tree-tops rising along the slope of a forest ridge, the chimneys of london houses from the top of st. paul's,--all are as nothing to the myriads of insects that blot out the sun above and cover the ground beneath and fill the air whichever way one looks. the breeze carries them swiftly past, but they come on in fresh clouds, a host of which there is no end, each of them a harmless creature which you can catch and crush in your hand, but appalling in their power of collective devastation. yet here in southern matabililand there had been only a few swarms. we were to see later on, in the eastern mountain region, far more terrible evidences of their presence. from dhlodhlo we drove to the store on the shangani river, a distance of twenty miles or more, right across the open veldt, finding our way, with the aid of a native boy, over stony hills and thick shrubs, and even here and there across marshy stream beds, in a way which astonishes the european accustomed to think that roads, or at least beaten tracks, are essential to four-wheeled vehicles. i have driven in an open cart across the central watershed of the rocky mountains; but the country there, rough as it is, is like a paved road compared with some parts of the veldt over which the south african guides his team. once or twice we missed the way in the deepening twilight, and began to prepare ourselves for another night under the stars, with a nearly exhausted food-supply. but at last, just as darkness fell, we reached a native village, and obtained (with difficulty) a native guide for the last few miles of the drive. these miles were lighted by a succession of grass-fires. such fires are much commoner here than in the prairies of western america, and, happily, much less dangerous, for the grass is usually short and the fire moves slowly. they are sometimes accidental, but more frequently lighted by the natives for the sake of getting a fresh growth of young grass on the part burned and thereby attracting the game. sometimes the cause is even slighter. the kafirs are fond of eating the mice and other small inhabitants of the veldt, and they fire the grass to frighten these little creatures, and catch them before they can reach their holes, with the further convenience of having them ready roasted. thus at this season nearly half the land on these downs is charred, and every night one sees the glow of a fire somewhere in the distance. the practice strikes a stranger as a wasteful one, exhausting to the soil, and calculated to stunt the trees, because, though the grass is too short to make the fire strong enough to kill a well-grown tree, it is quite able to injure the younger ones and prevent them from ever reaching their due proportions. the term "store," which i have just used, requires some explanation. there are, of course, no inns in the country, except in the three or four tiny towns. outside these, sleeping quarters are to be had only in small native huts, built round a sort of primitive "general shop" which some trader has established to supply the wants of those who live within fifty miles or who pass along the road. the hut is of clay, with a roof of thatch, which makes it cooler than the store with its roof of galvanised iron. white ants are usually at work upon the clay walls, sending down little showers of dust upon the sleeper. each hut contains two rough wooden frames, across which there is stretched, to make a bed, a piece of coarse linen or ticking. very prudent people turn back the dirty rug or bit of old blanket which covers the bed, and cast a glance upon the clay floor, to see that no black _momba_ or other venomous snake is already in possession. such night quarters may seem unattractive, but we had many a good night's rest in them. when they are unattainable one camps out. from the shangani river to gwelo the track leads again over a succession of huge, swelling ridges, separated from one another by the valleys of _spruits_, or streams, now nearly dry, but in the wet season running full and strong. the descent to the spruit, which is often a short, steep pitch and is then called a donga, needs careful driving, and the ascent up the opposite bank is for a heavy waggon a matter of great difficulty. we passed waggons hardly advancing a step, though eight or nine span of oxen were tugging at them, and sometimes saw two three span detached from another team and attached to the one which had failed, unaided, to mount the slope. no wonder that, when the difficulty of bringing up machinery is so great, impatient mine-owners long for the railway. the first sign that we were close upon gwelo came from the sight of a number of white men in shirt-sleeves running across a meadow--an unusual sight in south africa, which presently explained itself as the english inhabitants engaged in a cricket match. nearly the whole town was either playing or looking on. it was a hot afternoon, but our energetic countrymen were not to be scared by the sun from the pursuit of the national game. they are as much englishmen in africa as in england, and, happily for them and for their country, there is no part of the national character that is more useful when transplanted than the fondness for active exercise. gwelo, a cheerful little place, though it stands in a rather bleak country, with a wooded ridge a little way off to the south, interested me as a specimen of the newest kind of settlement. it is not in strictness a mining camp, for there are no reefs in the immediate neighbourhood, but a mining centre, which proposes to live as the local metropolis of a gold-bearing district, a place of supply and seat of local administration. in october, , it had about fifteen houses inhabited by europeans and perhaps thirty houses altogether; but the materials for building other houses were already on the ground, and the usual symptoms of a "boom" were discernible. comparing it with the many similar "new cities" i had seen in western america, i was much struck with the absence of the most conspicuous features of those cities--the "saloons" and "bars." in california or montana these establishments, in which the twin deities of gambling and drinking are worshipped with equal devotion, form half the houses of a recent settlement in a mining region. in south africa, except at and near johannesburg, one scarcely sees them. drinking rarely obtrudes itself. what gambling there may be i know not, but at any rate there are no gambling-saloons. nothing can be more decorous than the aspect of these new african towns, and the conduct of the inhabitants seldom belies the aspect. there is, of course, a free use of alcohol. but there is no shooting, such as goes on in american mining towns: crimes of violence of any kind are extremely rare; and the tracks are safe. no one dreams of taking the precautions against "road-agents" (_i.e._ highwaymen) which are still far from superfluous in the western states and were far from superfluous in australia. trains are not stopped and robbed; coaches are not "held up." nothing surprised me more, next to the apparent submissiveness of the native kafirs, than the order which appeared to prevail among the whites. a little reflection shows that in this northerly part of the country, where travelling is either very slow or very costly and difficult, malefactors would have few chances of escape. but i do not think this is the chief cause of the orderly and law-abiding habits of the people. there have never been any traditions of violence, still less of crime, in south africa, except as against the natives. the dutch boers were steady, solid people, little given to thieving or to killing one another. the english have carried with them their respect for law and authority. in some respects their ethical standard is not that of the mother country. but towards one another and towards those set in authority over them, their attitude is generally correct. the night we spent at gwelo gave a curious instance of the variability of this climate. the evening had been warm, but about midnight the s.e. wind rose, bringing a thin drizzle of rain, and next morning the cold was that of boston or edinburgh in a bitter north-easter. having fortunately brought warm cloaks and overcoats, we put on all we had and fastened the canvas curtains round the vehicle. nevertheless, we shivered all day long, the low thick clouds raining at intervals, and the malign blast chilling one's bones. gwelo, of course, declared that such weather was quite exceptional; but those can have travelled little indeed who have not remarked how often they encounter "exceptional weather," and gwelo, having existed for eighteen months only, had at best a small experience to fall back upon. the moral for travellers is: "do not forget to take your furs and your ulsters to tropical south africa." some forty miles beyond gwelo there is a mountain called iron mine hill, where the mashonas have for generations been wont to find and work iron. all or nearly all the kafir tribes do this, but the mashonas are more skilful at it than were their conquerors the matabili. here a track turns off to the south-east to fort victoria, the first military post established by the company in its territories, and for a time the most important. it has fallen into the background lately, partly because the gold-reefs have not realized the hopes once formed of them, partly because it suffers from fever after the rains. i went to it because from it one visits the famous ruins at zimbabwye, the most curious relic of prehistoric antiquity yet discovered in tropical africa. the journey, one hundred miles from iron mine hill to victoria, is not an easy one, for there are no stores on the way where either provisions or night-quarters can be had, and the track is a bad one, being very little used. the country is well wooded and often pretty, with fantastic, rocky hills rising here and there, but presenting few striking features. two views, however, dwell in my recollection as characteristic of south africa. we had slept in a rude hut on the banks of the shashi river, immediately beneath a rocky kopje, and rose next morning before dawn to continue the journey. huge rocks piled wildly upon one another towered above the little meadow--rocks covered with lichens of brilliant hues, red, green, and yellow, and glowing under the rays of the level sun. glossy-leaved bushes nestled in the crevices and covered the mouths of the dens to which the leopards had retired from their nocturnal prowls. one tree stood out against the clear blue on the top of the highest rock. cliff-swallows darted and twittered about the hollows, while high overhead, in the still morning air, two pairs of large hawks sailed in wide circles round and round the summit of the hill. a few miles farther the track crossed a height from which one could gaze for thirty miles in every direction over a gently rolling country covered with wood, but with broad stretches of pasture interposed, whose grass, bleached to a light yellow, made one think it a mass of cornfields whitening to harvest. out of these woods and fields rose at intervals what seemed the towers and spires of cities set upon hills. we could have fancied ourselves in central italy, surveying from some eminence like monte amiata the ancient towns of tuscany and umbria rising on their rocky heights out of chestnut woods and fields of ripening corn. but the city towers were only piles of grey rock, and over the wide horizon there was not a sign of human life--only the silence and loneliness of an untouched wilderness. from fort victoria, where the war of began by a raid of the young matabili warriors upon the mashona tribes, who were living under the protection of the company, it is seventeen miles to zimbabwye. the track leads through a pretty country, with alternate stretches of wood and grass, bold hills on either side, and blue peaked mountains in the distance. crossing a low, bare ridge of granite, one sees nearly a mile away, among thick trees, a piece of grey wall, and when one comes nearer, what seems the top of a tower just peeping over the edge of the wall. it is zimbabwye--a wall of loose but well trimmed and neatly fitted pieces of granite surrounding an elliptical inclosure; within this inclosure other half-ruined walls over-grown by shrubs and trees, and a strange solid tower or pillar thirty feet high, built, without mortar, of similar pieces of trimmed granite.[ ] this is all that there is to see. one paces to and fro within the inclosure and measures the width and length of the passages between the walls. one climbs the great inclosing wall at a point where part of it has been broken down, and walks along the broad top, picking one's way over the stems of climbing shrubs, which thrust themselves across the wall from beneath or grow rooted in its crevices. one looks and looks again, and wonders. but there is nothing to show whether this grey wall is three centuries or thirty centuries old. there is no architectural style, no decoration even, except a rudely simple pattern on the outside of the wall which faces the east; so there is nothing by which one can connect this temple, if it is a temple, with the buildings of any known race or country. in this mystery lies the charm of the spot--in this and in the remoteness and silence of a country which seems to have been always as it is to-day. one mark of modern man, and one only, is to be seen. in the middle of the valley, some three hundred yards from the great building, mr. cecil rhodes has erected a monument to major wilson and the thirty-seven troopers who fell with him on the lower shangani river in december, , fighting gallantly to the last against an overwhelming force of matabili. the monument stands on an eminence surrounded by the broken wall of some ancient stronghold. it has been wisely placed far enough from the great ruin not to form an incongruous element in the view of the latter, and it was an imaginative thought to commemorate, at a spot in this new land which bears witness to a race of prehistoric conquerors, the most striking incident in the history of the latest conquest. we climbed the rocky height, where the skilfully constructed walls of the ancient fort show that those who built zimbabwye lived in fear of enemies. we sat beside the spring, a clear though not copious spring, which rises a little to the south of the great building from a fissure in the rock. fountains so clear are rare in this country, and the existence of this one probably determined the site of the great building itself. it flows into a small pool, and is then lost, being too small to form a rivulet. no trace of man's hand is seen round it or on the margin of the pool, but those who worshipped in the temple of zimbabwye doubtless worshipped this fountain also, for that is one of the oldest and most widely diffused forms of worship in the world. restless nature will some day overthrow the walls of the temple, which she is piercing with the roots of shrubs and entwining with the shoots of climbing wild vines, and then only the fountain will be left. from fort victoria to fort salisbury it is nearly two hundred miles, the country generally level, though studded, like parts of southern india, with isolated rocky hills, whose crags of granite or gneiss break under the sun and rain into strange and fantastic shapes. a people sufficiently advanced to erect fortifications might have made for themselves impregnable strongholds out of the tops of these kopjes. the timid makalakas have in many places planted their huts in the midst of the huge detached masses into which the kopjes are cleft; but they have not known how to make their villages defensible, and have been content with piling up a few loose stones to close some narrow passage between the rocks, or surrounding their huts with a rough fence of thorn-bushes. we found one deserted village where upon each loose block there had been placed a rude erection of clay, covered at the top, and apparently intended for the storing of grain. thus raised from the ground it was safer from wild beasts and from rain. all the dwelling huts but two had been burned. we entered these, and found the walls covered with the rudest possible representations of men and animals, drawn with charcoal, more coarsely than an average child of ten would draw, and far inferior in spirit to the figures which the lapps of norway will draw on a reindeer horn spoon, or the red indians of dakota upon a calico cloak. whether the village had perished by an accidental fire, or whether its inhabitants, relieved from that terror of the matabili which drove them to hide amongst the rocks, had abandoned it for some spot in the plain below, there was no one to tell us. one curious trace of insecurity remained in a dry and light tree-trunk, which had been left standing against the side of a flat-topped rock some thirty feet high, with the lowest dozen feet too steep to be climbed. it had evidently served as a sort of ladder. by it the upper part of the rock might be gained, and when it had been pulled up, approach was cut off and the fugitives on the flat top might be safe, while the matabili were plundering their stores of grain and killing their friends beneath. all this eastern side of the country was frequently raided by the matabili, whose home lay farther west towards bulawayo. the makalakas could offer no resistance, not only because they were poor fighters, but also because they were without cohesion. the clans were small and obeyed no common overlord. most of the villages lived quite unconnected with one another, yielding obedience, often a doubtful obedience, to their own chief, but caring nothing for any other village. among savages the ascendency of a comparatively numerous tribe which is drilled to fight, and which renders implicit obedience to its chief, is swift and complete. the matabili when they entered this country had probably only ten or twelve thousand fighting men; but they conquered it without the slightest difficulty, for the inhabitants, though far more numerous, were divided into small communities, and did not attempt to offer any collective resistance. then for more than half a century slaughter and pillage reigned over a tract of some ninety thousand square miles. much of this tract, especially the eastern part, which we call mashonaland, was well peopled by tribes who lived quietly, had plenty of cattle, tilled the soil, and continued to dig a little gold, as their forefathers had done for centuries. they were now mercilessly raided by the matabili all the way from lake ngami on the west to the edge of the great plateau on the east, till large districts were depopulated and left desolate, the grown men having been all killed or chased away, the children either killed, or made slaves of, or taken as recruits into the matabili army. constant war and the sanguinary government of lo bengula reduced the number of the true matabili, so that such recruiting became a necessity. their successes filled the matabili with an overweening confidence in their power. through all south africa they despised every native tribe, except that martial one which was ruled by gungunhana on the eastern frontier of mashonaland, and despised even the white men, thinking them but a handful. the indunas, who had visited london in , endeavoured to warn them of the resources of the whites, and lo bengula himself was opposed to war. but the young braves, who, like cetewayo's zulus, desired to "wash their spears," overbore the reluctance of the monarch, only to perish in the war of . towards fort salisbury the country rises and grows prettier as it shows signs of a more copious rainfall. new flowers appear, and the grass is greener. about twelve miles before the town is reached one crosses a considerable stream with a long, deep, clear pool among rocks, and is told of the misadventure of an english doctor who, after a hasty plunge into the pool, was drying himself on a flat stone just above the water when a crocodile suddenly raised its hideous snout, seized his leg in its jaws, and dragged him down. fortunately his companions were close at hand and succeeded after a struggle in forcing the beast to drop its prey. the town itself is built at the foot of a low, wooded hill, on the top of which stood the original fort, hastily constructed of loose stones in , and occupied in serious earnest for defence during the matabili war. it spreads over a wide space of ground, with houses scattered here and there, and has become, since the draining of the marshy land on the banks of a streamlet which runs through it, free from malaria and quite healthy. though the sun heat was great in the end of october (for one is only eighteen degrees from the equator), the air was so fresh and dry that i could walk for miles in the full blaze of noon, and the nights were too cool to sit out on the _stoep_ (the wooden verandah which one finds at the front of every south african house) without an overcoat. just round the town the country is open and grassy, but the horizon in every direction is closed by woods. the views are far prettier than those from bulawayo, and the position of the town makes it a better centre for the administration as well as the commerce of the company's territories. it is only two hundred and twenty miles from the zambesi at tete, and only three hundred and seventy from the port of beira. the company did well to encourage the growth of bulawayo immediately after the conquest of , because it was necessary to explore and to establish order in the newest parts of its territory. but in the long run, and especially when the regions north of the zambesi begin to be practically occupied, bulawayo, standing in a corner of the country, will have to yield to the more imperial site of fort salisbury. the district which lies round the latter town is better watered than western matabililand, and the soil richer both for pasture and for tillage. the rainfall for the year ending april, , reached fifty-three inches, and the average is about forty. fort salisbury is three years older than bulawayo, and therefore much more advanced. it has even several churches. there is a colony of east indians, who grow vegetables and get very high prices for them; and a considerable trade is done in supplying the needs of the mining districts to the north and west. many gold-reefs lie out in those directions, and great hopes are entertained of their future, though at the time of my visit people were much busier in floating new companies to develop the mines than in taking steps for their actual development. some very pretty country residences, in the style of indian bungalows, have been built on the skirts of the wood a mile or two from the town; and street-lamps now light people to their homes along paths where four years ago lions were still encountered. the last lion recoiling in dismay from the first street lamp would be a good subject for a picture to illustrate the progress of mashonaland. [footnote : a singular story was told me regarding the death of lo bengula's sister. she had enjoyed great influence with him, but when he took to wife the two daughters of gungunhana, the great chief (of zulu stock) who lived to the eastward beyond the sabi river, she resented so bitterly the precedence accorded to them as to give the king constant annoyance. at last, after several warnings, he told her that if she persisted in making herself disagreeable he would have her put to death. having consulted the prophet of the matoppo hills, who told her she would be killed, she cheerfully accepted this way out of the difficulty, and was accordingly sent away and strangled.] [footnote : the original inhabitants of the country, belonging to the tribes which we, following the portuguese, call makalanga or makalaka, are called by the matabili (themselves zulus) masweni. the name maholi, often also applied to them, is said to mean "outsiders," _i.e._, non-zulus. though many had been drafted as boys into the matabili regiments, and others were used as slaves, many more dwelt in the country west and north-west of bulawayo. mashonaland, to the east, is peopled by cognate tribes.] [footnote : a hut is usually allotted to each wife, and thus this impost falls heavily on the polygamist chief, being, in fact, a tax upon luxuries. i was told that in the transvaal some of the richer natives were trying to escape it by putting two wives in the same hut.] [footnote : see his book, published in the end of , entitled _sunshine and storm in rhodesia_. i do not gather from it how far, in his opinion, what went on was known to the higher officials. in a report presented to parliament in , sir richard martin states that although there was no regulation allowing forced labour, force was, in fact, used to bring the natives from their kraals to work, and that the irritation thus caused did much to provoke the outbreak. the company in a reply which they have published do not admit this. i have no data, other than the report, for pronouncing an opinion on the responsibility of the officials; but there seems to be no doubt that, both in this and in other respects, many of the native police behaved badly, and that the experiment of employing them, which seemed to have much to recommend it, did in fact fail.] [footnote : the shangani is here a very small stream. it was far away to the north, on the lower course of the same stream, that major wilson and his party perished later in the war.] [footnote : these ruins have been described in chapter ix.] chapter xvi from fort salisbury to the sea--manicaland and the portuguese territories. in africa, moisture is everything. it makes the difference between fertility and barrenness; it makes the difference between a cheerful and a melancholy landscape. as one travels north-eastward from palapshwye to bulawayo, and from bulawayo to fort salisbury, one passes by degrees from an arid and almost rainless land to a land of showers and flowing waters. in bechuanaland there are, except for three months in the year, no streams at all. in matabililand one begins to find perennial brooks. in mashonaland there are at last rivers, sometimes with rocky banks and clear deep pools, which (like that just mentioned) tempt one to bathe and risk the terrible snap of a crocodile's jaws. thus eastern mashonaland is far more attractive than the countries which i have described in the last two chapters. it has beautiful and even striking scenery. the soil, where the granitic rocks do not come too near the surface, is usually fertile, and cultivation is easier than in the regions to the south-west, because the rains are more copious. there are many places round fort salisbury and on the way thence to mtali and massikessi where a man might willingly settle down to spend his days, so genial and so full of beauty is the nature around him. and as the land is high, it is also healthy. except in a few of the valley bottoms, fever need not be feared, even after the rains. from fort salisbury to the indian ocean at beira it is a journey of three hundred and seventy miles, of which the first one hundred and fifty-five are in british, the rest in portuguese, territory. before the railway, which now ( ) runs all the way, had been completed, this distance required eight to ten days' travel. it may now be despatched in a day and a half. but those who hurry through this picturesque region behind the locomotive lose much of the charm which the journey, by far the most attractive part of a south african tour, formerly had for the lover of nature. for the first forty miles south-eastward from fort salisbury the track runs through a wooded country, diversified by broad stretches of pasture. here and there we found a european farm, marked in the distance by the waving tops of the gum-trees, with the low wooden house festooned by the brilliant mauve blossoms of the climbing bougainvillea, and the garden enclosed by hedges of grenadilla, whose fruit is much eaten in south africa. vegetables raised on these farms fetch enormous prices in the town, so that a man who understands the business may count on making more by this than he will do by "prospecting" for gold mines, or even by floating companies. we found the grass generally fresh and green, for some showers had fallen, and the trees, though still small, were in new leaf with exquisite tints of red. now and then, through gaps between the nearer hills, there are glimpses of dim blue mountains. as one gets farther to the south-east the hills are higher, and on either side there rise fantastic kopjes of granite. their tops are cleft and riven by deep fissures, and huge detached blocks are strewn about at their base, or perched like gigantic tables upon the tops of pillars of rock, poised so finely that one fancies a blast of wind might overthrow them. these "perched blocks," however, have not, like the _blocs perchés_ of western europe, been left by ancient glaciers or icebergs, for it seems still doubtful whether there has been a glacial period in south africa, and neither here nor in the mountains of basutoland could i discover traces of ancient moraines. they are due to the natural decomposition of the rock on the spot. the alternate heat of the day and cold of the night--a cold which is often great, owing to the radiation into a cloudless sky--split the masses by alternate expansion and contraction, make great flakes peel off them like the coats of an onion, and give them these singularly picturesque shapes. all this part of the country is as eminently fit for a landscape painter as bechuanaland and the more level parts of matabililand are unfit, seeing that here, one has foregrounds as well as backgrounds, and the colours are as rich as the forms are varied. for i must add that in this region, instead of the monotonous thorny acacias of the western regions, there is much variety in the trees; no tropical luxuriance,--the air is still too dry for that,--but many graceful outlines and a great diversity of foliage. besides, the wood has a way of disposing itself with wonderful grace. there is none of the monotony either of pine forests, like those of northern and eastern europe, or of such forests of deciduous trees as one sees in michigan and the alleghanies, but rather what in england we call "park-like scenery," though why nature should be supposed to do best when she imitates art, i will not attempt to inquire. there are belts of wood inclosing secluded lawns, and groups of trees dotted over a stretch of rolling meadow, pretty little bits of detail which enhance the charm of the ample sweeps of view that rise and roll to the far-off blue horizon. beyond marandella's--the word sounds italian, but is really the anglicized form of the name of a native chief--the country becomes still more open, and solitary peaks of gneiss begin to stand up, their sides of bare, smooth, grey rock sometimes too steep to be climbed. below and between them are broad stretches of pasture, with here and there, on the banks of the streams, pieces of land which seem eminently fit for tillage. on one such piece--it is called lawrencedale--we found that two young englishmen had brought some forty acres into cultivation, and admired the crops of vegetables they were raising partly by irrigation, partly in reliance on the rains. almost anything will grow, but garden stuff pays best, because there is in and round fort salisbury a market clamorous for it. the great risk is that of a descent of locusts, for these pests may in a few hours strip the ground clean of all that covers it. however, our young farmers had good hopes of scaring off the swarms, and if they could do so their profits would be large and certain. a few hours more through driving showers, which made the weird landscape of scattered peaks even more solemn, brought us to the halting place on lezapi river, a pretty spot high above the stream, where the store which supplies the neighbourhood with the necessaries of life has blossomed into a sort of hotel, with a good many sleeping huts round it. one finds these stores at intervals of about twenty or thirty miles; and they, with an occasional farm like that of lawrencedale, represent the extremely small european population, which averages less than one to a dozen square miles, even reckoning in the missionaries that are scattered here and there. from lezapi i made an excursion to a curious native building lying some six miles to the east, which mr. selous had advised me to see. the heat of the weather made it necessary to start very early, so i was awakened while it was still dark. but when i stood ready to be off just before sunrise, the kafir boy, a servant of the store, who was to have guided me, was not to be found. no search could discover him. he had apparently disliked the errand, perhaps had some superstitious fear of the spot he was to lead me to, and had vanished, quite unmoved by the prospect of his employer's displeasure and of the sum he was to receive. the incident was characteristic of these natives. they are curiously wayward. they are influenced by motives they cannot be induced to disclose, and the motives which most affect a european sometimes fail altogether to tell upon them. with great difficulty i succeeded in finding another native boy who promised to show me the way, and followed him off through the wood and over the pastures, unable to speak a word to him, and of course, understanding not a word of the voluble bursts of talk with which he every now and then favoured me. it was a lovely morning, the sky of a soft and creamy blue, dewdrops sparkling on the tall stalks of grass, the rays of the low sun striking between the tree-tops in the thick wood that clothed the opposite hill, while here and there faint blue smoke-wreaths rose from some kafir hut hidden among the brushwood. we passed a large village, and just beyond it overtook three kafirs all talking briskly, as is their wont, one of them carrying a gun and apparently going after game. a good many natives have firearms, but acts of violence seem to be extremely rare. then passing under some rocky heights we saw, after an hour and a half's fast walking, the group of huts where the company's native commissioner, whom i was going to find, had fixed his station. some kafirs were at work on their mealie-plots, and one of them, dropping his mattock, rushed across and insisted on shaking hands with me, saying "moragos," which is said to be a mixture of dutch and kafir, meaning "good-morning, sir." the commissioner was living alone among the natives, and declared himself quite at ease as to their behaviour. one chief dwelling near had been restive, but submitted when he was treated with firmness; and the natives generally--so he told me--seem rather to welcome the intervention of a white man to compose their disputes. they are, he added, prone to break their promises, except in one case. if an object, even of small value, has been delivered to them as a token of the engagement made, they feel bound by the engagement so long as they keep this object, and when it is formally demanded back they will restore it unharmed. the fact is curious, and throws light on some of the features of primitive legal custom in europe. the commissioner took me to the two pieces of old building--one can hardly call them ruins--which i had come to see. one (called chipadzi's) has been already mentioned (see p. , _ante_). it is a bit of ancient wall of blocks of trimmed granite, neatly set without mortar, and evidently meant to defend the most accessible side of a rocky kopje, which in some distant age had been a stronghold. it has all the appearance of having been constructed by the same race that built the walls of dhlodhlo (see p. ) and zimbabwye (see p. ) (though the work is not so neat), and is called by the natives a zimbabwye. behind it, in the centre of the kopje, is a rude low wall of rough stones enclosing three huts, only one of which remains roofed. under this one is the grave of a famous chief called makoni,--the name is rather an official than a personal one, and his personal name was chipadzi,--the uncle of the present makoni, who is the leading chief of this district.[ ] on the grave there stands a large earthenware pot, which used to be regularly filled with native beer when, once a year, about the anniversary of this old makoni's death, his sons and other descendants came to venerate and propitiate his ghost. some years ago, when the white men came into the country, the ceremony was disused, and the poor ghost is now left without honour and nutriment. the pot is broken, and another pot, which stood in an adjoining hut and was used by the worshippers, has disappeared. the place, however, retains its awesome character, and a native boy who was with us would not enter it. the sight brought vividly to my mind the similar spirit-worship which went on among the romans and which goes on to-day in china; but i could not ascertain for how many generations back an ancestral ghost receives these attentions--a point which has remained obscure in the case of roman ghosts also. the other curiosity is much more modern. it is a deserted native village called tchitiketi ("the walled town"), which has been rudely fortified with three concentric lines of defence, in a way not common among the kafirs. the huts which have now totally disappeared, stood on one side of a rocky eminence, and were surrounded by a sort of ditch ten feet deep, within which was a row of trees planted closely together, with the intervals probably originally filled by a stockade. some of these trees do not grow wild in this part of the country, and have apparently been planted from shoots brought from the portuguese territories. within this outmost line there was a second row of trees and a rough stone wall, forming an inner defence. still farther in one finds a kind of citadel, formed partly by the rocks of the kopje, partly by a wall of rough stones, ten feet high and seven to eight feet thick, plastered with mud, which holds the stones together like mortar. this wall is pierced by small apertures, which apparently served as loopholes for arrows, and there is a sort of narrow gate through it, only four and a half feet high, covered by a slab of stone. within the citadel, several chiefs are buried in crevices of the rock, which have been walled up, and there are still visible the remains of the huts wherein, upon a wicker stand, were placed the pots that held the beer provided for their ghosts. having ceased to be a royal residence or a fortress, the spot remains, like the escurial, a place of royal sepulture. the natives remember the names of the dead chiefs, but little else, and cannot tell one when the fortress was built nor why it was forsaken. everything is so rude that one must suppose the use of loopholes to have been learned from the portuguese, who apparently came from time to time into these regions; and the rudeness confirms the theory that the buildings at the great zimbabwye were not the work of any of the present bantu tribes, but of some less barbarous race. it is not easy to find one's way alone over the country in these parts, where no kafir speaks english or even dutch, and where the network of native foot-paths crossing one another soon confuses recollection. however, having a distant mountain-peak to steer my course by, i succeeded in making my way back alone, and was pleased to find that, though the sun was now high in heaven and i had neither a sun-helmet nor a white umbrella, its rays did me no harm. a stranger, however, can take liberties with the sun which residents hold it safer not to take. europeans in these countries walk as little as they can, especially in the heat of the day. they would ride, were horses attainable, but the horse-sickness makes it extremely difficult to find or to retain a good animal. all travelling for any distance is of course done in a waggon or (where one can be had) in a cape cart. from the lezapi river onward the scenery grows more striking as one passes immediately beneath some of the tall towers of rock which we had previously admired from a distance. they remind one, in their generally grey hue and the extreme boldness of their lines, of some of the gneissose pinnacles of norway, such as those above naerodal, on the sogne fiord. one of them, to which the english have given the name of the sugar loaf, soars in a face of smooth sheer rock nearly feet above the track, the lichens that cover it showing a wealth of rich colours, greens and yellows, varied here and there by long streaks of black raindrip. behind this summit to the north-east, eight to twelve miles away, rose a long range of sharp, jagged peaks, perfectly bare, and showing by their fine-cut lines the hardness of their rock. they were not lofty, at most feet above the level of the plateau, which is here from to feet above sea-level. but the nobility of their forms, and their clear parched sternness as they stood in the intense sunshine, made them fill and satisfy the eye beyond what one would have expected from their height. that severe and even forbidding quality which is perceptible in the aspect of the south african mountains, as it is in those of some other hot countries, seems to be due to the sense of their aridity and bareness. one feels no longing to climb them, as one would long to climb a picturesque mountain in europe, because one knows that upon their scorching sides there is no verdure and no fountain breaks from beneath their crags. beautiful as they are, they are repellent; they invite no familiarity; they speak of the hardness, the grimness, the silent aloofness of nature. it is only when they form the distant background of a view, and especially when the waning light of evening clothes their stern forms with tender hues, that they become elements of pure delight in the landscape. some fifteen miles east of this range we came upon a natural object we had given up hoping to see in south africa, a country where the element necessary to it is so markedly deficient. this was the waterfall on the oudzi river, one of the tributaries of the great sabi river, which falls into the indian ocean. the oudzi is not very large in the dry season, nor so full as the garry at killiecrankie or the stream which flows through the yosemite valley. but even this represents a considerable volume of water for tropical east africa; and the rapid--it is really rather a rapid than a cascade--must be a grand sight after heavy rain, as it is a picturesque sight even in october. the stream rushes over a ridge of very hard granite rock, intersected by veins of finer-grained granite and of greenstone. it has cut for itself several deep channels in the rock, and has scooped out many hollows, not, as usually, circular, but elliptical in their shape, polished smooth, like the little pockets or basins which loose stones polish smooth as they are driven round and round by the current in the rocky bed of a scotch torrent. the brightness of the clear green water and the softness of the surrounding woods, clothing each side of the long valley down which the eye pursues the stream till the vista is closed by distant mountains, make these falls one of the most novel and charming bits of scenery even in this romantic land. another pleasant surprise was in store for us before we reached mtali. we had descried from some way off a mass of brilliant crimson on a steep hillside. coming close under, we saw it to be a wood whose trees were covered with fresh leaves. the locusts had eaten off all the first leaves three weeks before, and this was the second crop. such a wealth of intense yet delicate reds of all hues, pink, crimson, and scarlet, sometimes passing into a flushed green, sometimes into an umber brown, i have never seen, not even in the autumn woods of north america, where, as on the mountain that overhangs montreal, the forest is aflame with the glow of the maples. the spring, if one may give that name to the season of the first summer rains, is for south africa the time of colours, as is the autumn in our temperate climes. mtali--it is often written "umtali" to express that vague half-vowel which comes at the beginning of so many words in the bantu languages--is a pretty little settlement in a valley whose sheltered position would make it oppressive but for the strong easterly breeze which blows nearly every day during the hot weather. there is plenty of good water in the hills all round, and the higher slopes are green with fresh grass. the town, like other towns in these regions, is constructed of corrugated iron,--for wood is scarce and dear,--with a few brick-walled houses and a fringe of native huts, while the outskirts are deformed by a thick deposit of empty tins of preserved meat and petroleum. all the roofs are of iron, and a prudent builder puts iron also into the foundation of the walls beneath the brick, in order to circumvent the white ants. these insects are one of the four plagues of south central africa. (the other three are locusts, horse-sickness, and fever; some add a fifth--the speculators in mining shares.) they destroy every scrap of organic matter they can reach, and will even eat their way through brick to reach wood or any other vegetable matter. nothing but metal stops them. they work in the dark, constructing a kind of tunnel or gallery if they have to pass along an open space, as, for instance, to reach books upon a shelf. (i was taken to see the public library at mtali, and found they had destroyed nearly half of it.) they are less than half an inch long, of a dull greyish white, the queen, or female, about three times as large as the others. her quarters are in a sort of nest deep in the ground, and if this nest can be found and destroyed, the plague will be stayed, for a time at least. there are several other kinds of ants. the small red ant gets among one's provisions and devours the cold chicken. we spent weary hours in trying to get them out of our food-boxes, being unable to fall in with the local view that they ought to be eaten with the meat they swarm over, as a sort of relish to it. there is also the large reddish-black ant, which bites fiercely, but is regarded with favour because it kills the white ants when it can get at them. but the white ant is by far the most pernicious kind, and a real curse to the country. at the end of , when the construction of the beira railway from chimoyo to fort salisbury began to be energetically prosecuted, it was found that to take the line past mtali would involve a detour of some miles and a heavy gradient in crossing a ridge at the christmas pass. mr. rhodes promptly determined, instead of bringing the railway to the town, to bring the town to the railway. liberal compensation was accordingly paid to all those who had built houses at old mtali, and new mtali was in founded on a carefully selected site seven miles away. in there were about one hundred europeans in the town of mtali, all, except the company's officials and the storekeepers, engaged in prospecting for or beginning to work gold-mines; for this is the centre of one of the first-explored gold districts, and sanguine hopes have been entertained of its reefs. we drove out to see some of the most promising in the penha longa valley, six miles to the eastward. here three sets of galleries have been cut, and the extraction of the metal was said to be ready to begin if the machinery could be brought up from the coast. as to the value and prospects of the reefs, over which i was most courteously shown by the gentlemen directing the operations, i could of course form no opinion. they are quartz-reefs, occurring in talcose and chloritic schistose rocks, and some of them maintain their direction for many miles. there is no better place than this valley[ ] for examining the ancient gold-workings, for here they are of great size. huge masses of alluvial soil in the bottom of the valley had evidently been turned over, and indeed a few labourers were still at work upon these. but there had also been extensive open cuttings all along the principal reefs, the traces of which are visible in the deep trenches following the line of the reefs up and down the slopes of the hills, and in the masses of rubbish thrown out beside them. some of these cuttings are evidently recent, for the sides are in places steep and even abrupt, which they would not be if during many years the rains had been washing the earth down into the trenches. moreover, iron implements have been found at the bottom, of modern shapes and very little oxidized. probably, therefore, while some of these workings may be of great antiquity, others are quite recent--perhaps less than a century old. such workings occur in many places over mashonaland and matabililand. they are always open; that is to say, the reef was worked down from the surface, not along a tunnel--a fact which has made people think that they were carried on by natives only; and they almost always stop when water is reached, as though the miners had known nothing of pumps. tradition has nothing to say as to the workings; but we know that during the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries a good deal of gold was brought down to the portuguese coast stations; and when the mashonaland pioneers came in , there were a few portuguese trying to get the metal out of the alluvial deposits along the stream banks. the reefs, which are now being followed by level shafts or galleries driven into the sides of the hills, are (in most cases at least) the same as those which the old miners attacked from above. north of penha longa lies an attractive bit of country, near a place called inyanga, which, unfortunately, we had not time to visit. it is a sort of tableland about thirty miles long by fifteen wide, from to feet above sea-level, with the highest summits reaching feet; and in respect of its height enjoys not only a keen and bracing air, but a copious rainfall, which makes it a specially good grazing country. it will probably one day become not only the choicest ranching-ground of east central africa, but also a health resort from the surrounding regions. at present it is quite empty, the land having been, as i was told, bought up by several syndicates, who are holding it in hope of a rise in prices. here are the remarkable stone-cased pits, referred to in chapter ix.; and here there are also numerous ancient artificial watercourses for irrigating the soil, which were constructed by some race of immigrants accustomed to artificial irrigation in their own country, for it would hardly have occurred to natives to construct such works here, where the rainfall is sufficient for the needs of tillage. still farther to the north is a less elevated region, remarkable for the traces it bears of having been at one time densely populated. tillage was so extensive that the very hillsides were built up into terraces to be planted with crops. to-day there are hardly any inhabitants, for a good many years ago mzila, the father of gungunhana, chief of a fierce and powerful tribe which lives on the lower course of the sabi river, raided all this country, and in successive invasions killed off or chased away the whole population. such wholesale slaughter and devastation is no uncommon thing in the annals of south africa. tshaka, the uncle of cetewayo, annihilated the inhabitants over immense tracts round zululand. and in comparison with such bloodthirsty methods the assyrian plan of deporting conquered populations from their homes to some distant land may have seemed, and indeed may have been, a substantial step in human progress. however, just when tshaka was massacring his kafir neighbours, the turks were massacring the christians of chios, and at the time of our visit, in october, , abdul-hamid ii. was beginning his massacres in asia minor; so perhaps the less said about progress the better. the track from mtali to the sea crosses a high ridge at a point called the christmas pass, and descends into portuguese territory through some very noble and varied mountain scenery.[ ] it reminded us sometimes of the italian slopes of the eastern alps, sometimes of the best parts of the perthshire highlands, though of course it was rather in the forms of hill and valley than in the trees that clothed their slopes that this resemblance lay. the first portuguese settlement is at a place called macequece, or massikessi, where the pioneers of the british south africa company conducted in a little war on their own account with the portuguese, whose superior forces they routed. the portuguese claimed all this inland region on the hinterland principle, in respect of their ownership of the coast, while the british pioneers relied on the fact that their adversaries had never established a really effective occupation. the dispute was carried by the portuguese mozambique company into the english courts of law,[ ] and was ultimately adjusted diplomatically by an agreement between the british and portuguese governments, signed june , . the delimitation of the frontiers was not fully completed in this region till , but massikessi was by the treaty of left to portugal. after massikessi the mountains recede, and wide plains begin to open to the east and south. as the country sinks, the temperature rises and the air grows heavier and less keen. the ground is covered with wood, and in the woods along the streams a few palms and bamboos and other tropical forms of vegetation begin to appear.[ ] but we found the woods in many places stripped bare. terrible swarms of locusts had passed, leaving a track of dismal bareness. it had been a dry year, too, and even what grass the locusts had spared was thin and withered. thus for want of food the cattle had perished. all along the road from mtali we saw oxen lying dead, often by some pool in a brook, to which they had staggered to drink, and where they lay down to die. we encountered few waggons, and those few were almost all standing with the team unyoked, some of their beasts dead or sickly, some, too weak to draw the load farther, obliged to stand idly where they had halted till the animals should regain strength, or fresh oxen be procured. this is what a visitation of locusts means, and this is how the progress of a country is retarded by the stoppage of the only means of transport. we reached the terminus of the railway at chimoyo after two days' long and fatiguing travel from mtali, including an upset of our vehicle in descending a steep donga to the bed of a streamlet--an upset which might easily have proved serious, but gave us nothing worse than a few bruises. the custom being to start a train in the afternoon and run it through the night,--all trains were then special,--we had plenty of time to look round the place, and fortunately found a comfortable store and a most genial scottish landlord from banffshire. there was, however, nothing to see, not even portuguese local colour; for though chimoyo is well within the portuguese frontier, the village is purely english, and was living by the transport service which then made the end of the railway its starting-point for the territories of the company. now that it has become merely a station, the railway being now ( ) open all the way to fort salisbury, it may have dwindled away. having nothing else to do, i climbed through the sultry noon to the top of the nearest kopje, a steep granite hill which, as i was afterwards told, is a favourite "house of call" for lions. no forest monarch, however, presented himself to welcome me, and i was left to enjoy the view alone. it was striking. guarding the western horizon rose the long chain of mountains from which we had emerged stretching in a huge arc from south-east to north, with some bold outlying peaks flung forward from the main mass, all by their sharp, stern outlines, in which similar forms were constantly repeated, showing that they were built of the same hard crystalline rocks. beneath, the country spread out in a vast, wooded plain, green or brown, according as the wood was denser in one part and sparser in another. it was still low wood, with no sense of tropical luxuriance about it, and the ground still dry, with not a glimpse of water anywhere. here and there out of this sea of forest rose isolated heights whose abrupt craggy tops glistened in the sunlight. to the east the plain fell slowly away to an immensely distant horizon, where lay the deadly flats that border the indian ocean. except where the iron roofs of the huts at chimoyo shone, there was not a sign of human dwelling or human labour through this great wild country, lying still and monotonous under a cloudless sky. it has been a wilderness from the beginning of the world until now, traversed, no doubt, many centuries ago by the gold-seekers whose favourite track went up from the coast past great zimbabwye into what is now matabililand, traversed again occasionally in later times by portuguese traders, but in no wise altered during these thousands of years from its original aspect. now at last its turn has come. a new race of gold-seekers have built a railway, and along the railway, wherever there are not swamps to breed fever, the land will be taken for farms, and the woods will be cut down, and the wild beasts will slink away, and trading-posts will grow into villages, and the journey from beira to bulawayo will become as easy and familiar as is to-day the journey from chicago to san francisco, through a country which a century ago was as little known as this african wilderness. the railway from chimoyo to the sea had in one of the narrowest gauges in the world (two feet), and its tiny locomotives and cars wore almost a toy air. it has since been widened to the three feet six gauge of the other south african lines. the construction was difficult, for the swampy lands along the coast are largely under water during the rains, but the gain to the country has been enormous. not only has the railway abridged the toilsome and costly ox transport of goods from beira to the edge of the high country--a transport whose difficulty lay not merely in the badness of the track through ground almost impassable during and after the rains, but also in the prevalence of the tsetse-fly, whose bite is fatal to cattle. it has enabled travellers to cross in a few hours one of the most unhealthy regions in the world, most of which is infested by fevers in and after the wet season, and the lower parts of which are so malarious that few who spend three nights in them, even in the dry season, escape an attack. the banks of the rivers and other damper spots will continue to breed this curse of maritime africa, although things will doubtless improve when the country grows more settled, and the marshes have been drained, and the long grass has been eaten down by cattle; for when the tsetse-fly has ceased to be dangerous cattle may come in. it appears that the fly kills cattle not by anything poisonous in its bite, but because it communicates to them a minute parasite which lives in the blood of some kinds of game, and which is more pernicious to cattle than it is to the game. accordingly, when the game vanishes, the fly either vanishes also or becomes comparatively harmless. already places once infested by it have by the disappearance of the game become available for ranching. recent researches seem to have shown that malarial fevers in man are also due to an animal parasite: and this discovery is thought to damp the hope, which i remember to have heard mr. darwin express, that the fever-stricken regions of the tropics might become safe by ascertaining what the fever microbe is and securing men against it by inoculation. those, however, who hold that this parasite is carried into the blood of man by a mosquito seem to entertain some hope that drainage may in some places almost expunge the mosquito. the railway was made entirely by native labour gathered from the surrounding regions, and the contractors told me they had less difficulty with the kafirs than they expected. it paid, however, a heavy toll in european life. not one of the engineers and foremen escaped fever, and many died. the risk for those employed on the line is of course now much slighter, because the worst spots are known and there are now houses to sleep in. shortly after leaving chimoyo the train ran through a swarm of locusts miles long. it was a beautiful sight. the creatures flash like red snowflakes in the sun; the air glitters with their gauzy wings. but it is also terrible. an earthquake or a volcanic eruption is hardly more destructive and hardly more irresistible. the swarms may be combated when the insect walks along the ground, for then trenches may be dug into which the advancing host falls. but when it flies nothing can stop it. it is noteworthy that for eighteen years prior to the arrival of the british pioneers in there had been no great swarms. since that year there have been several; so the kafir thinks that it is the white man's coming that has provoked the powers of evil to send this plague as well as the murrain. we ran down the one hundred and eighteen miles from chimoyo to fontesvilla during the afternoon and night, halting for three or four hours for dinner at a clearing where an inn and store have been built. the pace was from ten to fifteen miles an hour. after the first twenty miles, during which one still has glimpses of the strange isolated peaks that spring up here and there from the plain, the scenery becomes rather monotonous, for the line runs most of the way through thick forest, the trees higher than those of the interior, yet not of any remarkable beauty. for the last twenty-five miles the railway traverses a dead and dreary flat. the gentle rise of the ground to the west conceals even the outlying spurs of the great range behind, and to the north and south there is an unbroken level. the soil is said to be generally poor, a very thin layer of vegetable mould lying over sand, and the trees are few and seldom tall. it is a country full of all sorts of game, from buffaloes, elands, and koodoos downward to the small antelopes; and as game abounds, so also do lions abound. the early morning is the time when most of these creatures go out to feed, and we strained our eyes as soon as there was light enough to make them out from the car windows. but beyond some wild pig and hartebeest, and a few of the smaller antelopes, nothing could be discerned upon the pastures or among the tree clumps. perhaps the creatures have begun to learn that the railroad brings their enemies, and keep far away from it. a year after our visit the murrain, to which i have already referred, appeared in this region, and wrought fearful devastation among the wild animals, especially the buffaloes. the railway now runs all the way to the port of beira, but in october, , came to an end at a place called fontesvilla, on the pungwe river, near the highest point to which the tide rises. we had therefore to take to the water in order to reach beira, where a german steamer was timed to call two days later; and our friends in mashonaland had prepared us to expect some disagreeable experiences on the river, warning us not to assume that twelve or fourteen hours would be enough, even in a steamer, to accomplish the fifty miles of navigation that lie between fontesvilla and the sea. they had been specially insistent that we should remain in fontesvilla itself no longer than was absolutely necessary; for fontesvilla has the reputation of being the most unhealthy spot in all this unhealthy country. we were told that the preceding year had been a salubrious one, for only forty-two per cent. of the european residents had died. there may have been in these figures, when closely scrutinized, some element of exaggeration, but the truth they were intended to convey is beyond dispute; and the bright young assistant superintendent of the railroad was mentioned, with evident wonder, as the only person who had been more than three months in the place without a bad attack of fever. fontesvilla has not the externals of a charnel-house. it consists of seven or eight scattered frame houses, with roofs of corrugated iron, set in a dull, featureless flat on the banks of a muddy river. the air is sultry and depressing, but has not that foul swamp smell with which poti, on the black sea, reeks, the most malarious spot i had ever before visited. nor was there much stagnant water visible; indeed, the ground seemed dry, though there are marshes hidden among the woods on the other side of the river. as neither of the steamers that ply on the pungwe could come up at neap tides, and with the stream low,--for the rains had not yet set in,--the young superintendent (to whose friendly help we were much beholden) had bespoken a rowboat to come up for us from the lower part of the river. after waiting from eight till half-past ten o'clock for this boat, we began to fear it had failed us, and, hastily engaging a small two-oared one that lay by the bank, set off in it down the stream. fortunately after two and a half miles the other boat, a heavy old tub, was seen slowly making her way upward, having on board the captain of the little steam-launch, the launch herself being obliged to remain much lower down the river. we transferred ourselves and our effects to this boat, and floated gaily down, thinking our troubles over. the pungwe is here about one hundred yards wide, but very shallow, and with its water so turbid that we could not see the bottom where the depth exceeded two feet. it was noon; the breeze had dropped, and the sun was so strong that we gladly took refuge in the little cabin or rather covered box--a sort of hen coop--at the stern. the stream and the tide were with us, and we had four native rowers, but our craft was so heavy that we accomplished less than two miles an hour. as the channel grew wider and the current spread itself hither and thither over sand banks, the bed became more shallow, and from time to time we grounded. when this happened, the native rowers jumped into the water and pushed or pulled the boat along. the farther down we went, and the more the river widened, so much the more often did we take the bottom, and the harder did we find it to get afloat again. twelve miles below fontesvilla, a river called the bigimiti comes in on the right, and at its mouth we took on board a bold young english sportsman with the skin of a huge lion. below the confluence, where a maze of sand banks encumbers the channel, we encountered a strong easterly breeze. the big clumsy boat made scarcely any way against it, and stuck upon the sand so often that the kafirs, who certainly worked with a will, were more than half the time in the water up to their knees, tugging and shoving to get her off. meanwhile the tide, what there was of it, was ebbing fast, and the captain admitted that if we did not get across these shoals within half an hour we should certainly lie fast upon them till next morning at least, and how much longer no one could tell. it was not a pleasant prospect, for we had no food except some biscuits and a tin of cocoa, and a night on the pungwe, with pestiferous swamps all round, meant almost certainly an attack of fever. nothing, however, could be done beyond what the captain and the kafirs were doing, so that suspense was weighted by no sense of personal responsibility. we moved alternately from stern to bow, and back from bow to stern, to lighten the boat at one end or the other, and looked to windward to see from the sharp curl of the waves whether the gusts which stopped our progress were freshening further. fortunately they abated. just as the captain seemed to be giving up hope--the only fault we had with him was that his face revealed too plainly his anxieties--we felt ourselves glide off into a deeper channel; the kafirs jumped in and smote the dark-brown current with their oars, and the prospect of a restful night at beira rose once more before us. but our difficulties were not quite over, for we grounded several times afterwards, and progress was so slow that it seemed very doubtful whether we should find and reach before dark the little steam-launch that had come up to meet us. ever since my childish imagination had been captivated by the picture of africa's sunny fountains rolling down their golden sand, the idea of traversing a tropical forest on the bosom of a great african river had retained its fascination. here at last was the reality, and what a dreary reality! the shallow, muddy stream, broken into many channels, which inclosed low, sandy islets, had spread to a width of two miles. the alluvial banks, rising twenty feet in alternate layers of sand and clay, cut off any view of the country behind. all that could be seen was a fringe of thick, low trees, the edge of the forest that ran back from the river. conspicuous among them was the ill-omened "fever tree," with its gaunt, bare, ungainly arms and yellow bark--the tree whose presence indicates a pestilential air. here was no luxuriant variety of form, no wealth of colour, no festooned creepers nor brilliant flowers, but a dull and sad monotony, as we doubled point after point and saw reach after reach of the featureless stream spread out before us. among the trees not a bird was to be seen or heard; few even fluttered on the bosom of the river. we watched for crocodiles sunning themselves on the sandspits, and once or twice thought we saw them some two hundred yards away, but they had always disappeared as we drew nearer. the beast is quick to take alarm at the slightest noise, and not only the paddles of a steamer, but even the plash of oars, will drive him into the water. for his coyness we were partly consoled by the gambols of the river-horses. all round the boat these creatures were popping up their huge snouts and shoulders, splashing about, and then plunging again into the swirling water. fortunately none rose quite close to us, for the hippopotamus, even if he means no mischief, may easily upset a boat when he comes up under it, or may be induced by curiosity to submerge it with one bite of his strong jaws, in which case the passengers are likely to have fuller opportunities than they desire of becoming acquainted with the crocodiles. among such sights the sultry afternoon wore itself slowly into night, and just as dark fell--it falls like a stage curtain in these latitudes--we joyfully descried the steam-launch waiting for us behind a sandy point. once embarked upon her, we made better speed through the night. it was cloudy, with a struggling moon, which just showed us a labyrinth of flat, densely wooded isles, their margins fringed with mangrove trees. exhausted by a journey of more than thirty hours without sleep, we were now so drowsy as to be in constant danger of falling off the tiny launch, which had neither seats nor bulwarks, and even the captain's strong tea failed to rouse us. everything seemed like a dream--this lonely african river, with the faint moonlight glimmering here and there upon its dark bosom, while the tree tops upon untrodden islets flitted past in a slow, funereal procession, befitting a land of silence and death. at last, when it was now well past midnight, a few lights were seen in the distance, and presently we were at beira. as we touched the shore we were told that the german steamer had already arrived, two days before her time, and was to start in the morning at ten o'clock. so we made straight for her, and next day at noon sailed for delagoa bay. beira stands on a sand-spit between the ocean and the estuary of the pungwe river. though the swamps come close up to it, the town itself is tolerably healthy at all seasons, because the strong easterly breeze blows from the sea three days out of four. before there was hardly even a house, and its quick growth is entirely due to its having been discovered to possess the best harbour on the coast, and to be therefore the fittest point of departure from the sea for the territories of the british south african company. in old days the chief portuguese settlement on this part of the coast was at sofala, a few miles farther to the south, which had been visited by vasco da gama in a.d. , and where the portuguese built a fort in . it was then an arab town, and famous as the place whence most of the gold brought down from the interior was exported. now it has shrunk to insignificance, and beira will probably become the most important haven on the coast between delagoa bay, to the south, and dar-es-salaam, the head-quarters of german administration, to the north. it may, however, be rivalled by pemba bay north of the zambesi, from which it is proposed to run a railway to the south end of lake nyassa. the anchorage in the estuary behind the sand-spit is spacious and sheltered, and the outrush of the tide from the large estuary keeps down, by its constant scour, accumulations of sand upon the bar. the rise of tide at this part of the coast, from which madagascar is only four hundred miles distant, is twenty-two feet, and the channel of approach, though narrow and winding (for the coast is shallow and there are shoals for six or eight miles out), is tolerably well buoyed and not really difficult. the railway terminus is placed at a point within the harbour where the sand-spit joins the mainland. the journey which i have described, with all its difficulties, first on the river between beira and fontesvilla, and then again on the track between chimoyo and mtali, has since my visit become a thing of the past. early in the railway was opened from fontesvilla to beira, so that the tedious and vexatiously uncertain voyage up or down the pungwe river is now superseded by a more swift if less exciting form of travel. and the permanent way was rapidly laid from chimoyo northward, so that trains were running all the way from the sea to fort salisbury by the middle of . should the resources of mashonaland turn out within the next few years to be what its more sanguine inhabitants assert, its progress will be enormously accelerated by this line, which will give a far shorter access to south central africa than can be had by the rival lines that start from cape town, from durban, and from delagoa bay. [footnote : this chief was the restive chief mentioned on the last preceding page. he joined in the rising of , and was, i believe, taken prisoner and shot.] [footnote : it was here only, on the banks of a stream, that i observed the extremely handsome arboraceous st.-john's-wort (_hypericum schimperi_), mentioned in chapter iv.] [footnote : it is in the midst of this scenery that new mtali has been built.] [footnote : _law reports_ for , a. c., p. .] [footnote : it is in these woods that the honey bird is found, whereof the tale is told that it hunts about for the nests of wild bees in the hollows of trees, and when it has found one, flies close to a man so as to attract his notice, then flutters in front of him to the nest, and waits for him to take the honey out of the hollow (which it cannot itself reach), expecting and receiving a share of the spoil.] chapter xvii observations on the resources and future of matabililand and mashonaland in the last chapter i have brought the reader back to the sea from the inland country we have spent three chapters in traversing. now, while the german steamer is threading her way to the open ocean through the shoals that surround the entrance to the harbour of beira, the traveller as he gazes on the receding shore tries to sum up his impressions regarding the economic prospects as well of mashonaland as of the other territories of the british south africa company. i will shortly state these impressions. the regions over which the british flag flies between the transvaal republic to the south and the territories of germany and of the congo state to the north, fall into three parts. the first is the country north of the zambesi. the easternmost section of this northerly region is nyassaland, of which i need say nothing, because it has been admirably described by the distinguished officer (sir h. h. johnston) who administered it for some years. the central and western sections, which are under the control of the company, are still too little known for an estimate of their value to be formed. though some parts are more than feet above sea-level, most of the country lies below that line, which is, roughly speaking, the line at which malarial fevers cease to be formidable. most of it, therefore, is not likely to be fit for european colonization, and the heat is of course such as to put european labour out of the question. considerable tracts are, however, believed to be fertile, and other tracts good for pasture, while there is some evidence of the existence of gold and other minerals. the least valuable region is believed to be that north of the middle zambesi, where there are some dry and almost barren districts. taking it all in all, it is a country well worth having; but its resources will have to be turned to account entirely through black labour; and as it is not likely to attract any europeans, except gold-prospectors, until the unoccupied lands south of the zambesi have been fully taken up, its development belongs to a comparatively distant future. the second region--that which lies south of the upper zambesi, north-west of matabililand--is equally little known, and, so far as known, is not attractive. most of it is comparatively low; much of it is arid; some parts, especially those round lake ngami, are marshy and therefore malarious. it is thinly peopled, has not been ascertained to possess any mineral wealth, and lies far from any possible market. parts of it may turn out to afford good pasture, but for the present little is said or thought about it, and no efforts have been made to develop it. the third region comprises matabililand and mashonaland, that is, the country between the transvaal republic and the valley of the middle zambesi, all of which is now administered by the company. what there is to say about its prospects may be summed up under three heads--health, wealth, and peace. it is on these three things that its future welfare depends. _health._--a large part of the country, estimated at nearly , square miles, belongs to the upper south african plateau, and has an elevation of at least feet above the sea; and of this area about , square miles have an elevation of feet or upward. this height, coupled with fresh easterly breezes and dry weather during eight months in the year, gives the country a salubrious and even bracing climate. the sun's heat is tempered, even in summer, by cool nights, and in winter by cold winds, so that european constitutions do not, as in india, become enervated and european muscles flaccid. it is not necessary to send children home to england when they reach five or six years of age; for they grow up as healthy as they would at home. englishmen might, in many districts, work with their hands in the open air, were they so disposed; it is pride and custom, rather than the climate, that forbid them to do so. so far, therefore, the country, is one in which an indigenous white population might renew itself from generation to generation. _wealth._--it was the hope of finding gold that drew the first british pioneers to these regions; it is that hope which keeps settlers there, and has induced the ruling company to spend very large sums in constructing railways, as well as in surveying, policing, and otherwise providing for the administration of the country. the great question, therefore, is, how will the gold-reefs turn out? there had been formed before the end of more than two hundred development companies, most of them gold-mining undertakings, and others were being started up till the eve of the native outbreak in march, . very many reefs had been prospected and an immense number of claims registered. the places in which actual work had been done in the way of sinking shafts and opening adits were, of course, much fewer, yet pretty numerous. most of these were in manicaland, near mtali, or to the north and west of fort salisbury, or to the south-east of gwelo, in the selukwe district. no one of these workings was on a large scale, and at two or three only had stamping machinery been set up, owing, so i was told, to the practically prohibitive cost of transport from the sea. accordingly, there were very few, if any, workings where enough ore had been extracted and treated to warrant any confident predictions as to the productivity of the claim. numerous as the claims are, the value of all, or nearly all, remained uncertain. it must be remembered that in these mining districts the gold occurs in quartz-reefs. comparatively little is found in alluvial deposits, which in california and australia and the ural mountains have often been more important than the quartz-reefs. none at all is found diffused equally through a stratum of rock, as in the transvaal. now, quartz-reef mining is proverbially uncertain. the reefs vary not only in thickness, but also in depth, and it is not yet certain that any go very far beneath the surface. so, too, even when the reef itself is persistent in width and in depth, its auriferous quality varies greatly. what is called the "shoot" of gold may be rich for some yards, and then become faint or wholly disappear, perhaps to reappear some yards farther. thus there must be a good deal of quartz crushed at different points before it can be determined what number of pennyweights or ounces to the ton a given reef, or a given part of a reef, is likely to yield. in this uncertainty and deficiency of practical tests, people have fallen back upon the ancient workings as evidence of the abundance of the precious metal. i have already mentioned how numerous these workings are over the country, and how fully they appear to confirm the stories as to the gold which was brought down in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries to sofala and the other portuguese ports. it is argued that if gold was so extensively worked in time past by rude races possessing only primitive methods and few tools, the reefs must have been rich, and that it is extremely improbable that all, or nearly all, the gold should have been already extracted. the old workings were open, excavated down from the surface, and they usually stopped when water was reached. is there not every reason to think that in many places the reefs go deeper, and that our improved scientific appliances will enable us to extract far more of the metal than the old miners could get by their simple breaking and washing of the quartz? no doubt the old workings were carried on by labour incomparably cheaper than could now be obtained; but against this may be set the greater efficiency of the machinery which will be at the disposal of the miner when transportation facilities have been provided. arguments of this kind are resorted to only because the data which experiment has hitherto supplied are insufficient. i found much difference of opinion in the country itself regarding the value of the reefs. some mining engineers took a less sanguine view of the reefs they had examined than did the general public in fort salisbury or bulawayo, and (it need hardly be said) a much less sanguine view than the prospectuses of the companies conveyed to investors at home. on the other hand, results had been actually obtained in some other places which promised extremely well if the rest of the reef proved equal to the portion sampled. men of what is called in america "a conservative temper" seemed to think that there is "payable gold," probably plenty of gold, in the country, and that out of the many companies formed to work the claims a fair, but by no means a large, proportion will turn out sound undertakings. i doubt if it will be possible to say anything more positive until stamping batteries have been erected and a considerable quantity of quartz has been treated. this process can hardly begin till the railways to bulawayo and mtali have been opened, and those interested may therefore have to wait till or before they can feel sure as to the value of their properties.[ ] other minerals besides gold have been found. there is iron in many places, copper in others. coal has been proved to exist, of good if not first-rate quality, on the edge of the zambesi valley south of the victoria falls, and further east, to the north of gwelo, and if the gold-reefs turn out well it will certainly be worked. indeed, railways have now ( ) been decided on to connect bulawayo and gwelo with these coal basins. it may be added that a railway is now being constructed from bulawayo to gwelo and fort salisbury, and that there is a prospect of another being pushed on to the zambesi and the boundary of northern rhodesia at the south end of lake tanganyika. a line is also to be made from bulawayo south-east into the gwanda mining district for a distance of miles. regarding the pastoral and agricultural capabilities of the country there need be little doubt. all of it, except those lower grounds to the north and south-east which are infested by the tsetse-fly, is fit for cattle; some parts, such as the matoppo hills in matabililand and still more the inyanga plateau in mashonaland (mentioned in the last preceding chapter), offer excellent pasture. the "high veldt" of central matabililand is no less available for sheep. most of the cattle that were on the land have perished in the recent murrain. but this plague will pass by and may not return for many years, perhaps for centuries, and the animals that will be brought in to restock the country will probably be of better breeds. the quality of the soil for the purposes of tillage has been tested by europeans in a few places only. much of it is dry; much of it, especially where the subjacent rock is granitic, is thin or sandy. still, after allowing for these poorer tracts, there remains an immense area of land which is fit to raise cereals and some subtropical crops such as cotton. the immediate question is not, therefore, as to the productive capacities of the country, but as to the existence of a market for the products themselves. nearly all staple food-stuffs have of late years become so cheap in the markets of europe and north america, owing to the bringing under cultivation of so much new land and the marvellous reduction in the cost of ocean carriage, that in most of such articles mashonaland, even with a railway to the sea, could not at present compete successfully in those markets with india and south america and the western united states. it is therefore to consumers nearer at hand that the country must look. if gold-mining prospers, population will rapidly increase, and a market will be created at the agriculturists' own door. if, on the other hand, the reefs disappoint the hopes formed of them, and the influx of settlers is too small to create any large demand, tillage will spread but little, and the country will be left to be slowly occupied by ranchmen. thus the growth of population and the prosperity of every industry will depend upon the extent to which gold-mining can be profitably developed. of course i speak only of the near future. however rich some of the reefs may turn out, they will be exhausted within a few decades, and the country will have to depend on its other resources. however unremunerative the reefs may prove, these other resources will in the long run assure to it a settled white population and a reasonable measure of prosperity. but these are days in which we all have learned to take short views of life for nations and countries as well as for our individual selves, and unquestionably the more or less of gold in its quartz will for this country make all the difference between its speedy and its slow development. _peace._--thirdly, there remains the question whether the natives can be kept quiet. the first occupation of mashonaland was so tranquil, the first conquest of the matabili so swift and easy, that everybody perceives that some further trouble ought to have been expected before british control could be deemed secure. now there has been a second struggle and a pacification if not a victory. has the suppression of the revolt given permanent security? are the natives at last aware that the superiority of intelligence and organization on the part of the whites more than counterbalances their own immense preponderance in numbers, a preponderance of fully one hundred to one? no one will speak confidently on this point who remembers how implicit and how vain was the confidence felt in that the natives were contented and submissive. there was some little risk of trouble in the spring of among the matabili, but the unrest became known in time, and is believed to have subsided. on the whole, there is reason to think that if the natives are ruled in a prudent and friendly spirit, making due allowance for their often unreasonable alarms and suspicions, no fresh rising need be feared. the chief aim of the ruling officials should be to draw and not to drive them to labour, and to keep in check those white adventurers who hang about the frontiers of civilization and sometimes ill-use or defraud the kafir in a way which makes him hostile to the next whites, however well intentioned, who come into his neighbourhood. it may be some years yet before the natives will seek work at the mines to the extent desired, for they dislike underground labour. they were reported in to be still deaf to the mine-owners' blandishments, although the average wage is £ a month; and the want of labour is assigned as a cause why many mines said to be promising have made little progress. but policy, as well as humanity and justice, forbids any resort to compulsion. though it is quite true that the native hates to see the white men come in, disturb his old way of life, and take the best land, still i doubt if anything less than some positive grievance, such as forced labour or the taking of cattle, will be likely to rouse him to another attack on the strangers. should such an attack occur, it would be less formidable than that of . the tribal system, already weakened, tends among the matabili to dissolve still further, as was seen by the absence of notable leaders and the general want of plan and co-operation in the late conflict. among the mashonas each village is independent, so that a combined effort is still less to be feared.[ ] moreover the completion of the two railways to bulawayo on the western and fort salisbury on the eastern side of the country now enables reinforcements to be rapidly sent up from the coast, and has removed the only danger that really threatened the whites in --their isolation from help and from supplies of ammunition and of food. what, then, are the general conclusions to which this rapid survey leads? i will summarise them. . though parts of the country will remain malarious, great areas will be sufficiently healthy to enable a large white population to grow up and maintain itself on the soil in vigour of mind and body. in this sense it will be a "white man's country." . the black population is, however, likely to remain by far the more numerous element, partly because it is better fitted for the malarious and the hottest regions, and partly because here, as elsewhere in south africa, it is by the blacks that nearly all manual labour will continue to be done. in this sense, that of numerical preponderance, the country, and of course especially the parts of it which lie near to and north of the zambesi, will be a "black man's country." . the material progress of the country, and the more or less rapid increase of its white population, will depend, in the first instance, on the greater or less success with which gold-mining is prosecuted. if the reefs turn out well, growth will be rapid; if not, it will be slow. but in the long run the soil and the climate will be the main factors in material and social prosperity. these give abundant grounds for hope. the rainfall is larger than in the interior of cape colony, and much of the soil will therefore be more productive. therewith other industries will spring up; and some of them will remain even when mining has declined. . the political future will depend upon the growth of population, as that depends upon the development of material resources. should there be a large and steady influx of white settlers, there must before long come a demand for self-governing institutions. to concede these institutions will be in the well-established line of british colonial policy, and the question will then arise whether the country, or the more settled parts of it, should form a separate colony or be incorporated with cape colony (as british bechuanaland recently was). that one found in very little disposition among the white settlers to grumble at the administration seemed chiefly due to the great personal popularity of the genial administrator, dr. l. s. jameson. . in the government and administration of the region south of the zambesi, _i.e._, matabililand and mashonaland, theretofore in the hands of the british south africa company, were re-settled by an order in council (southern rhodesia order in council, october th, ). it vests authority in an administrator appointed by the company (with the approval of the secretary of state for the colonies), a resident commissioner, appointed by the secretary of state and reporting directly to him, an executive council of four persons appointed by the company, together with the senior and any other administrators and the resident commissioner, and a legislative council consisting, besides the commissioner and administrators, of nine members, five appointed by the company, and four elected by the registered voters in electoral districts. the resident commissioner, though entitled to be present and speak at meetings, has no vote. legislative ordinances may be vetoed by the high commissioner for south africa or by the secretary of state. the police (a force of , is now maintained) are under the orders of the high commissioner. there are various provisions for the protection of the natives, and the recognition of native law; and it is provided (§ ) that any "customs duties to be levied are not to exceed the duties levied at the commencement of the order by the south african customs union tariff, or by the customs union convention of may, , whichever are higher." this form of government is evidently provisional, and questions must arise in the future, regarding the political constitution to be given to this region and the relations of the company to it, which will present much difficulty. the country lying north of the zambesi has been divided into two districts, north east rhodesia and north west rhodesia, each of which is placed under an administrator appointed by the company, the extreme north western strip, towards the portuguese territory, remaining meantime under the more direct authority of the high commissioner. it is understood that these areas also are to be regulated by orders in council. . leaving out of sight the still unsettled problem of the mineral wealth of these territories, they are in other respects one of the most promising parts of south africa. i have remarked that as regards pasture and agriculture they are superior to the inland parts of cape colony. they are in these points also superior to the transvaal, and still more plainly superior to the neighbouring possessions of germany and portugal. portuguese east africa is fever-stricken. german east africa is in many places barren and almost everywhere malarious. german south-west africa is largely desert, much of it an arid and irreclaimable desert. to the english race in south africa the acquisition of these regions, or at least of the parts south of the zambesi, has been an immense political and economic advantage. it has established their predominance and provided a security against any serious attempt to dislodge them. a philosophic observer without predilections for any one state or people would, it is conceived, hold that the english race is more likely to serve what are termed the interests of civilization in this part of africa than is any other race. the portuguese have neither energy nor capital. the germans, with energy and with capital, have not the requisite practice in independent colonization, nor perhaps the taste for it. the south african dutch boers, who have within the last seventeen years been more than once on the point of occupying the country, are, with all their good qualities, a backward people, who, had they prevailed, would have done little more than squat here and there over the country with their cattle, and carry on an incessant desultory war with the natives. whether it is really desirable that the waste lands of the world should be quickly brought under settled order and have their resources developed with all possible speed, is a question on which much might be said. but assuming, as most men, perhaps too hastily, do assume, that this sudden development is desirable, the english are the people most likely to carry it out effectively, and the strong and strenuous man who, with little encouragement from the government of his country, founded the british south africa company and acquired these territories for his countrymen, took one of the most fateful steps that statesman or conqueror has ever taken in the african continent. [footnote : the above was written in . the subsequent extension of the railway from mafeking to bulawayo stimulated production, and in july, , there were stamps at work on the gold reefs, and the total value of the gold produced in matabililand and mashonaland (including the tati concessions) was given by the bulawayo chamber of mines as £ , for the preceding ten months. the average wages paid to natives were £ a month. some reefs are stated to have been worked to a depth of feet.] [footnote : this very isolation and independence of the small native communities in mashonaland retarded the pacification of the country during - . there were hardly any influential chiefs with whom to treat. but since it has been perfectly quiet.] chapter xviii through natal to the transvaal there are two ways of reaching the witwatersrand goldfields, now the central point of attraction in south africa, from the south-east coast. one route starts from delagoa bay, a place of so much importance as to deserve a short description. it is a piece of water protected from the ocean by inyack island, and stretching some twenty miles or more north and south. at the north end, where two rivers discharge their waters into it, is an almost landlocked inlet, on the east side of which stands the town of lourenço marques, so called from the portuguese captain who first explored it in , though it had been visited in by vasco da gama. the approach to this harbour is long and circuitous, for a vessel has to wind hither and thither to avoid shoals; and as the channel is ill-buoyed, careful captains sometimes wait for the tide to be at least half full before they cross the shallowest part, where there may be only twenty feet of water at low tide. within the harbour there is plenty of good deep anchorage opposite the town, and a still more sheltered spot is found a little farther up the inlet in a sort of lagoon. the town, which is growing fast, but still in a rough and unsightly condition, runs for half a mile along the bay front, while behind a suburb is built up the slope of a hill facing to the west. the site looks healthy enough, though it would have been better to plant the houses nearer to the high point which shields the anchorage. but behind the town to the east and north there are large swamps, reeking with malaria; and the residents have, therefore, though of course much less in the dry season, to be on their guard against fever, which, indeed, few who remain for a twelvemonth escape. the portuguese government is unfortunately hard pressed for money and has not been able to complete the projected quays, nor even to provide a custom-house and warehouses fit to receive and store the goods intended for the transvaal, which are now discharged here in large quantities. in november, , everything was in confusion, and the merchants loud in their complaints. business is mostly in english and german, scarcely at all in portuguese, hands. with better management and the expenditure of a little money, both the approach to the harbour and the town itself might be immensely improved; and although the country round is not attractive, being mostly either sandy or marshy, the trade with the transvaal goldfields seems so certain to develop and maintain itself that expenditure would be well bestowed. it has often been suggested that great britain should buy or lease the place (over which she has a right of pre-emption), but the sensitive pride of portugal might refuse any offer. nevertheless, it needs no great boldness to foretel that some day it will come into british hands. the other port which now competes for the transvaal trade with delagoa bay is durban, the largest town in the british colony of natal. it stands on a sandy flat from which a spit of land runs out into the sea between the open ocean and the harbour. the harbour is commodious, but the bar on the channel connecting it with the ocean formerly made it unavailable except for vessels of light draft. although much had been done by the colony to deepen the channel, the largest steamers were (in ) still forced to lie out in the ocean a mile or two away, and as there is usually a swell, in which the little steam-tenders pitch about pretty freely, the process of disembarkation is trying to many passengers. there is, however, good reason to hope that the bar difficulties may ultimately be overcome, as they have already been greatly reduced: and the harbour, once you are within it, is perfectly sheltered. durban is a neat and, in some parts, even handsome town, incomparably superior to lourenço marques, with wide and well-kept streets, to which the use of slender jinrickshas (drawn by active zulus or indians) instead of cabs, as well as the number of white-clad coolies in the streets, gives a curious eastern touch, in keeping with the semi-tropical vegetation. the climate is sultry during three months, but very agreeable for the rest of the year. many of the whites, however,--there are , of them, and about the same number of kafirs and immigrants from india, live on the hill of berea to the north of the town, where the sea breeze gives relief even in the hottest weather. this suburb of berea is one of the prettiest spots in south africa. the name, of which the origin seems to have been forgotten by the citizens of to-day, comes from a missionary settlement planted here in very early days, and called after the berea mentioned in acts xvii. , . it has been skilfully laid out in winding roads, bordered by tasteful villas which are surrounded by a wealth of trees and flowering shrubs, and command admirable views of the harbour, of the bold bluff which rises west of the harbour, and of the ocean. the municipality bought the land, and by selling or leasing it in lots at increased prices has secured a revenue which keeps local taxation at a very low figure, and has enabled many town improvements to be made and many enterprises to be worked for the benefit of the citizens. durban has been a pioneer of what is called, in its extremer forms, municipal socialism; and enjoys the reputation of being the best managed and most progressive town in all south africa. it possesses among other things a fine town-hall with a lofty tower, built by the exertions of the present mayor, a deservedly respected scotch merchant. east of durban a low and fertile strip of country stretches along the coast, most of which is occupied by sugar plantations, tilled by coolies brought from india, because the native kafir does not take kindly to steady labour. north of the town the country rises, and here the patient industry of other indians has formed a great mass of gardens, where sub-tropical and even some tropical fruits are grown in great quantities, and have now begun to be exported to europe. across this high ground, and through and over the still higher hills which rise farther inland, the railway takes its course, often in steep inclines, to the town of pietermaritzburg, eighty miles distant, where the governor dwells, and a small british garrison is placed. durban was from the first an english town, and the white people who inhabit it are practically all english. maritzburg was founded by the emigrant boers who left cape colony in the great trek of , and descended hither across the quathlamba mountains in . its population is, however, nowadays much more british than boer, but the streets retain an old-fashioned half-dutch air; and the handsome parliament house and government offices look somewhat strange in a quiet and straggling country town. its height above the sea ( feet) and its dry climate make it healthy, though, as it lies in a hollow among high hills, it is rather hotter in summer than suits english tastes. the surrounding country is pretty, albeit rather bare; nor is the australian wattle, of which there are now large plantations in the neighbourhood, a very attractive tree. this seems the fittest place for a few words on the public life of natal, the british colony which has been the latest to receive responsible self-government. this gift was bestowed upon it in , not without some previous hesitation, for the whole white population was then about , , and the adult males were little over , . however, the system then established seems to be working smoothly. there is a cabinet of five ministers, with two houses of legislature, an assembly of thirty-seven, and a council of eleven members, the former elected for four years at most (subject to the chance of a dissolution), the latter appointed by the governor for ten years. no regular parties have so far been formed, nor can it yet be foreseen on what lines they will form themselves, for the questions that have chiefly occupied the legislature are questions on which few differences of principle have as yet emerged. all the whites are agreed in desiring to exclude kafirs and newcomers from india from the electoral franchise. all seemed in to be agreed in approving the tariff, which was for revenue only; and natal had then one of the lowest among the tariffs in force in british colonies. (the ordinary _ad valorem_ rate was five per cent.) in , however, natal entered the south african customs union previously consisting of cape colony, the orange free state, basutoland, and bechuanaland, and the tariff of that union, as fixed in , was higher and to some extent protective. even between the citizens of english and those of dutch origin, the latter less than one-fourth of the whole, and living chiefly in the country, there has been but little antagonism, for the dutch, being less numerous than in cape colony, are much less organized. among the english, british sentiment is strong, for the war of with the transvaal people not merely re-awakened the memories of the boer siege of durban in , but provoked an anti-boer feeling, which was kept in check only by the necessity of conciliating the transvaal government in order to secure as large as possible a share of the import trade into that country. as the natal line of railway is a competitor for this trade with the cape lines, as well as with the line from delagoa bay, there is a keen feeling of rivalry toward cape colony, which is thought to have been unfriendly in annexing the native territories of griqualand east and pondoland, which lie to the west of natal, and which the latter colony had hoped some day or other to absorb. when her hopes of territorial extension were closed on that side, natal began to cast longing eyes on zululand, a hilly region of rich pastures which is at present directly administered by the imperial government, and which contains not only some gold-reefs of still unascertained value, but also good beds of coal. ultimately in , the home government consented to allow natal to absorb both zululand and the tonga country all the way north to the portuguese frontier. the political life of natal flows in a tranquil current, because the population is not merely small, but also scattered over a relatively wide area, with only two centres of population that rise above the rank of villages. the people, moreover, lead an easy and quiet life. they are fairly well off, occupying large cattle-farms, and with no great inducement to bring a great deal of land under tillage, because the demand for agricultural produce is still comparatively small. not much over one-fortieth part of the surface is cultivated, of which about two hundred thousand acres are cultivated by europeans, of course by the hands of coloured labourers. sugar is raised along the coast, and tea has lately begun to be grown. the natalians have, perhaps, become the less energetic in developing the natural resources of their country because thrice in their recent history the equable course of development has been disturbed. in many of the most active spirits were drawn away to the newly-discovered diamond-fields of kimberley. in the presence of the large british force collected for the great zulu war created a sudden demand for all sorts of food-stuffs and forage, which disappeared when the troops were removed; and since the rapid growth of the witwatersrand gold-fields, besides carrying off the more adventurous spirits, has set so many people speculating in the shares of mining companies that steady industry has seemed a slow and tame affair. at present not many immigrants come to natal to settle down as farmers; and the colony grows but slowly in wealth and population. nevertheless, its prosperity in the long run seems assured. it is more favoured by soil and by sky than most parts of cape colony. it has an immense resource in its extensive coal-fields. its ocean trade and railway traffic are increasing. in proximity to these coal-fields it has deposits of iron which will one day support large industrial communities. and its inhabitants are of good, solid stuff, both english, dutch, and german, for there are many german immigrants. no british colony can show a population of better quality, and few perhaps one equally good. besides the railway question, which is bound up with the problem of the port of durban and its bar, the question which has most interest for the people of natal is that of the coloured population, kafir and indian. the kafirs, mostly of zulu race, number , , about ten times the whites, who are estimated at , . nearly all live under tribal law in their own communities, owning some cattle, and tilling patches of land which amount in all to about , acres. the law of the colony wisely debars them from the use of european spirits. a few of the children are taught in mission schools,--the only educational machinery provided for them,--and a very few have been converted to christianity, but the vast majority are little influenced by the whites in any way. they are generally peaceable, and perpetrate few crimes of violence upon whites; but however peaceable they may have shown themselves, their numerical preponderance is disquieting. a kafir may, by the governor's gift, obtain the electoral suffrage when he has lived under european law for at least seven years; but it has been bestowed on extremely few, so that in fact the native does not come into politics at all. the indian immigrants, now reckoned at , , are of two classes. some are coolies, who have been imported from india under indentures binding them to work for a term of years, chiefly on the sugar plantations of the coast. many of these return at the expiration of the term, but more have remained, and have become artisans in the towns or cultivators of garden patches. the other class, less numerous, but better educated and more intelligent, consists (besides some free immigrants of the humbler class) of so-called "arabs"--mahommedans, chiefly from bombay and the ports near it, or from zanzibar--who conduct retail trade, especially with the natives, and sometimes become rich. clever dealers, and willing to sell for small profits, they have practically cut out the european from business with the native, and thereby incurred his dislike. the number of the indians who, under the previous franchise law, were acquiring electoral rights had latterly grown so fast that, partly owing to the dislike i have just mentioned, partly to an honest apprehension that the indian element, as a whole, might become unduly powerful in the electorate, an act was in passed by the colonial legislature to exclude them from the suffrage. the home government was not quite satisfied with the terms in which this act was originally framed, but in approved an amended act which provides that no persons shall be hereafter admitted to be electors "who (not being of european origin) are natives or descendants in the male line of natives of countries which have not hitherto possessed elective representative institutions founded on the parliamentary franchise, unless they first obtain from the governor in council an order exempting them from the provisions of this act." under this statute the right of suffrage will be withheld from natives of india and other non-european countries, such as china, which have no representative government, though power is reserved for the government to admit specially favoured persons. in another act was passed (and approved by the home government) which permits the colonial executive to exclude all immigrants who cannot write in european characters a letter applying to be exempted from the provisions of the law. it is intended by this measure to stop the entry of unindentured indian immigrants of the humbler class. i have referred particularly to this matter because it illustrates one of the difficulties which arise wherever a higher and a lower, or a stronger and a weaker, race live together under a democratic government. to make race or colour or religion a ground of political disability runs counter to what used to be deemed a fundamental principle of democracy, and to what has been made (by recent amendments) a doctrine of the american constitution. to admit to full political rights, in deference to abstract theory, persons who, whether from deficient education or want of experience as citizens of a free country, are obviously unfit to exercise political power is, or may be, dangerous to any commonwealth. some way out of the contradiction has to be found, and the democratic southern states of the north american union and the oligarchical republic of hawaii (now ( ) annexed to the united states), as well as the south african colonies, have all been trying to find such a way. the problem has in presented itself in an acute form to the united states, who having taken hold of the philippine isles, perceive the objections to allowing the provisions of their federal constitution to have effect there, but have not yet decided how to avoid that result. natal, where the whites are in a small minority, now refuses the suffrage to both indians and kafirs; while cape colony, with a much larger proportion of whites excludes the bulk of her coloured people by the judicious application of an educational and property qualification. the two boer republics deny the supposed democratic principle, and are therefore consistent in denying all political rights to people of colour. the australian colonies have taken an even more drastic method. most of them forbid the chinese to enter the country, and admit the dark-skinned polynesian only as a coolie labourer, to be sent back when his term is complete. france, however, is more indulgent, and in some of her tropical colonies extends the right of voting, both for local assemblies and for members of the national assembly in france, to all citizens, without distinction of race or colour. maritzburg is a cheerful little place, with an agreeable society, centred in government house, and composed of diverse elements, for the ministers of state and other officials, the clergy, the judges, and the officers of the garrison, furnish a number, considerable for so small a town, of capable and cultivated men. there are plenty of excursions, the best of which is to the beautiful falls of the umgeni at howick, where a stream, large after the rains, leaps over a sheet of basalt into a noble _cirque_ surrounded by precipices. passing not far from these falls, the railway takes its course northward to the transvaal border. the line climbs higher and higher, and the country, as one recedes from the sea, grows always drier and more bare. the larger streams flow in channels cut so deep that their water is seldom available for irrigation; but where a rivulet has been led out over level or gently sloping ground, the abundance of the crop bears witness to the richness of the soil and the power of the sun. the country is everywhere hilly, and the scenery, which is sometimes striking, especially along the banks of the tugela and the buffalo rivers, would be always picturesque were it not for the bareness of the foregrounds, which seldom present anything except scattered patches of thorny wood to vary the severity of the landscape. toward the base of the great quathlamba or drakensberg range, far to the west of the main line of railway, there is some very grand scenery, for the mountains which on the edge of basutoland rise to a height of , feet break down toward natal in tremendous precipices. at the little town of ladysmith a railway diverges to the orange free state, whose frontier here coincides with a high watershed, crossed by only a few passes. a considerable coal-field lies near the village appropriately named newcastle, and there are valuable deposits near the village of dundee also, whither a branch line which serves the collieries turns off to the east at a spot called glencoe, south of newcastle. travelling steadily to the north, the country seems more and more a wilderness, in which the tiny hamlets come at longer and longer intervals. the ranching-farms are very large,--usually six thousand acres,--so there are few settlers; and the kafirs are also few, for this high region is cold in winter, and the dry soil does not favour cultivation. at last, as one rounds a corner after a steep ascent, a bold mountain comes into sight, and to the east of it, connecting it with a lower hill, a ridge or neck, pierced by a tunnel. the ridge is laing's nek, and the mountain is majuba hill, spots famous in south african history as the scenes of the battles of in the transvaal war of independence. few conflicts in which so small a number of combatants were engaged have so much affected the course of history as these battles; and the interest they still excite justifies a short description of the place. laing's nek, a ridge feet above the sea and rising rather steeply about feet above its southern base, is close to the quathlamba watershed, which separates the streams that run south into the indian ocean from those which the vaal on the north carries into the orange river and so to the atlantic. it is in fact on the south-eastern edge of that great interior table-land of which i have so often spoken. across it there ran in , and still runs, the principal road from natal into the transvaal republic,--there was no railway here in ,--and by it therefore the british forces that were proceeding from natal to reconquer the transvaal after the outbreak of december, , had to advance to relieve the garrisons beleaguered in the latter country. accordingly, the boer levies, numbering about a thousand men, resolved to occupy it, and on january they encamped with their waggons just behind the top of the ridge. the frontier lies five miles farther to the north, at the village of charleston, so that at the nek itself they were in the territory of natal. the british force of about one thousand men, with a few guns, arrived the same day at a point four miles to the south, and pitched their tents on a hillside still called prospect camp, under the command of general sir george colley, a brave officer, well versed in the history and theory of war, but with little experience of operations in the field. undervaluing the rude militia opposed to him, he next day attacked their position on the nek in front; but the british troops, exposed, as they climbed the slope, to a well-directed fire from the boers, who were in perfect shelter along the top of the ridge, suffered so severely that they had to halt and retire before they could reach the top or even see their antagonists. a monument to colonel deane, who led his column up the slope and fell there pierced by a bullet, marks the spot. three weeks later (after an unfortunate skirmish on the th), judging the nek to be impregnable in front, for his force was small, but noting that it was commanded by the heights of majuba hill, which rise feet above it on the west, the british general determined to seize that point. majuba is composed of alternate strata of sandstone and shale lying nearly horizontal and capped--as is often the case in these mountains--by a bed of hard igneous rock (a porphyritic greenstone). the top is less than a mile in circumference, depressed some sixty or seventy feet in the centre, so as to form a sort of saucer-like basin. here has been built a tiny cemetery, in which some of the british soldiers who were killed lie buried, and hard by on the spot where he fell, is a stone in memory of general colley. the hill proper is nearly nine hundred feet above its base, and the base about six hundred feet above laing's nek, with which it is connected by a gently sloping ridge less than a mile long. it takes an hour's steady walking to reach the summit from the nek; the latter part of the ascent being steep, with an angle of from twenty to thirty degrees, and here and there escarped into low faces of cliff in which the harder sandstone strata are exposed. the british general started on the night of saturday, february , from prospect camp, left two detachments on the way, and reached the top of the hill, after some hard climbing up the steep west side, at a.m., with something over four hundred men. when day broke, at a.m., the boers below on the nek were astonished to see british redcoats on the sky-line of the hill high above them, and at first, thinking their position turned, began to inspan their oxen and prepare for a retreat. presently, when no artillery played upon them from the hill, and no sign of a hostile movement came from prospect camp in front of them to the south, they took heart, and a small party started out, moved along the ridge toward majuba hill, and at last, finding themselves still unopposed, began to mount the hill itself. a second party supported this forlorn hope, and kept up a fire upon the hill while the first party climbed the steepest parts. each set of skirmishers, as they came within range, opened fire at the british above them, who, exposed on the upper slope and along the edge of the top, offered an easy mark, while the boers, moving along far below, and in places sheltered by the precipitous bits of the slope, where the hard beds of sandstone run in miniature cliffs along the hillside, did not suffer in the least from the irregular shooting which a few of the british tried to direct on them. thus steadily advancing, and firing as they advanced, the boers reached at last the edge of the hilltop, where the british had neglected to erect any proper breastworks or shelter, and began to pour in their bullets with still more deadly effect upon the hesitating and already demoralized troops in the saucer-like hollow beneath them. a charge with the bayonet might even then have saved the day. but though the order was given to fix bayonets, the order to charge did not follow. general colley fell shot through the head, while his forces broke and fled down the steep declivities to the south and west, where many were killed by the boer fire. the british loss was ninety-two killed, one hundred and thirty-four wounded, and fifty-nine taken prisoners; while the boers, who have given their number at four hundred and fifty, lost only one man killed and five wounded. no wonder they ascribed their victory to a direct interposition of providence on their behalf. the british visitor, to whom this explanation does not commend itself, is stupefied when he sees the spot and hears the tale. military authorities, however, declare that it is an error to suppose that the occupants of a height have, under circumstances like those of this fight, the advantage which a height naturally seems to give them. it is, they say, much easier for skirmishers to shoot from below at enemies above, than for those above to pick off skirmishers below; and this fact of course makes still more difference when the attacking force are accustomed to hill-shooting, and the defenders above are not. but allowing for both these causes, the attack could not have succeeded had laing's nek been assailed from the front by the forces at prospect camp, and probably would never have been made had the british on the hill taken the offensive early in the day. we reached the top of the mountain in a dense cloud, which presently broke in a furious thunderstorm, the flash and the crash coming together at the same moment, while the rain quickly turned the bottom of the saucer-like hollow almost into a lake. when the storm cleared away, what a melancholy sight was this little grassy basin strewn with loose stones, and bearing in its midst the graves of the british dead enclosed within a low wall! a remote and silent place, raised high in air above the vast, bare, brown country which stretched away east, south, and west without a trace of human habitation. a spot less likely to have become the scene of human passion, terror and despair can hardly be imagined. yet it has taken its place among the most remarkable battlefields in recent history, and its name has lived, and lives to-day, in men's minds as a force of lamentable potency. crossing laing's nek,--the top of which few future travellers will tread, because the railway passes in a tunnel beneath it,--one comes out on the north upon the great rolling plateau which stretches to the zambesi in one direction and to the atlantic in another. four or five miles further, a little beyond the village of charleston, one leaves natal and enters the south african republic; and here is the actual watershed which divides the upper tributaries of the orange river from the streams which flow to the indian ocean. the railway had just been completed at the time of our visit, and though it was not opened for traffic till some weeks later, we were allowed to run over it to the point where it joins the great line from cape town to pretoria. the journey was attended with some risk, for in several places the permanent way had sunk, and in others it had been so insecurely laid that our locomotive and car had to pass very slowly and cautiously. the country is so sparsely peopled that if one did not know it was all taken up in large grazing-farms, one might suppose it still a wilderness. here and there a few houses are seen, and one place, heidelberg, rises to the dignity of a small town, being built at the extreme south-eastern end of the great witwatersrand gold-basin, where a piece of good reef is worked, and a mining population has begun to gather. the country is all high, averaging feet above sea level, and is traversed by ridges which rise some to feet more. it is also perfectly bare, except for thorny mimosas scattered here and there, with willows fringing the banks of the few streams. great is the contrast when, on reaching elandsfontein, on the main line of railway, one finds one's self suddenly in the midst of the stir and bustle of industrial life. here are the tall chimneys of engine-houses; here huge heaps of refuse at the shafts of the mines mark the direction across the country of the great gold-reef. here, for the first time since he quitted the suburbs of cape town, the traveller finds himself again surrounded by a dense population, filled with the eagerness, and feeling the strain and stress, of an industrial life like that of the manufacturing communities of europe or of north america. fifteen years ago there was hardly a sign of human occupation. the boer ranchman sent out his native boys to follow the cattle as they wandered hither and thither, seeking scanty pasturage among the stones, and would have been glad to sell for a hundred pounds the land on which johannesburg now stands, and beneath which some of the richest mines are worked. the witwatersrand (whitewatersridge) is a rocky ridge rising from one to two or three hundred feet above the level of the adjoining country and running nearly east and west about thirty miles. along its southern slope the richest reefs or beds containing gold (except that near the village of heidelberg) have been found; but the whole gold-basin, in various parts of which payable reefs have been proved to exist and are being worked, is nearly one hundred and thirty miles long by thirty miles wide. it is called a basin because the various out-cropping reefs represent approximately the rim of a basin, and dip to a common centre. but there are many "faults" which have so changed the positions of the reefs in different places as largely to obliterate the resemblance indicated by the term. it would be impossible to give either a geological account of the district or a practical description of the methods of working without maps and plans and a number of details unsuitable to this book; so i will mention merely a few salient facts, referring the curious reader to the elaborate treatise of messrs. hatch and chalmers published in . the rand gold-mining district at present consists of a line of mines both east and west of johannesburg, along the outcrop of the principal reefs. it is about forty-six miles long, but "gold does not occur continuously in payable quantities over that extent, the 'pay-ore' being found in irregular patches, and (less frequently) in well-defined 'pay-shoots' similar to those which characterize quartz-veins."[ ] there are also a few scattered mines in other parts of the basin. on this line there are two principal reefs--the main reef, with its so-called "leader," a thin bed just outside, and parallel to it, and the south reef, with several others which are at present of much less importance. the term "reef" means a bed or stratum of rock, and these rand reefs are beds of a sort of conglomerate, consisting of sandy and clayey matter containing quartz pebbles. the pebbles are mostly small, from the size of a thrush's egg up to that of a goose's egg, and contain no gold. the arenaceous or argillaceous stuff in which they lie embedded is extremely hard, and strongly impregnated with iron, usually in the form of iron pyrites, which binds it together. it is in this stuff, or sandy and ferreous cement, that the gold occurs. the boers call the conglomerate "_banket_" (accented on the last syllable), which is their name for a kind of sweetmeat, because the pebbles lying in the cement are like almonds in the sugary substance of the sweetmeat. the gold is pretty equably diffused in the form of crystals or (less often) of flakes--crystals of such extremely small size as to be very rarely visible to the naked eye. here and there, however, the banket is traversed by thin veins of quartz rock, and nuggets, mostly quite small, are occasionally found in this quartz. the "main reef series" consists of several parallel beds of varying size and thickness, which have not been correlated throughout their entire length; at some points two may be workable; at others three. the main reef bed varies from one to twenty feet in thickness; its "leader," which is richer in gold, from three inches to three feet; and the south reef, also generally rich, from three inches to six feet. the main reef proper, however, is of too low an ore grade to be profitably worked under present economic conditions, though at two or three mines a percentage of it is milled in conjunction with the richer ore from the other beds. where these beds come to the surface, they are inclined, or "dip," as geologists say, at an angle of from ° to °, and the shafts are now usually sunk to follow the line of dip. but as they are followed down into the earth, the angle diminishes to ° or °, and it appears certain that at a still greater depth they will be found to lie nearly horizontal. this fact is extremely important, because it promises to make a much larger part of the beds available than would be the case if they continued to plunge downward at a high angle, since in that case they would soon attain a depth at which mining would be impossible, because the heat would be too great, and probably unprofitable also, because the cost of raising the ore would be extremely heavy. the greatest depth to which workings have been carried is about feet, but skilled engineers think it possible to work as deep as feet, though labour becomes more difficult above the temperature of ° fahrenheit, which is reached at feet beneath the surface. no difficulty from temperature has been felt at , feet, and the water is found to give little trouble; indeed a very experienced engineer (to whose courtesy i am indebted for these facts) tells me that he thinks most of the water comes from the surface, and can be taken up in the upper levels of the mine which is being worked at the depth mentioned. i have given these details in order to show how enormous a mass of ore remains to be extracted when the deep workings, which are still in their infancy, have been fairly entered upon. but a still more remarkable fact is that the auriferous banket beds appear, so far as they have been followed by deep borings, to retain, as they descend into the earth, not only their average thickness, but also their average mineral quality. here is the striking feature of the rand gold-beds, which makes them, so far as we know, unique in the world. everywhere else gold-mining is a comparatively hazardous and uncertain enterprise. where the metal is found in alluvial deposits, the deposits usually vary much in the percentage of gold to the ton of soil which they yield, and they are usually exhausted in a few years. where it occurs in veins of quartz-rock (the usual matrix), these veins are generally irregular in their thickness, often coming abruptly to an end as one follows them downward, and still more irregular and uncertain in the percentage of gold to rock. for a few yards your quartz-reef may be extremely rich, and thereafter the so-called "shoot" may stop, and the vein contain so little gold as not to pay the cost of working. but in the witwatersrand basin the precious metal is so uniformly and equally distributed through the auriferous beds that when you have found a payable bed you may calculate with more confidence than you can anywhere else that the high proportion of gold to rock will be maintained throughout the bed, not only in its lateral extension, which can be easily verified, but also as it dips downwards into the bowels of the earth. it is, therefore, not so much the richness of this gold-field--for the percentage of metal to rock is seldom very high, and the cost of working the hard rock and disengaging the metal from the minerals with which it is associated are heavy items--as the comparative certainty of return, and the vast quantity of ore from which that return may be expected, that have made the rand famous, have drawn to it a great mass of european capital and a large population, and have made the district the object of political desires, ambition, and contests which transcend south africa and have threatened to become a part of the game which the great powers of europe are playing on the chessboard of the world. it is believed that the banket or conglomerate beds are of marine origin, but it does not follow that the gold was deposited _pari passu_ with the deposition of the beds, for it may have been--and skilled opinion inclines to this view--carried into the conglomerate seams subsequently to their deposit. in this respect they resemble auriferous veins of quartz, though in these banket reefs the gold-bearing solutions would seem to have come up through the interstitial spaces of the conglomerate instead of in the more or less open fissures of the gold-bearing quartz-veins. the chemical conditions under which gold is thus deposited are still conjectural. gold has long been known to exist in sea-water, in the form of an iodide or a chloride; and one skilful metallurgist at johannesburg told me that he believed there was as much gold in a cubic mile of sea-water as the whole then annual output of the rand, that is to say, nearly £ , , . had these deposits been discovered a century ago, few, if any of them, would have been worth working, because miners did not then possess the necessary means for extracting the gold from its intractable matrix. it is the progress of chemical science which, by inventing new processes, such as the roasting with chlorine, the treatment in vats with cyanide, and the application of electrical currents, has made the working profitable. the expenses of working out the gold per ton of ore sank from £ _s._ _d._ per ton in to £ _s._ _d._ in , while the dividends rose from _s._ per ton to _s._ _d._; and the proportion of gold won which was paid in dividends rose from to per cent. further improvements in the processes of reduction will doubtless increase the mining area, by making it worth while to develop mines where the percentage of metal to rock is now too small to yield a dividend. improvements, moreover, tend to accelerate the rate of production, and thereby to shorten the life of the mines; for the more profitable working becomes, the greater is the temptation to work as fast as possible and get out the maximum of ore. the number of stamps at work in milling the ore rose from in to in august, . the total sum annually paid in dividends, which had in been £ , , had in risen to £ , , . the duration of the mines, as a whole, is therefore a difficult problem, for it involves the question whether many pieces of reef, which are now little worked or not worked at all, will in future be found worth working, owing to cheapened appliances and to a larger yield of gold per ton of rock, in which case the number of mines may be largely increased, and reefs now neglected be opened up when the present ones have been exhausted. the view of the most competent specialists seems to be that, though many of what are now the best properties will probably be worked out in twenty or thirty years, the district, as a whole, may not be exhausted for at least fifty, and possibly even for seventy or eighty, years to come. and the value of the gold to be extracted within those fifty years has been roughly estimated at about £ , , , of which at least £ , , will be clear profit, the balance going to pay the cost of extraction. in the value of the witwatersrand gold output was £ , , .[ ] in it was £ , , ; and in the first eight months of £ , , . assuming a production of £ , , a year, this would exhaust the field in about forty-six years; but it is, of course, quite impossible to predict what the future rate of production will be, for that must depend not only on the progress of mechanical and chemical science, but (as we shall presently see) to some extent also upon administrative and even political conditions. in the five years preceding the production had increased so fast (at the rate of about a million sterling per annum) that, even under the conditions which existed in , every one expected a further increase, and (as already noted), the product of exceeded £ , , . with more favourable economic and administrative conditions it will doubtless for a time go still higher. the south african republic now stands first among the gold-producing countries, having passed the united states, which stands a little behind her, australasia being a good third, and the russian empire a bad fourth. the total annual output of gold for the whole world was in about £ , , . among the economic conditions i have referred to, none is more important than the supply and the wages of labour. on the rand, as in all south african mines of every kind, unskilled manual labour is performed by kafirs, whites--together with a few half-breeds and indian coolies--being employed for all operations, whether within the mine or above the ground, which require intelligence and special knowledge. the number of natives regularly employed was in , , the total employed altogether during the year , . in these numbers had risen to , and , respectively. the average monthly wage of a native was in £ _s._ _d._ and in £ _s._ _d._ the number of whites employed was in , (average monthly wage £ ), in , (average monthly wage £ ). whites would be still more largely employed if they would work harder, but they disdain the more severe kinds of labour, thinking those fit only for kafirs. the native workmen are of various tribes, basutos, zulus, shanganis, and zambesi boys being reckoned the best. most of them come from a distance, some from great distances, and return home when they have saved the sum they need to establish themselves in life. the dream of the mine manager is to cut down the cost of native labour by getting a larger and more regular supply, as well as by obtaining cheaper maize to feed the workmen, for at present, owing to the customs duties on food-stuffs, the cost of maize--nearly all of which is imported--is much higher than it need be. so white labour might be much cheapened, while still remaining far better paid than in europe, by a reduction of the customs tariff, which now makes living inordinately dear. heavy duties are levied on machinery and chemicals; and dynamite is costly, the manufacture of it having been constituted a monopoly granted to a single person. of all these things, loud complaints are heard, but perhaps the loudest are directed against the rates of freight levied by the railways, and especially by the netherlands company, which owns the lines inside the transvaal state itself. even apart from the question of railway freights, johannesburg believed in that better legislation and administration might reduce the cost of production by twenty or thirty per cent., a difference which would of course be rapidly felt in the dividends of the mines that now pay, and which would enable many now unprofitable mines to yield a dividend and many mines to be worked which are now not worth working.[ ] however this may be, an examination of the figures i have given will show how great has been the development of the industry during the last eight years, how largely the dividends have grown and how much the cost of production has been reduced. thus in spite of the difficulties mentioned, the profits made have greatly increased, and the shareholder has fared well. there is nothing in the natural aspect of the mining belt to distinguish it from the rest of the transvaal plateau. it is a high, dry, bare, scorched, and windy country, and johannesburg, its centre, stands in one of the highest, driest, and windiest spots, on the south slope of the witwatersrand ridge, whose top rises some feet above the business quarters. founded in , the town has now a population exceeding , , more than half of them whites. in the census (probably very imperfect) showed within a radius of three miles , whites, , kafirs, and asiatics. though it is rapidly passing from the stage of shanties and corrugated iron into that of handsome streets lined with tall brick houses, it is still rough and irregular, ill paved, ill lighted, with unbuilt spaces scattered about and good houses set down among hovels. another element of unloveliness is supplied by the mines themselves, for the chief reefs run quite close to the southern part of the town, and the huge heaps of "waste rock" or refuse and so-called "tailings", the machinery which raises, crushes, and treats the ore, and the tall chimneys of the engine houses, are prominent objects in the suburbs. there is not much smoke; but to set against this there is a vast deal of dust, plenty from the streets, and still more from the tailings and other heaps of highly comminuted ore-refuse. the streets and roads alternate between mud for the two wet months, and dust in the rest of the year; and in the dry months not only the streets, but the air is full of dust, for there is usually a wind blowing. but for this dust, and for the want of proper drainage and a proper water-supply, the place would be healthy, for the air is dry and bracing. but there had been up to the end of a good deal of typhoid fever and a great deal of pneumonia, often rapidly fatal. in the latter part of the mortality was as high as per thousand.[ ] it is a striking contrast to pass from the business part of the town to the pretty suburb which lies to the north-east under the steep ridge of the witwatersrand, where the wealthier residents have erected charming villas and surrounded them with groves and gardens. less pretty, but far more striking, is the situation of a few of the outlying country houses which have been built to the north, on the rocky top or along the northern slope of the same ridge. these have a noble prospect over thirty or forty miles of rolling country to the distant magaliesberg. east and west the horizon is closed by long ranges of blue hills, while beneath, some large plantations of trees, and fields cultivated by irrigation, give to the landscape a greenness rare in this arid land. standing on this lonely height and looking far away towards the limpopo and bechuanaland, it is hard to believe that such a centre of restless and strenuous life as johannesburg is so near at hand. the prospect is one of the finest in this part of africa; and it is to be hoped that a tract on these breezy heights will, before building has spread further, be acquired by the town as a public park. though in its general aspect johannesburg comes nearer to one of the new mining cities of western america than to any place in europe, yet in many points it is more english than american, as it is far more english than dutch. indeed, there is nothing to remind the traveller that he is in a dutch country except the dutch names of the streets on some of the street corners. the population--very mixed, for there are germans, italians, and french, as well as some natives of india--is practically english-speaking, for next in number to the colonial english and the recent immigrants from great britain come the australians and americans, who are for all social purposes practically english. it is a busy, eager, restless, pleasure-loving town, making money fast and spending it lavishly, filled from end to end with the fever of mining speculation. this pursuit concentrates itself in one spot where two of the principal streets meet, and where a part of one of them is inclosed within low chains, so as to make a sort of inclosure, in which those who traffic in gold shares meet to buy and sell. "between the chains" is the local expression for the mining exchange, or share market, and a sensitive and unstable market it is. it had been "booming" for most of the year, and many stocks stood far too high. but while we were there what is called a "slump" occurred, and it was pretty to study the phenomenon on the countenances between the chains. the passion of the people for sport, and especially for racing, is characteristically english. the gambling-saloon is less conspicuous than in transatlantic mining-camps, and there are fewer breaches of public order. decorum is not always maintained. when i was there, a bout of fisticuffs occurred between the ex-head of the town police and his recently appointed successor, and the prowess of the former delighted a large ring of english spectators who gathered round the combatants. but one hears of no shootings at-sight or lynchings; and considering the great number of bad characters who congregate at places of this kind, it was surprising that the excess of crime over other south african towns (in which there is very little crime among the whites) should not have been larger. partly, perhaps, because the country is far from europe, the element of mere roughs and rowdies, of scalawags, hoodlums, and larrikins, is smaller than in the mining districts of the western united states, and the proportion of educated men unusually large. the best society of the place--of course not very numerous--is cultivated and agreeable. it consists of men of english or anglo-jewish race--including cape colonists and americans, with a few germans, mostly of jewish origin. i should conjecture the english and colonial element to compose seven-tenths of the white population, the american and german about one-tenth each, while frenchmen and other european nations make up the residue. there are hardly any boers or hollanders, except government officials; and one feels one's self all the time in an english, that is to say, an anglo-semitic town. though there are some , kafirs, not many are to be seen about the streets. the boer farmers of the neighbourhood drive their waggons in every morning, laden with vegetables. but there are so few of the native citizens of the south african republic resident in this its largest town that the traveller cannot help fancying himself in the colony; and it was only natural that the english-speaking people, although newcomers, should feel the place to be virtually their own. great is the change when one passes from the busy johannesburg to the sleepy pretoria, the political capital of the country, laid out forty-three years ago, and made the seat of government in . the little town--it has about , inhabitants, two-thirds of whom are whites--lies in a warm and well watered valley--about thirty miles n.n.e. of johannesburg. the gum-trees and willows that have grown up swiftly in the gardens and along the avenues embower it; and the views over the valley from the low hills--most of them now (since the middle of ) crowned by batteries of cannon--that rise above the suburbs are pleasing. but it has neither the superb panoramic prospect nor the sense of abounding wealth and strenuous life that make johannesburg striking. the streets are wide, and after rain so muddy as to be almost impassable; the houses irregular, yet seldom picturesque. nothing could be less beautiful than the big dutch church, which occupies the best situation, in the middle of the market square. there is, however, one stately and even sumptuous building, that which contains the government offices and chambers of the legislature. it is said to have cost £ , . the room in which the volksraad (_i.e._, the first or chief volksraad) meets is spacious and handsome. it interests the visitor to note that on the right hand of the chair of the presiding officer there is another chair, on the same level, for the president of the republic, while to the right there are seats for the five members of the executive council, and to the left five others for the heads of the administrative departments, though none of these eleven is a member of the raad. we had expected to find pretoria as dutch as johannesburg is english. but although there is a considerable boer and hollander population, and one hears dutch largely spoken, the general aspect of the town is british colonial; and the british-colonial element is conspicuous and influential. having little trade and no industry, pretoria exists chiefly as the seat of the administration and of the courts of law. now the majority of the bar are british-colonials from cape colony or england. the large interests involved in the goldfields, and the questions that arise between the companies formed to work them, give abundant scope for litigation, and one whole street, commonly known as the aasvogelsnest (vulture's nest), is filled with their offices. they and the judges, the most distinguished of whom are also either colonial dutchmen or of british origin, are the most cultivated and (except as regards political power) the leading section of society. it is a real pleasure to the european traveller to meet so many able and well-read men as the bench and bar of pretoria contain; and he finds it odd that many of them should be excluded from the franchise and most of them regarded with suspicion by the ruling powers. johannesburg (with its mining environs) has nearly all the industry and wealth, and half the whole white population of the transvaal--a country, be it remembered, as large as great britain. pretoria and the lonely country to the north, east, and west[ ] have the rest of the population and all the power. it is true that pretoria has also a good deal of the intelligence. but this intelligence is frequently dissociated from political rights. president kruger lives in a house which the republic has presented to him, five minutes' walk from the public offices. it is a long, low cottage, like an indian bungalow, with nothing to distinguish it from other dwellings. the president has, however, a salary of £ , a year, besides an allowance, commonly called "coffee money," to enable him to defray the expenses of hospitality. just opposite stands the little chapel of the so-called dopper sect in which he occasionally preaches. like the scotch of former days, the boers have generally taken more interest in ecclesiastical than in secular politics. a sharp contest has raged among them between the party which desires to be in full communion with the dutch reformed church of cape colony and the party which prefers isolation, distrusting (it would seem unjustly) the strict orthodoxy of that church. the doppers (dippers, _i.e._ baptists) are still more stringent in their adherence to ancient ways. when i asked for an account of their tenets, i was told that they wore long waistcoats and refused to sing hymns. they are, in fact, old-fashioned puritans in dogmatic beliefs and social usages, and, as in the case of the more extreme puritans of the seventeenth century, this theological stringency is accompanied by a firmness of character which has given them a power disproportionate to their numbers. quiet as pretoria is, the echoes of the noisy rand are heard in it, and the rand questions occupy men's minds. but outside pretoria the country is lonely and silent, like all other parts of the transvaal, except the mining districts. here and there, at long, intervals, you come upon a cluster of houses--one can hardly call them villages. if it were not for the mines, there would not be one white man to a square mile over the whole republic. [footnote : mr. j. hays hammond, the eminent mining engineer, in _north american review_ for february, .] [footnote : the total output of the californian gold deposits up to the end of was £ , , . the total gold output of the transvaal was in $ , , (about £ , , ), that of the united states $ , , . i take these and the other recent figures from a report by mr. hammond to the consolidated gold fields of south africa company.] [footnote : a little french book (_l'industrie minière au transvaal_, published in ), which presents a careful examination of these questions, calculated at about thirty per cent. of the expenditure the savings in production which better legislation and administration might render possible.] [footnote : there are towns in england where the rate is only per thousand.] [footnote : there are some mines of gold and coal in other parts, mostly on the east side of the country, with a small industrial population consisting chiefly of recent immigrants.] chapter xix the orange free state in the last preceding chapter i have carried the reader into the transvaal through natal, because this is the most interesting route. but most travellers in fact enter _via_ cape colony and the orange free state, that state lying between the north-eastern frontier of the colony and the south-eastern frontier of the transvaal. of the free state there is not much to say; but that little needs to be said, because this republic is a very important factor in south african politics, and before coming to its politics the reader ought to know something of its population. i have already (chapter v) summarized its physical features and have referred (chapter xi) to the main incidents in its history. physically, there is little to distinguish it from the regions that bound it to the east, north, and west. like them, it is level or undulating, dry, and bare--in the main a land of pasture. one considerable diamond mine is worked in the west, (at jagersfontein) and along the banks of the caledon river there lies one rich agricultural district. but the land under cultivation is less than one per cent, of the whole area. there are no manufactures, and of course very little trade; so the scanty population increases slowly. it is a country of great grassy plains, brilliantly green and fresh after rain has fallen, parched and dusty at other times, but able to support great numbers of cattle and sheep. rare farmhouses and still rarer villages are scattered over this wide expanse, which, in the north-east, toward natal, rises into a mountainous region. the natives (most of them of bechuana stock) are nearly twice as numerous as the whites. some live on a large barolong reservation, where they till the soil and keep their cattle in their own way. the rest are scattered over the country, mostly employed as herdsmen to the farmers. save on the reservation, they cannot own land or travel without a pass, and of course they are not admitted to the electoral franchise. they seem, however, to be fairly well treated, and are perfectly submissive. their wages average thirty shillings a month. native labour has become so scarce that no farmer is now permitted to employ more than twenty-five. of the whites, fully two-thirds are of dutch origin, and dutch is pretty generally spoken. english, however, is understood by most people, and is the language most commonly used in the larger villages. the two races have lived of late years in perfect harmony, for there has never been any war between the free state and great britain. as the tendency of the english citizens to look to cape colony has been checked by the sentiment of independence which soon grew up in this little republic, and by their attachment to its institutions, so the knowledge of the dutch citizens that the english element entertains this sentiment and attachment has prevented the growth of suspicion among the dutch, and has knitted the two races into a unity which is generally cordial.[ ] nevertheless, so much dutch feeling remained slumbering, that when it had been reawakened by dr. jameson's expedition into the transvaal in december, , the scale was decisively turned in favour of one out of the two candidates at the election of a president which followed shortly thereafter, by the fact that the one belonged to a dutch, the other to a scottish family. both were able and experienced men, the former (mr. steyn) a judge, the latter (mr. fraser) speaker of the volksraad. it may be added that the proximity of the colony, and the presence of the large english element, have told favourably upon the dutch population in the way of stimulating their intelligence and modifying their conservatism, while not injuring those solid qualities which make them excellent citizens. the desire for instruction is far stronger among them than it is in the transvaal. indeed, there is no part of south africa where education is more valued and more widely diffused. the only place that can be called a town is bloemfontein, the seat of government, which stands on the great trunk-line of railway from cape town to pretoria, seven hundred and fifty miles from the former and two hundred and ninety from the latter town. it is what the germans call a "freundliches städtchen," a bright and cheerful little place with , white and , black inhabitants, nestling under a rocky kopje, and looking out over illimitable plains to the east and south. the air is dry and bracing, and said to be especially beneficial to persons threatened with pulmonary disease. as it is one of the smallest, so it is one of the neatest and, in a modest way, best appointed capitals in the world. it has a little fort, originally built by the british government, with two maxim guns in the arsenal, a protestant episcopal and a roman catholic cathedral as well as dutch reformed churches, all kinds of public institutions, a spacious market square, with a good club and an excellent hotel, wide and well-kept streets, gardens planted with trees that are now so tall as to make the whole place seem to swim in green, a national museum, and a very handsome building for the legislature, whose principal apartment is as tasteful, well-lighted, and well-arranged as any i have seen in any british colony or american state. the place is extremely quiet, and people live very simply, though not cheaply, for prices are high, and domestic service so dear and scarce as to be almost unprocurable. every one is above poverty, but still further removed from wealth. it looks, and one is told that it is, the most idyllic community in africa, worthy to be the capital of this contented and happy state. no great industries have come into the free state to raise economic strife. no capitalists tempt the virtue of legislators, or are forced to buy off the attacks of blackmailers. no religious animosities divide christians, for there is perfect religious freedom. no difficulties as to british suzerainty exist, for the republic is absolutely independent. no native troubles have arisen. no prize is offered to ambition. no political parties have sprung up. taxation is low, and there is no public debt. the arms of the state are a lion and a lamb standing on opposite sides of an orange-tree, with the motto, "freedom, immigration, patience, courage", and though the lion has, since , ceased to range over the plains, his pacific attitude beside the lamb on this device happily typifies the harmony which has existed between the british and dutch elements, and the spirit of concord which the late president brand so well infused into the public life of his republic. in the orange free state i discovered, in , the kind of commonwealth which the fond fancy of the philosophers of last century painted. it is an ideal commonwealth, not in respect of any special excellence in its institutions, but because the economic and social conditions which have made democracy so far from an unmixed success in the american states and in the larger colonies of britain, not to speak of the peoples of europe, whether ancient or modern, have not come into existence here, while the external dangers which for a time threatened the state have, years ago, vanished away like clouds into the blue.[ ] although, however, the political constitution of the free state is not the chief cause of the peace and order which the state enjoys, it may claim to be well suited to the community which lives happily under it. it is a simple constitution, and embodied in a very short, terse, and straightforward instrument of sixty-two articles, most of them only a few lines in length. the governing authorities are the president, the executive council, and the volksraad or elective popular assembly. citizenship belongs to all white persons born in the state, or who have resided in it for three years and have made a written promise of allegiance, or have resided one year and possess real property of the value of one hundred and fifty pounds sterling, a liberality which is in marked contrast to the restrictions imposed upon new comers by the laws of the transvaal. thus, practically, all the male white inhabitants are citizens, with full rights of suffrage--subject to some small property qualifications for new comers which it is hardly worth while to enumerate. the president is elected by the citizens for five years and is re-eligible. he can sit and speak but cannot vote in the volksraad, is responsible to it and has the general control of the administration. the executive council consists of five members--besides the president--viz., the state secretary and the magistrate of bloemfontein, both of whom are appointed by the president and confirmed by the volksraad, and three other members chosen by the volksraad. it is associated with the president for divers purposes, but has not proved to be an important or influential body. the volksraad is elected by all the citizens for four years, half of the members retiring every two years. it has only one chamber, in which there sit at present fifty-eight members. it is the supreme legislative authority, meeting annually, and in extra sessions when summoned, and its consent is required to the making of treaties and to a declaration of war. the president has no veto on its acts, and the heads of the executive departments do not sit in it. the obligation of military service is universal on all citizens between the ages of sixteen and sixty. the constitution can be altered by the volksraad, but only by a three-fourths majority in two consecutive annual sessions. it is therefore a rigid constitution, like that of the united states and that of switzerland. this simple scheme of government seems calculated to throw nearly all the power in the hands of the legislature, leaving the president comparatively weak. nevertheless, in point of fact the presidents have been very important figures, partly because there have been no parties in the legislature, and therefore no party leaders. from till his death in , the whole policy of the state was guided by president brand, a lawyer from the cape, whom the people elected for five successive terms. his power of sitting in and addressing the volksraad proved to be of the utmost value, for his judgment and patriotism inspired perfect confidence. his successor, mr. f. w. reitz, who at the time of my visit (november, ) had just been obliged by ill-health to retire from office, enjoyed equal respect, and when he chose to exert it, almost equal influence with the legislature, and things went smoothly under him. i gathered that judge steyn, who was elected president early in , was similarly respected for his character and abilities, and was likely to enjoy similar weight. so the speaker of the legislature has been an influential person, because his office devolves upon him functions which the absence of a cabinet makes important. the fact is that in every government, give it what form you please, call it by what name you will, individual men are the chief factors, and if the course of things is such that the legislature does not become divided into parties and is not called on to produce conspicuous leaders, general leadership will fall to the executive head if he is fit to assume it, and legislative leadership to the chairman of the assembly. were questions to arise splitting up the people and the legislature into factions, the situation would change at once. oratorical gifts and legislative strategy would become valuable, and the president or the speaker of the assembly might be obscured by the chiefs of the parties. the people of the free state were well satisfied with their constitution, and showed little disposition to alter it. some of the wisest heads, however, told me that they thought two improvements were needed: a provision that amendments to the constitution, after having passed the volksraad, should be voted on by the people (as in the swiss referendum), and a provision securing to the judges their salaries, and their independence of the volksraad. it is interesting to notice that both here and in the transvaal the gravest constitutional questions that have arisen turn on the relations between the legislative and the judicial departments. some years ago the free state volksraad claimed the right to commit a person to prison for contempt, and to direct the state attorney to prosecute him. the chief justice, a distinguished lawyer, and his colleagues felt bound to resist what they thought an unconstitutional stretch of power by the raad. at first they seemed likely to be defeated, but by using their opportunities of charging juries to insist on their views they brought public opinion round to their side, and the raad ultimately retired from the position it had taken up, leaving the question of right undetermined. it has never been definitely settled whether the courts of law are in the free state (as in the united states), the authorized interpreters of the constitution, though upon principle it would seem that they are. these south african constitutions were drafted by simple men in an untechnical way, so that many legal points obvious to the minds of english or american lawyers were left untouched, and have now to be settled either on principle or according to the will of what may happen to be the predominant power for the time being. it is, perhaps, better that they should remain in abeyance until public opinion has grown more instructed and has had fuller opportunities of considering them. small as is the white population of the orange free state, its geographical position and the high average quality of its citizens secure for it a position of great significance in south african politics; and the attitude it might take would be an important factor in any dispute between the british government and the transvaal republic. the troubles of december, , drew it nearer to the transvaal, for the free state boers have strong political sympathy with their northern kinsfolk. they were, at the time of my visit, far from approving the policy of mere resistance to reform which president kruger has taken up; and seemed quite indisposed to support the transvaal if it should take any course at variance with its treaty engagements.[ ] to this topic i may have occasion presently to return. meanwhile i pass on to describe the native state which lies nearest to the free state, which has been most closely connected with its fortunes, and which in one respect furnishes a parallel to it, having been of late years the most quiet and contented among native communities. [footnote : mr. brand was chosen president when practising law in cape colony; and afterwards accepted, with the full assent of his citizens, a british order of knighthood.] [footnote : revising this book in october, , i leave the above passage as it was written in , grieving to think that it describes what has now become a past, and that the future is likely to have far other things in store.] [footnote : i leave this as written in . the invasion of the transvaal in december, , led to the conclusion of an alliance between the free state and that republic, whereby each bound itself to defend the other if attacked. the free state has accordingly now (october, ), when hostilities have broken out between britain and the transvaal, thrown in its lot with its sister republic. this is what every one who knew its history and the character of its people must have expected.] chapter xx basutoland basutoland is a comparatively small territory ( , square miles) somewhat larger than wales or massachusetts. it is nearly all mountainous, and contains the highest summits in south africa, some of them reaching , feet. few european travellers visit it, for it lies quite away from the main routes; it has no commercial importance, and its white population is extremely small, the land being reserved for the natives alone. we were attracted to it by what we had heard of the scenery; but found when we came to traverse it, that the social conditions were no less interesting than the landscapes. the easiest approach is from bloemfontein. starting from that pleasant little town one bright november morning on the top of the ladybrand coach, we drove over wide and nearly level stretches of pasture-land, which now, after the first rains, were vividly green, and beginning to be dotted with flowers. the road was only a track, rough and full of ruts, and the coach, drawn by eight horses, was an old one, whose springs had lost whatever elasticity they might once have possessed, so that it was only by holding tight on to the little rail at the back of the seat that we could keep our places. the incessant pitching and jolting would have been intolerable on an ordinary drive; but here the beauty of the vast landscape, the keen freshness of the air, and the brilliance of the light made one forget every physical discomfort. about noon, after crossing the muddy flood of the modder river, whose channel, almost dry a month before, had now been filled by the rains, we entered a more hilly region, and came soon after noon to the village of thaba 'ntshu, called from the bold rocky peak of that name, which is a landmark for all the country round, and is famous in history as the rallying-point of the various parties of emigrant boers who quitted cape colony in the great trek of - . near it is a large native reservation, where thousands of barolong kafirs live, tilling the better bits of soil and grazing their cattle all over the rolling pastures. some ten or fifteen miles farther the track reaches the top of a long ascent, and a magnificent prospect is revealed to the south-east of the noble range of the maluti mountains, standing out in the dazzling clearness of this dry african air, yet mellowed by distance to tints of delicate beauty. we were reminded of the view of the pyrenees from pau, where, however, the mountains are both nearer and higher than here, and of the view of the rocky mountains from calgary, on the canadian pacific railway. from this point onward the road mounts successive ridges, between which lie rich hollows of agricultural land, and from the tops of which nearer and nearer views of the maluti range are gained. there was hardly a tree visible, save those which europeans have planted round the farmhouses that one finds every seven or eight miles; and i dare say the country would be dreary in the dry season or in dull grey weather. but as we saw it, the wealth of sunlight, the blue of the sky above, the boundless stretches of verdure beneath, made the drive a dream of delight. when the sun sank the constellations came out in this pure, dry african air with a brilliance unknown to europe; and we tired our eyes in gazing on the centaur and the argo and those two magellanic clouds by which one finds the position of the southern pole. soon after dark we came to the top of the last high hill, and saw what seemed an abyss opening beneath. the descent was steep, but a beaten track led down it, reputed the most dangerous piece of road in the free state; and the driver regaled us with narratives of the accidents that had taken place on the frequent occasions when the coach had been upset, adding, however, that nobody ever had been or would be killed while he held the reins. he proved as good as his word, and brought us safely to ladybrand at p.m., after more than twelve hours of a drive so fatiguing that only the marvellously bracing air enabled us to feel none the worse for it. ladybrand is a pretty little hamlet lying at the foot of the great flat-topped hill, called the plaat berg, which the perilous road crosses, and looking out from groves of australian gum-trees, across fertile corn-fields and meadows, to the caledon river and the ranges of basutoland. a ride of eight miles brings one to the ferry (which in the dry season becomes a shallow ford) across this stream, and on the farther shore one is again under the british flag at maseru, the residence of the imperial commissioner who supervises the administration of the country, under the direction of the high commissioner for south africa. here are some sixty europeans--officials, police, and store-keepers--and more than two thousand natives. neither here nor anywhere else in basutoland is there an inn; those few persons who visit the country find quarters in the stores which several whites have been permitted to establish, unless they have, as we had, the good fortune to be the guests of the commissioner. basutoland is the switzerland of south africa and, very appropriately, is the part of south africa where the old inhabitants, defended by their hills, have retained the largest measure of freedom. although most of it is covered with lofty mountains, it has, like switzerland, one comparatively level and fertile tract--that which lies along the left bank of the caledon river. morija, the oldest french mission station, lies in a pretty hollow between five and six thousand feet above the sea,--nearly all basutoland is above feet,--some sixteen miles south-east from maseru. groves of trees and luxuriant gardens give softness and verdure to the landscape, and among them the mission houses and schools, and printing-house whence basuto books are issued, lie scattered about, up and down the slopes of the hill. though there are plenty of streams in basutoland, there is hardly any swampy ground, and consequently little or no fever, so the missionaries invalided from the zambesi frequently come here to recruit. the station of morija has been for many years past directed by french-swiss pastors, but the schools have been under the charge of scottish presbyterian clergymen, of course in the service of the paris society, and they gave us a hearty welcome. they have large and flourishing schools, from which a considerable number of young kafirs go out every year among their countrymen and become an effective civilizing influence. there is among the bantu tribes so little religion, in the european sense of the word, that the natives seem never to have felt the impulse to persecute, and hardly ever to obstruct the preaching of christianity. when opposition comes, it comes from the witch-doctor or medicine-man, who feels his craft in danger, seldom from the chief. here most of the leading men have been and still are on good terms with the missionaries. the paramount chief of the whole country lives three miles from morija, at matsieng, where he has established, as the wont of the kafirs is, a new kraal on the top of a breezy hill, forsaking the residence of his father in the valley beneath. here we visited him. lerothodi, the paramount chief, is the son of letsie and grandson of moshesh, and now ranks with khama as the most important native potentate south of the zambesi. he is a strong, thickset man, who looks about fifty years of age, and is not wanting either in intelligence or in firmness. he was dressed in a grey shooting-coat and trousers of grey cloth, with a neat new black, low-crowned hat, and received the deputy acting commissioner and ourselves in a stone house which he has recently built as a sort of council-chamber and reception-room for white visitors. hard by, another house, also of stone, was being erected to lodge such visitors, and over its doorway a native sculptor had carved the figure of a crocodile, the totem of the basutos. when a chief sits to administer justice among the tribesmen, as he does on most mornings, he always sits in the open air, a little way from his sleeping-huts. we found a crowd of natives gathered at the levee, whom lerothodi quitted to lead us into the reception-room. he was accompanied by six or seven magnates and counsellors,--one of the most trusted counsellors (a christian) was not a person of rank, but owed his influence to his character and talents,--and among these one spoke english and interpreted to us the compliments which lerothodi delivered, together with his assurances of friendship and respect for the protecting power, while we responded with phrases of similar friendliness. the counsellors, listening with profound and impressive gravity, echoed the sentences of the chief with a chorus of "ehs," a sound which it is hard to reproduce by letters, for it is a long, slow, deep expiration of the breath in a sort of singing tune. the kafirs constantly use it to express assent and appreciation, and manage to throw a great deal of apparent feeling into it. presently some of them spoke, one in pretty good english, dilating on the wish of the basuto[ ] tribe to be guided in the path of prosperity by the british government. then lerothodi led us out and showed us, with some pride, the new guest-house he was building, and the huts inhabited by his wives, all scrupulously neat. each hut stands in an enclosure surrounded by a tall fence of reeds, and the floors of red clay were perfectly hard, smooth, and spotlessly clean. the news of the reception accorded shortly before (in london) to khama had kindled in him a desire to visit england, but his hints thrown out to that effect were met by the commissioner's remark that khama's total abstinence and general hostility to the use of intoxicants had been a main cause for the welcome given him, and that if other chiefs desired like treatment in england they had better emulate khama. this shot went home. from the chief's kraal we had a delightful ride of some twenty miles to a spot near the foot of the high mountains, where we camped for the night. the track leads along the base of the maluti range, sometimes over a rolling table-land, sometimes over hills and down through valleys, all either cultivated or covered with fresh close grass. the malutis consist of beds of sandstone and shale, overlaid by an outflow of igneous rock from two to five thousand feet thick. they rise very steeply, sometimes breaking into long lines of dark brown precipice, and the crest seldom sinks lower than feet. behind them to the south-east are the waterfalls, one of which, feet high, is described as the grandest cascade in africa south of the zambesi. it was only two days' journey away, but unfortunately we had not time to visit it. the country we were traversing beneath the mountains was full of beauty, so graceful were the slopes and rolls of the hills, so bright the green of the pastures; while the sky, this being the rainy season, had a soft tone like that of england, and was flecked with white clouds sailing across the blue. it was also a prosperous-looking country, for the rich soil supported many villages, and many natives, men as well as women, were to be seen at work in the fields as we rode by. except where streams have cut deeply into the soft earth, one gets about easily on horseback, for there are no woods save a little scrub clinging to the sides of the steeper glens. we were told that the goats eat off the young trees, and that the natives have used the older ones for fuel. in the afternoon we passed st. michael's, the seat of a flourishing roman catholic mission, and took our way up the steep and stony track of a kloof (ravine) which led to a plateau some feet or more above sea-level. the soil of this plateau is a deep red loam, formed by the decomposition of the trap rock, and is of exceptional fertility, like the decomposed traps of oregon and the deccan. here we pitched our tent, and found our liberal supply of blankets none too liberal, for the air was keen, and the difference between day and night temperature is great in these latitudes. next morning, starting soon after dawn, we rode across the deep-cut beds of streams and over breezy pastures for some six or seven miles, to the base of the main maluti range, and after a second breakfast prepared for the ascent of the great summit, which we had been admiring for two days as it towered over the long line of peaks or peered alone from the mists which often enveloped the rest of the range. it is called machacha, and is a conspicuous object from ladybrand and the free state uplands nearly as far as thaba 'ntshu. our route lay up a grassy hollow so steep that we had thought our friend, the commissioner, must be jesting when he pointed up it and told us that was the way we had to ride. for a pedestrian it was a piece of hand and foot climbing, and seemed quite impracticable for horses. but up the horses went. they are a wonderful breed, these little basuto nags. this region is the part of south africa where the horse seems most thoroughly at home and happy, and is almost the only part where the natives breed and ride him. sixty years ago there was not a horse in the country--the animal, it need hardly be said, is not a native of south africa. but in , the basutos had plenty of ponies, and used them in the short campaign of that year with extraordinary effect. they are small, seldom exceeding twelve hands in height, a little larger than the ponies of iceland, very hardy, and wonderfully clever on hills, able not only to mount a slope whose angle is ° to °, but to keep their footing when ridden horizontally along it. a rider new to the country finds it hard not to slip off over the tail when the animal is ascending, or over the head when he is descending. the hollow brought us to a col fully feet above the sea, from which we descended some way into a valley behind, and then rode for three or four miles along the steep sides, gradually mounting, and having below us on the right a deep glen, covered everywhere with rich grass, and from the depths of which the murmur of a rushing stream, a sound rare in south africa, rose up softly through the still, clear air. at length we reached the mountain crest, followed it for a space, and then, to avoid the crags along the crest, guided our horses across the extremely steep declivities by which it sinks to the east, till we came to a pass between precipices, with a sharp rock towering up in the middle of the pass and a glen falling abruptly to the west. beyond this point-- feet or so above sea-level--the slopes were too steep even for the basuto horses, and we therefore left them in charge of one of our kafir attendants. a more rich and varied alpine flora than that which clothed the pastures all round i have seldom seen. the flowers had those brilliant hues that belong to the plants of our high european mountains, and they grew in marvellous profusion. they were mostly of the same genera as one finds in the alps or the pyrenees, but all or nearly all of different species; and among those i found several, particularly two beautiful _gerania_, which the authorities at kew have since told me are new to science. it was interesting to come here upon two kinds of heath--the first we had seen since quitting the cape peninsula, for, rich as that peninsula is in heaths, there are very few to be found in other parts of south africa, and those only, i think, upon high mountains. after a short rest we started for the final climb, first up a steep acclivity, covered with low shrubs and stones, and then across a wide hollow, where several springs of deliciously cold water break out. less than an hour's easy work brought us to the highest point of a ridge which fell northward in a precipice, and our kafirs declared that this was the summit of machacha. but right in front of us, not half a mile away, on the other side of a deep semi-circular gulf,--what is called in scotland a _corrie_,--a huge black cliff reared its head feet above us, and above everything else in sight. this was evidently the true top and must be ascended. the kafirs, perhaps thinking they had done enough for one day, protested that it was inaccessible. "nonsense," we answered; "that is where we are going;" and when we started off at full speed they followed. keeping along the crest for about half a mile to the eastward--it is an arëte which breaks down to the corrie in tremendous precipices, but slopes more gently to the south--we came to the base of the black cliff, and presently discovered a way by which, climbing hither and thither through the crags, we reached the summit, and saw an immense landscape unroll itself before us. it was one of those views which have the charm, so often absent from mountain panoramas, of combining a wide stretch of plain in one direction with a tossing sea of mountain-peaks in another. to the north-east and east and south-east, one saw nothing but mountains, some of them, especially in the far north-east, toward natal, apparently as lofty as that on which we stood, and many of them built on bold and noble lines. to the south-east, where are the great waterfalls which are one of the glories of basutoland, the general height was less, but a few peaks seemed to reach , feet. at our feet, to the west and south-west, lay the smiling corn-fields and pastures we had traversed the day before, and beyond them the rich and populous valley of the caledon river, and beyond it, again, the rolling uplands of the orange free state, with the peak of thaba 'ntshu just visible, and still farther a blue ridge, faint in the extreme distance, that seemed to lie on the other side of bloemfontein, nearly one hundred miles away. the sky was bright above us, but thunderstorms hung over the plains of the free state behind ladybrand, and now and then one caught a forked tongue of light flashing from among them. it was a magnificent landscape, whose bareness--for there is scarcely a tree upon these slopes--was more than compensated by the brilliance of the light and the clearness of the air, which made the contrast between the sunlit valley of the caledon and the solemn shadows under the thunder-clouds more striking, and the tone of the distant ranges more deep and rich in colour, than in any similar prospect one could recall from the mountain watch-towers of europe. nor was the element of historical interest wanting. fifteen miles away, but seeming to lie almost at our feet, was the flat-topped hill of thaba bosiyo, the oft-besieged stronghold of moshesh, and beyond it the broad table-land of berea, where the basutos fought, and almost overcame, the forces of sir george cathcart in that war of which was so fateful both to basutoland and to the free state. less than a mile from the peak on which we sat, we could descry, in the precipice which surrounds the great corrie, the black mouth of a cave. it was the den of the cannibal chief machacha, whose name has clung to the mountain, and who established himself there seventy years ago, when the ravages of tshaka, the zulu king, had driven the kafir tribes of natal to seek safety in flight, and reduced some among them, for want of other food, to take to human flesh. before that time this mountain-land had been inhabited only by wandering bushmen, who have left marks of their presence in pictures on the rocks. here and there among the crags jabbering baboons darted about, and great hawks sailed in circles above us. otherwise we had seen no living wild creature since we left the pastures of the valley. the summit of machacha is composed of a dark igneous rock, apparently a sort of amygdaloidal trap, with white and greenish calcareous crystals scattered through it. the height is given on the maps as , feet; but so far as one could judge by frequent observations from below and by calculations made during the ascent, i should think it not more than , . it seems to be the culminating point of the maluti range, but may be exceeded in height by mont aux sources, eighty miles off to the north-east, where basutoland touches natal on the one side and the free state on the other. descending by a somewhat more direct route, which we struck out for ourselves, we rejoined our horses at the pass where we had left them three hours before, and from there plunged down the kloof, or ravine, between the precipices which led to the foot of the mountain. it was here too steep to ride; indeed, it was about as steep a slope as one can descend on foot with comfort, the angle being in some places fully ° a grand piece of scenery, for the dark rock walls rose menacing on either hand; and also a beautiful one, for the flowers, especially two brilliant shrubby geraniums, were profuse and gorgeous in hue. at the bottom, after a very rough scramble, we mounted our horses, and hastened along to escape the thunderstorm which was now nearly upon us, and which presently drove us for shelter into a native hut, where a basuto woman, with her infant hanging in a cloth on her back, was grinding corn between two stones. she went on with her work, and presently addressed my wife, asking (as was explained to us) for a piece of soap wherewith to smear her face, presumably as a more fragrant substitute for the clay or ochre with which the basuto ladies cover their bodies. the hut was clean and sweet, and, indeed, all through basutoland we were struck by the neat finish of the dwellings and of the reed fences which inclosed them. when the storm had passed away over the mountains, "growling and muttering into other lands," and the vast horizon was again flooded with evening sunshine, we rode swiftly away, first over the rolling plateau we had traversed in the forenoon, then turning to the north along the top of the sandstone cliffs that inclose the valley of the kaloe river, where bushman pictures adorn the caves. at last as night fell, we dropped into the valley of the kaloe itself, and so slowly through the darkness, for the horses were tired, and the track (which crosses the river four times) was rough and stony, came at last to the mission station of thaba bosiyo. here we were welcomed by the swiss pastor in charge of the mission, mr. e. jacottet, whose collection of basuto and barotse popular tales have made him well known to the students of folk-lore. no man knows the basutos better than he and his colleague, mr. dyke of morija; and what they told us was of the highest interest. next day was sunday, and gave us the opportunity of seeing a large congregation of basuto converts and of hearing their singing, the excellence of which reminded us of the singing of negro congregations in the southern states of america. we had also two interesting visits. one was from an elderly basuto magnate of the neighbourhood, who was extremely anxious to know if queen victoria really existed, or was a mere figment of the british government. he had met many white men, he told us, but none of them had ever set eyes on the queen, and he could not imagine how it was possible that a great chieftainess should not be seen by her people. we satisfied his curiosity by giving full details of the times, places, and manner in which the british sovereign receives her subjects, and he went away, declaring himself convinced and more loyal than ever. the second visitor was a lady who had come to attend church. she is the senior wife of a chief named thekho, a son of moshesh. she impressed us as a person of great force of character and great conversational gifts, was dressed in a fashionable hat and an enormous black velvet mantle, and plied us with numerous questions regarding the queen, her family, and her government. she lives on the hill among her dependents, exerts great influence, and has done good service in resisting the reactionary tendencies of her brother-in-law masupha, a dogged and turbulent old pagan. the mission station lies at the foot of the hill of thaba bosiyo, in a singular region where crags of white or grey sandstone, detached from the main mass of the tabular hills, stand up in solitary shafts and pinnacles, and give a weird, uncanny look to the landscape. the soil is fertile and well cultivated, but being alluvial, it is intersected in all directions by the channels of streams, which have dug so deep into it that much good land is every year lost by the mischief the streams work when in flood. the sides of these channels are usually vertical, and often eight, ten, or even twelve feet high, so that they offer a serious obstacle to travellers either by waggon or on horseback. the hill itself is so peculiar in structure, and has played such a part in history, as to deserve some words of description. it is nearly two miles long and less than a mile across, elliptical in form, rising about five hundred feet above its base, and breaking down on every side in a line of cliffs, which, on the north-west and north side (toward the mission station), are from twenty to forty feet high. on the other side, which i could not so carefully examine, they are apparently higher. these cliffs are so continuous all round as to leave--so one is told--only three spots in the circumference where they can be climbed; and although i noticed one or two other places where a nimble cragsman might make his way up, it is at those three points only that an attack by a number of men could possibly be made. the easiest point is where a dyke of igneous rock, thirty feet wide, strikes up the face of the hill from the north-north-west, cutting through the sandstone precipice. the decomposition of this dyke has opened a practicable path, from fifteen to twenty-five feet in width, to the top. the top is a large grassy flat, with springs of water and plenty of good pasture. it was this natural fortress that the basuto chief mosheshwe, or, as he is usually called, moshesh, chose for his dwelling and the stronghold of his tribe, in a.d. . the conquests of the ferocious tshaka had driven thousands of kafirs from their homes in natal and on both sides of the vaal river. clans had been scattered, and the old dynasties rooted out or bereft of their influence and power. in the midst of this confusion, a young man, the younger son of a chief of no high lineage, and belonging to a small tribe, gathered around him a number of minor clans and fugitives from various quarters, and by his policy--astute, firm and tenacious--built them up into what soon became a powerful nation. moving hither and hither along the foot of the great maluti range, his skilful eye fixed on thaba bosiyo as a place fit to be the headquarters of the nation. there was good land all round, the approaches could be easily watched, and the hill itself, made almost impregnable by nature, supplied pasture for the cattle as well as perennial water. by tactfully conciliating the formidable tribes and boldly raiding the weaker ones, moshesh rapidly acquired wealth (that is to say, cattle), strength and reputation, so that in , when the emigrant boers moved up into what is now the free state, he was already the second power north of the mountains, inferior only to the terrible mosilikatze. the latter on one occasion (in ) had sent a strong force of matabili against him. moshesh retired into his hill, which he defended by rolling down stones on the assailants; and when the invaders were presently obliged to retreat for want of food, he sent supplies to them on their way back, declaring his desire to be at peace with all men. the matabili never attacked him again. in he intimated to the missionaries of the paris evangelical society his willingness to receive them, planted them at morija, and gave them afterwards their present station at the foot of thaba bosiyo, his own village being, of course, on the top. their counsels were of infinite value to him in the troublous times that followed, and he repaid them by constant protection and encouragement. but though he listened, like so many kafir chiefs, to sermons, enjoyed the society of his french friends, and was himself fond of quoting scripture, he never became a christian and was even thought to have, like solomon, fallen in his old age somewhat more under heathen influences. many were the wars he had to sustain with the native tribes who lived round him, as well as with the white settlers in the orange river territory to the north, and many the escapes from danger which his crafty and versatile policy secured. two of these wars deserve special mention, for both are connected with the place i am describing. in december, , sir george cathcart, then governor of cape colony, crossed the caledon river a little above maseru and led a force of two thousand british infantry and five hundred cavalry, besides artillery, against the basutos. one of the three divisions in which the army moved was led into an ambush, severely handled by the nimble basuto horsemen, and obliged to retreat. the division which sir george himself led found itself confronted, when it reached the foot of thaba bosiyo, by a body of basutos so numerous and active that it had great difficulty in holding its ground, and might have been destroyed but for the timely arrival of the third division just before sunset. the british general intrenched himself for the night in a strong position; and next morning, realizing at length the difficulties of his enterprise, set out to retire to the caledon river. before he reached it, however, a message from moshesh overtook him. that wary chief, who knew the real strength of the british better than did his people, had been driven into the war by their over-confidence and their reluctance to pay the cattle fine which the governor had demanded. now that there was a chance of getting out of it he resolved to seize that chance, and after a consultation with one of the french missionaries, begged sir george cathcart for peace, acknowledging himself to be the weaker party, and declaring that he would do his best to keep his tribesmen in order. the governor, glad to be thus relieved of what might have proved a long and troublesome war, accepted these overtures. the british army was marched back to cape colony, and moshesh thereafter enjoyed the fame of being the only native potentate who had come out of a struggle with great britain virtually if not formally the victor. but a still severer ordeal was in store for the virgin fortress and its lord. after much indecisive strife, the whites and the basutos were, in , again engaged in a serious war. the people of what had then become (see chapter xi) the orange free state had found the basutos troublesome neighbours, and a dispute had arisen regarding the frontier line. the free state militia, well practised in native warfare, invaded basutoland, reduced many of the native strongholds and besieged thaba bosiyo. a storming party advanced to carry the hill by assault, mounting the steep open acclivity to the passage which is opened (as already mentioned) by the greenstone dyke as it cuts its way through the line of sandstone cliff. they had driven the basutos before them, and had reached a point where the path leads up a narrow cleft formed by the decomposition of the dyke, between walls of rock some twenty feet high. thirty yards more would have brought them to the open top of the hill, and moshesh would have been at their mercy. but at this moment a bullet from one of the few muskets which the defenders possessed, fired by a good marksman from the rock above the cleft, pierced wepener, the leader of the assailants. the storming party halted, hesitated, fell back to the bottom of the hill, and the place was once more saved. not long after, moshesh, finding himself likely to be overmastered, besought the imperial government, which had always regarded him with favour since the conclusion of sir george cathcart's war, to receive him and his people "and let them live under the large folds of the flag of england." the high commissioner intervened, declaring the basutos to be thenceforward british subjects, and in a peace was concluded with the free state, by which the latter obtained a fertile strip of territory along the north-west branch of the caledon which had previously been held by moshesh, while the basutos came (in ) under the administrative control of cape colony. moshesh died soon afterwards, full of years and honour, and leaving a name which has become famous in south africa. he was one of the remarkable instances, like toussaint l'ouverture and the hawaiian king kamehameha the first, of a man, sprung from a savage race, who effected great things by a display of wholly exceptional gifts. his sayings have become proverbs in native mouths. one of them is worth noting, as a piece of grim humour, a quality rare among the kafirs. some of his chief men had been urging him, after he had become powerful, to take vengeance upon certain cannibals who were believed to have killed and eaten his grandparents. moshesh replied: "i must consider well before i disturb the sepulchres of my ancestors." basutoland remained quiet till , when the cape government, urged, it would appear, by the restless spirit of sir bartle frere (then governor), conceived the unhappy project of disarming the basutos. it was no doubt a pity that so many of them possessed firearms; but it would have been better to let them keep their weapons than to provoke a war; and the cape prime minister, who met the nation in its great popular assembly, the pitso, had ample notice through the speeches delivered there by important chiefs of the resistance with which any attempt to enforce disarmament would be met. however, rash counsels prevailed. the attempt was made in ; war followed, and the basutos gave the colonial troops so much trouble that in the colony proposed to abandon the territory altogether. ultimately, in , the imperial government took it over, and has ever since administered it by a resident commissioner. the basuto nation, which had been brought very low at the time when moshesh threw himself upon the british government for protection, has latterly grown rapidly, and now numbers over , souls. this increase is partly due to an influx of kafirs from other tribes, each chief encouraging the influx, since the new retainers, who surround him, increase his importance. but it has now reached a point when it ought to be stopped, because all the agricultural land is taken up for tillage, and the pastures begin scarcely to suffice for the cattle. the area is , square miles, about two-thirds that of switzerland, but by far the larger part of it is wild mountain. no europeans are allowed to hold land, and a licence is needed even for the keeping of a store. neither are any mines worked. european prospectors are not permitted to come in and search for minerals, for the policy of the authorities has been to keep the country for the natives; and nothing alarms the chiefs so much as the occasional appearance of these speculative gentry, who, if allowed a foothold, would soon dispossess them. thus it remains doubtful whether either gold or silver or diamonds exist in "payable quantities." the natives, however, go in large numbers--in - as many as , went out--to work in the mines at kimberley and on the witwatersrand, and they bring back savings, which have done much to increase the prosperity of the tribe. at present they seem fairly contented and peaceable. the land belongs to the nation, and all may freely turn their cattle on the untilled parts. fields, however, are allotted to each householder by the chief, to be tilled, and the tenant, protected by public opinion, retains them so long as he tills them. he cannot sell them, but they will pass to his children. ordinary administration, which consists mainly in the allotment and management of land, is left to the chief; as also ordinary jurisdiction, both civil and criminal. the present tendency is for the disposing power of the chief over the land to increase; and it is possible that british law may ultimately turn him, as it turned the head of an irish sept, into an owner. the chief holds his court at his kraal, in the open air, settles disputes and awards punishments. there are several british magistrates to deal with grave offences, and a force of native police, under british officers. lerothodi, as the successor of moshesh, is paramount chief of the nation; and all the greater chieftainships under him are held by his uncles and cousins,--sons and grandsons of the founder of the dynasty,--while there are also a few chiefs of the second rank belonging to other families. some of the uncles, especially masupha, who lives at the foot of thaba bosiyo, and is an obstinately conservative heathen, give trouble both to lerothodi and to the british commissioner, their quarrels turning mainly on questions of land and frontier. but on the whole, things go on as well as can be expected in such a world as the present: disturbances tend to diminish; and the horses or cattle that are occasionally stolen from the free state farmers are always recovered for their owners, unless they have been got away out of basutoland into the colonial territories to the south and west. as far back as , moshesh forbade the "smelling out" of witches, and now the british authorities have suppressed the more noxious or offensive kinds of ceremonies practised by the kafirs. otherwise they interfere as little as may be with native ways, trusting to time, peace, and the missionaries to secure the gradual civilization of the people. once a year the commissioner meets the whole people, in their national assembly called the pitso,--the name is derived from their verb "to call" (cf. [greek: ekklêsia])--which in several points recalls the _agora_, or assembly of freemen described in the homeric poems. the paramount chief presides, and debate is mainly conducted by the chiefs; but all freemen, gentle and simple, have a right to speak in it. there is no voting, only a declaration, by shouts, of the general feeling. though the head of the nation has been usually the person who convokes it, a magnate lower in rank might always, like achilles in the iliad, have it summoned when a fitting occasion arose. and it was generally preceded by a consultation among the leading men, though i could not discover that there was any regular council of chiefs.[ ] in all these points the resemblance to the primary assemblies of the early peoples of europe is close enough to add another to the arguments, already strong, which discredit the theory that there is any such thing as an "aryan type" of institutions, and which suggest the view that in studying the polities of primitive nations we must not take affinities of language as the basis of a classification. to-day the pitso has lost much of its old importance, and tends to become a formal meeting, in which the british commissioner causes new regulations to be read aloud, inviting discussion on points which any one present may desire to raise, and addresses the people, awarding praise or blame, and adding such exhortations as he thinks seasonable. the missionaries (like the bishops in a witenagemot) and the chief british officials are usually present. in perusing the shorthand report of the great pitso held in , at which the question of disarmament was brought forward by the cape prime minister, i was struck by the freedom and intelligence with which the speakers delivered their views. one observed: "this is our parliament, though it is a very disorderly parliament, because we are all mixed up, young and old; and we cannot accept any measure without discussion." another commented severely upon an unhappy phrase that had been used at cape town by a member of the cape government: "mr. u. said the basutos were the natural enemies of the white man, because we were black. is that language which should be used by a high officer of the government? let sentiments like these pass away--we are being educated to believe that all people are equal, and feel that sentiments like these are utterly wrong." a third claimed that the people must keep their guns, because "at our circumcision we were given a shield and an assagai, and told never to part with them; and that if ever we came back from an expedition and our shield and assagai were not found before our house, we should die the death." and a fourth, wishing to excuse any vehement expression he might use, observed: "we have a proverb which says that a man who makes a mistake in a public assembly cannot be killed." in this proverb there is the germ of the english "privilege of parliament." it is easy to gather from the whole proceedings of these pitsos how much more popular government has been among the basutos than it was among the zulus or matabili. tshaka or lo bengula would in a moment have had the neck twisted of any one who ventured to differ publicly from his opinion. in this respect the basutos resemble their kinsfolk the bamangwato, among whom khama rules as a chief amenable to public opinion, which, in that instance, is unfortunately far behind the enlightened purposes of the sovereign. nowhere has the gospel made such progress among the kafirs as in basutoland. the missionaries,--french, protestant, roman catholic, and english episcopalian,--working not only independently but on very different lines, have brought nearly fifty thousand natives under christian influences, as members or adherents. not all of these are baptised converts--the franco-swiss missionaries, by whom far the largest part of the work has been done, tell me that baptisms do not increase fast; and they are wise in not measuring the worth of their work by the number of baptisms. education is spreading. at the last public examinations at the cape, the french protestant missionaries sent up twenty basuto boys, of whom ten passed in honours, and ten in high classes, the standard being the same for whites and blacks. there are now one hundred and fifty schools in the country, all but two of which are conducted by the missionaries. strange waves of sentiment pass over the people, at one time carrying them back to paganism, at another inclining them to christianity--the first sign of the latter tendency being discernible in an increase of attendance at the mission schools. the women are more backward than the men, because they have been kept in subjection, and their intelligence has remained only half developed. but their condition is improving; men now work with them in the fields, and they demand clothes instead of so much oil, wherewith to smear their bodies. as education becomes more diffused, old heathen customs lose their hold, and will probably in thirty years have disappeared. the belief in ghosts and magic is, of course, still strong. on the top of thaba bosiyo we were shown the graves of moshesh and several of his brothers and sons, marked by rude stones, with the name of each chief on his stone. but we were told that in reality the bodies of moshesh and of several of the others are not here at all, having been dug up and reinterred more than a mile away near the foot of the hill. were the body under the stone, the ghost, which usually dwells near the body, would be liable to be called up by necromancers, and might be compelled to work mischief to the tribe--mischief which would be serious in proportion to the power the spirit possessed during life. considering, however, that nearly all the ancient world held similar beliefs, and that a large part of the modern world, even in europe, still clings to them, the persistence of these interesting superstitions need excite no surprise, nor are they productive of much practical ill, now that the witch-doctor is no longer permitted to denounce men to death. the material progress of the people has been aided by the enactment of stringent laws against the sale of white men's intoxicating liquors, though some of the chiefs show but a poor example of obedience to these laws, the enforcement of which is rendered difficult by the illicit sale which goes on along the frontiers where basutoland touches the free state and the eastern part of cape colony. the old native arts and industries decline as european goods become cheaper, and industrial training has now become one of the needs of the people. it is an encouraging sign that, under the auspices of lerothodi, a sum of £ , sterling was collected from the tribe in - , for the foundation of an institution to give such training. the receipts from import duties have so much increased that the contribution of £ , paid by cape colony is now annually reduced by nearly £ , , and the hut tax, of ten shillings per hut, now easily and promptly collected, amounts to £ , a year, leaving a surplus, out of which £ , is paid to the cape. basutoland is within the south african customs union. these facts are encouraging. they show that, so far, the experiment of leaving a native race to advance in their own way, under their own chiefs, but carefully supervised by imperial officers, has proved successful. a warlike, unstable, and turbulent, although intelligent people, while increasing fast in wealth and material comfort, has also become more peaceful and orderly, and by the abandonment of its more repulsive customs is passing from savagery to a state of semi-civilization. still the situation has its anxieties. the very prosperity of the country has drawn into it a larger population than the arable and pastoral land may prove able to support. the free state people are not friendly to it, and many politicians in cape colony would like to recover it for the colony, while many white adventurers would like to prospect for mines, or to oust the natives from the best lands. the natives themselves are armed, and being liable, like all natives, to sudden fits of unreason, may conceivably be led into disorders which would involve a war and the regular conquest of the country. the firmness as well as the conciliatory tactfulness which the first commissioner, sir marshal clarke, and his successor, the present acting commissioner, have shown, has hitherto averted these dangers, and has inspired the people with a belief in the good will of the british government. if the progress of recent years can be maintained for thirty years more, the risk of trouble will have almost disappeared, for by that time a new generation, unused to war, will have grown up. whoever feels for the native and cares for his future must wish a fair chance for the experiment that is now being tried in basutoland, of letting him develop in his own way, shielded from the rude pressure of the whites. [footnote : the word "ba sot'ho" is in strictness used for the people, "se sot'ho" for the language, "le sot'ho" for the country: but in english it is more convenient to apply "basuto" to all three.] [footnote : gungunhana however had a sort of council of chiefs and confidential advisers which he called together at intervals, and which bore some resemblance to the homeric boule and to the earliest form of our own curia regis.] part iv _some south african questions_ chapter xxi blacks and whites everywhere in south africa, except in the witwatersrand and cape town, the black people greatly outnumber the whites. in the orange free state they are nearly twice as numerous, in cape colony and the transvaal more than thrice as numerous, in natal ten times as numerous, while in the other territories, british, german, and portuguese, the disproportion is very much greater, possibly some four or five millions of natives against nine or ten thousand europeans. the total number of whites south of the zambesi hardly reaches , , while that of the blacks is roughly computed at from six to eight millions. at present, therefore, so far as numbers go, the country is a black man's country. it may be thought that this preponderance of the natives is only natural in a region by far the larger part of which has been very recently occupied by europeans, and that in time immigration and the natural growth of the white element will reduce the disproportion. this explanation, however, does not meet the facts. the black race is at present increasing at least as rapidly as the white. unlike those true aborigines of the country, the hottentots and bushmen, who withered up and vanished away before the whites, the kafirs, themselves apparently intruders from the north, have held their ground, not only in the wilder country where they have been unaffected by the european, but in the regions where he has conquered and ruled over them. they are more prolific than the whites, and their increase is not restrained by those prudential checks which tell upon civilised man, because, wants being few, subsistence in a warm climate with abundance of land is easy. formerly two powerful forces kept down population:--war, in which no quarter was given and all the property of the vanquished was captured or destroyed, and the murders that went on at the pleasure of the chief, and usually through the agency of the witch-doctor. now both these forces have been removed by the action of european government, which has stopped war and restrains the caprice of the chiefs. relieved from these checks, the kafirs of the south coast and of basutoland, the regions in which observation has been easiest, are multiplying faster than the whites, and there is no reason why the same thing should not happen in other parts of the country. the number of the fingoes, for instance (though they are no doubt an exceptionally thrifty and thriving tribe), is to-day ten times as great as it was fifty or sixty years ago. here is a fact of serious import for the future. two races, far removed from one another in civilization and mental condition, dwell side by side. neither race is likely to extrude or absorb the other. what then will be their relations, and how will the difficulties be met to which their juxtaposition must give rise? the colonies of britain over the world fall into two groups: those which have received the gift of self-government, and those which are governed from home through executive officials placed over each of them. those of the latter class, called crown colonies, are all (with the insignificant exceptions of the falkland islands and malta) within the tropics, and are all peopled chiefly by coloured races,--negroes, indians, malays, polynesians, or chinese,--with a small minority of whites. the self-governing colonies, on the other hand, are all situated in the temperate zone, and are all, with one exception, peopled chiefly by europeans. it is because they have a european population that they have been deemed fit to govern themselves, just as it is because the tropical colonies have a predominantly coloured population that the supremacy of the colonial office and its local representatives is acquiesced in as fit and proper. every one perceives that representative assemblies based on a democratic franchise, which are capable of governing canada or australia, would not succeed in the west indies or ceylon or fiji. the one exception to this broad division, the one case of self-governing communities in which the majority of the inhabitants are not of european stock, is to be found in south africa. the general difficulty of adjusting the relations of a higher and a lower race, serious under every kind of government, here presents itself in the special form of the construction of a political system which, while democratic as regards one of the races, cannot safely be made democratic as regards the other. this difficulty, though new in the british empire, is not new in the southern states of america, which have been struggling with it for years; and it is instructive to compare the experience of south africa with that through which the southern states have passed since the war of secession. throughout south africa--and for this purpose no distinction need be drawn between the two british colonies and the two boer republics--the people of colour may be divided into two classes: the wild or tribal natives, who are, of course, by far the more numerous, and the tame or domesticated natives, among whom one may include, though they are not aborigines, but recent incomers, the east indians of natal and the transvaal, as well as the comparatively few malays of the cape. it will be convenient to deal with the two classes separately, and to begin with the semi-civilized or non-tribal natives, who have been for the longest period under white influences, and whose present relations with the whites indicate what the relations of the races are likely to be, for some time to come, in all parts of the country. the non-tribal people of colour live in the cape colony, except the south-eastern parts (called pondoland and tembuland), in natal, in the orange free state, and in the southern parts of the transvaal. they consist of three stocks: ( ) the so-called cape boys, a mixed race formed by the intermarriage of hottentots and malays with the negro slaves brought in early days from the west coast, plus some small infusion of dutch blood; ( ) the kafirs no longer living in native communities under their chiefs; and ( ) the indian immigrants who (together with a few chinese) have recently come into natal and the transvaal, and number about , , not counting in the indentured coolies who are to be sent back to india. there are no data for conjecturing the number of cape boys and domesticated kafirs, but it can hardly exceed , . these coloured people form the substratum of society in all the four states above mentioned. some till the land for themselves, while others act as herdsmen or labourers for white farmers, or work at trades for white employers. they do the harder and rougher kinds of labour, especially of outdoor labour. let me remind the reader of what has been incidentally observed before, and must now be insisted on as being the capital feature of south african life--the fact that all unskilled work is done by black people. in many parts of the country the climate is not too hot for men belonging to the north european races to work in the fields, for the sun's rays are generally tempered by a breeze, the nights are cool, and the dry air is invigorating. had south africa, like california or new south wales, been colonized solely by white men, it would probably, like those countries, have to-day a white labouring population. but, unluckily, south africa was colonized in the seventeenth century, when the importation of negro slaves was deemed the easiest means of securing cheap and abundant labour. from onward till, in , slavery was abolished by the british parliament, it was to slaves that the hardest and humblest kinds of work were allotted. the white people lost the habit of performing manual toil, and acquired the habit of despising it. no one would do for himself what he could get a black man to do for him. new settlers from europe fell into the ways of the country, which suited their disinclination for physical exertion under a sun hotter than their own. thus, when at last slavery was abolished, the custom of leaving menial or toilsome work to people of colour continued as strong as ever. it is as strong as ever to-day. the only considerable exception, that which was furnished by the german colonists who were planted in the eastern province after the crimean war of , has ceased to be an exception; for the children of those colonists have now, for the most part, sold or leased their allotments to kafirs, who till the soil less efficiently than the sturdy old germans did. the artisans who to-day come from europe adopt the habits of the country in a few weeks or months. the english carpenter hires a native "boy" to carry his bag of tools for him; the english bricklayer has a native hodman to hand the bricks to him, which he proceeds to set; the cornish or australian miner directs the excavation of the seam and fixes the fuse which explodes the dynamite, but the work with the pickaxe is done by the kafir. the herdsmen who drive the cattle or tend the sheep are kafirs, acting under the orders of a white. thus the coloured man is indispensable to the white man, and is brought into constant relations with him. he is deemed a necessary part of the economic machinery of the country, whether for mining or for manufacture, for tillage or for ranching. but though the black people form the lowest stratum of society, they are not all in a position of personal dependence. a good many kafirs, especially in the eastern province, own the small farms which they till, and many others are tenants, rendering to their landlord, like the métayers of france, a half of the produce by way of rent. some few natives, especially near cape town, are even rich, and among the indians of natal a good many have thriven as shopkeepers. there is no reason to think that their present exclusion from trades requiring skill will continue. in there were kafirs earning from five shillings to seven shillings and sixpence a day as riveters on an iron bridge then in course of construction. i was informed by a high railway official that many of them were quite fit to be drivers or stokers of locomotives, though white sentiment (which tolerates them as navvies or platelayers) made it inexpedient to place them in such positions. many work as servants in stores, and are little more prone to petty thefts than are europeans. they have dropped their old usages and adopted european habits, have substituted european clothes for the _kaross_ of the wild or "red" kafir, have lost their tribal attachments, usually speak dutch, or even perhaps english, and to a considerable extent, especially in the western province and in the towns, have become christians. the indians are, of course, mohammedans or heathens, the malays (of whom there are only about , ), mohammedans. the coloured people travel a good deal by rail, and are, especially the kafirs, eager for instruction, which is provided for them only in the mission schools. some will come from great distances to get taught, and those who can write are very fond of corresponding with one another. taken as a whole, they are a quiet and orderly people, not given to crimes of violence, and less given (so far as i could gather) to pilfering than are the negroes of the southern states of america. the stealing of stock from farms has greatly diminished. assaults upon women, such as are frequent in those states, and have recently caused a hideous epidemic of lynching, are extremely rare; indeed, i heard of none, save one or two in natal, where the natives are comparatively wild and the whites scattered thinly among them. so few kafirs have yet received a good education, or tried to enter occupations requiring superior intelligence, that it is hardly possible to speak confidently of their capacity for the professions or the higher kinds of commerce; but judicious observers think they will in time show capacity, and tell you that their inferiority to white men lies less in mere intellectual ability than in power of will and steadiness of purpose. they are unstable, improvident, easily discouraged, easily led astray. when the morality of their old life, in which they were ruled by the will of their chief, the opinion of their fellows, and the traditional customs of the tribe, has been withdrawn from them, it may be long before any new set of principles can gain a like hold upon them. that there should be little community of ideas, and by consequence little sympathy, between such a race and the whites is no more than any one would expect who elsewhere in the world has studied the phenomena which mark the contact of dissimilar peoples. but the traveller in south africa is astonished at the strong feeling of dislike and contempt--one might almost say of hostility--which the bulk of the whites show to their black neighbours. he asks what can be the cause of it. it is not due, as in the southern states of america, to political resentment, for there has been no sudden gift to former slaves of power over former masters. neither is it sufficiently explained by the long conflicts with the south-coast kafirs; for the respect felt for their bravery has tended to efface the recollection of their cruelties. neither is it caused (except as respects the petty indian traders) by the dislike of the poorer whites to the competition with them in industry of a class living in a much ruder way and willing to accept much lower wages. it seems to spring partly from the old feeling of contempt for the slaves, a feeling which has descended to a generation that has never seen slavery as an actual system; partly from physical aversion; partly from an incompatibility of character and temper, which makes the faults of the coloured man more offensive to the white than the (perhaps morally as grave) faults of members of his own white stock. even between civilized peoples, such as germans and russians, or spaniards and frenchmen, there is a disposition to be unduly annoyed by traits and habits which are not so much culpable in themselves as distasteful to men constructed on different lines. this sense of annoyance is naturally more intense toward a race so widely removed from the modern european as the kafirs are. whoever has travelled among people of a race greatly weaker than his own must have sometimes been conscious of an impatience or irritation which arises when the native either fails to understand or neglects to obey the command given. the sense of his superior intelligence and energy of will produces in the european a sort of tyrannous spirit, which will not condescend to argue with the native, but overbears him by sheer force, and is prone to resort to physical coercion. even just men, who have the deepest theoretical respect for human rights, are apt to be carried away by the consciousness of superior strength, and to become despotic, if not harsh. to escape this fault, a man must be either a saint or a sluggard. and the tendency to race enmity lies very deep in human nature. perhaps it is a survival from the times when each race could maintain itself only by slaughtering its rivals. the attitude of contempt i have mentioned may be noted in all classes, though it is strongest in those rough and thoughtless whites who plume themselves all the more upon their colour because they have little else to plume themselves upon, while among the more refined it is restrained by self-respect and by the sense that allowances must be made for a backward race. it is stronger among the dutch than among the english, partly, perhaps, because the english wish to be unlike the dutch in this as in many other respects. yet one often hears that the dutch get on better with their black servants than the english do, because they understand native character better, and are more familiar in their manners, the englishman retaining his national stiffness. the laws of the boer republics are far more harsh than those of the english colonies, and the transvaal boers have been always severe and cruel in their dealings with the natives. but the english also have done so many things to be deplored that it does not lie with them to cast stones at the boers, and the mildness of colonial law is largely due to the influence of the home government, and to that recognition of the equal civil rights of all subjects which has long pervaded the common law of england. only two sets of europeans are free from reproach: the imperial officials, who have almost always sought to protect the natives, and the clergy, both protestant and roman catholic, who have been the truest and most constant friends of the hottentot and the kafir, sometimes even carrying their zeal beyond what discretion could approve. deep and wide-spread as is the sentiment of aversion to the coloured people which i am describing, it must not be supposed that the latter are generally ill-treated. there is indeed a complete social separation. intermarriage, though permitted by law in the british colonies, is extremely rare, and illicit unions are uncommon. sometimes the usual relations of employer and employed are reversed, and a white man enters the service of a prosperous kafir. this makes no difference as respects their social intercourse, and i remember to have heard of a case in which the white workman stipulated that his employer should address him as "boss." black children are very seldom admitted to schools used by white children; indeed, i doubt if the two colours are ever to be seen on the same benches, except at lovedale and in one or two of the mission schools in cape town, to which, as charging very low fees, some of the poorest whites send their children. i heard of a wealthy coloured man at the paarl, a dutch town north of cape town, who complained that, though he paid a considerable sum in taxes, he was not permitted to send his daughter to any of the schools in the place. in the protestant episcopal, presbyterian, congregationalist, and methodist churches, and of course among the roman catholics, blacks are admitted along with whites to the sacrament of the lord's supper; but this (so i was told) is not the case in the dutch reformed church. an eminent and thoughtful ecclesiastic in natal deplored to me the complete want of sympathy on the part of the white congregations with the black ones worshipping near them. it rarely, if ever, happens that a native, whatever his standing among his own people,--for to the white there is practically no difference between one black and another,--is received within a white man's house on any social occasion; indeed, he would seldom be permitted, save as a servant, to enter a private house, but would be received on the _stoep_ (veranda). when khama, the most important chief now left south of the zambesi, a christian and a man of high personal character, was in england in , and was entertained at lunch by the duke of westminster and other persons of social eminence, the news of the reception given him excited annoyance and disgust among the whites in south africa. i was told that at a garden-party given a few years ago by the wife of a white bishop, the appearance of a native clergyman caused many of the white guests to withdraw in dudgeon. once when myself a guest at a mission station in basutoland i was asked by my host whether i had any objection to his inviting to the family meal a native pastor who had been preaching to the native congregation. when i expressed surprise at the question, my host explained that race feeling was so strong among the colonists that it would be deemed improper, and indeed insulting, to make a black man sit down at the same table with a white guest, unless the express permission of the latter had been first obtained. but apart from this social disparagement, the native does not suffer much actual wrong. now and then, on a remote farm, the employer will chastise his servant with a harshness he would not venture to apply to a white boy. a shocking case of the kind occurred a few years ago in the eastern province. a white farmer--an englishman, not a boer--flogged his kafir servant so severely that the latter died; and when the culprit was put on his trial, and acquitted by a white jury, his white neighbours escorted him home with a band of music. more frequently, unscrupulous employers, especially on the frontiers of civilization, will try to defraud their native workmen, or will provoke them by ill-usage to run away before the day of payment arrives. but there are no lynchings, as in america, and the white judges and magistrates, if not always the juries, administer the law with impartiality. as regards the provisions of the law, one must distinguish between the british colonies and the dutch republics. in the former the ordinary civil rights of whites and blacks are precisely the same, though there exist certain police provisions which are applicable only to the latter. cape colony has a so-called "curfew law," requiring natives who are out of doors after dark to be provided with a pass--a law which is found oppressive by the best class of natives, educated and respectable men, though defended as necessary for public order, having regard to the large black population of the lower class, and their propensity to drink and petty offences. there are also certain "labour laws," applying to natives only, and particularly to those on agricultural locations, which are intended to check the disposition of kafirs living on native reserves to become idle or to take to vagrancy. doubtless there is a risk that people who have never acquired habits of steady industry--for the tribal kafir leaves to his wives the cultivation of his plot of maize or sorghum--may relapse into a laziness hurtful to their own progress, seeing that a few weeks' labour is sufficient to provide all the food needed for a whole year. in the transition from one state of society to another exceptional legislation is needed, and a _prima facie_ case for the so-called "glen grey act" and similar laws may, therefore, be made out. the friends of the natives whom i consulted on the subject, and one or two of the most educated and representative kafirs themselves, did not seem to object to this act in principle, though they criticized its methods and many of its details. but as all such laws are prompted not only by regard for the welfare of the kafir, but also by the desire of the white colonist to get plenty of labour and to get it cheap, they are obviously open to abuse and require great care in their administration. the whole subject of native labour and native land tenure is an intricate and difficult one, which i have not space to discuss here, though i obtained a good deal of information regarding it. it is also an urgent one, for the population which occupies the native reserves is in some districts growing so fast that the agricultural land will soon cease to feed them, while the pasture is suffering from being overstocked. most of my informants agreed in thinking that the control of the british magistrate over the management of lands in reservations was better than that of the native headman, and ought to be extended, and that the tenure of farms by individual natives outside the reservations ought to be actively encouraged. they deemed this a step forward in civilization; and they also held that it is necessary to prevent native allotments, even when held by individuals, from being sold to white men, conceiving that without such a prohibition the whites will in course of time oust the natives from the ownership of all the best land. one law specially applicable to natives has been found most valuable in natal, as well as in the territories of the chartered company, and ought to be enacted in cape colony also, viz., an absolute prohibition of the sale to them of intoxicating spirits. the spirits made for their consumption are rough and fiery, much more deleterious than european whisky or brandy or hollands. unfortunately, the interests of the winegrowers and distillers in the colony have hitherto proved strong enough to defeat the bills introduced for this purpose by the friends of the natives. though some people maintain that the dutch and anti-native party resist this much-needed measure because they desire through strong drink to weaken and keep down the natives, i do not believe in the existence of any such diabolical motive. commercial self-interest, or rather a foolish and short-sighted view of self-interest,--for in the long run the welfare of the natives is also the welfare of the whites,--sufficiently accounts for their conduct; but it is a slur on the generally judicious policy of the colonial legislature. in the two dutch republics the english principle of equal civil rights for white and black finds no place. one of the motives which induced the boers of to trek out of the colony was their disgust at the establishment of such equality by the british government. the grondwet (fundamental law) of the transvaal republic declared, in , and declares to-day, that "the people will suffer no equality of whites and blacks, either in state or in church."[ ] democratic republics are not necessarily respectful of what used to be called human rights, and neither the "principles of " nor those of the american declaration of independence find recognition among the boers. both in the transvaal and in the orange free state a native is forbidden to hold land, and is not permitted to travel anywhere without a pass, in default of which he may be detained. (in the free state, however, the sale of intoxicants to him is forbidden, and a somewhat similar law, long demanded by the mine-owners, has very recently been enacted in the transvaal.) nor can a native serve on a jury, whereas in cape colony he is legally qualified, and sometimes is empanelled. the whites may object to his presence, but a large-minded and strong-minded judge can manage to overcome their reluctance. for a good while after they settled in the transvaal the boers had a system of apprenticing kafir children which was with difficulty distinguishable from predial serfdom: and though they have constantly denied that they sanctioned either the kidnapping of children or the treatment of the apprentices as slaves, there is reason to think that in some parts of the country these abuses did for a time exist. it seems clear, however, that no such practices are now legal. political rights have, of course, never been held by persons of colour in either of the dutch republics, nor has it ever been proposed to grant them. boer public opinion would scout such an idea, for it reproaches the people of cape colony now with being "governed by black men," because the electoral franchise is there enjoyed by a few persons of colour. in the two colonies the history of the matter is as follows. when representative government was established, and the electoral franchise conferred upon the colonists in , no colour-line was drawn; and from that time onward black people have voted, though of course not very many were qualified under the law to vote. some years ago, however, the whites, and the dutch party in particular, became uneasy at the strength of the coloured element, though it did not vote solid, had no coloured leaders, and was important only in a very few constituencies. accordingly, an act was passed in , establishing a combined educational and property qualification--that is to say, the ownership of a house or other building of the value of £ or upwards, or the being in receipt of a salary of £ per annum, with the ability to sign one's name and write one's address and occupation this act, which did not apply to those already registered in any particular district and claiming to be re-registered therein, is expected to keep down the number of coloured voters; and as it applies to whites also there is no inequality of treatment. tribal kafirs have, of course, never had the franchise at all. neither the natives--the most substantial and best educated among whom possess the qualifications required--nor their friends complain of this law, which may be defended on the ground that, while admitting those people of colour whose intelligence fits them for the exercise of political power, it excludes a large mass whose ignorance and indifference to public questions would make them the victims of rich and unscrupulous candidates. it is, perhaps, less open to objection than some of the attempts recently made in the southern states of america to evade the provisions of the amendments to the federal constitution under which negroes obtained the suffrage. in natal nearly all the kafirs live under native law, and have thus been outside the representative system; but the governor has power to admit a kafir to the suffrage, and this has been done in a few instances. as stated in chapter xviii, the rapid increase of indian immigrants in that colony alarmed the whites, and led to the passing, in , of an act which will practically debar these immigrants from political rights, as coming from a country in which no representative institutions exist. thus natal also has managed to exclude coloured people without making colour the nominal ground of disability. i need hardly say that whoever has the suffrage is also eligible for election to the legislature. no person of colour is now, however, a member of either chamber in either colony. it is easy for people in europe, who have had no experience of the presence among them of a semi-civilized race, destitute of the ideas and habits which lie at the basis of free government, to condemn the action of these colonies in seeking to preserve a decisive electoral majority for the whites. but any one who has studied the question on the spot, and especially any one who has seen the evils which in america have followed the grant of the suffrage to persons unfit for it, will form a more charitable judgment. it is indeed impolitic to exclude people merely on the score of their race. there are among the educated kafirs and indians persons quite as capable as the average man of european stock, and it is wholesome that the white, too apt to despise his coloured neighbour, should be made to feel this, and that the educated coloured man should have some weight in the community as an elector, and should be entitled to call on his representative to listen to and express the demands he may make on behalf of his own race. as the number of educated and property-holding natives increases, they will naturally come to form a larger element in the electorate, and will be a useful one. but to toss the gift of political power into the lap of a multitude of persons who are not only ignorant, but in mind children rather than men, is not to confer a boon, but to inflict an injury. so far as i could judge, this is the view of the most sensible natives in cape colony itself, and of the missionaries also, who have been the steadiest friends of their race. what is especially desirable is to safeguard the private rights of the native, and to secure for him his due share of the land, by retaining which he will retain a measure of independence. the less he is thrown into the whirlpool of party politics the better. let me again repeat that there is at present no serious friction between the black and the white people in south africa. though the attitude of most of the whites--there are, of course, many exceptions--is contemptuous, unfriendly, and even suspicious, the black man accepts the superiority of the white as part of the order of nature. he is too low down, too completely severed from the white, to feel indignant. even the few educated natives are too well aware of the gulf that divides their own people from the european to resent, except in specially aggravated cases, the attitude of the latter. each race goes its own way and lives its own life. the condition of the wild or tribal kafirs can be much more shortly described, for they have as yet entered into few relations with the whites. they are in many different grades of civilisation, from the basutos, an industrious and settled population, among whom christianity has made great progress, to the fierce matabili of the north, and the tongas of the east coast, who remain complete savages. there are probably six millions of kafirs living under their chiefs south of the zambesi, many of them entirely unaffected by europeans, with not even a white magistrate or a native commissioner to collect hut-tax; and besides these there are the korannas (akin to the bushmen) and namaquas (akin to the hottentots) of the desert country between bechuanaland and the atlantic. in many of the districts where a regular british or boer government has been established, the tribal natives are now settled in regular locations, where the land is reserved from the intrusion of europeans. here they live under their chiefs in the old way (see chapter x), and in the remoter districts continue to practise their old ceremonies. in cape colony and natal, however, in both of which colonies there are hundreds of thousands of tribal kafirs, the more offensive of these ceremonies are now forbidden by the government. nowhere is anything done for their education, except by the missionaries, who, however, receive some little assistance from the two colonial governments. the ancient rites and beliefs gradually decay wherever the whites come, and, except beyond the zambesi, intertribal wars and raids have now practically ceased. yet the tribal hatreds survive. not long ago the zulus and the kosa kafirs employed as platelayers on the cape government railway fought fiercely with each other. one powerful influence is telling upon them, even where they live uncontrolled by any white government. the diamond-mines at kimberley, the gold-mines in the witwatersrand and in various parts of mashonaland and matabililand, offer large wages for native labour, and cannot (except at kimberley) obtain as much native labour as they need. accordingly a steady though still insufficient stream of kafirs sets towards these mining centres, not only from basutoland, natal, and bechuanaland, but also from the portuguese territories, where the shangans live, and from the banks of the zambesi. most of the workmen remain for a few weeks or months only, and return home when they have earned as much money as will purchase two oxen, heretofore the usual price of a wife. they are paid in english coin, and thus the english twenty-shilling gold piece has become known, and to-day passes current in villages where no white man has yet been seen, even beyond the zambesi, on the shores of lake bangweolo. with the use of coin there will come in time a desire for european goods, which, in its turn, will draw more labour toward the mines, and perhaps at last create even among the home-keeping kafirs a disposition to till the land or raise cattle for sale. the destruction of cattle by the murrain which has been raging over the country may accelerate this change. already wandering traders and gold-prospectors traverse regions beyond the border of civilization; and to keep these people, who are often reckless and lawless, from injuring the natives and provoking them to take vengeance on the next white man who comes their way, is one of the greatest difficulties of the british government, a difficulty aggravated by the absence in nearly all cases of sufficient legal evidence--for all over south africa native evidence is seldom received against a white man. the regions in which white influence is now most active, and which will most quickly become assimilated to the two british colonies, are those through which railways have been or are now being constructed--bechuanaland, matabililand, and mashonaland. should the mines in these countries turn out well, and means be found for replacing by new stock the cattle that have perished, these regions may in fifteen or twenty years possess a considerable population of non-tribal and semi-civilised natives. within the next half-century it is probable that, at least in the british territories as far as the zambesi, as well as in the transvaal and swaziland, the power of the chiefs will have practically vanished and the natives be in a position similar to that which they now hold in natal and the greater part of cape colony; that is to say, they will either dwell among the whites under the ordinary law, or will be occupying reservations under the control of a european magistrate, their old land customs having been mostly superseded and their heathen rites forbidden or disused. the position which the whites and the blacks hold toward one another in south africa is sufficiently similar to that of the two races in the southern states of america to make a short comparison between the two cases instructive. there are no doubt many differences. in the united states the southern negroes are strangers and therefore isolated, with no such reserve of black people behind them as the kafirs have in the rest of the african continent. in south africa it is the whites who are new-comers and isolated, and they are numerically inferior to the blacks, not, as in america, in a few particular areas (the three states of south carolina, mississippi, and louisiana), but all over the country. in the whole united states the whites are to the blacks as ten to one; in africa south of the zambesi it is the blacks who are ten to one to the whites. or if we compare the four south african colonies and republics with the fifteen old slave states, the blacks are in the former nearly four times as numerous as the whites, and the whites in the latter twice as numerous as the blacks. in point of natural capacity and force of character the bantu races are at least equal, probably superior, to the negroes brought from africa to north america, most of whom seem to have come from the guinea coasts. but in point of education and in habits of industry the american negroes are far ahead of the south african; for the latter have not been subjected to the industrial training of nearly two centuries of plantation life or domestic service, while comparatively few have had any industrial contact with white workmen, or any stimulation like that which the grant of the suffrage after the war of secession has exercised upon a large section of the american negroes, even in places where they have not been permitted to turn their legal rights to practical account. the american negroes are, moreover, all nominally christians; the south african kafirs nearly all heathens. yet, after allowing for these and other minor points of contrast, the broad fact remains that in both countries we see two races in very different stages of civilisation dwelling side by side, yet not mingling nor likely to mingle. in both countries one race rules over the other. the stronger despises and dislikes the weaker; the weaker submits patiently to the stronger. but the weaker makes in education and in property a progress which will some day bring it much nearer to the stronger than it is now. the social and political troubles which the juxtaposition of the two races has caused in north america, and which have induced many americans to wish that it were possible to transport the whole seven millions of southern negroes back to the niger or the congo, have as yet scarcely shown themselves in south africa. neither in the british colonies nor in the boer republics is there any cause for present apprehension. the coloured people are submissive and not resentful. they have, moreover, a certain number of friends and advocates in the legislatures of the colonies, and a certain amount of public opinion, the opinion of the best part of the community, disposed to protect them. nevertheless, no traveller can study the colour problem in south africa without anxiety--anxiety, not for the present, but for the future, a future in which the seeds that are now being sown will have sprung up and grown to maturity. what is the future of the kafirs likely to be? though a writer may prophesy with an easy mind when he knows that the truth or error of the prophecy will not be tested till long after he has himself quitted the world, still it is right to make the usual apologies for venturing to prophesy at all. these apologies being taken as made, let us consider what is likely to come to pass in south africa. the kafirs will stay where they are and form the bulk of the population all over south africa. some sanguine men think they will move off to the hotter north, as in america the centre of negro population has shifted southward toward the gulf of mexico. this is improbable, because the south african white seems resolved to rely upon natives for all the harder and rougher kinds of labour, not to add that, although the european can thrive and work, the kafir is more truly the child of the soil and of the climate. and not only will he stay, but, to all appearances, he will increase faster than does the white man. the kafirs, now divided into many tribes and speaking many languages and dialects, will lose their present tribal organization, their languages, their distinctive habits. whether some sort of native _lingua franca_ will spring up, or whether they will all come to speak english, is doubtful; but probably in the long run english will prevail and become the common speech of the southern half of the continent. they will also lose their heathenism (though many superstitions will survive), and will become, in name at least, christians. thus they will form to a far greater extent than now a homogeneous mass pervaded by the same ideas and customs. while thus constituting one vast black community, they will probably remain as sharply marked off from the whites as they are to-day. that there will be no intermarriage may safely be assumed from the fact that mixture of blood has greatly diminished since the days of slavery, just as it has diminished in the southern states of america. white opinion universally condemns it, and rightly, for as things are now the white race would lose more by the admixture than the coloured race would gain. the kafirs will be far more generally educated than they are now, and will have developed a much higher intelligence. that they will remain inferior to the whites in all intellectual pursuits and in most handicrafts may be concluded from american experience; but they will doubtless be able to compete with white men in many trades, will to some extent enter the professions, will acquire property, and (assuming the law to remain as at present) will form a much larger part, though probably for a very long time a minority, of the electorate. from among them there will doubtless arise men fit to lead them for social and political purposes. a talent for public speaking is already remarked as one of their gifts. thus the day will arrive when south africa will see itself filled by a large coloured population, tolerably homogeneous, using the same language, having forgotten its ancient tribal feuds, and not, like the people of india, divided by caste or by the mutual hatred of hindus and mussulmans. most of this population will be poor, and it may, unless successive colonies are led off to the more thinly peopled parts of africa, tread hard upon the means of subsistence which the land offers; i say the land, for the mines--or at least the gold-mines--will have been exhausted long before the day we are contemplating arrives. when will that day arrive? probably not for at least a century, possibly not for two centuries. fast as the world moves in our time, it must take several generations to develop a race so backward as the kafirs. many political changes may occur before then; but political changes are not likely to make much difference to a process like this, which goes on under natural laws--laws that will continue to work, whatever may happen to the boers, and whatever may be the future relations of the colonies to the mother country. it is only some great change in human thought and feeling, or some undreamt-of discovery in the physical world, that can be imagined as likely to affect the progress of the natives and the attitude of the whites toward them. when, perhaps in the twenty-first century, the native population has reached the point of progress we have been imagining, the position may be for both races a grave or even a perilous one, if the feeling and behaviour of the whites continue to be what they are now. the present contented acquiescence of the coloured people in the dominance of the whites, and the absence of resentment at the contempt displayed toward them, cannot be expected from a people whose inferiority, though still real, will be much less palpable. and if trouble comes, the preponderance of numbers on the black side may make it more serious than it could be in the united states, where the southern whites are the outmost fringe of an enormous white nation. these anxieties are little felt, these problems are little canvassed, in south africa, for things which will not happen in our time or in the time of our children are for most of us as though they would never happen; and we have become so accustomed to see the unexpected come to pass as to forget that where undoubted natural causes are at work--causes whose working history has examined and verified--a result may be practically certain, uncertain as may be the time when and the precise form in which it will arrive. there are, however, some thoughtful men in the colonies who see the magnitude of the issues involved in this native problem. they hold, so far as i could gather their views, that the three chief things to be done now are to save the natives from intoxicating liquor, which injures them even more than it does the whites, to enact good land laws, which shall keep them from flocking as a loafing proletariate into the towns, as well as just labour laws, and to give them much better opportunities than they now have of industrial education. manual training and the habit of steady industry are quite as much needed as book education, a conclusion at which the friends of the american negro have also arrived. beyond this the main thing to be done seems to be to soften the feelings of the average white and to mend his manners. at present he considers the native to exist solely for his own benefit. he is harsh or gentle according to his own temper; but whether harsh or gentle, he is apt to think of the black man much as he thinks of an ox, and to ignore a native's rights when they are inconvenient to himself. could he be got to feel more kindly toward the native, and to treat him, if not as an equal, which he is not, yet as a child, the social aspect of the problem--and it is the not least serious aspect--would be completely altered. [footnote : the boers are a genuinely religious people, but they have forgotten cor. xii. , gal. iii. , and col. iii. . many nations have been inspired by the old testament, but few indeed are the instances in which any has paid regard to the new.] chapter xxii missions the strength and vitality of a race, and its power of holding its own in the world, depend less on the quickness of its intelligence than on the solidity of its character. its character depends upon the moral ideas which govern its life, and on the habits in which those ideas take shape; and these, in their turn, depend very largely upon the conceptions which the race has formed of religion, and on the influence that religion has over it. this is especially true of peoples in the earlier stages of civilization. their social virtues, the beliefs and principles which hold them together and influence their conduct, rest upon and are shaped by their beliefs regarding the invisible world and its forces. races in which religious ideas are vague and feeble seldom attain to a vigorous national life, because they want one of the most effective bonds of cohesion and some of the strongest motives that rule conduct. it may doubtless be said that the religion of a people is as much an effect as a cause, or, in other words, that the finer or poorer quality of a race is seen in the sort of religion it makes for itself, the higher races producing nobler religious ideas and more impressive mythologies, just as they produce richer and more expressive languages. nevertheless, it remains true that a religion, once formed, becomes a potent factor in the future strength and progress of a people. now the religious ideas of the bantu races, as of other negroes, have been scanty, poor, and unfruitful. and accordingly, one cannot meditate upon their condition and endeavour to forecast their progress without giving some thought to the influence which better ideas, and especially those embodied in christianity, may have upon them. neither the kafirs nor the hottentots have had a religion in our sense of the word. they had no deities, no priesthood, no regular forms of worship. they were, when europeans discovered them, still in the stage in which most, if not all, primitive races would seem to have once been--that of fearing and seeking to propitiate nature spirits and the ghosts of the dead, a form of superstition in which there was scarcely a trace of morality. hence the first task of the missionaries who came among them was to create a religious sense, to give them the conception of an omnipotent spiritual power outside natural objects and above man, and to make them regard this power as the source of moral ideas and the author of moral commands. to do this has been a difficult task. besides this constructive work, which was less needed in some other more advanced heathen races, the missionaries had also a destructive work to do. though the kafirs had no religion, they had a multitude of superstitious rites and usages closely intertwined with the whole of their life and with what one may call their political system. these usages were so repugnant to christian morality, and often to common decency, that it became necessary to attack them and to require the convert to renounce them altogether. renunciation, however, meant a severance from the life of the tribe, contempt and displeasure from the tribesmen, and possibly the loss of tribal rights. these were evils which it required courage and conviction to face, nor had the missionary any temporal benefits to offer by way of compensation. there was, however, very little direct persecution, because there were no gods who would be incensed, and the witch-doctors were less formidable opponents than a regular priesthood would have been. the chiefs were often friendly, for they recognized the value of missionary knowledge and counsel. even the ferocious mosilikatze showed kindness to robert moffat, and livingstone complained far more of the boers than he ever did of kafir enemies. lo bengula protected the missionaries: gungunhana listened, and made his chiefs listen, to their discourses, though his nearest approach to conversion was his expression of detestation for judas iscariot. but it rarely befell that a chief himself accepted christianity, which would have meant, among other things, the departure of all his wives but one, and possibly the loss of his hold upon his tribe. all these things being considered, it need excite no surprise that the gospel should have made comparatively little progress among the wild or tribal kafirs. it has been preached to them for nearly a century, by german (chiefly, i think, moravian) and french, as well as by english, scottish, and american missionaries. at present there are not a few british societies and denominations in the field. the french protestants have done some excellent work, especially in basutoland, and have also stations near the east coast and on the upper zambesi. there are also french roman catholic missions, mostly in the hands of jesuit fathers, many of whom are men of learning and ability. between the roman catholics, the protestant episcopalians (church of england), and the missionaries of the english nonconformists and scottish or french presbyterians there is little intercourse and no co-operation. here, as in other mission fields, this absence of intercourse and sympathy puzzles the native. i was told of an english (protestant episcopal) clergyman who made it one of his prime objects to warn the kafirs against attending the services of the french protestant missionaries, whom he apparently regarded as outside the pale of the true church. in the boer republics there are fewer missions in proportion to the number of natives than in british territories; but no district, except the deserts of the west, seems to be wholly unprovided for, and in some cases stations have been pushed far beyond the limits of european administration, as, for instance, among the barotse, who dwell north of the upper zambesi. the native congregations are usually small, and the careers of the converts not always satisfactory. this is so natural that it is odd to find europeans, and most conspicuously those whose own life is not a model of christian morality, continually growling and sneering at the missionaries because their converts do not all turn out saints. the savage is unstable in character, and baptism does not necessarily extinguish either his old habits or the hold which native superstitions have upon him. it is in this instability of his will, and his proneness to yield to drink or some other temptation, rather than in his intellect, that the weakness of the savage lies. and a man with hundreds of generations of savagery behind him is still, and must be, in many respects a savage, even though he reads and writes, and wears european clothes, and possibly even a white necktie. the kafirs are not such bad christians as the frankish warriors were for two or three generations after the conversion of clovis. we must wait for several generations before we can judge fairly of the influence of his new religion upon the mind of a kafir whose ancestors had no religion at all, and were ruled by the lowest forms of superstition. these facts are better recognized by the missionaries to-day than they were sixty years ago, and they have in consequence made some changes in their methods. they are no longer so anxious to baptize, or so apt to reckon success by the number of their converts. they are more cautious in ordaining native pastors. the aid of such pastors is indispensable, but the importance of the example which the native preacher or teacher sets makes it necessary to be careful in selection. the dogma of the equality of the black man and the white, which was warmly insisted on in the old days, and often roused the wrath of the boers, has now been silently dropped. it was a dogma wholesome to inculcate so far as equality of protection was concerned, but its wider application led the early philanthropists of south africa, as it led their excellent contemporaries, the abolitionists of america, to some strange conclusions. perceiving that other influences ought to go hand in hand with religion in helping the natives forward, the missionaries now devote themselves more than formerly to secular instruction, and endeavour to train the people to habits of industry. the work of education is indeed entirely in their hands. special mention is due to one admirable institution, that which was founded by the free church of scotland at lovedale, in the eastern province, not far from king william's town, nearly fifty years ago. conducted on wholly non-sectarian lines, it receives coloured people, together with some whites, not only from the colony, but from all parts of africa--there are even galla boys from the borders of abyssinia in it--and gives an excellent education, fitting young men and women not only for the native ministry, but for the professions: and it is admitted even by those who are least friendly to missionary work to have rendered immense services to the natives. i visited it, and was greatly struck by the tone and spirit which seemed to pervade it, a spirit whose results are seen in the character and careers of many among its graduates. a race in the present condition of the kafirs needs nothing more than the creation of a body of intelligent and educated persons of its own blood, who are able to enter into the difficulties of their humbler kinsfolk and guide them wisely. dr. stewart, who has directed the institution for many years, possesses that best kind of missionary temperament, in which a hopeful spirit and an inexhaustible sympathy are balanced by scottish shrewdness and a cool judgment. one of the greatest among the difficulties which confront the missionaries is to know how to deal with polygamy, a practice deeply rooted in kafir life. a visitor from europe is at first surprised to find how seriously they regard it, and asks whether the example of the worthies of the old testament does not make it hard for them to refuse baptism to the native who seeks it, though he has more than one wife. the clergy of the church of england, however, and those of the french protestant church--and i think other missionaries also--are unanimous in holding that, although they may properly admit a polygamist as a catechumen, they should not baptize such a one; and they say that the native pastors hold this view even more strongly than they do themselves. polygamy is so bound up with heathen customs, and exerts, in their view, so entirely baneful an influence upon native society, that it must be at all hazards resisted and condemned.[ ] one is reminded of the neoplatonic philosophers, the last professors of the platonic academy at athens, who in the sixth century of our era sought an asylum from christian persecution at the court of chosroes anurshirwan, in persia. they forced themselves to tolerate the other usages of the people among whom they came, but polygamy was too much for them, and rather than dwell among those who practised it, they returned to the unfriendly soil of the roman empire. the missionaries, and especially those of the london missionary society, played at one time a much more prominent part in politics than they now sustain. within and on the borders of cape colony they were, for the first sixty years of the present century, the leading champions of the natives, and as they enjoyed the support of an active body of opinion in england and scotland, they had much influence in parliament and with the colonial office. outside the colony they were often the principal advisers of the native chiefs (as their brethren were at the same time in the islands of the pacific), and held a place not unlike that of the bishops in gaul in the fifth century of our era. since, in advocating the cause of the natives, they had often to complain of the behaviour of the whites, and since, whenever a chief came into collision with the emigrant boers or with colonial frontiersmen, they became the channel by which the chief stated his case to the british government, they incurred the bitter hostility of the emigrant boers and some dislike even in the colony. to this old cause much of the unpopularity that still attaches to them seems due. unpopular they certainly are. they are reproached with the paucity of their converts, and that by white men whose own treatment of the kafirs might well make the white man's religion odious to a native. they are also accused of abusing their position to enrich themselves by trade with the kafirs. this abuse has sometimes occurred, and clearly ought to be checked by the home societies. but probably it does not disgust the wandering white trader any more than the fact that the missionary often warns the native against the exorbitant prices which the trader demands for his goods. they are blamed for making the converted kafir uppish, and telling him that he is as good as a white man, an offence which has no doubt been often committed. a graver allegation, to which mr. theal has given some countenance in his historical writings, is that they used to bring groundless or exaggerated charges against the boer farmers, and always sided with the natives, whatever the merits of the case. i do not venture to pronounce on the truth of this allegation, which it would take much time and labour to sift. as there have been some few missionaries whose demeanour was not creditable to their profession, so there have doubtless been instances in which partisan ardour betrayed them into exaggerations. but whosoever remembers that but for the missionaries the natives would have lacked all local protection, and that it was only through the missionaries that news of injustice or cruelty practised on a native could reach the ears of the british government, will look leniently on the errors of honest zeal, and will rejoice that ministers of religion were found to champion the cause of the weaker race and keep the home government alive to a sense of one of its first duties. notwithstanding the slowness of the progress hitherto made, the extinction of heathenism in south africa may be deemed certain, and certain at no distant date. there is here no ancient and highly organized system of beliefs and doctrines, such as hinduism and islam are in india, to resist the solvent power which european civilisation exerts. in forty years there will probably be no more pagan rites practised in cape colony. in eighty years there will be none in matabililand, or perhaps even sooner, if the gold-reefs turn out well; for though a mining-camp is not a school of christianity, it is a destroyer of paganism. already i found, in traversing mashonaland, that the poor ghosts were ceasing to receive their wonted offerings of native beer. what will happen when heathenism and the tribal system have vanished away? such morality, such principles of manly conduct as the natives now have, are bound up with their ghost-worship and still more with their tribal system, which prescribes loyalty to the chief, courage in war, devotion to the interests of the tribe or clan. when these principles have disappeared along with the tribal organization, some other principles, some other standard of duty and precepts of conduct, ought to be at hand to replace them. where are such precepts to be found, and whence are the motives and emotions to be drawn which will give the new precepts a power to command the will? although the kafirs have shown rather less aptitude for assimilating christian teaching than some other savage races have done, there is nothing in the experience of the missions to discourage the hope that such teaching may come to prevail among them, and that through it each generation may show a slight moral advance upon that which has gone before. as the profession of christianity will create a certain link between the kafirs and their rulers which may soften the asperity which the relations of the two races now wear, so its doctrines will in time give them a standard of conduct similar to that accepted among the whites, and an ideal which will influence the superior minds among them. so much may certainly be said: that the gospel and the mission schools are at present the most truly civilizing influences which work upon the natives, and that upon these influences, more than on any other agency, does the progress of the coloured race depend. [footnote : after listening to their arguments, i did not venture to doubt that they were right.] chapter xxiii social characteristics of the two british colonies the two south african colonies have not yet had time to develop new and distinctive types of life and character. though cape colony is nearly as old as massachusetts or virginia, it has been less than a century under british rule, and the two diverse elements in its population have not yet become blent into any one type that can be said to belong to the people as a whole. one must therefore describe these elements separately. the dutch are almost all country folk, and the country folk are (in cape colony) mostly dutch. some, especially near cape town, are agriculturists, but many more are ranchmen or sheep-masters. they are a slow, quiet, well-meaning hospitable people, extremely conservative in their opinions as well as their habits, very sparing, because they have little ready money, very suspicious, because afraid of being out-witted by the english traders, and many of them so old-fashioned in their theory of the universe as to object to legislation against sheep scab, because they regard it as a visitation of providence, to be combated only by repentance and not by ordinary human means. the women are usually ill-educated and often unattractive; but they have strong characters. nothing was more remarkable in the wars of the emigrant boers against the kafirs than the courage and devotion which the women displayed. that love of cleanliness for which their kinsfolk in holland are famous has vanished under the conditions of a settler's life and the practice of using negro servants, and they are now apt to be slatternly. these country folk live in a simple, old-fashioned way, loving solitude and isolation, yet very hospitable, and enjoying the rare occasions on which they meet for festivities at one another's farmhouses. such meetings are almost their only recreations, for hunting is less attainable now that the larger game has disappeared, and they care nothing for the intellectual pleasures of reading or art or music. education is beginning to spread among them, but it has not yet done much to quicken their minds or give them new interests. the population is so extremely thin, the towns so few and so small, that it is not surprising that a people who came out from the least educated strata of society in holland should, under the difficult conditions of a settler's life, have remained at a low level of mental culture. they would probably have been still more backward, and have produced fewer men of ability, but for the infusion of french huguenot blood, which still proclaims itself in the names of some of the leading families. compared to the dutch, the english are recent immigrants. they have all arrived within the present century, and few of them can point to grandfathers born in south africa. partly for this reason, partly from their desire to be unlike the dutch, they have remained markedly english, both in their speech, in their ideas, and, so far as the differences of climate permit, in their way of life. nevertheless, they have been affected by the dutch. they have taken from the latter the aversion to field labour, the contempt for the blacks, the tendency to prefer large pastoral farms to agriculture, and, in some districts, a rather sleepy and easy-going temperament. even in mashonaland i was told that the english ranchmen were apt to fall into the habits of their boer neighbours. they form the large majority of the town population, for not only the seaports, but also such inland places as graham's town, king william's town, and kimberley are quite english, and nearly all the commerce and finance of the country are in their hands. they have more enterprise than the dutch, and are much less antiquated in their ideas, so it is to them that the profits of the new mining ventures have chiefly fallen, so far as these have not been appropriated by keener and more ingenious adventurers from europe, mostly of semitic stock. there has been hardly any irish immigration; and though one meets many scotchmen among the bankers and merchants, the scottish element seems smaller than in ontario or most of the australasian colonies. many settlers have come from germany, but these have now become blended with the english. there are no better colonists than the germans; and indeed the europeans whom the last ninety years have brought have been mostly of excellent stocks, superior to the mid-european races that have lately inundated the united states. though the english and the dutch form distinct social elements which are not yet fused, and though these elements are now politically opposed, there is no social antagonism between the races. the englishman will deride the slowness of the dutchman, the dutchman may distrust the adroitness or fear the activity of the englishman, but neither dislikes nor avoids the other. neither enjoys, or even pretends to, any social superiority, and hence neither objects to marry his son or his daughter to a member of the other race. both are, as a rule, in fairly easy circumstances; that is to say, nearly everybody has enough, and till lately hardly anybody had more than enough. within the last few years, however, two changes have come. the diamond mines and the gold-mines have given vast riches to a small number of persons, some half-dozen or less of whom continue to live in the colony, while the others have returned to europe. these great fortunes are a disturbing element, giving an undue influence to their possessors, and exciting the envy or emulation of the multitude. the other change is the growth of a class of people resembling the "mean whites" of the southern states of america, loafers and other lazy or shiftless fellows who hang about and will not take to any regular work. i heard them described and deplored as a new phenomenon, but gather that they are not yet numerous. their appearance, it is to be feared, is the natural result of that contempt for hard unskilled labour which the existence of slavery inspired in the whites; and they may hereafter constitute, as they now do in the southern states of america, the section of the population specially hostile to the negro, and therefore dangerous to the whole community. to an englishman or american who knows how rapidly his language has become the language of commerce over the world; how it has almost extinguished the ancient celtic tongues in scotland and ireland; how quickly in the united states it has driven spanish out of the south west, and has come to be spoken by the german, scandinavian, and slavonic immigrants whom that country receives, it is surprising to find that dutch holds its ground stubbornly in south africa. it is still the ordinary language of probably one-half of the people of cape colony (although most of these can speak some english) and of three-fourths of those in the orange free state, though of a minority in natal. englishmen settling in the interior usually learn it for the sake of talking to their dutch neighbours, who are slow to learn english; and english children learn it from the coloured people, for the coloured people talk it far more generally than they do english; in fact, when a native (except in one of the coast towns) speaks a european tongue, that tongue is sure to be dutch. good observers told me that although an increasing number of the africanders (_i.e._, colonists born in africa) of dutch origin now understand english, the hold of dutch is so strong that it will probably continue to be spoken in the colony for two generations at least. though one must call it dutch, it differs widely from the cultivated dutch of holland, having not only preserved some features of that language as spoken two centuries ago, but having adopted many kafir or hottentot words, and having become vulgarized into a dialect called the taal, which is almost incapable of expressing abstract thought or being a vehicle for any ideas beyond those of daily life. in fact, many of the boers, especially in the transvaal, cannot understand a modern dutch book, hardly even an amsterdam newspaper. this defect might give english a great advantage if the boers wished to express abstract ideas. but they have not this wish, for they have no abstract ideas to express. they are a people who live in the concrete. the rise of great fortunes, which i have noted, has been too recent and too exceptional a phenomenon to have affected the generally tranquil and even tenor of south african social life. among both dutch and english months and years flow smoothly on. few new immigrants enter the rural districts or the smaller towns; few new enterprises are started; few ambitions or excitements stir the minds of the people. the witwatersrand gold-field is, of course, a startling exception, but it is an exception which tends to perpetuate the rule, for, by drawing off the more eager and restless spirits, it has left the older parts of both the colonies more placid than ever. the general equality of conditions has produced a freedom from assumption on the one hand, and from servility on the other, and, indeed, a general absence of snobbishness, which is quite refreshing to the european visitor. manners are simple, and being simple, they are good. if there is less polish than in some countries, there is an unaffected heartiness and kindliness. the dutch have a sense of personal dignity which respects the dignity of their fellows, and which expresses itself in direct and natural forms of address. an experienced observer dilated to me on the high level of decorum maintained in the cape parliament, where scenes of disorder are, i believe, unknown, and violent language is rare. one expects to find in all colonies a sense of equality and an element of _sans gêne_ in social intercourse. but one usually finds also more roughness and more of an off-hand, impatient way of treating strangers than is visible in south africa. this may be partly due to the fact that people are not in such a hurry as they are in most new countries. they have plenty of time for everything. the climate disinclines them to active exertion. there is little immigration. trade, except in the four seaports,[ ] is not brisk, and even there it is not brisk in the american sense of the word. the slackness of the black population, which has to be employed for the harder kinds of work, reacts upon the white employer. i have visited no new english-speaking country where one so little felt the strain and stress of modern life. this feature of south african society, though it implies a slow material development, is very agreeable to the visitor, and i doubt if it be really an injury to the ultimate progress of the country. in most parts of north america, possibly in australia also, industrial development has been too rapid, and has induced a nervous excitability and eager restlessness of temper from which south africa is free. of course, in saying this, i except always the mining districts, and especially the witwatersrand, which is to the full as restless and as active as san francisco or melbourne. the comparative ease of life disposes the english part of the population to athletic sports, which are pursued with almost as much avidity as in australia. even one who thinks that in england the passion for them has gone beyond all reasonable limits, and has become a serious injury to education and to the taste for intellectual pleasures, may find in the character of the climate a justification for the devotion to cricket, in particular, which strikes him in south africa. now that the wild animals have become scarce, hunting cannot be pursued as it once was, and young people would have little incitement to physical exertion in the open air did not the english love of cricket flourish in the schools and colleges. long may it flourish! the social conditions i have been describing are evidently unfavourable to the development of literature or science or art. art has scarcely begun to exist. science is represented only by a few naturalists in government employment, and by some intelligent amateur observers. researches in electricity or chemistry or biology require nowadays a somewhat elaborate apparatus, with which few private persons could provide themselves, and which are here possessed only by one or two public institutions. english and american writers have hitherto supplied the intellectual needs of the people, and the established reputation of writers in those countries makes competition difficult to a new colonial author. the towns are too small, and their inhabitants too much occupied in commerce to create groups of highly educated people, capable of polishing, whetting, and stimulating one another's intellects. there are few large libraries, and no fully equipped university to train young men in history or philosophy or economics or theology. accordingly, few books are composed or published, and, so far as i know, only three south african writers have caught the ear of the european public. one of these was robert pringle, a scotchman, whose poems, written sixty or seventy years ago, possess considerable merit, and one of which, beginning with the line, afar in the desert i love to ride, remains the most striking picture of south african nature in those early days when the wilderness was still filled with wild creatures. another, miss olive schreiner (now mrs. cronwright-schreiner), has attained deserved fame. a third, mr. scully, is less known in england, but his little volume of _kafir tales_ is marked by much graphic power and shows insight into native character. these three writers, and indeed all the writers of merit, belong to the english or anglified section of the population. the dutch section is practically disqualified by its language (which, be it remembered, is not the language of holland, but a debased dialect) from literary composition, even were it otherwise disposed to authorship. literature will always, i think, remain english in character, bearing few or no traces of the dutch element in the people. but otherwise things are likely to change in a few years. the conditions which have been described as unfavourable to intellectual production are not necessarily permanent, and the time will probably come when the europeans of south africa will emulate their kinsfolk at home or in north america in literary and artistic fertility. the materials for imaginative work, whether in poetry or in prose, lie ready to their hand. the scenery deserves some great native landscape-painter, and such a genius will, no doubt, one day arise. journalism has now everywhere become, in point of quantity, the most important part of literature. the south african newspapers impress a visitor favourably. several of them are written with great ability, and they were in comparatively free from that violence of invective, that tawdriness of rhetoric, and that proneness to fill their columns with criminal intelligence which are apt to be charged against the press in some other new countries. no journal seems to exert so great a political power as is wielded by several of the australian dailies. as might be expected, the press is chiefly english, that language having sixty-one papers, against seventeen printed in dutch and twenty-three in both languages. although the dispersion of the small european population over an exceedingly wide area makes it difficult to provide elementary schools everywhere,[ ] education is, among the whites, well cared for, and in some regions, such as the orange free state, the boer element is just as eager for it as is the english. neither are efficient secondary schools wanting. that which is wanting, that which is urgently needed to crown the educational edifice, is a properly equipped teaching university. there are several colleges which provide lectures,[ ] and the cape university holds examinations and confers degrees; but to erect over these colleges a true university with an adequate teaching staff seems to be as difficult an enterprise at the cape as it has proved to be in london, where thirteen years had to be spent in efforts, not successful till , to establish a teaching university. it is strange to find that in a new country, where the different religious bodies live on good terms with one another, one of the chief obstacles in the way is the reluctance of two of the existing colleges, which have a denominational character, to have an institution superior to them set up by the state. the other obstacles are the rivalry of the eastern province with the western, in which, at cape town, the natural seat of a university would be found, and the apathy or aversion of the dutch section of the people. some of them do not care to spend public money for a purpose whose value they cannot be made to understand. others, knowing that a university would necessarily be mainly in english hands and give instruction of an english type, fear to establish what would become another anglifying influence. thus several small colleges go on, each with inadequate resources, and the cape youth who desires to obtain a first-rate education is obliged to go to europe for it. he cannot even get a full course of legal instruction, for there is no complete law school. it is no doubt well that a certain number of young men should go to europe and there acquire a first-hand knowledge of the ideas and habits of the old world; but many who cannot afford the luxury of a european journey and residence remain without the kind of instruction to which their natural gifts entitle them, and the intellectual progress of the country suffers. were cape colony somewhere in the united states, a millionaire would forthwith step in, build a new university, and endow it with a few millions of dollars. but south africa is only just beginning to produce great fortunes; so the best hope is that some enlightened and tactful statesman may, by disarming the suspicions and allaying the jealousies i have described, succeed in uniting the existing colleges, and add to their scanty revenues an adequate government grant. this may possibly be effected. but the jealousies and ambitions which those who control an institution feel for it are often quite as tenacious as is the selfishness of men where their own pockets are concerned; and since these jealousies disguise themselves under a cloak of disinterestedness, it is all the more hard to overcome them by the pressure of public opinion. one other intellectual force remains to be mentioned--that of the churches. in the two british colonies no religious body receives special state recognition or any grants from the state.[ ] all are on an equal footing, just as in australia and in north america. in the two boer republics the dutch reformed church is in a certain sense the state church. in the transvaal it is recognized as such by the grondwet ("fundamental law"), and receives a government subvention. in that republic members of other churches were at one time excluded from the suffrage and from all public offices, and even now roman catholics are under some disability. in the orange free state the dutch reformed church receives public aid, but i think this is given, to a smaller extent, to some other denominations also, and no legal inequalities based on religion exist. in these two republics nearly the whole of the boer population, and in the free state a part even of the english population, belong to the dutch reformed communion, which is presbyterian in government and calvinistic in theology. in the british colonies the protestant episcopal church (church of england) comes next after the dutch reformed, which is much the strongest denomination; but the wesleyans are also an important body; and there are, of course, also congregational and baptist churches. the presbyterians seem to be less numerous (in proportion to the population) than in canada or australia, not merely because the scottish element is less numerous, but also because many of the scottish settlers joined the dutch reformed church as being akin to their own in polity and doctrine. the comparative paucity of roman catholics is due to the paucity of irish immigrants.[ ] these bodies live in perfect harmony and good feeling one with another, all frankly accepting the principle of equality, none claiming any social pre-eminence, and none, so far as i could learn, attempting to interfere in politics. both the bishops and the clergy of the church of england (among whom there are many gifted men) are, with few exceptions, of marked high-church proclivities, which, however, do not appear to prevail equally among the laity. the dutch reformed church has been troubled by doubts as to the orthodoxy of many of its younger pastors who have been educated at leyden or utrecht, and for a time it preferred to send candidates for the ministry to be trained at edinburgh, whose theological schools inspired less distrust. it is itself in its turn distrusted, apparently without reason, by the still more rigid calvinists of the transvaal. one curious feature of south african society remains to be mentioned, which impressed me the more the longer i remained in the country. the upper stratum of that society, consisting of the well-to-do and best educated people, is naturally small, because the whole white population of the towns is small, there being only four towns that have more than ten thousand white residents. but this little society is virtually one society, though dispersed in spots hundreds of miles from one another. natal stands rather apart, and has very little to do either socially or in the way of business with cape colony, and not a great deal even with the transvaal. so too the four or five towns of the eastern province of cape colony form a group somewhat detached, and though the "best people" in each of them know all about the "best people" in cape town, they are not in close touch with the latter. but cape town, kimberley, bloemfontein, johannesburg, and pretoria, the five most important places (excluding the natal towns), are for social purposes almost one city, though it is six hundred and fifty miles from cape town to kimberley, and one thousand miles from cape town to johannesburg. all the persons of consequence in these places know one another and follow one another's doings. all mix frequently, because the cape town people are apt to be called by business to the inland cities, and the residents of the inland cities come to cape town for sea air in the summer, or to embark thence for europe. where distances are great, men think little of long journeys, and the fact that cape town is practically the one port of entrance and departure for the interior, so far as passengers are concerned, keeps it in constant relations with the leading men of the interior, and gives a sort of unity to the upper society of the whole country, which finds few parallels in any other part of the world. johannesburg and cape town in particular are, for social purposes, in closer touch with each other than liverpool is with manchester or new york with philadelphia. when one turns to the map it looks a long way from the cape to the witwatersrand; but between these places most of the country is a desert, and there is only one spot, bloemfontein, that deserves to be called a town. so i will once more beg the reader to remember that though south africa is more than half as large as europe, it is, measured by population, a very small country. [footnote : cape town, port elizabeth, east london and durban.] [footnote : in cape colony . of the male and . of the female population could not (census of ) read or write.] [footnote : five colleges receive government grants.] [footnote : the small grant for religious purposes made in cape colony was in being reduced, and was to expire shortly.] [footnote : the census of gives the numbers as follows: dutch reformed church, , ; church of england, , ; wesleyans, , ; congregationalists, , ; presbyterians, , ; roman catholics, , ; mohammedans, , .] chapter xxiv politics in the two british colonies the circumstances of the two south african colonies are so dissimilar from those of the british colonies in north america and in australasia as to have impressed upon their politics a very different character. i do not propose to describe the present political situation, for it may change at any moment. it is only of the permanent causes which give their colour to the questions and the movements of the country that i shall speak, and that concisely. the frame of government is, in cape colony as well as in natal, essentially the same as in the other self-governing british colonies. there is a governor, appointed by the home government, and responsible to it only, who plays the part which belongs to the crown in great britain. he is the nominal head of the executive, summoning and proroguing the legislature, appointing and dismissing ministers, and exercising, upon the advice of his ministers, the prerogative of pardon. there is a cabinet of five persons, including the heads of the chief administrative departments, who are the practical executive of the colony, and are responsible to the legislature, in which they sit, and at whose pleasure they hold their offices. there is a legislature consisting of two houses--an assembly, whose membership was raised in december, , from seventy-nine to ninety-five, and a legislative council, with twenty-three members, besides the chief justice, who is _ex officio_ president. in cape colony (for of the arrangements in natal i have spoken in a previous chapter) both houses are elected on the same franchise--a low one; but the districts for the election of members of the council are much larger, and therefore fewer, than the assembly districts, so the former body is a small and the latter a comparatively numerous one.[ ] the rights and powers of both houses are theoretically the same, save that money bills originate in the assembly; but the assembly is far more powerful, for the ministry holds office only so long as it has the support of a majority in that body, whereas it need not regard a hostile vote in the council. either the english or the dutch language may be used in debate. ministers have the right of speaking in both houses, but can, of course, vote only in the one of which they are members by popular election. if it happens that there is no minister who has a seat in the council (as was the case in ), it is usual for the cabinet to allot one to be present in and look after that chamber for the day. this cabinet system, as it is called, works pretty smoothly, on lines similar to that english original whence it is copied. the most interesting peculiarity is the cape method of forming the smaller house. in england the upper house is composed of hereditary members; in the canadian confederation, of members nominated for life--both of them methods which are quite indefensible in theory. here, however, we find the same plan as that which prevails in the states of the north american union, all of which have senates elected on the same franchise, and for the same term, as the larger house, but in more extensive districts, so as to make the number of members of the senate or second chamber smaller. regarding the merits of the cape scheme, i heard different views expressed. nobody seemed opposed in principle to the division of the legislature into two houses, but many condemned the existing council as being usually composed of second-rate men, and apt to be obstructive in its tendencies. some thought the council was a useful part of the scheme of government, because it interposed delay in legislation and gave time for reflection and further debate. one point came out pretty clearly. no difficulty is deemed to arise from the fact that there exist two popularly elected houses equally entitled to control the administration,[ ] for custom has settled that the assembly or larger house is that whose vote determines the life of a ministry. but it follows from this circumstance that the most able and ambitious men desire a seat in the more powerful chamber, leaving the smaller house to those of less mark. this is the exact reverse of what has happened in the united states; where a seat in the senate is more desired than one in the house; but it is a natural result of the diverse arrangements of the two countries, for in the federal government the senate has some powers which the house of representatives does not enjoy, while in each of the several states of the union, although the powers of the two houses are almost the same, the smaller number of each senate secures for a senator somewhat greater importance than a member of the larger body enjoys. the cape colony plan of letting a minister speak in both houses works very well, and may deserve to be imitated in england, where the fact that the head of a department can explain his policy only to his own house has sometimes caused inconvenience. so much for the machinery. now let us note the chief points in which the circumstances of cape colony and of natal (for in these respects both colonies are alike) differ from those of the other self-governing colonies of britain. the population is not homogeneous as regards race, but consists of two stocks, english and dutch. these stocks are not, as in canada, locally separate, but dwell intermixed, though the dutch element predominates in the western province and in the interior generally, the english in the eastern province and at the kimberley diamond-fields. the population is homogeneous as regards religion, for nearly all are protestants, and protestants of much the same type. race difference has fortunately not been complicated, as in canada, by ecclesiastical antagonisms. the population is homogeneous as respects material interests, for it is wholly agricultural and pastoral, except a few merchants and artisans in the seaports, and a few miners at kimberley and in namaqualand. four-fifths of it are practically rural, for the interests of the small towns are identical with those of the surrounding country. the population is not only rural, but scattered more thinly over a vast area than in any other british colony, except north-western canada, and parts of australasia. in natal there are only two white men to the square mile, and in cape colony less than two. nor is this sparseness incidental, as in north america, to the early days of settlement. it is due to a physical condition--the condition of the soil--which is likely to continue. below the white citizens, who are the ruling race, there lies a thick stratum of coloured population numerically larger, and likely to remain so, because it performs all the unskilled labour of the country. here is a condition which, though present in some of the southern states of america, is fortunately absent from all the self-governing colonies of britain, and indeed caused jamaica to be, some time ago, withdrawn from that category. the conjunction of these circumstances marks off south africa as a very peculiar country, where we may expect to find a correspondingly peculiar political situation. comparing it to other colonies, we may say that the cape and natal resemble canada in the fact that there are two european races present, and resemble the southern states of america in having a large mass of coloured people beneath the whites. but south africa is in other respects unlike both; and although situated in the southern hemisphere, it bears little resemblance to australia. now let us see how the circumstances above described have determined the political issues that have arisen in cape colony. certain issues are absent which exist, not only in europe and the united states, but also in australia and in canada. there is no antagonism of rich and poor, because there are very few poor and still fewer rich. there is no working-man's or labour party, because so few white men are employed in handicrafts. there is no socialist movement, nor is any likely soon to arise, because the mass of workers, to whom elsewhere socialism addresses itself, is mainly composed of black people, and no white would dream of collectivism for the benefit of blacks. thus the whole group of labour questions, which bulks so largely in modern industrial states, is practically absent, and replaced by a different set of class questions, to be presently mentioned. there is no regularly organized protectionist party, nor is the protection of native industry a "live issue" of the first magnitude. the farmers and ranchmen of cape colony no doubt desire to have custom duties on food-stuffs that will help them to keep up prices, and they have got such duties. but the scale is not very high, and as direct taxation is difficult to raise in a new country with a scattered population, the existing tariff, which averages twelve and a half per cent, _ad valorem_ (but is further raised by special rates on certain articles), may be defended as needed, at least to a large extent, for the purposes of revenue. natal had a lower tariff, and has been more favourable in principle to free trade doctrine, but she has very recently ( ) entered the s. african customs union, therewith adopting a higher tariff. manufactures have been so sparingly developed in both colonies that neither employers nor workmen have begun to call for high duties against foreign goods. here, therefore, is another field of policy, important in north america and australia, which has given rise to comparatively little controversy in south africa. as there is no established church, and nearly all the people are protestants, there are no ecclesiastical questions, nor is the progress of education let and hindered by the claims of sects to have their respective creeds taught at the expense of the state. neither are there any land questions, such as those which have arisen in australia, for there has been land enough for those who want to have it, while few agricultural immigrants arrive to increase the demand. moreover, though the landed estates are large, their owners are not rich, and excite no envy by their possession of a profitable monopoly. if any controversy regarding natural resources arises, it will probably turn on the taxation of minerals. some have suggested that the state should appropriate to itself a substantial share of the profits made out of the diamond and other mines, and the fact that most of those profits are sent home to shareholders in europe might be expected to make the suggestion popular. nevertheless, the idea has not, so far, "caught on," to use a familiar expression, partly, perhaps, because cape colony, drawing sufficent income from its tariff and its railways, has not found it necessary to hunt for other sources of revenue. lastly, there are no constitutional questions. the suffrage is so wide as to admit nearly all the whites, and there is, of course, no desire to go lower and admit more blacks. the machinery of government is deemed satisfactory; at any rate, one hears of no proposals to change it, and, as will be seen presently, there is not in either colony a wish to alter the relations now subsisting between it and the mother country. the reader may suppose that if all these grounds of controversy, familiar to europe, and some of them now unhappily familiar to the new democracies also, are absent, south africa enjoys the political tranquillity of a country where there are no factions, and the only question is how to find the men best able to promote that economic development which all unite in desiring. this is by no means the case. in south africa the part filled elsewhere by constitutional questions, and industrial questions and ecclesiastical questions, and currency questions, is filled by race questions and colour questions. colour questions have been discussed in a previous chapter. they turn not, as in the southern states of america, upon the political rights of the black man (for on this subject the ruling whites are in both colonies unanimous), but upon land rights and the regulation of native labour. they are not at this moment actual and pungent issues, but they are in the background of every one's mind, and the attitude of each man to them goes far to determine his political sympathies. one cannot say that there exist pro-native or anti-native parties, but the dutch are by tradition more disposed than the english to treat the native severely, and, as they express it, keep him in his place. many englishmen share the dutch feeling, yet it is always by englishmen that the advocacy of the native case is undertaken. in natal both races are equally anti-indian. the race question among the whites, that is to say the rivalry of dutch and english, would raise no practical issue were cape colony an island in the ocean, for there is complete political and social equality between the two stocks, and the material interests of the dutch farmer are the same as those of his english neighbour. it is the existence of a contiguous foreign state, the south african republic, that sharpens dutch feeling. the boers who remained in cape colony and in natal have always retained their sentiment of kinship with those who went out in the great trek of , or who moved northward from natal into the transvaal after the annexation of natal in . many of them are connected by family ties with the inhabitants of the two republics, and are proud of the achievements of their kinsfolk against dingaan and mosilikatze, and of the courage displayed at laing's nek and majuba hill against the british. they resent keenly any attempt to trench upon the independence of the transvaal, while most of the english do not conceal their wish to bring that state into a south african confederation, if possible under the british flag. the ministries and legislatures of the two british colonies, it need hardly be said, have no official relations with the two dutch republics, because, according to the constitution of the british empire, such relations, like all other foreign relations, belong to the crown, and the crown is advised by the british cabinet at home. in south africa the crown is represented for the purpose of these relations by the high commissioner, who is not responsible in any way to the colonial legislatures, and is not even bound to consult the colonial cabinet, for his functions as high commissioner for south africa are deemed to be distinct from those which he has as governor of cape colony. matters relating to the two republics and their relation to the colonies are, accordingly, outside the sphere of action of the colonial legislatures, which have, in strict theory, no right to pass resolutions regarding them. in point of fact, however, the cape assembly frequently does debate, and pass resolutions on, these matters; nor is this practice disapproved, for, as the sentiments of the colony are, or ought to be, an important factor in determining the action of the home government, it is well that the british cabinet and the high commissioner should possess such a means of gauging those sentiments. the same thing happens with regard to any other question between britain and a foreign power which may affect the two colonies. questions with germany or portugal, questions as to the acquisition of territory in south central africa, would also be discussed in the colonial legislatures, just as those of australia some years ago complained warmly of the action of france in the new hebrides. and thus it comes to pass that though the governments and legislatures of the colonies have in strictness nothing to do with foreign policy, foreign policy has had much to do with the formation of parties at the cape. now as to the parties themselves. hitherto i have spoken of natal and the cape together, because their conditions are generally similar, though the dutch element is far stronger in the latter than in the former. in what follows i speak of the cape only, for political parties have not had time to grow up in natal, where responsible government dates from . in the earlier days of the cape legislature parties were not strongly marked, though they tended to coincide with the race distinction between dutch and english, because the western province was chiefly dutch, and the eastern chiefly english, and there was a certain rivalry or antagonism between these two main divisions of the country. the dutch element was, moreover, wholly agricultural and pastoral, the english party mercantile; so when an issue arose between these two interests, it generally corresponded with the division of races. political organization was chiefly in english hands, because the colonial dutch had not possessed representative government, whereas the english brought their home habits with them. however, down till parties remained in an amorphous or fluid condition, being largely affected by the influence of individual leaders; and the dutch section of the electorate was hardly conscious of its strength. in the end of that year, the rising in the transvaal, and the war of independence which followed, powerfully stimulated dutch feeling, and led to the formation of the africander bond, a league or association appealing nominally to african, but practically to african-dutch patriotism. it was not anti-english in the sense of hostility to the british connection, any more than was the french party in lower canada at the same time, but it was based not only on the solidarity of the dutch race over all south africa, but also on the doctrine that africanders must think of africa first, and see that the country was governed in accordance with local sentiment, rather than on british lines or with a view to british interests. being dutch, the bond became naturally the rural or agricultural and pastoral party, and therewith inclined to a protective tariff and to stringent legislation in native matters. such anti-english tint as this association originally wore tended to fade when the transvaal troubles receded into the distance, and when it was perceived that the british government became more and more disposed to leave the colony to manage its own affairs. and this was still more the case after the rise to power of mr. cecil rhodes, who, while receiving the support of the bond and the dutch party generally, was known to be also a strong imperialist, eager to extend the range of british power over the continent. at the same time, the attachment of the colonial dutch to the transvaal cooled down under the unfriendly policy of that republic, whose government imposed heavy import duties on their food-stuffs, and denied to their youth the opportunities of obtaining posts in the public service of the republic, preferring to fetch dutch-speaking men from holland, when it could have had plenty of capable people from the cape who spoke the tongue and knew the ways of the country. thus the embers of dutch and english antagonism seemed to be growing cold when they were suddenly fanned again into a flame by the fresh transvaal troubles of december, , which caused the resignation of mr. rhodes, and the severance from him of his dutch supporters. too little time has elapsed since those events to make it possible to predict how parties may reshape themselves, nor is it any part of my plan to deal with current politics. in feeling still ran high, but it had not destroyed the previously friendly social relations of the races, and there was then reason to hope that within a few months or years mutual confidence would be restored. so far as i could ascertain, both local government and central government are in the two colonies, as well as in the orange free state, pure and honest. the judiciary is above all suspicion, and includes several distinguished men. the civil service is managed on english principles, there being no elective offices; and nothing resembling what is called the "caucus system" seems to have grown up. there are in the cape legislature some few members supposed to be "low-toned" and open to influence by the prospect of material gain, but, though i heard of occasional jobbing, i heard of little or nothing amounting to corruption. elections were said to be free from bribery, but as they had seldom excited keen interest, this point of superiority to most countries need not be ascribed to moral causes. reviewing the course of cape politics during the thirty years of responsible government, that course appears smooth when compared with the parallel current of events in the australian colonies. there have been few constitutional crises, and no exciting struggles over purely domestic issues. this is due not merely to the absence of certain causes of strife, but also to the temper of the people, and their thin dispersion over a vast territory. in large town populations excitement grows by the sympathy of numbers, but south africa has only five or six towns in which a public meeting of even three hundred citizens could be gathered. the dutch are tardy, cautious and reserved. the doggedness of their ancestors who resisted philip ii. of spain lives in them still. they have a slow tenacious intensity, like that of a forest fire, which smoulders long among the prostrate trunks before it bursts into flame. but they are, except when deeply stirred, conservative and slow to move. they dislike change so much as to be unwilling to change their representatives or their ministers. a cape statesman told me that the dutch members of the assembly would often say to him: "we think you wrong in this instance, and we are going to vote against you, but we don't want to turn you out; stay on in office as before." so president kruger observed to me, in commenting on the frequent changes of government in england: "when we have found an ox who makes a good leader of the team, we keep him there, instead of shifting the cattle about in the hope of finding a better one;" and in saying this he expressed the feelings and habits of his race. to an englishman the dutch seem to want that interest in politics for the sake of politics which marks not only the english (and still more the irish) at home but also the english stock in north america and australia. but this very fact makes them all the more fierce and stubborn when some issue arises which stirs their inmost mind, and it is a fact to be remembered by those who have to govern them. the things they care most about are their religion, their race ascendency over the blacks, and their dutch-african nationality as represented by their kinsfolk in the two republics. the first of these has never been tampered with; the two latter have been at the bottom of all the serious difficulties that have arisen between them and the english. that which was in exciting them and forming the crucial issue in cape politics was the strained condition of things which existed in the transvaal. i propose in the following chapter to explain how that condition came about, and to sketch its salient features. [footnote : there are for the council seven electoral provinces, each of which returns three members to the council, besides one for griqualand west and one for british bechuanaland. a redistribution act of altered the areas of some of the electoral divisions, and the number of members returned by some, so as to adjust representation more accurately to population.] [footnote : some friction has, however, arisen from the right claimed by the council of amending money bills, especially for the purpose (one is told) of securing grants to the electoral provinces they represent.] chapter xxv the situation in the transvaal before the rising of the agitation at johannesburg, which dr. jameson's expedition turned into a rising, took place in december, . i spent some time in pretoria and johannesburg in the preceding month, and had good opportunities of observing the symptoms of political excitement and gauging the tendencies at work which were so soon to break out and fix the eyes of the world upon the witwatersrand. the situation was a singular one, without parallel in history; and though i did not know that the catastrophe was so near at hand, it was easy to see that a conflict must come and would prove momentous to south africa. of this situation as it presented itself to a spectator who had no personal interest involved, and had the advantage of hearing both sides, i propose to speak in the present chapter. to comprehend the position of the transvaal boers one must know something of their history. from the brief sketch of it given in earlier chapters (chapters xi and xii) the reader will have gathered how unlike they are to any european people or to the people of the united states. severed from europe and its influences two hundred years ago, they have, in some of the elements of modern civilisation, gone back rather than forward. they were in , when the rand goldfields were discovered, and many of them are to-day, a half-nomad race, pasturing their flocks and herds over the vast spaces of what is still a wilderness, and migrating in their waggons from the higher to the lower pastures according to the season of the year-- --omnia secum armentarius afer agit, tectumque laremque armaque, amyclæumque canem, cressamque pharetram. living in the open air, and mostly in the saddle, they are strangely ignorant and old fashioned in all their ideas. they have no literature and very few newspapers. their religion is the dutch and huguenot calvinism of the seventeenth century, rigid and stern, hostile to all new light, imbued with the spirit of the old testament rather than of the new. they dislike and despise the kafirs, whom they have regarded as israel may have regarded amalek, and whom they have treated with equal severity. they hate the english also,[ ] who are to them the hereditary enemies that conquered them at the cape; that drove them out into the wilderness in ; that annexed their republic in , and thereafter broke the promises of self-government made at the time of the annexation; that stopped their expansion on the west by occupying bechuanaland, and on the north by occupying matabililand and mashonaland; and that were still, as they believed, plotting to find some pretext for overthrowing their independence.[ ] this hatred is mingled with a contempt for those whom they defeated at laing's nek and majuba hill, and with a fear born of the sense that the english are their superiors in knowledge, in activity, and in statecraft. it is always hard for a nation to see the good qualities of its rivals and the strong points of its opponents' case; but with the boers the difficulty is all the greater because they know little or nothing of the modern world and of international politics. two centuries of solitary pastoral life have not only given them an aversion for commerce, for industrial pursuits, and for finance, but an absolute incapacity for such occupations, so that when gold was discovered in their country, they did not even attempt to work it,[ ] but were content to sell, usually for a price far below its value, the land where the gold-reefs lay, and move off with the proceeds to resume elsewhere their pastoral life. they have the virtues appropriate to a simple society. they are brave, good-natured, hospitable, faithful to one another, generally pure in their domestic life, seldom touched by avarice or ambition. but the corruption of their legislature shows that it is rather to the absence of temptation than to any superior strength of moral principle that these merits have been due. for politics they have little taste or gift. politics can flourish only where people are massed together, and the boer is a solitary being who meets his fellows solely for the purposes of religion or some festive gathering. yet ignorant and slow-witted as they are, inborn ability and resolution are not wanting. they have indeed a double measure of wariness and wiliness in their intercourse with strangers, because their habitual suspicion makes them seek in craft the defence for their ignorance of affairs; while their native doggedness is confirmed by their belief in the continued guidance and protection of that providence whose hand led them through the wilderness and gave them the victory over all their enemies. this was the people into whose territory there came, after , a sudden swarm of gold-seekers. the uitlanders, as these strangers are called (the word is not really dutch, one is told, but an adaptation from the german), who by had come to equal and soon thereafter exceeded the whole number of the boers, belonged to many stocks. the natives of england, the cape, and natal were the most numerous, but there were also many english-speaking men from other regions, including australians and americans, as well as a smaller number of germans and scandinavians, some russians (mostly jews) and a few italians and frenchmen. unlike as these newcomers were to one another, they were all still more unlike the rude hunting and pastoral people among whom they came. they were miners, traders, financiers, engineers, keen, nimble-minded men, all more or less skilled in their respective crafts, all bent on gain, and most of them with that sense of irresponsibility and fondness for temporary pleasure which a chanceful and uncertain life, far from home, and relieved from the fear of public opinion, tends to produce. except some of the men from the two colonies, they could not speak the boer _taal_, and had no means of communication, any more than they had social or moral affinities, with the folk of the land. there were therefore no beginnings of any assimilation between them and the latter. they did not affect the boers, except with a sense of repulsion, and still less did the boers affect them. moreover, there were few occasions for social intercourse. the uitlanders settled only along the witwatersrand, and were aggregated chiefly in johannesburg. the boers who had lived on the rand, except a few who came daily into the towns with their waggons to sell milk and vegetables, retired from it. it was only in pretoria and in a few of the villages that there was any direct social contact between the two elements. although less than half of the immigrants came from england, probably five-sixths spoke english and felt themselves drawn together not only by language, but by community of ideas and habits. the australians, the americans, and the men from cape colony and natal considered themselves for all practical--i do not say for all political--purposes to be english, and english became the general spoken tongue not only of johannesburg, but of the mining districts generally. hearing nothing but english spoken, seeing nothing all round them that was not far more english than dutch, though english with a half-colonial, half-american tinge, it was natural that the bulk of the uitlanders should deem themselves to be in a country which had become virtually english, and should see something unreasonable or even grotesque in the control of a small body of persons whom they deemed in every way their inferiors. however, before i describe their sentiments and their schemes, some account must be given of the government under which they lived. as was explained in a previous chapter (chapter xii) the south african republic was formed by the union, between and , of several small and theretofore practically independent republican communities. its constitution was set forth in a document called the grondwet,[ ] or "fundamental law," enacted in and partly based on a prior draft of . it is a very crude, and indeed rude, instrument, occasionally obscure, and containing much matter not fit for a constitution. it breathes, however, a thoroughly free spirit, save as regards kafirs and roman catholics, recognizing the people as a source of power, laying down the old distinction between the three departments of government,--legislative, executive, and judicial,--and guaranteeing some of the primordial rights of the citizen. by it the government was vested in a president, head of the executive, and elected for five years, an executive council of five members (three elected and two _ex officio_), and a legislature called the volksraad, elected by the citizens on a very extended suffrage, and declared to be the supreme power in the state. the volksraad consists of one chamber, in which there are at present twenty-four members. the president has the right of speaking, though not of voting, in it, but has no veto on its action. though there are few constitutions anywhere which give such unlimited power to the legislature, the course of events--oft-recurring troubles of all sorts, native wars, internal dissensions, financial pressure, questions with the british government--have made the president practically more important than the legislature, and, in fact, the main force in the republic. the executive council has exerted little power and commanded little deference, while the volksraad has usually been guided by the president and has never taken the direction of affairs out of his hands. both legislation and administration have been carried on in a rough-and-ready fashion, sometimes in violation of the strict letter of the law. in particular the provision of the grondwet, that no statute should be enacted without being submitted for a period of three months to the people, has been practically ignored by the enactment as laws of a large number of resolutions on matters not really urgent, although the grondwet permits this to be done only in cases which do not admit of delay. this has, however, been rectified by a law passed subsequently to , altering the provision of the grondwet. in , when the republic recovered its independence, there were neither roads, railways, nor telegraphs in the country. its towns were rough hamlets planted round a little church. its people had only the bare necessaries of life. the taxes produced scarcely any revenue. the treasury was empty, and the government continued to be hard-pressed for money and unable to construct public works or otherwise improve the country till , when the discovery of gold on the witwatersrand began to turn a stream of gold into its coffers. riches brought new difficulties and new temptations. immigrants rushed in,--capitalists, miners, and traders. as the produce of the gold-field increased, it became plain that they would come in ever increasing numbers. the old boers took alarm. the rush could hardly have been stopped, and to stop it would have involved a check in the expansion of the revenue. it was accordingly determined to maintain the political _status quo_ by excluding these newcomers from political rights. the grondwet declares (article vi.) that "the territory is open for every foreigner who obeys the laws of the republic," and as late as an immigrant could acquire the electoral franchise after a residence of two years. in , however, this period was raised to five years, and in to fifteen. in , by which time the unenfranchised strangers had begun to agitate for the right to be represented, a nominal concession was made by the creation of a new chamber, called the second volksraad, for membership in which a newcomer might be eligible after taking an oath of allegiance followed by four years' residence, the right to vote at elections to this chamber being attainable after the oath and two years' residence. this second raad, however, is limited to the consideration of certain specified subjects, not including taxation, and its acts can be overruled by the first volksraad, while its assent is not required to the acts of that body. it has therefore turned out little better than a sham, having, in fact, been created only as a tub to throw to the uitlander whale. the effect of the legislation of and subsequent years down to (legislation too intricate and confused to be set forth in detail here) has been to debar any immigrant from acquiring the right to vote for the first volksraad until he has passed the age of forty and resided for at least twelve years in the country after taking the oath and being placed on the local government lists, lists on which the local authorities are said to be nowise careful to place him. nor does birth in the republic confer citizenship, unless the father has taken the oath of allegiance. president kruger, who has held office since , was chiefly instrumental in passing these laws, for his force of character, long experience of affairs, and services in the crisis of - gave him immense power over the raad, in which he constantly spoke, threatening the members with the loss of national independence unless they took steps to stem the rising tide of foreign influence. as a patriot, he feared the english; as a boer puritan of the old stubborn stock, he hated all foreigners and foreign ways, seeing in them the ruin of the ancient customs of his people. he carried this antagonism so far that, being unable to find among his citizens men sufficiently educated to deal with the growing mass of administrative work which the increase of wealth, industry, and commerce brought, he refused to appoint dutch-speaking men from the cape or natal, because they were natives of british colonies, and recruited his civil service from holland. the hollanders he imported were far more strange to the country than cape dutchmen would have been, and the boers did not, and do not now, take kindly to them. but they were, by the necessity of their position, anti-english, and that was enough. meanwhile the old boer virtues were giving way under new temptations. the volksraad (as is believed all over south africa) became corrupt, though of course there have always been pure and upright men among its members. the civil service was not above suspicion. rich men and powerful corporations surrounded those who had concessions to give or the means of influencing legislation, whether directly or indirectly. the very inexperience of the boer ranchman who came up as a member of the volksraad made him an easy prey. all sorts of abuses sprang up, while the primary duties of a government were very imperfectly performed. hardly any administration was needed while the transvaal had a population of wandering stock-farmers. but when one hundred thousand white immigrants were congregated along the witwatersrand, and were employing some fifty thousand native workpeople, an efficient police, an abundant water-supply, good sanitary regulations, and laws to keep liquor from the natives became urgently needed; and none of these things was provided, although taxation continued to rise and the treasury was overflowing. accordingly, the discontent of the uitlanders increased. it was no longer a mere question of obtaining political rights for their own sake, it was also a question of winning political power in order to reform the administration, and so secure those practical benefits which the president and the volksraad and the hollander officials were either unable or unwilling to give. in an association, called the national union, was formed by a number of uitlanders, "to obtain, by all constitutional means, equal rights for all citizens of the republic, and the redress of all grievances." although nearly all those who formed it were natives either of england or of the british colonies, it did not seek to bring the country under british control, but included among its aims "the maintenance of the independence of the republic." nevertheless, it incurred the hostility of the president and his friends, and its petitions were unceremoniously repulsed. this tended to accentuate the anti-boer feeling of the uitlanders, so that when sir h. loch, the high commissioner, came up from the cape in to negotiate regarding swaziland and other pending questions, he was made the object of a vehement demonstration at pretoria. the english took the horses out of his carriage and drew it through the streets, waving the british flag even over the head of president kruger himself, and shouting "reform! reform!" this incident redoubled mr. kruger's apprehensions, but did not shake his purpose. it suggested new plans to the uitlanders, who had (shortly before) been further incensed by the demand of the government that they should, although debarred from the suffrage, serve in a military commando sent against the kafir chief malaboch. despairing of constitutional agitation, they began to provide themselves with arms and to talk of a general rising. another cause, which i have not yet mentioned, had recently sharpened their eagerness for reforms. about the theory was propounded that the gold-bearing reefs might be worked not only near the surface, but also at much greater depths, and that, owing to the diminution of the angle of the dip as the beds descend into the earth, a much greater mass of gold-bearing rock might be reached than had been formerly deemed possible. this view, soon confirmed by experimental borings, promised a far longer life to the mines than had been previously expected. those who had come to the rand thinking they might probably leave it after a few years now conceived the idea of permanent residence, while the directors of the great mining companies, perceiving how much their industry might be developed, smarted more than ever under the maladministration and exactions from which the industry suffered. these were the events and these the causes that had brought about the state of things which a visitor saw at pretoria and johannesburg in november, . revolution was already in the air, but few could guess what form it would take. the situation was a complicated one, because each of the two main sections of the population, boers and uitlanders, was itself subdivided into minor groups. the uitlanders were of many nationalities; but those who spoke english were so much the most numerous that i shall speak of them only, dismissing the remainder with the remark that while many of them sympathized with the reform movement, few of them gave it active support, while most of the germans, moved by anti-british feeling, favoured president kruger's government. the english section, including cape and natal men, australians and americans, consisted of three sets of persons: the middle classes, the capitalist mine-owners, and the working men. the middle class people, traders, professional men, engineers, and the like, either belonged to or were in sympathy with the national union. it was they who had formed it. they had recently presented to the volksraad a petition, signed by thirty-eight thousand non-enfranchised residents, asking for reforms, and this petition had been scornfully rejected, one member saying, with no disapproval from his colleagues, that if the strangers wanted to get what they called their rights they would have to fight for them. their agitation had been conducted publicly and on constitutional lines, without threats of force. it was becoming plain, however, in , that some at least of the leaders were now prepared to use force and would take arms whenever a prospect of success appeared. but under what flag would they fight? would they adhere to their original idea, and maintain an independent south african republic when they had ejected the dominant oligarchy and secured political power for all residents? or would they hoist the union jack and carry the country back under the british crown? no one could speak positively, but most thought that the former course would be taken. the americans would be for it. most of the cape people who came of dutch stock would be for it. even among the pure english, some talked bitterly of majuba hill, and declared they would not fight to give the country back to britain which had abandoned it in . the motives of these reformers were simple and patent. those of them who had been born and lived long in africa thought it an intolerable wrong that, whereas everywhere else in south africa they could acquire the suffrage and the means of influencing the government after two or three years' residence, they were in the transvaal condemned to a long disability, and denied all voice in applying the taxes which they paid. thinking of south africa as practically one country, they complained that here, and here only, were they treated as aliens and inferiors. both they and all the other uitlanders had substantial grievances to redress. food was inordinately dear, because a high tariff had been imposed on imports. water-supply, police, sanitation, were all neglected. not only was dutch the official language, but in the public schools dutch was then the only medium of instruction; and english children were compelled to learn arithmetic, geography, and history out of dutch text-books. it was these abuses, rather than any wish to bring the transvaal under the british flag, or even to establish a south african confederation, that disposed them to revolt against a government which they despised. the mine-owning capitalists were a very small class, but powerful by their wealth, their intelligence, and their influence over those whom they employed. they had held aloof from the agitation which began in , because they did not themselves care for the franchise, not meaning to spend their lives in the transvaal, and because they knew that political disturbances would interfere with the mining industry. the leading man, and certainly one of the ablest men among them,[ ] foresaw trouble as far back as june, , when he wrote that the unrest of the country came "from the open hostility of the government to the uitlanders, and its hostility to all principles of sound government; the end will be revolution;" and a few weeks later wrote again: "the mining companies ought to have arms. the courage of the boers is exaggerated. if they knew there were in johannesburg three thousand well-armed men, they would not talk so loud of destroying the town." nevertheless, these capitalists, like capitalists all over the world, disliked force, and long refused to throw themselves into the movement. they raised a fund for the purpose of trying "to get a better volksraad"--whether by influencing members or by supplying funds for election expenses has never been made clear. however, these efforts failed, and they became at last convinced that the loss of their industry from misgovernment was, and would continue, greater than any loss which temporary disturbances might involve. the vista of deep-level mining, which had now opened itself before them, made their grievances seem heavier. before they entered on a new series of enterprises, which would at first be costly, they wished to relieve mining from the intolerable burdens of a dynamite monopoly, foolishly or corruptly granted to a firm which charged an extortionate price for this necessity; of a high tariff both on food-stuffs, involving large expenses in feeding the workpeople, and on mine machinery; of extravagantly heavy railway rates for coal; and of a system which, by making it easy for the kafir workers to get drunk, reduced the available amount of native labour by one-third, and increased the number of accidents in the mines. these burdens made the difference of one or two or three per cent, on the dividend in the best mines, threatened the prospect of any dividend on the second best, and made it useless to persevere with the working of a third class, where the ore was of a still lower grade. such were the considerations which at last determined several of the leading mine-owners to throw in their lot with the reform party; and the fusion of the two streams gave a new force to the movement. this fusion took place in the middle of , and had become known to many, though not to all, of the johannesburgers in november of that year. it inspired them with fresh hopes, and made them think that the day of action was near. the object of these capitalists was to obtain better government, not the extinction of the republic, or its addition to the territories of britain. this, however, was not the main object of mr. rhodes (then prime minister of cape colony and managing director of the british south africa company), with whom they were (though the fact was known only to a very few of the leaders) by this time in communication. although he was largely interested in some of the mines, his aim was, as even his opponents have now admitted, not a pecuniary one. it was (as is generally believed) to prevent the transvaal from passing under anti-british influences, and to secure that it should ultimately become incorporated in a confederation of the several states and colonies of south africa under the british crown. there were probably others among the leaders who shared this purpose; but some did not, and here was a question which would seem to have divided the chiefs as it divided the rank and file. a rising there was to be. but under what flag? this vital point was left unsettled, and at the last moment it caused a fatal delay. the third class of uitlanders consisted of the white workmen. it was the most numerous class, and its action would evidently be decisive. when the visitor who heard the situation discussed--for there was no secrecy observed--asked about the attitude of the working men, he received no very definite answer. the general belief was that they would respond to a call to arms; some from patriotism, because most of them were englishmen and australians; some because they meant to make the transvaal their home, and had an interest in good government; some from sympathy with their employers; some from the love of a fight, because they were men of mettle. one or two of the reform leaders were able speakers, and meant to rouse them by eloquence when the proper moment arrived. the result showed that a majority--that is, of the english-speaking workmen--were willing to fight. but when the day of battle seemed to be at hand, many, including most of the cornish miners, proved to be indifferent, and departed by train amid the jeers of their comrades. these three sections of uitlanders constituted a numerical majority not merely of the dwellers on the rand, but of the whole white population of the country.[ ] there are about , boers, all told, and about , male citizens over the age of sixteen. the english-speaking uitlanders numbered nearly , , of whom fully one-half were adult males. seven-eighths of these were gathered on the rand. had they been armed and drilled and unanimous, they would have been irresistible. but they were not unanimous, and were, moreover, not only unarmed but also unorganized, being a crowd of persons suddenly gathered from the four winds of heaven. over against the uitlanders stood the native boer population, among whom we must distinguish two classes. the majority, consisting of the old "true blues," who hated the british government and clung to their national ways, supported the boer government in its stubborn refusal to grant reforms. the president in particular had repeatedly declared himself against any concession, insisting that no concessions would satisfy the disaffected. he looked upon the whole movement as a scheme to destroy the independence of the country and hand it over to england. exercising by his constant harangues in the volksraad, what has been called a "dictatorship of persuasion", he warned the people that their customs, their freedom, their religion, were at stake, and could be saved only by keeping the newcomers out of power. he was confirmed in this policy of resistance by the advice of his hollander officials, and especially of the state secretary, an able and resolute man. but the president, though powerful, was not omnipotent. there existed a considerable party opposed to him, which had nearly overthrown him at the last preceding presidential election. there was in the volksraad a liberal minority, which advocated reforms. there were among the country boers a number of moderate men who disliked the hollander influence and the maladministration of the government, and one was told (though with what truth i could not ascertain) that the trekking which went on out of the transvaal into mashonaland and to the far north-west was partly due to this discontent. there was also much opposition among the legal profession, dutch as well as english, for attacks had been made upon the independence of the judiciary, and the reckless conduct of legislation gave displeasure. so far back as the chief justice, a man greatly respected for his abilities and his services to the state, had delivered a public address warning the people against the dangers which threatened them from neglect of the provisions of the constitution. whether this party of opposition among the enfranchised citizens would have aided the reform movement was doubtful. they would certainly not have done so had the british flag been raised. but if the movement had sought only the destruction of hollander influence and the redress of grievances, they would at any rate have refused to join in resisting it. "why," it may be asked--"why, under these circumstances, with so many open enemies, and so many wavering supporters, did not president kruger bow to the storm and avert revolt by reasonable concessions?" he had not a friend in the world except germany, which had gone out of her way to offer him sympathy. but germany was distant, and he had no seaport. the people of the orange free state had been ready to help the transvaal in , and from among the boers of cape colony there might in the crisis of that year have come substantial succour. but both the free state and the cape boers had been alienated by the unfriendly attitude of the president in commercial matters and by his refusal to employ cape dutchmen in the transvaal service. the annoyance of these kindred communities had been very recently accentuated by a dispute about the drifts (_i.e._, fords where waggons cross) on the orange river. it was therefore improbable that any help could be obtained from outside against a purely internal movement, which aimed solely at reform, and did not threaten the life of the republic. the answer to the question just put is to be found not so much in the material interests as in the sentiments of the old boer party. they extended their hatred of the english, or rather perhaps of the british government, to the english-speaking uitlanders generally, and saw in the whole movement nothing but an english plot. if the president had cared to distinguish, he might have perceived that the capitalists cared, not for the franchise, but for the success of their mines; and he might, by abolishing the wasteful concessions,--which did not even enrich the state, but only the objects of its ill-directed bounty,--by reducing the tariff, and by keeping drink from the blacks, have disarmed the hostility of the mine owners, and have had only the national union to deal with. even the national union would have lost most of its support if he had reformed the administration and allowed english to be used in the schools. he might have taken a hint from the romans, who, when they admitted a large body of new citizens, managed to restrict their voting power, and might, in granting the suffrage to those who had resided for a certain period on the rand, have kept the representation of the rand district so small that it could not turn the balance against the old boer party in the volksraad. had he gone further, and extended the franchise to all immigrants after, say, five years' residence, he might not only have disarmed opposition, but have made the south african republic a powerful state, no considerable section of whose inhabitants would thereafter have thought of putting themselves under the british crown. to have gone this length would no doubt have been to take the risk that a republic of boers might become before long a republic of englishmen, with an english president; and from this he naturally recoiled, not merely out of personal ambition, but out of honest national feeling. but short of this, he might, by dividing his enemies, have averted a grave peril, from which he was in the end delivered, not by his own strength, but by the mistakes of his antagonists. however, he kept the ship steadily on her course. he had grown accustomed to the complaints of the agitators, and thought they would not go beyond agitation. when pressed to take some repressive measure, he answered that you must wait for the tortoise to put its head out before you hit it, and he appeared to think it would keep its head in. he is one of the most interesting figures of our time; this old president, shrewd, cool, dogged, wary, courageous; typifying the qualities of his people, and strong because he is in sympathy with them; adding to his trust in providence no small measure of worldly craft; uneducated, but able to foil the statesmen of europe at their own weapons, and perhaps all the more capable because his training has been wholly that of an eventful life and not of books. this was how things stood in the transvaal in november, . people have talked of a conspiracy, but never before was there, except on the stage,[ ] so open a conspiracy. two-thirds of the action--there was another third, which has only subsequently become known--went on before the public. the visitor had hardly installed himself in an hotel at pretoria before people began to tell him that an insurrection was imminent, that arms were being imported, that maxim guns were hidden, and would be shown to him if he cared to see them, an invitation which he did not feel called on to accept. in johannesburg little else was talked of, not in dark corners, but at the club where everybody lunches, and between the acts at the play. there was something humorous in hearing the english who dominate in so many other places, talking of themselves as a downtrodden nationality, and the boers as their oppressors, declaring that misgovernment could not be endured for ever, and that those who would be free themselves must strike the blow. the effect was increased by the delightful unconsciousness of the english that similar language is used in ireland to denounce saxon tyranny. the knowledge that an insurrection was impending was not confined to the transvaal. all over south africa one heard the same story; all over south africa men waited for news from johannesburg, though few expected the explosion to come so soon. one thing alone was not even guessed at. in november it did not seem to have crossed any one's mind that the british south africa company would have any hand in the matter. had it been supposed that it was concerned, much of the sympathy which the movement received would have vanished. as i am not writing a history of the revolution, but merely describing the johannesburg aspects of its initial stage, i need not attempt the task--for which, indeed, no sufficient materials have as yet been given to the world--of explaining by what steps and on what terms the company's managing director and its administrator and its police came into the plan. but it seems probable that the johannesburg leaders did not begin to count upon help from the company's force before the middle of at earliest, and that they did not regard that force as anything more than an ultimate resource in case of extreme need. knowing that the great body of the uitlanders, on whose support they counted, would be unorganised and leaderless, they desired, as the moment for action approached, to have a military nucleus round which their raw levies might gather, in case the boers seemed likely to press them hard. but this was an afterthought. when the movement began it was a purely johannesburg movement, and it was intended to bear that character to the end, and to avoid all appearance of being an english irruption.[ ] to the visitor who saw and heard what i have been describing--and no englishman could pass through without seeing and hearing it--two questions naturally presented themselves. one related to the merits of the case. this was a question which only a visitor considered, for the inhabitants were drawn by race or interest to one side or the other. it raised a point often debated by moralists: what are the circumstances which justify insurrection? some cases are too clear for argument. obviously any subject of a bloodthirsty tyrant ruling without or against law is justified in taking up arms. no one doubts that the christian subjects of the sultan ought to rebel if they had a prospect of success; and those who try to make them rebel are blamed only because the prospect of success is wanting. on the other hand, it is clear that subjects of a constitutional government, conducted in accordance with law, do wrong and must be punished, if they take arms, even when they have grievances to redress. here, however, was a case which seemed to lie between the extreme instances. the uitlanders, it need hardly be said, did not concern themselves with nice distinctions. in the interior of south africa governments and constitutions were still in a rudimentary stage; nor had the habit of obeying them been fully formed. so many non-legal things had been done in a high-handed way, and so many raids into native territories had been made by the boers themselves, that the sort of respect for legality which europeans feel was still imperfectly developed in all sections of the population. those of the reformers, however, who sought to justify their plans, argued that the boer government was an oligarchy which overtaxed its subjects, and yet refused them those benefits which a civilised government is bound to give. it was the government of a small and ignorant minority, and, since they believed it to be corrupt as well as incompetent, it inspired no respect. peaceful agitation had proved useless. did not the sacred principle of no taxation without representation, which had been held to justify the american revolution, justify those who had been patient so long in trying to remove their grievances by force, of course with as little effusion of blood as possible? on the other hand, there was much to be said for the boers, not only from the legal, but from the sentimental, side of the case. they had fled out of cape colony sixty years before, had suffered many perils and triumphed over many foes, had recovered their independence by their own courage when britain had deprived them of it, had founded a commonwealth upon their own lines and could now keep it as their own only by the exclusion of those aliens in blood, speech and manners who had recently come among them. they had not desired these strangers, nor had the strangers come for anything but gold. true, they had opened the land to them, they had permitted them to buy the gold-reefs, they had filled their coffers with the taxes which the miners paid. but the strangers came with notice that it was a boer state they were entering, and most of them had come, not to stay, and to identify themselves with the old citizens, but to depart after amassing gain. were these immigrants of yesterday to be suffered to overturn the old boer state, and build up on its ruins a new one under which the boer would soon find his cherished customs gone and himself in turn a stranger? had not the english many other lands to rule, without appropriating this one also? put the grievances of which the uitlanders complained at their highest, and they did not amount to wrongs such as had in other countries furnished the usual pretext for insurrection. life, religion, property, personal freedom, were not at stake. the worst any one suffered was to be overtaxed and to want some of those advantages which the old citizens had never possessed and did not care to have. these were hardships, but were they hardships such as could justify a recourse to arms? the other question which an observer asked himself was whether an insurrection would succeed. taking a cooler view of the position than it was easy for a resident to take, he felt some doubt on this point, and it occurred to him to wonder whether, if the government was really so corrupt as the uitlanders described it, the latter might not attain their object more cheaply, as well as peaceably, by using those arguments which were said to prevail with many members of the volksraad. supposing this to be impossible,--and it may well have been found impossible, for men not scrupulous in lesser matters may yet refuse to tamper with what they hold vital,--were the forces at the disposal of the reform leaders sufficient to overthrow the government? it had only two or three hundred regular troops, artillerymen stationed at pretoria, and said to be not very efficient. but the militia included all boers over sixteen; and the boer, though not disciplined in the european way, was accustomed to shoot, inured to hardships by his rough life, ready to fight to the death for his independence. this militia, consisting of eighteen thousand men or more, would have been, when all collected, more than a match in the field for any force the uitlanders were prepared to arm. and in point of fact, when the rising took place, the latter had only some three thousand rifles ready, while few of their supporters knew anything of fighting. as the reform leaders were aware that they would be out-matched if the government had time to gather its troops, it has been subsequently hinted that they meant to carry pretoria by a _coup de main_, capturing the president, and forthwith, before the boer militia could assemble, to issue a call for a general popular vote or plebiscite of all the inhabitants, boers and uitlanders, which should determine the future form of government. others have thought that the reformers would not have taken the offensive, but have entrenched themselves in johannesburg, and have held out there, appealing meanwhile to the high commissioner, as representative of the paramount power, to come up, interpose his mediation, and arrange for the peaceable taking of such a general popular vote as i have mentioned. to do this it might not have been necessary to defend the town for more than a week or ten days, before which time the general sympathy which they expected from the rest of south africa would have made itself felt. besides, there were in the background (though this was of course unknown to the visitor and to all but a few among the leaders) the british south africa company's police force by this time beginning to gather at pitsani, who were pledged to come if summoned, and whose presence would have enabled them to resist a boer assault on the town. as everybody knows, the question of strength was never tested. the rising was to have been ushered in by a public meeting at the end of december. this meeting was postponed till the th of january; but the company's police force, instead of waiting to be summoned, started for johannesburg at the time originally fixed. their sudden entrance, taking the reform leaders by surprise and finding them unprepared, forced the movement to go off at half-cock, and gave to it an aspect quite different from that which it had hitherto borne. that which had been a local agitation now appeared in the light of an english invasion, roused all the boers, of whatever party, to defend their country, and drew from the high commissioner an emphatic disclaimer and condemnation of the expedition, which the home government repeated. the rising at johannesburg, which the entrance of the police had precipitated, ended more quickly than it had begun, as soon as the surrender of the company's forces had become known, for the representatives of the high commissioner besought the uitlanders to lay down their arms and save the lives of the leaders of that force.[ ] this they did, and, after what had happened, there was really nothing else to be done. the most obvious moral of the failure is the old one, that revolutions are not so easy to carry out as they look when one plans them beforehand. of all the insurrections and conspiracies recorded in history, probably not five per cent. have succeeded. the reason is that when a number of private persons not accustomed to joint action have to act secretly together, unable to communicate freely with one another, and still less able to appeal beforehand to those on whose eventual support they rely, the chances of disagreement, of misunderstanding, of failure to take some vital step at exactly the right moment, are innumerable; while the government in power has the advantage of united counsels, and can issue orders to officers who are habituated to prompt obedience.[ ] in this instance, the plan was being conducted by three groups of persons in three places distant from one another,--johannesburg, pitsani, and cape town,--so that the chances of miscarriage were immensely increased. had there been one directing mind and will planted at johannesburg, the proper centre for direction, the movement might have proved successful. another reflection will have occurred to the reader, as it occurred to the visitor who saw the storm brewing in november, : why could not the reformers have waited a little longer? time was on their side. the uitlanders were rapidly growing by the constant stream of immigrants. in a few years more they would have so enormously outnumbered the native boers that not only would their material strength have been formidable, but their claim to the franchise would have become practically irresistible. moreover, president kruger was an old man, no longer in strong health. when age and infirmity compelled his retirement, neither of the persons deemed most likely to succeed would have thrown obstacles in the way of reform, nor would any successor have been able to oppose a resistance as strong as mr. kruger's had proved. these considerations were so obvious that one asks why, with the game in their hands at the end of a few years, the various groups concerned did not wait quietly till the ripe fruit fell into their mouths. different causes have been assigned for their action. it is said that they believed that the transvaal government was on the eve of entering into secret relations, in violation of the convention of , with a european power, and that this determined them to strike before any such new complication arose. others hint that some of those concerned believed that a revolution must in any case soon break out in the transvaal, that a revolution would turn the country into an independent english republic, that such a republic would spread republican feelings among the british colonies, and lead before long to their separation from the mother country. to prevent this, they were resolved to take control of the movement and steer it away from those rocks. without denying that these or other still more conjectural motives which one hears assigned may have influenced some of the more long-sighted leaders,--and the transvaal, with its vast wealth and growing population, was no doubt becoming the centre of gravity in south african politics,--i conceive that a more obvious cause of haste may be found in the impatience of those uitlander residents who were daily vexed by grievances for which they could get no redress, and in the annoyance of the capitalists, who saw their mining interests languishing and the work of development retarded. when people have long talked over their wrongs and long planned schemes for throwing off a detested yoke, they yield at last to their own impatience, feeling half ashamed that so much talk should not have been followed by action. whatever were the motives at work, whatever the ultimate aims of the leaders, few things could have been more deplorable than what in fact occurred. since the annexation of the transvaal in nothing has done so much to rekindle racial hostility in south africa; nothing has so much retarded and still impedes the settlement of questions which were already sufficiently difficult. i have described in this chapter only such part of the circumstances which led up to the rising as i actually saw, and have, for reasons already stated, confined myself to a narrative of the main facts, and a statement of the theories put forward, abstaining from comments on the conduct of individuals. the expedition of the british south africa company's police took place after i left the country. of it and of what led to it oral accounts have been given by some of the principal actors, as well as by many independent pens, while the visible phenomena of the johannesburg movement have been less described and are certainly less understood. i have dwelt on them the more fully not only because they are a curious episode in history which will not soon lose its interest, but also because the political and industrial situation on the witwatersrand remained in substantially what it was in november . some few reforms have been given, some others promised. but the mine owners did not cease to complain, and the uitlanders were excluded from the suffrage as rigorously as ever. the transvaal difficulty remained, and still disturbed the tranquillity of south africa. the problem is not a simple one, and little or no progress had been made towards its solution. [footnote : since the first edition of this book appeared, mr. selous has told me--and no one's authority is higher, for he has lived much amongst them--that this statement is exaggerated, and that, great as has been and is the dislike of the boers to the british government, the average boer is friendly to the individual englishman.] [footnote : i was told that their frequent term (when they talk among themselves) for an englishman is "rotten egg," but some persons who had opportunities of knowing have informed me, since this book was first published, that this is not so. another common boer name for an englishman is "red-neck," drawn from the fact that the back of an englishman's neck is often burnt red by the sun. this does not happen to the boer, who always wears a broad-brimmed hat.] [footnote : their laws at one time forbade the working of gold mines altogether, for they held with the roman poet (_aurum inrepertum et sic melius situm_) that it does least harm when undiscovered.] [footnote : i have elsewhere analysed (in the _forum_ for april, ) this constitution, and discussed the question whether it is to be regarded as a true rigid constitution, like that of the united states, of the swiss confederation, and of the orange free state, or as a flexible constitution, alterable by the ordinary legislative machinery. further examination of the matter has confirmed me in the view there suggested, that the constitution belongs to the latter category.] [footnote : copies of the letters written by mr. lionel phillips were seized after the rising and published by the boer government.] [footnote : there were some , kafirs in the transvaal, but no one reckoned them as possible factors in a contest, any more than sheep or oxen.] [footnote : this operatic element appeared in the rising itself, when a fire-escape, skilfully disguised to resemble a maxim gun, was moved backward and forward across the stage at johannesburg for the purpose of frightening the boers at a distance.] [footnote : it is hardly necessary to point out the absurdity of the suggestion that the company intended to seize the transvaal for itself. the company could no more have taken the transvaal than it could have taken natal. it was for self-government that the insurgent-uitlanders were to rise, and they would have objected to be governed by the company at least as much as they objected to be governed by the boers. such individual members of the company as held rand mining shares would have profited by the better administration of the country under a reformed government, but they would have profited in exactly the same way as shareholders in paris or amsterdam. this point, obvious enough to any one who knows south africa, is clearly put by m. mermeix, in his interesting little book, _la révolution de johannesburg_. other fanciful hypotheses have been put forward, which it seems needless to notice.] [footnote : much controversy has arisen as to the promise which the boer commandant made, when the police force surrendered, that the lives of its leaders should be spared. whatever might have happened immediately after the surrender, they would in any case not have been put to death in cold blood at pretoria, for that would have been a blunder, which a man so astute and so far from cruel as the president would not have committed.] [footnote : when a conspiracy succeeds, the chief conspirator is usually some one already wielding some civil or military power, as louis napoleon did when he overcame the french assembly in .] chapter xxvi the economic future of south africa though i do not attempt to present in this book an account of the agricultural and mineral resources of south africa, some words must be said regarding its economic prospects--that is to say, regarding the natural sources of wealth which it possesses, their probable development, and the extent to which that development will increase the still scanty population. the political and social future of the country must so largely depend on its economic future that any one who desires to comprehend those political problems to the solution of which the people are moving, must first consider what sort of a people, and how large a people, the material conditions which nature furnishes are likely to produce. the chief charm of travel through a new country is the curiosity which the thought of its future inspires. in south africa, a land singularly unlike any part of europe or of north america, this curiosity is keenly felt by the visitor. when he begins to speculate on the future, his first question is, will these wildernesses ever become peopled, as most of north america and a large part of australia have now been peopled, and if so, what will be the character of the population? will south africa become one of the great producing or manufacturing countries of the world? will it furnish a great market for european goods? will it be populous enough and rich enough to grow into one of the powers of the southern hemisphere? let us begin by recalling the physical features of the country. most of it is high and dry; all of it is hot. the parts which are high and dry are also healthy, and fit for the races of europe to dwell in. but are they equally fit to support a dense population? south africa has three great natural sources of wealth: agricultural land, pasture-land, and minerals. the forests are too scanty to be worth regarding: they are not, and probably never will be, sufficient to supply its own needs. fisheries also are insignificant, and not likely ever to constitute an industry, so we may confine ourselves to the three first named. of these three agriculture is now, and has hitherto been, by far the least important. out of an area of two hundred and twenty-one thousand square miles in cape colony alone, probably not more than one one-thousandth part is now under any kind of cultivation, whether by natives or by whites; and in the whole country, even if we exclude the german and portuguese territories, the proportion must be even smaller. there are no figures available, so one can make only the roughest possible conjecture. as regards more than half of the country, this fact is explained by the dryness of the climate. not only the karroo region in the interior of cape colony, but also the vast region stretching north from the karroo nearly as far as the west-coast territories of portugal, is too arid for tillage. so are large parts of the free state, of the transvaal, and of matabililand. where there is a sufficient rainfall, as in many districts along the south and south-east coasts, much of the country is too hilly and rough for cultivation; so that it would be well within the mark to say that of the whole area mentioned above far less than one-tenth is suitable for raising any kind of crop without artificial aid. much, no doubt, remains which might be tilled, and is not tilled, especially in the country between the south-eastern edge of the great plateau and the sea; and that this land lies untouched is due partly to the presence of the kafir tribes, who occupy more land than they cultivate, partly to the want or the dearness of labour, partly to the tendency, confirmed by long habit, of the whites to prefer stock-farming to tillage. the chief agricultural products are at present cereals, _i.e._, wheat, oats, maize, and kafir corn (a kind of millet), fruit and sugar. the wheat and maize raised are not sufficient for the consumption of the inhabitants, so that these articles are largely imported, in spite of the duties levied on them. there is a considerable and an increasing export of fruit, which goes to europe,--chiefly to the english market--in january, february, and march, the midsummer and autumn of the southern hemisphere. sugar is grown on the hot lands of natal lying along the sea, and might, no doubt, be grown all the way north along the sea from there to the zambesi. rice would do well on the wet coast lands, but is scarcely at all raised. tea has lately been planted on the hills in natal, and would probably thrive also on the high lands of mashonaland. there is plenty of land fit for cotton. the tobacco of the transvaal is so pleasant for smoking in a pipe that one cannot but expect it to be in time much more largely and carefully grown than it is now. those who have grown accustomed to it prefer it to any other. with the exception of the olive, which apparently does not succeed, and of the vine, which succeeds only in the small district round cape town that enjoys a true summer and winter, nearly all the staples of the warmer parts of the temperate zone and of subtropical regions can be grown in some district or other of the country. the introduction of irrigation would enormously enlarge the area of tillage, for some of the regions now hopelessly arid, such as the karroo, have a soil of surprising fertility, which produces luxuriant crops when water is led on to it. millions of acres might be made to wave with corn were great tanks, like those of india, constructed to hold the rains of the wet season, for it is not so much the inadequacy of the rainfall as the fact that it is confined to three or four months, that makes the country arid. something might also be hoped from the digging of artesian wells dug like those which have lately been successfully bored in algeria, and have proved so infinitely valuable to parts of australia. already about three hundred thousand acres are cultivated with the aid of irrigation in cape colony. at present, however, it has been deemed hardly worth while to execute large irrigation works or to bore wells.[ ] the price of cereals has sunk so low over all the world that south africans find it cheaper to import them than to spend capital on breaking up waste lands; and there is plenty of land already which might be cultivated without irrigation if there were settlers coming to cultivate it, or if kafir labour was sufficiently effective to make it worth the while of enterprising men to undertake farming on a large scale. the same remarks apply generally to the other kinds of produce i have mentioned. as population grows, and the local demand for food increases, more land will be brought under the plough or the hoe. some day, perhaps, when the great corn-exporting countries of to-day--north america, la plata, central india, southern russia--have become so populous as to have much less of their grain crops to spare for other countries, it will become profitable to irrigate the karroo, on which the kafir of the future will probably prove a more efficient labourer than he is now. but that day is distant, and until it arrives, agriculture will continue to play a very subordinate part in south african industry, and will employ a comparatively small white population. ever since the last years of the seventeenth century, when the settlers were beginning to spread out from the cape peninsula towards the then still unknown interior, the main occupation of the colonists, first of the dutch and afterwards of both dutch and english, has been the keeping of cattle and sheep. so it remains to-day. nearly all the land that is not rough mountain or waterless desert, and much that to the inexperienced eye seems a waterless desert, is in the hands of stock-farmers, whose ranges are often of enormous size, from six thousand acres upward. in there were in cape colony about , , cattle, in natal , , in the orange free state , , and in bechuanaland the bamangwato (khama's tribe) alone had , . of these last only some , are said to have survived the murrain, which worked havoc in the other three first-mentioned territories also. in there were in cape colony alone , , sheep and , , angora and other goats. the number of sheep might be largely increased were more effective measures against the diseases that affect them carried out. all the country, even the kalahari desert, which used to be thought hopelessly sterile, is now deemed fit to put some sort of live stock upon, though, of course, the more arid the soil, the greater the area required to feed one sheep. to the traveller who crosses its weary stretches in the train, the karroo seems a barren waste; but it produces small succulent shrubs much relished by sheep, and every here and there a well or a stagnant pool may be found which supplies water enough to keep the creatures alive. here six acres is the average allowed for one sheep. tracts of rough ground, covered with patches of thick scrubby bushes, are turned to account as ostrich farms, whence large quantities of feathers are exported to europe and america. in the number of ostriches in cape colony was returned as , . the merino sheep, introduced about seventy years ago, thrives in cape colony, and its wool has become one of the most valuable products of the country. in the free state both it and the angora goat do well, and the pasture lands of that territory support also great numbers of cattle and some horses. the free state and bechuanaland are deemed to be among the very best ranching grounds in all south africa. although, as i have said, nearly all the country is more or less fit for live stock, it must be remembered that this does not imply either great pecuniary returns or a large population. in most districts a comparatively wide area of ground is required to feed what would be deemed in western america a moderate herd or flock, because the pasture is thin, droughts are frequent, and locusts sometimes destroy a large part of the herbage. thus the number of persons for whom the care of cattle or sheep in any given area provides occupation is a mere trifle compared to the number which would be needed to till the same area. artesian wells might, no doubt, make certain regions better for pastoral purposes; but here, as in the case of agriculture, we find little prospect of any dense population, and, indeed, a probability that the white people will continue to be few relatively to the area of the country. on a large grazing farm the proportion of white men to black servants is usually about three to twenty-five; and though the proportion of whites is, of course, much larger in the small towns which supply the wants of the surrounding country, still any one can see with how few whites a ranching country may get along. the third source of wealth lies in the minerals. it was the latest source to become known--indeed, till thirty-two years ago, nobody suspected it. iron had been found in some places, copper in others; but neither had been largely worked, and the belief in the existence of the precious metals rested on nothing more than a portuguese tradition. in the first diamond was picked up by a hunter out of a heap of shining pebbles near the banks of the orange river, above its confluence with the vaal. in - the stones began to be largely found near where the town of kimberley now stands. this point has been henceforth the centre of the industry, though there are a few other mines elsewhere of smaller productive power. the value of the present annual output exceeds £ , , , but it is not likely to increase, being, in fact, now kept down in order not to depress the market by over-supply. altogether more than £ , , worth of diamonds have been exported. the discovery of diamonds, as was observed in an earlier chapter, opened a new period in south african history, drawing crowds of immigrants, developing trade through the seaports as well as industry at the mining centres, and producing a group of enterprising men who, when the various diamond-mining companies had been amalgamated, sought and found new ways of employing their capital. fifteen years after the great diamond finds came the still greater gold finds at the witwatersrand. the working of these mines has now become the greatest industry in the country, and johannesburg is the centre toward which the import trade converges. i need not repeat the description given in a previous chapter (chapter xviii) of the rand mining district. the reader will remember that it differs from all the other gold-fields of south africa in one essential feature--that of the comparative certainty of its yield. accordingly, in considering the future of south african gold, i will speak first of those other gold-fields and then separately of the rand district. gold has been found in many places south of the zambesi. it occurs here and there in small quantities in cape colony, in somewhat larger quantities in natal, zululand, and swaziland, in the eastern and north-eastern districts of the transvaal, at tati in northern bechuanaland, and in many spots through matabililand and mashonaland. in all (or nearly all) these places it occurs in quartz reefs resembling those of north america and australia. some reefs, especially those of the northern region between the limpopo and zambesi, are promising, and great quantities of gold have in times long past been taken out of this region. as already explained (chapter xvii), it seems probable, though not certain, that in many districts a mining industry will be developed which will give employment to thousands, perhaps many thousands, of natives, and to hundreds, perhaps many hundreds, of white engineers and foremen. should this happen, markets will be created in these districts, land will be cultivated, railways will be made, and the local trades which a thriving population requires will spring up. but the life of these gold reefs will not be a long one. as the gold is found in quartz rock, and only to a small extent in gravel or other alluvial deposits, the mining requires capital, and will be carried on by companies. it will be carried on quickly, and so quickly with the aid of the enormously improved scientific appliances we now possess, as to exhaust at no distant period the mineral which the rocks contain. i saw in transylvania in a gold mine which was worked in the days of the romans, and was being worked still. but mining now is as different from the mining of the ancients or of the middle ages as a locomotive engine is from an ox-waggon, such are the resources which chemical and mechanical science place at our disposal. accordingly, the payable parts of the quartz reefs will have been drained of their gold in a few years, or, at any rate, in a few decades, just as many of the silver lodes of nevada have already been worked out and abandoned. there will then be no further cause for the existence of the mine-workers at those points, and the population will decline just as that of nevada has declined. these south african districts will, however, be in one point far better off than nevada: they possess land fit everywhere for ranching, and in many places for tillage also. ranching will, therefore, support a certain, though not large, permanent population; while tillage, though the profitable market close by will have been largely reduced by the departure of the miners, will probably continue, because the land will have been furnished with farmhouses and fences, perhaps in places with irrigation works, and because the railways that will have been constructed will enable agricultural products to reach more distant markets, which by that time may possibly be less glutted with the cereals of north and south america. accordingly, assuming that a fair proportion of the quartz reef gold-fields turn out well, it may be predicted that population will increase in and round them during the next ten years, and that for some twenty years more this population will maintain itself, though of course not necessarily in the same spots, because, as the reefs first developed become exhausted, the miners will shift to new places. after these thirty or possibly forty years, that is to say, before the middle of next century, the country, having parted with whatever gold it contains, will have to fall back on its pasture and its arable land; but having become settled and developed, it may count on retaining a reasonable measure of prosperity. this forecast may seem to be of a highly conjectural nature. conjectural it must be, if only for this reason: that the value of most of the quartz reefs referred to is still quite uncertain. but one cannot visit a new country without attempting to make a forecast of some kind; and the experience of other countries goes to show that, while deposits of the precious metals are, under our present conditions, no more an abiding source of wealth than is a guano island, they may immensely accelerate the development of a country, giving it a start in the world, and providing it with advantages, such as railway communication, which could not otherwise be looked for. this they are now doing for matabililand and mashonaland, countries in which it would not at present be worth while to construct railroads but for the hopes attaching to the mines. this they may do for zululand and swaziland also, should the reefs in those districts prove profitable. so much for the quartz reefs. as has been observed, the gold mines of the witwatersrand differ in the much greater certainty of their yield and in the much greater quantity of auriferous rock which they have been ascertained to contain. it is probable that gold of the value of £ , , remains to be extracted from them. already a population of at least , white men has collected in what was in a barren wilderness; already about £ , , of gold per annum is being extracted. it is practically certain that this production and population will go on increasing during the next few years, and that the mines will not be worked out before the middle of next century at earliest. for the next fifty years, therefore, the rand district will be the economic and industrial centre of south africa and the seat of the largest european community. what will it be after those fifty or perhaps sixty years, when the _banket_ beds have been drained of their gold to a depth of , feet, the greatest at which mining seems to be practicable? it is possible that the other industries which are rising as ancillary to mining may for a while and to a reduced extent hold their ground. probably, however, they will wither up and vanish. the land will remain, but the land of this highest part of the transvaal, though fit for pasture, does not lend itself to tillage. the probabilities, therefore, are that the fate of nevada will in time descend upon the witwatersrand--that the houses that are now springing up will be suffered to fall to ruin, that the mouths of the shafts will in time be covered by thorny shrublets, and that soon after a.d. has been reached this busy hive of industry and noisy market-place of speculation will have again become the stony solitude which it was in . for all practical purposes, however, an event a hundred years away is too distant to be worth regarding. the world will in a.d. be so different from what it is now that the exhaustion of the rand gold-field may have a different bearing from any which we can now foresee. johannesburgers themselves are not disquieted by thoughts of a future that is even half a century distant. the older sort will not live to see it, and the younger sort expect to have made their fortunes long before it arrives. still it must be remembered that, so far as minerals go, south africa is now living, not on her income, but on her capital, and that in twenty-five years half or more of the capital may be gone. there are other metals in the country besides the precious ones. the presence of extensive coal-beds in the transvaal and natal has been a circumstance of the first importance for the profitable working of the rand gold-beds, and may encourage the growth of some kinds of manufacture.[ ] iron is abundant both in the transvaal and in mashonaland, and has been found in many other districts, often in the neighbourhood of coal. it is not worked now, because all iron goods can be obtained more cheaply from europe; but it may one day grow into an industry, as copper-mining already has in little namaqualand on the west coast. the mention of coal and iron brings us to another branch of the subject--the possibility of establishing manufactures which may become a source of wealth and the support of an industrial population. at present the manufactures are insignificant. all the textile goods, for instance, nearly all the metal goods, and by far the larger part even of the beer and spirits (intended for the whites) and mineral waters consumed in the country come from europe. the boers in the two republics and the boer element at the cape have neither taste nor talent for this kind of industry, and such capital as exists is naturally attracted to mining enterprises. nevertheless, it may be thought that as capital accumulates things will change, and that the english part of the population in the two british colonies will take to manufactures, as it has done in australia. let us see whether this is probable. to enable south african manufacturers to compete on a large scale with the established manufacturing countries, such as those in north-western europe or north-eastern america, three things are needed--a large market, cheap sources of mechanical power, cheap and efficient labour. of these the first is at present wanting, and even should the growth of the rand mining district raise the white population of the two colonies and two republics from something over , to , , , that number of consumers will still be too small to encourage the expenditure of any large capital in endeavouring to produce articles which the immense manufacturing establishments of europe, working for populous markets, can turn out more cheaply. as to mechanical forces, there are no rivers to give water-power; and though natal, zululand, and the transvaal provide coal, the quality of the mineral is inferior to that obtainable in south wales or belgium or pennsylvania. but the most important conditions for success are those connected with labour. in south africa skilled labour is dear because scarce, and unskilled labour is dear because bad. as was explained in a preceding chapter, all rough, hard work is done by natives; not that white men could not, in the more temperate regions, perfectly well do it, but because white men think it beneath them and only fit for blacks. now black labour is seldom effective labour. the mixed race called "cape boys" are good drivers, and quite fit for many kinds of railway work. they are employed in the building trades and in sawmills, and to some extent in such trades as bootmaking. the kafirs of the eastern province and of natal are more raw than the "cape boys." they make good platelayers on railways, and having plenty of physical strength, will do any sort of rough work they are set to. but they have no aptitude for trades requiring skill, and it will take a generation or two to fit them for the finer kinds of carpentry or metal-work, or for the handling of delicate machinery. besides, they are often changeable and unstable, apt to forsake their employment for some trifling cause. their wages are certainly not high, ranging from ten to twenty shillings a month, besides food, for any kind of rough outdoor work. miners are paid higher, and a malay mason will get from thirty to forty shillings a week; but a white labourer at twice the price would, for most kinds of work, be cheaper. nor is it easy to get the amount of native labour that may be needed, for the kafir prefers to till his own patch of ground or turn out his cattle on the veldt. the scale for white workmen is, of course, far higher, ranging from £ _s._ to £ a week, according to the nature of the work and the competence of the artisan. such wages are nearly double those paid in england, treble those paid in some manufacturing districts of germany or belgium, higher even than those paid in the united states. it is therefore evident that, what with the badness of the cheaper labour and the dearness of the better, a manufacturer would, in south africa, be severely handicapped in competing with either europe or the united states. protectionists may think that a high tariff on foreign manufactured goods would foster industrial undertakings in these colonies. such a tariff would, however, need to be fixed very high to give the local factory a chance--so high, indeed, that it would excite serious opposition from the consumer. and, in point of fact, there has been hitherto no cry for a tariff to protect home manufactures, because so few people are at present interested in having it. such protection as exists is directed to food-stuffs, in order to please the agricultural classes, and induce a wider cultivation of the soil; and the tariff on other goods is almost solely for revenue. the conditions i have described may, and probably will, change as the industrial training of the natives improves and their aversion to labour declines under the pressure of increasing numbers and a reduction of the quantity of land available for them. but a review of the present state of things points to the conclusion that no great development of manufactures, and of a white population occupied in manufactures, is to be expected, at least for some time to come. three other observations must at this stage be made. till very recently, south africans had what the psalmist desired--neither poverty nor riches. there were hardly any white paupers, because the substratum of population was black; and as few black paupers, because a kafir needs nothing but food. on the other hand, there were no rich whites. the farmers, both agriculturists and ranchmen, lived in a sort of rude plenty, with no luxuries and very little money. everybody was tolerably well off, nobody was wealthy. there were large stock-farms, as in australia, but the owners of these farms did not make the immense gains which many australian squatters and some american cattle-men have made. accordingly, when capital was needed for the development of the mines it was obtained from home. a few successful residents did, no doubt, make out of the diamond fields large sums, which they presently applied to the development of the gold-fields. but by far the greater part of the money spent in opening up mines, both on the witwatersrand and elsewhere, has come from europe, chiefly from england, but to a considerable extent also from france, germany and holland. accordingly nineteen twentieths at least of the profits made by the miners are paid to shareholders in those countries, and not expended in south africa. even among those who have made fortunes out of diamonds or gold by their personal enterprise on the spot, the majority return to europe and spend their incomes there. the country, therefore, does not get the full benefit, in the way either of payments for labour (except, of course, labour at the mines) or of increased consumption of articles, out of its mineral products, but is rather in the position of mexico or peru in the seventeenth century, when the bulk of the precious metals won from the mines went to spain as a sort of tribute. there are at this moment probably not more than a dozen rich men, as europe counts riches, resident in the country, and all of these are to be found either at johannesburg or at cape town. most of them will after a time betake themselves to europe. nor is there any sign that the number of local fortunes will increase; for the motives which draw men away from johannesburg to europe are likely to continue as strong in the future as they are at present. secondly, as the whites are not--except at johannesburg, where the lavishness of a mining population is conspicuous--large consumers of luxuries, so the blacks are poor consumers of all save the barest necessaries of life. it is not merely that they have no money. it is that they have no wants, save of food and of a few common articles of clothing. the taste for the articles which civilized man requires is growing, as the traders in bechuanaland have already begun to find, but it grows slowly, and is still in a rudimentary stage. the demand which south africa is likely to offer either for home-made or for imported products must, therefore, be measured, not by the gross population, but by the white population, and, indeed, by the town-dwelling whites; for the dutch farmer or ranchman, whether in the british colonies or in the dutch republics, has very little cash in his pocket, and lives in a primitive way. it is only the development of the mines that makes south africa a growing market for european goods. thirdly, there is not much european immigration, except of artizans; and these go chiefly to the gold mines of the rand. few agriculturists come out, because farms have seldom been offered by any of the governments on the same easy terms as those which prevail in canada or new zealand, and because the climate and the existence of a black population deter the agricultural classes of northern europe. although the government of cape colony has little or no land obviously fit for tillage to dispose of, because all the untilled area not absolutely barren has been appropriated for stock-farms, still there are districts on the south coasts of cape colony, as well as in natal and in the healthy uplands of mashonaland, which englishmen or germans might cultivate with the assistance (in the hotter parts) of a little native labour, and which italians or portuguese might cultivate by their own labour, without native help. the germans who were brought out in throve in body and estate on the farms which they tilled with their own hands near grahamstown. nevertheless, few agricultural immigrants enter, partly, no doubt, because so much of the land is held by a comparatively small number of persons, and reserved by them (as just observed) for pastoral purposes only. neither do men go from europe to start ranching, for the pastoral lands are taken up, except in those wilder regions where no one could thrive without some previous experience of the country. the settling of the newer parts of the country, such as those between the zambesi and the tropic of capricorn, is chiefly carried on by the boers of the transvaal, and, to a less extent, of the british colonies; for the boers retain their passion for trekking out into the wilderness, while the english, with few exceptions, like to keep within reach of one another and of civilisation. accordingly, the country receives comparatively few recruits from rural europe, and its agricultural population grows only by natural increase. there are probably more natives of india to-day tilling the soil in natal alone than the whole number of agriculturists who have come from europe in the last thirty years. legislation which should attract such agriculturists by the offer of tillage farms of moderate size would be a great benefit to the colonies. we may now endeavour to sum up the facts of the case, and state the conclusions to which they point. south africa is already, and will be to an increasing extent, a country of great mineral wealth. it is only in the diamond-fields, especially those of kimberley, and in the gold-fields of the witwatersrand, that this wealth has yet been proved to exist, so far as regards precious stones and precious metals, but it may exist also in many other districts. it is not confined to precious stones and metals, and when these have been exhausted, copper, iron, and coal may continue to furnish good returns to mine-owners and plenty of employment to work-people. the duration of the gold-fields generally is uncertain, but those of the witwatersrand will last for at least half a century, and will maintain for all that period an industrial population and a market for commodities which, though small when measured by the standard of the northern hemisphere, will be quite unique in africa south of the equator. south africa is, and will continue to be, a great grazing country; for nearly all of its vast area is fit for live stock, though in large regions the proportion of stock to the acre must remain small, owing to the scarcity of feed. it will therefore continue to export wool, goats' hair, and hides in large quantities, and may also export meat, and possibly dairy products. south africa has been, is, and will probably continue to be for a good while to come, a country in which only a very small part of the land is tilled, and from which little agricultural produce, except fruit, sugar, and perhaps tobacco, will be exported. only two things seem likely to increase its agricultural productiveness. one of these is the discovery of some preservative against malarial fever which might enable the lowlands of the east coast, from durban northward, to be cultivated much more largely than they are now. the other is the introduction of irrigation on a large scale, an undertaking which at present would be profitable in a few places only. whether in future it will be worth while to irrigate largely, and whether, if this be done, it will be done by companies buying and working large farms or by companies distributing water to small farmers, as the government distributes water in egypt and some parts of india, are questions which may turn out to have an important bearing on the development of the country, but which need not be discussed now. south africa has not been, and shows no sign of becoming, a manufacturing country. water power is absent. coal is not of the best quality. labour is neither cheap nor good. even the imposition of a pretty high protective tariff would not be likely to stimulate the establishment of iron-works or foundries on a large scale, nor of factories of textile goods, for the local market is too small to make competition with europe a profitable enterprise. in these respects, as in many others, the conditions, physical and economic, differ so much from those of the british north american or australian colonies that the course of industrial development is likely to be quite different from what it has been there. from these conclusions another of great importance follows. the white population will remain scanty in proportion to the area of the country. at present, it is, in the two british colonies and the two dutch republics, only about one and a half persons to the square mile, while over the other territories it is incomparably smaller. the country will probably remain, so long as present agricultural conditions continue, a wilderness, with a few oases of population scattered at long distances from one another. the white inhabitants will, moreover, continue to be very unequally distributed. at present, of a total population in the last-mentioned four states of about , , more than one-fourth lives in the mining district of the rand; one-sixth is found in the five principal seaports on the southern and south-eastern coast; the remaining seven-twelfths are thinly dispersed over the rest of the country in solitary farms or villages, or in a very few small towns, the largest of which, kimberley, has only , inhabitants. the only towns that are growing are those five seaports, and johannesburg with its tributary mining villages. assuming the present growth of the rand to continue, it may have in ten years about , whites, which will be not much less than a half of the then white population of the whole country. stimulated by the trade which the rand will supply, the five seaports will probably also grow; while elsewhere population may remain almost stationary. unless the gold reefs of the country beyond the limpopo turn out well and create in that region miniature copies of the rand district, there seems no reason to expect the total number of whites to reach , , in less than twenty years. after that time growth will depend upon the future of agriculture, and the future of agriculture depends on so many causes independent of south africa that it would be unsafe to make any predictions regarding it. i know some south africans, able men, who think that the day will come when the blacks will begin to retire northward, and a large white population will till their own farms by their own labour, with the aid of irrigation. of the advent of such a day there are no present signs, yet stranger changes have happened in our time than this change would be. other south africans believe that minerals not less valuable than those which the last twenty years have revealed are likely to be discovered in other places. this also may happen,--south africa, it has been said, is a land of surprises,--and if it does happen there may be another inrush like that which has filled the rand. all that one can venture to do now is to point out the probable result of the conditions which exist at this moment; and these, though they point to a continued increase of mineral production, do not point to any large or rapid increase of white inhabitants. twenty years hence the white population is likely to be composed in about equal proportions of urban and rural elements. the urban element will be mainly mining, gathered at one great centre on the witwatersrand, and possibly at some smaller centres in other districts. the rural element, consisting of people who live in villages or solitary farmhouses, will remain comparatively backward, because little affected by the social forces which work swiftly and potently upon close-packed industrial communities, and it may find itself very different in tone, temper, and tendencies from its urban fellow-citizens. the contrast now so marked between the shopkeeper of cape town and the miner of johannesburg on the one hand, and the farmer of the karroo or the northern transvaal on the other, may be then hardly less marked between the two sections of the white population. but these sections will have one thing in common. both will belong to an upper stratum of society; both will have beneath them a mass of labouring blacks, and they will therefore form an industrial aristocracy resting on kafir labour. [footnote : it is still doubtful whether very large areas can be irrigated by means of artesian wells.] [footnote : the transvaal coal-fields are said to extend over , square miles; there is also a coal-field in the eastern part of cape colony, near the borders of the orange free state.] chapter xxvii reflections and forecasts in preceding chapters i have endeavoured to present a picture of south africa as it stands to-day, and to sketch the leading events that have made its political conditions what they are. now, in bringing the book to a close, i desire to add a few reflections on the forces which have been at work, and to attempt the more hazardous task of conjecturing how those forces are likely to operate in the future. the progress of the country, and the peculiar form which its problems have taken, are the resultant of three causes. one of these is the character which nature has impressed upon it. of this i have already spoken (chapter vi), pointing out how the high interior plateau, with its dry and healthy climate, determined the main line of european advance and secured the predominance, not of the race which first discovered the country, but of the race which approached it, far later in time, from its best side. it is also in this physical character that one must seek the explanation of the remarkably slow progress of the country in wealth and population. south africa began to be occupied by white men earlier than any part of the american continent. the first dutch settlement was but little posterior to those english settlements in north america which have grown into a nation of seventy-seven millions of people, and nearly a century and a half prior to the first english settlements in australia. it is the unhealthiness of the east coast and the dryness of the rest of the country that are mainly accountable for this tardy growth--a growth which might have been still more tardy but for the political causes that drove the boers into the far interior. and again, it is the physical configuration of the country that has made it, and is likely to keep it, one country. this is a point of cardinal importance. though divided into two british colonies, with several other pieces of british territory, and two boer republics, the habitable parts of south africa form one community, all the parts of which must stand or fall together. the great plateau is crossed by no lines of physical demarcation all the way from the zambesi to the hex river (some fifty miles north-east of cape town), and the coast regions are closely bound by economic ties to the plateau, which through them touches the outer world. popular speech which talks of south africa as one whole is scientifically right. the two other causes that have ruled the fortunes and guided the development of the country have been the qualities and relations of the races that inhabit it, and the character of the government which has sought from afar to control the relations of those races. these deserve to be more fully considered. english statesmen have for more than fifty years been accustomed to say that of all the colonies of great britain none has given to the mother country so much disquiet and anxiety as south africa has done. this is another way of expressing the fact which strikes the traveller--that no other british colony has compressed so much exciting history into the last sixty or seventy years. the reason is undoubtedly to be found in the circumstance that south africa has had two sets of race questions to deal with: questions between the whites and the aborigines, questions between the dutch and the english. it is this latter set of questions that have been the main thread of south african annals. why have they proved so troublesome? why are they so troublesome to-day, when we ought to be able to look at them with a vision enlarged and a temper mellowed by wide experience? partly from an element inherent in all race questions. they are not questions that can be settled on pure business lines, by an adjustment of the material interests of the parties concerned. they involve sentiment, and thus, like questions of religion, touch the deeper springs of emotion. and they spring from, or are involved with, incompatibilities of character which prevent the men of either stock from fully understanding, and therefore fully trusting, the men of the other. suspicion, if not positive aversion, makes it difficult for two races to work together, even where the political arrangements that govern their relations are just and reasonable. but something may also be ascribed to certain malign accidents which blasted the prospect, once fair, of a friendly fusion between the dutch and the english peoples that seemed eminently fit to be fused. the british annexation of cape colony occurred at an unfortunate time. had it happened thirty years earlier no difficulties would have arisen over the natives and slavery, because at that time the new philanthropy had not begun to influence english opinion or the british government. had it happened in later days, when steam had given quicker and more frequent ocean communication, britain and the colony would each have better known what the other thought and wished, and the errors that alienated the boers might never have been committed. the period which followed the annexation was precisely the period in which the differences between english feeling and colonial feeling were most marked and most likely to lead to misunderstanding and conflict. for there has been in the antagonism of the boers and the english far more than the jealousy of two races. there has been a collision of two types of civilisation, one belonging to the nineteenth century, the other to the seventeenth. his isolation, not only in a distant corner of the southern hemisphere, but in the great, wide, bare veldt over which his flocks and herds roam, has kept the boer fast bound in the ideas and habits of a past age, and he shrinks from the contact of the keen restless modern man, with new arts of gain and new forms of pleasure, just as a puritan farmer of cromwell's day might shrink were he brought to life and forced to plunge into the current of modern london. had the boers been of english stock, but subjected to the same conditions as those which kept the seventeenth century alive in the country behind the cape, they too would have resisted the new ways of the new rulers; but their identity of race and speech with those rulers would have abridged the struggle. it is the fact that the old cape settlers had a language of their own, and a sense of blood-kinship to hold them together that has enabled the dutch element to remain cohesive, and given them an afrikander patriotism of their own--a patriotism which is not dutch, for they care nothing for the traditions of holland, but purely africander. their local position as half-nomadic inhabitants of a wide interior gave a peculiar character to that struggle between the mother country and her colonists which has arisen more than once in british history. they were so few and so poor, as compared with the people of the thirteen colonies of the north american coast in , that it was useless for them to rebel and fight for independence, as those colonies had done. on the other hand, they were not, like the french of lower canada, rooted in the soil as agriculturists. hence a middle course between rebellion and submission offered itself. that course was secession. they renounced not only their political allegiance, but even the very lands where they dwelt, seeking the protection of the desert as other emigrants before them had sought that of the ocean. thus again, and more completely, isolated since , the emigrant boers, and especially those of the transvaal, have been able to retain their old ways for sixty years longer, and have grown more anti-english than ever. on the other hand, the english of the colony, whose english sentiment was quickened by these events, have remained more thoroughly english than those of most british colonies, and have never conceived the idea of severing their own connection with the mother country. that the emigrant boers became republicans was due rather to circumstance than to conscious purpose. a monarch they could not have, because there was no one designated for the place, as well as because they had the instinct of general disobedience. but for a long time they tried to rub along with no more government or leadership than the needs of war required. seldom has any people been so little influenced by abstract political ideas, yet seldom has a people enjoyed so perfect an opportunity of trying political experiments and testing the theories of political philosophers. but the boers were, and are still, a strictly practical people. their houses give them cover from sun and rain, but nothing more; there is little comfort and no elegance. so their institutions were the fewest and simplest under which men have ever governed themselves. it is therefore no theoretical attachment to democracy that has helped the boers to resist the english; it is merely the wish to be left alone, and a stubbornness of will that made independence seem more desirable the more it was threatened. even this admirable stubbornness would hardly have carried them through but for the dispersion over vast spaces. that dispersion, while it retarded their political growth and social progress, made them hard to reach or to conquer. the british government despaired of over-taking and surrounding them, for they were scattered like antelopes over the lonely veldt, and there was a still vaster and equally lonely veldt behind them into which they could retire. to pursue them seemed a wild-goose chase, and a costly one, in which there was much to spend and little to gain. thus their weakness has proved their strength, and the more settled they become in the future, the less can they hope to escape the influences they have so long resisted. but for the maintenance of the sentiment of boer nationality by the two boer republics, the antagonism of dutch and english in cape colony would have ere now died out, for there has been little or nothing in colonial politics to sustain it. the interests of the farmers of both stocks are identical, their rights are in all respects the same, and the british government has been perfectly impartial. the boers in the colony are good citizens and loyal subjects. it is only the character of the country and the conditions of their pastoral life that have retarded their social fusion with the english, as it is only the passions aroused by the strife of boers and englishmen in the transvaal that evoked in , and again evoked in , a political opposition between the races. fortunately, the sentiments of the dutch have possessed a safe outlet in the colonial parliament. the wisdom of the policy which gave responsible government has been signally vindicated; for, as constitutional means have existed for influencing the british government, feelings which might otherwise have found vent in a revolt or a second secession have been diverted into a safe channel. the other set of race troubles, those between white settlers and the aborigines of the land have been graver in south africa than any which european governments have had to face in any other new country. the red men of north america, splendidly as they fought, never seriously checked the advance of the whites. the revolts of the aborigines in peru and central america were easily suppressed. the once warlike maoris of new zealand have, under the better methods of the last twenty-five years, become quiet and tolerably contented. even the french in algeria had not so long a strife to maintain with the moorish and kabyle tribes as the dutch and english had with the natives at the cape. the south-coast kafirs far outnumbered the whites, were full of courage, had a rough and thickly wooded country to defend, and were so ignorant as never to know when they were beaten. a more intelligent race might have sooner abandoned the contest. the melancholy chapter of native wars seems to be now all but closed, except perhaps in the far north. these wars, however, did much to retard the progress of south africa and to give it a bad name. they deterred many an english farmer from emigrating thither in the years between and . they annoyed and puzzled the home government, and made it think the colony a worthless possession, whence little profit or credit was to be drawn in return for the unending military expenditure. and they gave the colonists ground for complaints, sometimes just, sometimes unjust, against the home government, which was constantly accused of parsimony, of shortsightedness, of vacillation, of sentimental weakness, in sending out too few troops, in refusing to annex fresh territory, in patching up a hollow peace, in granting too easy terms to the natives. whoever reviews the whole south african policy of the british government during the ninety-three years that have elapsed since cannot but admit that many errors were committed. many precious opportunities for establishing british authority on a secure basis were lost. many things were done imperfectly, and therefore had to be done over and over again, which it would have been cheaper as well as wiser to have finished off at once. many steps, prudent in themselves, and dictated by excellent motives, were taken at a moment and in a way which made them misunderstood and resisted. reflecting on these mistakes, one sometimes wonders that the country was not lost altogether to britain, and thinks of the saying of the old swiss statesman: _hominum negligentia, dei providentia, regitur helvetia_. it may nevertheless be truly said for the british government that it almost always sought to act justly, and that such advances as it made were not dictated by an aggressive spirit, but (with few exceptions) compelled by the necessities of the case. and it must not be forgotten that, as all home governments err in their control of colonies--spain, portugal, and france have certainly erred in their day far more fatally than england--so many of the errors which now most startle us in the annals of south africa were all but inevitable, because the wisest man could not have foreseen the course which things have in fact taken. who ever tries to look at the events of sixty, thirty, or even twenty years ago with the eyes of those times, and remembers that colonial ministers in england had to consider not only what they thought best, but what they could get the uninstructed public opinion of their own country to accept, will be more indulgent than the colonists are in their judgment of past mistakes. for instance, it is apt to be forgotten that the cape was not occupied with a view to the establishment of a european colony, in our present sense of the word. the dutch took it that they might plant a cabbage-garden; the english took it that they might have a naval station and half-way house to india. not till our own time did people begin to think of it as capable of supporting a great civilised community and furnishing a new market for british goods; not till was it known as a region whence great wealth might be drawn. hence britain, which during the first half of this century was busy in conquering india, in colonising australasia, and in setting things to rights in canada, never cared to bend her energies to the development of south africa, then a less promising field for those energies, spent no more money on it than she could help, and sought to avoid the acquisition of new territory, because that meant new troubles and new outlays. the views of colonial policy which prevailed in england down till about were very different from those which most of us now hold. the statesmen of the last generation accepted that _consilium coercendi intra terminos imperii_ which, according to tacitus, augustus held sound for an empire less scattered than is that of britain; they thought that britain had already more territory than she could hope to develop and (in the long run) to govern; and they therefore sought to limit rather than increase her responsibilities. and they believed, reasoning somewhat too hastily from the revolt of the north american colonies, that as soon as the new english communities to which self-government had been or was in due course to be granted, reached a certain level of wealth and population they would demand and receive their independence. that the fruit would fall off the old tree as soon as it was ripe was the favourite metaphor employed to convey what nearly all publicists took to be an obvious truth. no one stated it so trenchantly as disraeli when he wrote: "these wretched colonies will all be independent too in a few years, and are a millstone round our necks;" but the dogma was generally accepted by politicians belonging to both the great parties in the state. those, moreover, were days in which economy and retrenchment were popular cries in england, and when it was deemed the duty of a statesman to reduce as far as possible the burdens of the people. expenditure on colonial wars and on the administration of half-settled districts was odious to the prudent and thrifty contemporaries or disciples of sir robert peel and richard cobden. accordingly, the chief aim of british statesmen from till was to arrest the tide of british advance, to acquire as little territory as possible, to leave restless natives and emigrant boers entirely to themselves. desperate efforts were made to stop the kafir wars. we can now see that the tendency--one may almost call it a law of nature--which everywhere over the world has tempted or forced a strong civilised power to go on conquering the savage or half-civilised peoples on its borders, the process that has carried the english all over india and brought the russians from the volga to the pamirs in one direction and to the mouth of the amur in another, was certain to compel the british government to subdue and annex one kafir tribe after another until either a desert or the territory of some other civilised state was reached. but fifty years ago this was not clearly perceived; so the process, which might have inflicted less suffering if it had been steadily and swiftly carried through, went on slowly and to the constant annoyance of statesmen at home. it was the same as regards the great plateau and the boer emigrants who dwelt there. not from any sympathy with their love of independence, but because she did not want the trouble of pursuing and governing them and the wide lands they were spread over, england resolved to abandon the interior to them. in and she made a supreme effort to check her own onward career, first by recognizing the independence of the transvaal emigrants whose allegiance she had theretofore claimed, then by actually renouncing her rights to the orange river sovereignty, and to those within it who desired to continue her subjects. what more could a thrifty and cautious and conscientious country do? nevertheless, these good resolutions had to be reconsidered, these self-denying principles foregone. circumstances were too strong for the colonial office. in it accepted the protectorate of basutoland. in it yielded to the temptation of the diamond-fields, and took griqualand west. soon after it made a treaty with khama, which gave the british a foothold in bechuanaland. in it annexed the transvaal. by that time the old ideas were beginning to pass away, and to be replaced by new views of the mission and destiny of britain. the wish of the british government to stand still had been combated all along by powerful inducements to move on. the colonists always pressed for an advance of the frontier. the governor usually pressed for it. the home government was itself haunted by a fear that if it abandoned positions of vantage its successors might afterwards have reason to rue the abandonment. these were the considerations that drove british statesmen to the most momentous forward steps that were taken. two things, and two only, were really vital to british interests--the control of the coasts, and the control of an open road to the north. accordingly, the two decisive steps were the occupation of natal in - , which shut off the boers from the sea, and the taking of griqualand west in (followed by the taking of southern bechuanaland in ), which secured between the transvaal on the one side and the kalahari desert on the other a free access to the great northern plateau. the tide of english opinion began to turn about , and since then it has run with increasing force in the direction of what is called imperialism, and has indeed in some cases brought about annexations that are likely to prove unprofitable, because the territory acquired is too hot and unhealthy to be fit for british settlement. the strides of advance made in - and have been as bold and large as those of earlier days were timid and halting; and the last expiring struggles of the old policy were seen in , when lord derby, who belonged to the departing school, yielded a new convention to the importunity of the transvaal boers and allowed germany to establish herself in damaraland. but it is due to britain, which has been accused, and so far as regards south africa unjustly accused (down to ), of aggressive aims, to recall the fact that she strove for many years to restrict her dominion, and did not cease from her efforts until long experience had shown that it was hard to maintain the old policy, and until the advent on the scene of other european powers, whom it was thought prudent to keep at a distance from her own settled territories, impelled her to join in that general scramble for africa which has been so strange a feature of the last two decades. there have been moments, even since the occupation of two points so important as basutoland (in ) and griqualand west (in ) when it has seemed possible that south africa might become dutch rather than english, such is the tenacity of that race, and so deep are the roots which its language has struck. with the discovery of the witwatersrand gold-fields, drawing a new body of english immigrants into the country, that possibility seems to have passed away. the process of territorial distribution is in south africa now complete. every colony and state has become limited by boundaries defined in treaties. every native tribe has now some legal white superior, and no native tribe remains any longer formidable. the old race questions have passed, or are passing, into new phases. but they will be at least as difficult in their new forms as in their old ones. i will devote the few remaining pages of this book to a short consideration of them and of the other problems affecting the future of south africa with which they are involved. reasons have been given in a preceding chapter for the conclusion that both the white and the black races are likely to hold their ground over all the country, and that the black race will continue to be the more numerous. assuming the conditions of agriculture to remain what they are at present, and assuming that the causes which now discourage the establishment of large manufacturing industries do not pass away, there will probably be for the next seventy years a large white population on the gold-field and at the chief seaports, and only a small white population over the rest of the country. even should irrigation be largely introduced, it would be carried on chiefly by black labourers. even should low wages or the discovery of larger and better deposits of iron and coal stimulate the development of great manufacturing industries, still it is a black rather than a white population that would be therewith increased. various causes may be imagined which would raise or reduce the birth-rate and the infant death-rate among the natives, so that one cannot feel sure that the existing proportion between them and the whites will be maintained. but if we regard the question from the point of view of labour, and take the natives to represent that part of the community which in europe does the harder and less skilled kinds of work, both in country and in town, it may be concluded that they will continue to form the majority even where they live among the white people, without taking account of those areas where they, and they alone, are settled on the land. it is, however, impossible to conjecture how large the majority will be. the kafirs, as has been already suggested, will gradually lose their tribal organisation and come to live like europeans, under european law. they will become more generally educated, and will learn skilled handicrafts; many--perhaps, in the long run, all--will speak english. they will eventually cease to be heathens, even if they do not all become christians. this process of europeanisation will spread from south to north, and may probably not be complete in the north--at any rate, in the german and portuguese parts of the north--till the end of the next century. but long before that time the natives will in many places have begun to compete (as indeed a few already do) with the whites in some kinds of well-paid labour. they will also, being better educated and better paid, have become less submissive than they are now, and a larger number of them will enjoy the suffrage. what will be the relations of the two races when these things have come about, say within two or three generations? consider what the position will then be. two races will be living on the same ground, in close and constant economic relations, both those of employment and those of competition, speaking the same language and obeying the same laws, differing, no doubt, in strength of intelligence and will, yet with many members of the weaker race superior as individual men to many members of the stronger. and these two races, separated by the repulsion of physical differences, will have no social intercourse, no mixture of blood, but will each form a nation by itself for all purposes save those of industry and perhaps of politics. there will, no doubt, be the nexus of industrial interest, for the white employer will need the labour of the blacks. but even in countries where no race differences intervene, the industrial nexus does not prevent bitter class hatreds and labour wars. that such a state of things will arrive is rendered probable not only by the phenomena to be observed to-day in south africa, but by the experience of the southern states of the american union, where almost exactly what i have described has come to pass, with the addition that the inferior race has in theory the same political rights as the superior. how will the relations of two races so living together be adjusted? the experience of the southern states is too short to throw much light on this problem. it is, however, a painful experience in many respects, and it causes the gravest anxieties for the future. similar anxieties must press upon the mind of any one who in south africa looks sixty or eighty years forward; and they are not diminished by the fact that in south africa the inferior race is far more numerous than the superior. but although the position i have outlined seems destined to arrive, it is still so distant that we can no more predict the particular form its difficulties will take than the mariner can describe the rocks and trees upon an island whose blue mountains he begins to descry on the dim horizon. whatever those difficulties may be, they will be less formidable if the whites realize, before the coloured people have begun to feel a sense of wrong, that their own future is bound up with that of the natives, and that the true interests of both races are in the long run the same. although the facts we have been considering suggest the view that the white population of south africa will be very small when compared with that of the north american or australasian colonies, they also suggest that the whites will in south africa hold the position of an aristocracy, and may draw from that position some of the advantages which belong to those who are occupied only on the higher kinds of work, and have fuller opportunities for intellectual cultivation than the mass of manual labourers enjoy. a large part of the whites will lead a country life, directing the field work or the ranching of their servants. those who dwell in the towns will be merchants or employers of labour or highly skilled artisans, corresponding generally to the upper and middle strata of society in north america or australia, but probably with a smaller percentage of exceptionally wealthy men. there is, of course, the danger that a class may spring up composed of men unfit for the higher kinds of work, and yet too lazy or too proud to work with their hands; and some observers already discover signs of the appearance of such a class. if its growth can be averted the conditions for the progress and happiness of the white race in south africa seem favourable; and we are approaching an age of the world when the quality of a population will be more important than its quantity. in this forecast i have said nothing of the gold mines, because they will not be a permanent factor. the present gold fever is a fleeting episode in south african history. gold has, no doubt, played a great part in that history. it was the hope of getting gold that made the portuguese fix their first post at sofala in , and that carried the english pioneers to mashonaland in . it was the discovery of the _banket_ gold beds on the witwatersrand in that finally settled the question whether south africa was to be an english or a dutch country. yet gold mining will pass away in a few decades, for the methods which the engineer now commands will enable him within that time to extract from the rocks all the wealth now stored up in them. a day will come when nothing will be left to tell the traveller of the industry which drew hundreds of thousands of men to a barren ridge, except the heaps of refuse whose ugliness few shrubs will, in that dry land, spring up to cover. but south africa will still be a pastoral and agricultural country, and none the less happy because the gold is gone. neither have i said anything as to the influence of any foreign power or people upon the south africans, because they will to all appearance remain affected in the way of literature and commerce, as well as of politics, by britain only. there is at present no land trade from british or boer states with the territories of germany and the congo state which lie to the north; and spaces so vast, inhabited only by a few natives, lie between that no such trade seems likely to arise for many years to come. continental europe exerts little influence on south african ideas or habits; for the boers, from causes already explained, have no intellectual affinity with modern holland, and the germans who have settled in british territories have become quickly anglified. commerce is almost exclusively with english ports. some little traffic between germany and delagoa bay has lately sprung up, aided by the establishment of a german line of steamers to that harbour. vessels come with emigrants from india to natal, though the government of that colony is now endeavouring to check the arrival of any but indentured coolies; and there are signs that an important direct trade with the united states, especially in cereals and agricultural machinery, may hereafter be developed. in none of these cases, however, does it seem probable that commercial intercourse will have any considerable influence outside the sphere of commerce. with australia it is different. having ceased, since the opening of the suez canal, to be the halfway house to india, the cape has become one of the halfway houses from britain to australasia. the outgoing new zealand steamers, as well as the steamers of the aberdeen australian line, touch there; grain is imported, although the high tariff restricts this trade, and many australian miners traverse cape colony on their way to the witwatersrand. a feeling of intercolonial amity is beginning to grow up, to which a happy expression was given by the cape government when they offered financial assistance to the australian colonies during the recent commercial crisis. with the other great country of the southern hemisphere there seems to be extremely little intercourse. britain did not use, when she might have legitimately used, the opportunity that was offered her early in this century of conferring upon the temperate regions of south america the benefits of ordered freedom and a progressive population. had the territories of the argentine republic (which now include patagonia), territories then almost vacant, been purchased from spain and peopled from england, a second australia might have arisen in the west, and there would now be a promise not only of commerce, but ultimately of a league based upon community of race, language, and institutions between three great english-speaking states in the south temperate zone. that opportunity has, however, passed away; and southern south america, having now been settled by spaniards and italians, with a smaller number of germans, seems destined to such fortunes as the hispano-american race can win for her. but it may well be hoped that as trade increases between south africa and australia, there may come with more frequent intercourse a deepening sense of kinship and a fuller sympathy, inspiring to both communities, and helpful to any efforts that may hereafter be made to knit more closely together the english-speaking peoples all over the world. although the relations of the white race to the black constitute the gravest of the difficulties which confront south africa, this difficulty is not the nearest one. more urgent, if less serious, is the other race problem--that of adjusting the rights and claims of the dutch and the english. it has already been explained that, so far as cape colony and natal are concerned, there is really no question pending between the two races, and nothing to prevent them from working in perfect harmony and concord. neither does the orange free state provide any fuel for strife, since there both boers and english live in peace and are equally attached to the institutions of their republic. it is in the transvaal that the centre of disturbance lies; it is thence that the surrounding earth has so often been shaken and the peace of all south africa threatened. i have already described the circumstances which brought about the recent troubles in that state. to comment upon what has happened since the rising, to criticize either the attitude of the president or the various essays in diplomacy of the british government, would be to enter that field of current politics which i have resolved to avoid. what may fitly be done here is to state the uncontroverted and dominant facts of the situation as it stands in the autumn of .[ ] what are these facts? the boer population of the transvaal is roughly estimated at , , of whom about , are voting citizens. the uitlanders, or alien population, five-sixths of whom speak english, are estimated at , , of whom nearly one-half are adult males. these uitlanders hold sixty-three per cent. of the landed and ninety per cent. of the personal property in the country. in december, , their number was increasing at the rate of one thousand per week through arrivals from cape town alone; and though this influx fell off for a time, while political troubles were checking the development of the mines, it rose again with the renewal of that development. should the deep level mines go on prospering as is expected, the rate of immigration will be sustained, and within ten years there will probably be at least , uitlanders in the republic, that is to say, nearly eight times the number of the boers. the numerical disproportion between these excluded persons--a very large part of whom will have taken root in the country--and the old citizens will then have become overwhelming, and the claim of the former to enjoy some share in the government will be practically irresistible. the concession of this share may come before --i incline to think it will--or it may come somewhat later. the precise date is a small matter, and depends upon personal causes. but that the english-speaking element will, if the mining industry continues to thrive, become politically as well as economically supreme, seems inevitable. no political agitation or demonstrations in the transvaal, much less any intervention from outside, need come into the matter. it is only of the natural causes already at work that i speak, and these natural causes are sufficient to bring about the result. a country must, after all, take its character from the large majority of its inhabitants, especially when those who form that large majority are the wealthiest, most educated, and most enterprising part of the population. whether this inevitable admission of the new-comers to citizenship will happen suddenly or gradually, in quiet or in storm, no one can venture to predict. there are things which we can perceive to be destined to occur, though the time and the manner may be doubtful. but as it will be dictated by the patent necessities of the case, one may well hope that it will come about in a peaceable way and leave behind no sense of irritation in either race. boers and englishmen cannot in the transvaal so easily blend and learn to work together as they have done in the orange free state, because they were in the latter state far less socially dissimilar. but the extension of the suffrage, while it will be followed by legislation beneficial to the mining industry, need not involve legislation harmful to the material interests of the boer element. on the contrary, the boers themselves will ultimately profit by any increase in the prosperity of the country. an improved administration will give a more assured status to the judiciary, as well as a better set of laws and better internal communications, advantages which will be helpful to the whole republic. that the change should come about peaceably is much to be desired in the interest not only of the transvaal itself, but of all south africa. the irritation of the dutch element in cape colony, both in and again in , was due to an impression that their transvaal kinsfolk were being unfairly dealt with. should that impression recur, its influence both on the dutch of cape colony, and on the people of the free state, whose geographical position makes their attitude specially important, would be unfortunate. the history of south africa, like that of other countries nearer home, warns us how dangerous a factor sentiment, and especially the sense of resentment at injustice, may become in politics, and how it may continue to work mischief even when the injustice has been repented of. it is, therefore, not only considerations of magnanimity and equity, but also considerations of policy, that recommend to the english in south africa and to the british government an attitude of patience, prudence, and strict adherence to legal rights. they are entitled to require the same adherence from the transvaal government, but it is equally their interest not to depart from it themselves, and to avoid even the least appearance of aggression. the mistakes of the past are not irremediable. tact, coolness, and patience--above all, patience--must gradually bring about that reconcilement and fusion of the two races to which, it can scarcely be doubted, south africa will at last attain. when, by the enfranchisement of the uitlanders, the transvaal has ceased to be a purely boer state, questions will arise as to its relations with the other states of south africa. cape colony and the orange free state, as well as basutoland and the bechuanaland protectorate, already form a customs union, and they have long sought to induce the transvaal and natal to enter into it and thereby establish internal free trade throughout the country. natal at last consented (in ); but the transvaal people steadily refused, desiring to stand as much aloof as possible from cape colony, as well as to raise for themselves a revenue on imports larger than that which they would receive as partners in the customs union. a reformed transvaal government would probably enter the customs union; and this would usher in the further question of a confederation of all the states and colonies of south africa. that project was mooted by sir george grey (when governor) more than thirty years ago, and was actively pressed by lord carnarvon (when colonial secretary) and sir bartle frere between and . it failed at that time, partly owing to the annoyance of the orange free state at the loss of the diamond-fields in , partly to the reluctance of the dutch party at the cape, who were roused against the proposal by their transvaal kinsfolk. the desire for it is believed to have moved some of those who joined in the transvaal uitlander movement of - , and no one can discuss the future of the country without adverting to it. the advantages it offers are obvious. a confederation would render in africa services similar to those which the federal system has rendered in the united states and canada, and which are expected by the colonial statesmen who have laboured to establish such a system in australia. i heard not only railways and finance (including tariff and currency), but also commercial law and native questions, suggested as matters fit to be intrusted to a federal authority; while it seemed to be thought that the scope of such an authority should, on the whole, be narrower than it is under the canadian constitution, or under that of the united states. the love of local independence is strong in south africa, but might be deferred to and appeased, as is being done in australia, by appropriate constitutional provisions. so far, no fatal obstacle stands in the way; but a difficulty has been thought to arise from the fact that whereas cape colony, natal, and the other british territories are part of the dominions of the british crown, the orange free state is an independent republic, and the transvaal may be so when federation becomes a practical issue. "can a federal tie," it is asked, "bind into one body communities some of which are republics, while others, though practically self-governing, are legally parts of a monarchy?" to this it may be answered that there have been instances of such confederations. in the germanic confederation, which lasted from till , there were four free republics, as well as many monarchies, some large, some small. the swiss confederation (as established after the napoleonic wars) used to contain, in the canton of neuchatel, a member whose sovereign was the king of prussia. and as it is not historically essential to the conception of a federal state that all its constituent communities should have the same form of internal government, so practically it would be possible, even if not very easy, to devise a scheme which should recognize the freedom of each member to give itself the kind of constitution it desired. such an executive head as either the president of the united states or the governor-general of canada is not essential to a federal system. the name "confederation" is a wide name, and the things essential to it may be secured in a great variety of ways. the foreign policy of a south african confederation is perhaps the only point which might raise considerations affecting the international status of the members of the confederation; and as to this, it must be remembered that neither the orange free state nor the transvaal can come into direct contact with any foreign power except portugal, because neither has any access to the sea, or touches (save on the eastern border of the transvaal) any non-british territory. another remark occurs in this connection. the sentiment of national independence which the people of the free state cherish, and which may probably survive in the transvaal even when that state has passed from a boer into an anglo-dutch republic, is capable of being greatly modified by a better comprehension of the ample freedom which the self-governing colonies of britain enjoy. the non-british world is under some misconception in this matter, and does not understand that these colonies are practically democratic republics, though under the protection and dignified by the traditions of an ancient and famous monarchy. nor has it been fully realized that the colonies derive even greater substantial advantages from the connection than does the mother country. the mother country profits perhaps to some extent--though this is doubtful--in respect of trade, but chiefly in the sentiment of pride and the consciousness of a great mission in the world which the possession of these vast territories, scattered over the oceans, naturally and properly inspires. the colonies, on the other hand, have not only some economic advantages in the better financial credit they enjoy, but have the benefit of the british diplomatic and consular service all over the world and of the status of british citizens in every foreign country. it is also a political convenience to them to be relieved by the presence of the governor whom the mother country sends out as an executive figure-head of their cabinet system, from the necessity of electing an executive chief, a convenience which those who know the trouble occasioned by presidential elections in the united states can best appreciate. and, above all, the british colonies have the navy of britain to defend them against molestation by any foreign power. it may be said that they have also the risk of being involved in any war into which britain may enter. this risk has, however, never become a reality; for during the last eighty years no colony has ever been even threatened with attack by a foreign state, while during all that time the colonies have been relieved from the cost and trouble of maintaining the naval and military armaments which are needed to ensure their safety. thus, even leaving sentiment aside, the balance of material advantage to the colonies is great and real; while their self-government is complete, for the mother country never interferes with any matters of colonial concern, unless in the rare cases where a matter primarily local may affect the general relations and interests of the whole empire. when these facts have been fully realized in the free state and the transvaal, it may well be that those states will be ready to enter a confederation of which the british monarchy would be, as in canada and (probably before long) in australia, the protecting suzerain, for there would be in that suzerainty no real infringement of the independence which the free state has so happily enjoyed. it is premature to speculate now on the best form which a scheme for south african confederation may take. all that need here be pointed out is that the obstacles now perceived are not insurmountable obstacles, but such as may be overcome by a close study of the conditions of the problem, and by reasonable concessions on the part of south african statesmen in the different states concerned. these observations are made on the assumption that the south african colonies will desire to maintain their political connection with the mother country. it is an assumption which may safely be made, for nowhere in the british empire is the attachment to britain more sincere. strong as this feeling is in canada and in australasia, it is assuredly no less strong in south africa. the english there are perhaps even more english than are the people of those other colonies. those of dutch origin, warm as is their africander patriotism, have never been hostile to the british crown. and both english and dutch feel how essential to them, placed as they are, is the protection of a great naval power. they have as near neighbours in the south atlantic and indian oceans two great european powers bent on colonial expansion, and to either of whom, even apart from colonial expansion, such a position as simon's bay or table bay offers would be invaluable. both the mother country, therefore, whose naval and commercial interests require her to retain the cape peninsula, and her south african children, have every motive for cleaving to one another, and, so far as our eyes can pierce the mists of the future, no reason can be discerned why they should not continue so to cleave. the peoples of both countries are altogether friendly to one another. but much will depend on the knowledge, the prudence, the patience, the quiet and unobtrusive tact, of the home government. while britain continues to be a great naval power, the maintenance of her connection with south africa will ensure the external peace of that country, which, fortunately for herself, lies far away in the southern seas, with no land frontiers which she is called on to defend. she may not grow to be herself as populous and powerful a state as will be the canadian or the australian confederations of the future, for her climatic conditions do not promise so large an increase of the white race; but her people may, if she can deal wisely with the problems which the existence of the coloured population raises, become a happy and prosperous nation. they are exempt from some of the dangers which threaten the industrial communities of europe and north america. the land they dwell in is favoured by nature, and inspires a deep love in its children. the stock they spring from is strong and sound; and they have carried with them to their new home the best traditions of teutonic freedom and self-government. [footnote : i leave the pages that follow as they were written in (reserving for another place a reference to events which have happened since), because i desire that the views therein expressed, which i hold quite as strongly now as in , should be known to have been formed and stated before the deplorable events of the last few months (oct. ).] appendix convention of convention for the settlement of the transvaal territory. preamble. her majesty's commissioners for the settlement of the transvaal territory, duly appointed as such by a commission passed under the royal sign manual and signet, bearing date the th of april , do hereby undertake and guarantee on behalf of her majesty, that, from and after the th day of august , complete self-government, subject to the suzerainty of her majesty, her heirs and successors, will be accorded to the inhabitants of the transvaal territory, upon the following terms and conditions, and subject to the following reservations and limitations:-- article . the said territory, to be herein-after called the transvaal state, will embrace the land lying between the following boundaries, to wit: [here follow three pages in print defining boundaries]. article . her majesty reserves to herself, her heirs and successors, (_a_) the right from time to time to appoint a british resident in and for the said state, with such duties and functions as are herein-after defined; (_b_) the right to move troops through the said state in time of war, or in case of the apprehension of immediate war between the suzerain power and any foreign state or native tribe in south africa; and (_c_) the control of the external relations of the said state, including the conclusion of treaties and the conduct of diplomatic intercourse with foreign powers, such intercourse to be carried on through her majesty's diplomatic and consular officers abroad. article . until altered by the volksraad, or other competent authority, all laws, whether passed before or after the annexation of the transvaal territory to her majesty's dominions, shall, except in so far as they are inconsistent with or repugnant to the provisions of this convention, be and remain in force in the said state in so far as they shall be applicable thereto, provided that no future enactment especially affecting the interests of natives shall have any force or effect in the said state, without the consent of her majesty, her heirs and successors, first had and obtained and signified to the government of the said state through the british resident, provided further that in no case will the repeal or amendment of any laws enacted since the annexation have a retrospective effect, so as to invalidate any acts done or liabilities incurred by virtue of such laws. article . on the th day of august , the government of the said state, together with all rights and obligations thereto appertaining, and all state property taken over at the time of annexation, save and except munitions of war, will be handed over to messrs. stephanus johannes paulus kruger, martinus wessel pretorius, and petrus jocobus joubert, or the survivor or survivors of them, who will forthwith cause a volksraad to be elected and convened, and the volksraad, thus elected and convened, will decide as to the further administration of the government of the said state. article . all sentences passed upon persons who may be convicted of offences contrary to the rules of civilized warfare committed during the recent hostilities will be duly carried out, and no alteration or mitigation of such sentences will be made or allowed by the government of the transvaal state without her majesty's consent conveyed through the british resident. in case there shall be any prisoners in any of the gaols of the transvaal state whose respective sentences of imprisonment have been remitted in part by her majesty's administrator or other officer administering the government, such remission will be recognized and acted upon by the future government of the said state. article . her majesty's government will make due compensation for all losses or damage sustained by reason of such acts as are in the th article herein-after specified, which may have been committed by her majesty's forces during the recent hostilities, except for such losses or damage as may already have been compensated for, and the government of the transvaal state will make due compensation for all losses or damage sustained by reason of such acts as are in the th article herein-after specified which may have been committed by the people who were in arms against her majesty during the recent hostilities, except for such losses or damages as may already have been compensated for. article . the decision of all claims for compensation, as in the last preceding article mentioned, will be referred to a sub-committee, consisting of the honourable george hudson, the honourable jacobus petrus de wet, and the honourable john gilbert kotze. in case one or more of such sub-commissioners shall be unable or unwilling to act the remaining sub-commissioner or sub-commissioners will, after consultation with the government of the transvaal state, submit for the approval of her majesty's high commissioners the names of one or more persons to be appointed by them to fill the place or places thus vacated. the decision of the said sub-commissioners, or of a majority of them, will be final. the said sub-commissioners will enter upon and perform their duties with all convenient speed. they will, before taking evidence or ordering evidence to be taken in respect of any claim, decide whether such claim can be entertained at all under the rules laid down in the next succeeding article. in regard to claims which can be so entertained, the sub-commissioners will, in the first instance, afford every facility for an amicable arrangement as to the amount payable in respect of any claim, and only in cases in which there is no reasonable ground for believing that an immediate amicable arrangement can be arrived at will they take evidence or order evidence to be taken. for the purpose of taking evidence and reporting thereon, the sub-commissioners may appoint deputies, who will, without delay, submit records of the evidence and their reports to the sub-commissioners. the sub-commissioners will arrange their sittings and the sittings of their deputies in such a manner as to afford the earliest convenience to the parties concerned and their witnesses. in no case will costs be allowed to either side, other than the actual and reasonable expenses of witnesses whose evidence is certified by the sub-commissioners to have been necessary. interest will not run on the amount of any claim, except as is herein-after provided for. the said sub-commissioners will forthwith, after deciding upon any claim, announce their decision to the government against which the award is made and to the claimant. the amount of remuneration payable to the sub-commissioners and their deputies will be determined by the high commissioners. after all the claims have been decided upon, the british government and the government of the transvaal state will pay proportionate shares of the said remuneration and of the expenses of the sub-commissioners and their deputies, according to the amount awarded against them respectively. article . for the purpose of distinguishing claims to be accepted from those to be rejected, the sub-commissioners will be guided by the following rules, viz: compensation will be allowed for losses or damage sustained by reason of the following acts committed during the recent hostilities, viz., (_a_) commandeering, seizure, confiscation, or destruction of property, or damage done to property; (_b_) violence done or threats used by persons in arms. in regard to acts under (_a_), compensation will be allowed for direct losses only. in regard to acts falling under (_b_) compensation will be allowed for actual losses of property, or actual injury to the same proved to have been caused by its enforced abandonment. no claims for indirect losses, except such as are in this article specially provided for, will be entertained. no claims which have been handed in to the secretary of the royal commission after the st day of july will be entertained, unless the sub-commissioners shall be satisfied that the delay was reasonable. when claims for loss of property are considered, the sub-commissioners will require distinct proof of the existence of the property, and that it neither has reverted nor will revert to the claimant. article . the government of the transvaal state will pay and satisfy the amount of every claim awarded against it within one month after the sub-commissioners shall have notified their decision to the said government, and in default of such payment the said government will pay interest at the rate of six per cent. per annum from the date of such default; but her majesty's government may at any time before such payment pay the amount, with interest, if any, to the claimant in satisfaction of his claim, and may add the sum thus paid to any debt which may be due by the transvaal state to her majesty's government, as herein-after provided for. article . the transvaal state will be liable for the balance of the debts for which the south african republic was liable at the date of annexation, to wit, the sum of , _l._ in respect of the cape commercial bank loan, and , _l._ in respect to the railway loan, together with the amount due on th august on account of the orphan chamber debt, which now stands at , _l._, which debts will be a first charge upon the revenues of the state. the transvaal state will, moreover, be liable for the lawful expenditure lawfully incurred for the necessary expenses of the province since the annexation, to wit, the sum of , _l._, which debt, together with such debts as may be incurred by virtue of the th article, will be second charge upon the revenues of the state. article . the debts due as aforesaid by the transvaal state to her majesty's government will bear interest at the rate of three and a half per cent., and any portion of such debt as may remain unpaid at the expiration of twelve months from the th august shall be repayable by a payment for interest and sinking fund of six pounds and ninepence per cent. per annum, which will extinguish the debt in twenty-five years. the said payment of six pounds and ninepence per _l._ shall be payable half yearly in british currency on the th february and th august in each year. provided always that the transvaal state shall pay in reduction of the said debt the sum of , _l._ within twelve months of the th august , and shall be at liberty at the close of any half year to pay off the whole or any portion of the outstanding debt. article . all persons holding property in the said state on the th day of august will continue after the said date to enjoy the rights of property which they have enjoyed since the annexation. no person who has remained loyal to her majesty during the recent hostilities shall suffer any molestation by reason of his loyalty, or be liable to any criminal prosecution or civil action for any part taken in connexion with such hostilities, and all such persons will have full liberty to reside in the country, with enjoyment of all civil rights, and protection for their persons and property. article . natives will be allowed to acquire land, but the grant or transfer of such land will, in every case, be made to and registered in the name of the native location commission, herein-after mentioned, in trust for such natives. article . natives will be allowed to move as freely within the country as may be consistent with the requirements of public order, and to leave it for the purpose of seeking employment elsewhere or for other lawful purposes, subject always to the pass laws of the said state, as amended by the legislature of the province, or as may hereafter be enacted under the provisions of the third article of this convention. article . there will continue to be complete freedom of religion and protection from molestation for all denominations, provided the same be not inconsistent with morality and good order, and no disability shall attach to any person in regard to rights of property by reason of the religious opinions which he holds. article . the provisions of the fourth article of the sand river convention are hereby re-affirmed, and no slavery or apprenticeship partaking of slavery will be tolerated by the government of the said state. article . the british resident will receive from the government of the transvaal state such assistance and support as can by law be given to him for the due discharge of his functions, he will also receive every assistance for the proper care and preservation of the graves of such of her majesty's forces as have died in the transvaal, and if need be for the expropriation of land for the purpose. article . the following will be the duties and functions of the british resident:--sub-section , he will perform duties and functions analogous to those discharged by a chargé d'affaires and consul-general. sub-section . in regard to natives within the transvaal state he will (_a_) report to the high commissioner, as representative of the suzerain, as to the working and observance of the provisions of this convention; (_b_) report to the transvaal authorities any cases of ill-treatment of natives or attempts to incite natives to rebellion that may come to his knowledge; (_c_) use his influence with the natives in favour of law and order; and (_d_) generally perform such other duties as are by this convention entrusted to him, and take such steps for the protection of the person and property of natives as are consistent with the laws of the land. sub-section . in regard to natives not residing in the transvaal (_a_) he will report to the high commissioner and the transvaal government any encroachments reported to him as having been made by transvaal residents upon the land of such natives, and in case of disagreement between the transvaal government and the british resident as to whether an encroachment has been made, the decision of the suzerain will be final; (_b_) the british resident will be the medium of communication with native chiefs outside the transvaal, and subject to the approval of the high commissioner, as representing the suzerain, he will control the conclusion of treaties with them; and (_c_) he will arbitrate upon every dispute between transvaal residents and natives outside the transvaal (as to acts committed beyond the boundaries of the transvaal) which may be referred to him by the parties interested. sub-section . in regard to communications with foreign powers, the transvaal government will correspond with her majesty's government through the british resident and the high commissioner. article . the government of the transvaal state will strictly adhere to the boundaries defined in the first article of this convention, and will do its utmost to prevent any of its inhabitants from making any encroachment upon lands beyond the said state. the royal commission will forthwith appoint a person who will beacon off the boundary line between ramatlabama and the point where such line first touches griqualand west boundary, midway between the vaal and hart rivers; the person so appointed will be instructed to make an arrangement between the owners of the farms grootfontein and valleifontein on the one hand, and the barolong authorities on the other, by which a fair share of the water supply of the said farms shall be allowed to flow undisturbed to the said barolongs. article . all grants or titles issued at any time by the transvaal government in respect of land outside the boundary of transvaal state, as defined, article , shall be considered invalid and of no effect, except in so far as any such grant or title relates to land that falls within the boundary of the transvaal state, and all persons holding any such grant so considered invalid and of no effect will receive from the government of the transvaal state such compensation either in land or in money as the volksraad shall determine. in all cases in which any native chiefs or other authorities outside the said boundaries have received any adequate consideration from the government of the former south african republic for land excluded from the transvaal by the first article of this convention, or where permanent improvements have been made on the land the british resident will, subject to the approval of the high commissioner, use his influence to recover from the native authorities fair compensation for the loss of the land thus excluded, and of the permanent improvement thereon. article . forthwith, after the taking effect of this convention, a native location commission will be constituted, consisting of the president, or in his absence the vice-president of the state, or some one deputed by him, the resident, or some one deputed by him, and a third person to be agreed upon by the president or the vice-president, as the case may be, and the resident, and such commission will be a standing body for the performance of the duties herein-after mentioned. article . the native location commission will reserve to the native tribes of the state such locations as they may be fairly and equitably entitled to, due regard being had to the actual occupation of such tribes. the native location commission will clearly define the boundaries of such locations, and for that purpose will, in every instance, first of all ascertain the wishes of the parties interested in such land. in case land already granted in individual titles shall be required for the purpose of any location, the owners will receive such compensation either in other land or in money as the volksraad shall determine. after the boundaries of any location have been fixed, no fresh grant of land within such location will be made, nor will the boundaries be altered without the consent of the location commission. no fresh grants of land will be made in the districts of waterbergh, zoutspansberg, and lydenburg until the locations in the said districts respectively shall have been defined by the said commission. article . if not released before the taking effect of this convention, sikukuni, and those of his followers who have been imprisoned with him, will be forthwith released, and the boundaries of his location will be defined by the native location commission in the manner indicated in the last preceding article. article . the independence of the swazies within the boundary line of swaziland, as indicated in the first article of this convention, will be fully recognised. article . no other or higher duties will be imposed on the importation into the transvaal state of any article the produce or manufacture of the dominions and possessions of her majesty, from whatever place arriving, than are or may be payable on the like article the produce or manufacture of any other country, nor will any prohibition be maintained or imposed on the importation of any article the produce or manufacture of the dominions and possessions of her majesty, which shall not equally extend to the importation of the like articles being the produce or manufacture of any other country. article . all persons other than natives conforming themselves to the laws of the transvaal state (_a_) will have full liberty with their families to enter, travel, or reside in any part of the transvaal state; (_b_) they will be entitled to hire or possess houses, manufactures, warehouses, shops, and premises; (_c_) they may carry on their commerce either in person or by any agents whom they may think fit to employ; (_d_) they will not be subject in respect of their persons or property, or in respect of their commerce or industry, to any taxes, whether general or local, other than those which are or may be imposed upon transvaal citizens. article . all inhabitants of the transvaal shall have free access to the courts of justice for the protection and defence of their rights. article . all persons other than natives who established their domicile in the transvaal between the th day of april and the date when this convention comes into effect, and who shall within twelve months after such last-mentioned date have their names registered by the british resident, shall be exempt from all compulsory military service whatever. the resident shall notify such registration to the government of the transvaal state. article . provision shall hereafter be made by a separate instrument for the mutual extradition of criminals, and also for the surrender of deserters from her majesty's forces. article . all debts contracted since the annexation will be payable in the same currency in which they may have been contracted; all uncancelled postage and other revenue stamps issued by the government since the annexation will remain valid, and will be accepted at their present value by the future government of the state; all licenses duly issued since the annexation will remain in force during the period for which they may have been issued. article . no grants of land which may have been made, and no transfer of mortgage which may have been passed since the annexation, will be invalidated by reason merely of their having been made or passed since that date. all transfers to the british secretary for native affairs in trust for natives will remain in force, the native location commission taking the place of such secretary for native affairs. article . this convention will be ratified by a newly-elected volksraad within the period of three months after its execution, and in default of such ratification this convention shall be null and void. article . forthwith, after the ratification of this convention, as in the last preceding article mentioned all british troops in transvaal territory will leave the same, and the mutual delivery of munitions of war will be carried out. articles end. here will follow signatures of royal commissioners, then the following to precede signatures of triumvirate. we, the undersigned, stephanus johannes paulus kruger, martinus wessel pretorius, and petrus jacobus joubert, as representatives of the transvaal burghers, do hereby agree to all the above conditions, reservations, and limitations under which self-government has been restored to the inhabitants of the transvaal territory, subject to the suzerainty of her majesty, her heirs and successors, and we agree to accept the government of the said territory, with all rights and obligations thereto appertaining on the th day of august; and we promise and undertake that this convention shall be ratified by a newly-elected volksraad of the transvaal state within three months from this date. convention of a convention between her majesty the queen of the united kingdom of great britain and ireland and the south african republic. whereas the government of the transvaal state, through its delegates, consisting of stephanus johannes paulus kruger, president of the said state, stephanus jacobus du toit, superintendent of education, and nicholas jacobus smit, a member of the volksraad, have represented that the convention signed at pretoria on the rd day of august , and ratified by the volksraad of the said state on the th october , contains certain provisions which are inconvenient, and imposes burdens and obligations from which the said state is desirous to be relieved, and that the south-western boundaries fixed by the said convention should be amended, with a view to promote the peace and good order of the said state, and of the countries adjacent thereto; and whereas her majesty the queen of the united kingdom of great britain and ireland, has been pleased to take the said representations into consideration: now, therefore, her majesty has been pleased to direct, and it is hereby declared, that the following articles of a new convention, signed on behalf of her majesty by her majesty's high commissioner in south africa, the right honourable sir hercules george robert robinson, knight grand cross of the most distinguished order of saint michael and saint george, governor of the colony of the cape of good hope, and on behalf of the transvaal state (which shall hereinafter be called the south african republic) by the above-named delegates, stephanus johannes paulus kruger, stephanus jacobus du toit, and nicholas jacobus smit, shall, when ratified by the volksraad of the south african republic, be substituted for the articles embodied in the convention of rd august ; which latter, pending such ratification, shall continue in full force and effect. articles. article . the territory of the south african republic will embrace the land lying between the following boundaries, to wit: (here follows a long description of boundaries). article . the government of the south african republic will strictly adhere to the boundaries defined in the first article of this convention, and will do its utmost to prevent any of its inhabitants from making any encroachments upon lands beyond the said boundaries. the government of the south african republic will appoint commissioners upon the eastern and western borders whose duty it will be strictly to guard against irregularities and all trespassing over the boundaries. her majesty's government will, if necessary, appoint commissioners in the native territories outside the eastern and western borders of the south african republic to maintain order and prevent encroachments. her majesty's government and the government of the south african republic will each appoint a person to proceed together to beacon off the amended south-west boundary as described in article of this convention; and the president of the orange free state shall be requested to appoint a referee to whom the said persons shall refer any questions on which they may disagree respecting the interpretation of the said article, and the decision of such referee thereon shall be final. the arrangement already made, under the terms of article of the convention of pretoria of the rd august , between the owners of the farms grootfontein and valleifontein on the one hand, and the barolong authorities on the other, by which a fair share of the water supply of the said farms shall be allowed to flow undisturbed to the said barolongs, shall continue in force. article . if a british officer is appointed to reside at pretoria or elsewhere within the south african republic to discharge functions analogous to those of a consular officer he will receive the protection and assistance of the republic. article . the south african republic will conclude no treaty or engagement with any state or nation other than the orange free state, nor with any native tribe to the eastward or westward of the republic, until the same has been approved by her majesty the queen. such approval shall be considered to have been granted if her majesty's government shall not, within six months after receiving a copy of such treaty (which shall be delivered to them immediately upon its completion), have notified that the conclusion of such treaty is in conflict with the interests of great britain or of any of her majesty's possessions in south africa. article . the south african republic will be liable for any balance which may still remain due of the debts for which it was liable at the date of annexation, to wit, the cape commercial bank loan, the railway loan, and the orphan chamber debt, which debts will be a first charge upon the revenues of the republic. the south african republic will moreover be liable to her majesty's government for , _l._, which will be a second charge upon the revenues of the republic. article . the debt due as aforesaid by the south african republic to her majesty's government will bear interest at the rate of three and a half per cent. from the date of the ratification of this convention, and shall be repayable by a payment for interest and sinking fund of six pounds and ninepence per _l._ per annum, which will extinguish the debt in twenty-five years. the said payment of six pounds and ninepence per _l._ shall be payable half-yearly, in british currency, at the close of each half year from the date of such ratification: provided always that the south african republic shall be at liberty at the close of any half year to pay off the whole or any portion of the outstanding debt. interest at the rate of three and a half per cent. on the debt as standing under the convention of pretoria shall as heretofore be paid to the date of the ratification of this convention. article . all persons who held property in the transvaal on the th day of august , and still hold the same, will continue to enjoy the rights of property which they have enjoyed since the th april . no person who has remained loyal to her majesty during the late hostilities shall suffer any molestation by reason of his loyalty; or be liable to any criminal prosecution or civil action for any part taken in connexion with such hostilities; and all such persons will have full liberty to reside in the country, with enjoyment of all civil rights, and protection for their persons and property. article . the south african republic renews the declaration made in the sand river convention, and in the convention of pretoria, that no slavery or apprenticeship partaking of slavery will be tolerated by the government of the said republic. article . there will continue to be complete freedom of religion and protection from molestation for all denominations, provided the same be not inconsistent with morality and good order; and no disability shall attach to any person in regard to rights of property by reason of the religious opinions which he holds. article . the british officer appointed to reside in the south african republic will receive every assistance from the government of the said republic in making due provision for the proper care and preservation of the graves of such of her majesty's forces as have died in the transvaal; and if need be, for the appropriation of land for the purpose. article . all grants or titles issued at any time by the transvaal government in respect of land outside the boundary of the south african republic, as defined in article , shall be considered invalid and of no effect, except in so far as any such grant or title relates to land that falls within the boundary of the south african republic; and all persons holding any such grant so considered invalid and of no effect will receive from the government of the south african republic such compensation, either in land or in money, as the volksraad shall determine. in all cases in which any native chiefs or other authorities outside the said boundaries have received any adequate consideration from the government of the south african republic for land excluded from the transvaal by the first article of this convention, or where permanent improvements have been made on the land, the high commissioner will recover from the native authorities fair compensation for the loss of the land thus excluded, or of the permanent improvements thereon. article . the independence of the swazis, within the boundary line of swaziland, as indicated in the first article of this convention, will be fully recognised. article . except in pursuance of any treaty or engagement made as provided in article of this convention, no other or higher duties shall be imposed on the importation into the south african republic of any article coming from any part of her majesty's dominions than are or may be imposed on the like article coming from any other place or country; nor will any prohibition be maintained or imposed on the importation into the south african republic of any article coming from any part of her majesty's dominions which shall not equally extend to the like article coming from any other place or country. and in like manner the same treatment shall be given to any article coming to great britain from the south african republic as to the like article coming from any other place or country. these provisions do not preclude the consideration of special arrangements as to import duties and commercial relations between the south african republic and any of her majesty's colonies or possessions. article . all persons, other than natives, conforming themselves to the laws of the south african republic (_a_) will have full liberty, with their families, to enter, travel, or reside in any part of the south african republic; (_b_) they will be entitled to hire or possess houses, manufactories, warehouses, shops, and premises; (_c_) they may carry on their commerce either in person or by any agents whom they may think fit to employ; (_d_) they will not be subject, in respect of their persons or property, or in respect of their commerce or industry, to any taxes, whether general or local, other than those which are or may be imposed upon citizens of the said republic. article . all persons, other than natives, who established their domicile in the transvaal between the th day of april , and the th of august , and who within twelve months after such last-mentioned date have had their names registered by the british resident, shall be exempt from all compulsory military service whatever. article . provision shall hereafter be made by a separate instrument for the mutual extradition of criminals, and also for the surrender of deserters from her majesty's forces. article . all debts contracted between the th april and the th august will be payable in the same currency in which they may have been contracted. article . no grants of land which may have been made, and no transfers or mortgages which may have been passed between the th april and the th august , will be invalidated by reason merely of their having been made or passed between such dates. all transfers to the british secretary for native affairs in trust for natives will remain in force, an officer of the south african republic taking the place of such secretary for native affairs. article . the government of the south african republic will engage faithfully to fulfil the assurances given, in accordance with the laws of the south african republic, to the natives at the pretoria pitso by the royal commission in the presence of the triumvirate and with their entire assent, ( ) as to the freedom of the natives to buy or otherwise acquire land under certain conditions, ( ) as to the appointment of a commission to mark out native locations, ( ) as to the access of the natives to the courts of law, and ( ) as to their being allowed to move freely within the country, or to leave it for any legal purpose, under a pass system. article . this convention will be ratified by a volksraad of the south african republic within the period of six months after its execution, and in default of such ratification this convention shall be null and void. signed in duplicate in london this th day of february . (signed) hercules robinson. (signed) s. j. p. kruger. (signed) s. j. du toit. (signed) m. j. smit. [illustration: political map of south africa] [illustration: orographical map of south africa] [illustration: rainfall map of south africa] index a aberdeen, lord, africander, africander bond, the, agriculture, - animals, wild, and their fate, - arabs, , antelopes, antiquities, , - , _n_, , - , b baboons, bantu tribes, , - basutoland, , , , - basutos, , , , - beaconsfield, lord, beaufort west, , bechuanaland, , , , , - , , , beira, , , berea, blacks and whites, - bloemfontein, , , boers, , , , , and _n_, _et seq._, _et seq._, , , - , - , - brand (president) sir john, british government, , , _et seq._ british south africa company, , , , , , , , - british south africa company's territories, , , - buffalo river, bulawayo, , , , - burgers (president), , bushmen, , , - , c caledon river, cape colony, , , , , , _et seq._, _et seq._ physical changes in, and material progress of, - wild beasts in, , cape of good hope, , cape town, , , , _et seq._ appearance from the sea, - carnarvon, lord, , cathcart, sir george, - cattle murrain, , , cattle, sheep and goats, cetewayo, , chimoyo, - chipadzi, churches, climate, - , - , , , coaches, coal, coalfields in natal, , colley, general sir george, , , - colonial policy of england, _et seq._ colour question, the, _et seq._, _et seq._ commerce, confederation of south africa, constitution of cape colony, _et seq._, - natal, , orange free state, - the transvaal, - , _et seq._ conventions-- sand river, , bloemfontein, , london, , , , london, , , cricket, popularity of at the cape, crown colonies, - customs union, , d damaraland, , , , delagoa bay, , , , , , , , , _et seq._, , , dhlodhlo, , - , _n_, diamond mines, , , - , diaz, bartholomew, , dingaan, _et seq._, "divide," or watershed, durban, , , , - dutch, , _et seq._, , _et seq._, , _et seq._ dutch language, - dutch reformed church, e economic future of the country, - education, elandsfontein, elephants, _et seq._ europeans in south africa till , , - , - f fever, - , flora of south africa, _et seq._ fontesvilla, , forests, , fort victoria, , - salisbury, , , - , frere, sir bartle, - , , _n_ froude, mr. t. a., g gama, vasco da, , german east africa, , german south-west africa, , , _et seq._ giraffes, gold mines, , , , , - and _n_, - , - , graham's town, , grass-fires, grey, sir george, griqualand, east, griqualand, west, , griquas, , grondwet, the, or "fundamental law" of the transvaal, , gwelo, - h harbours, saldanha bay, health, - , - , heat, - hippopotamuses, honey bird, _n_ horse-sickness, - hottentots, , _et seq._, , , huguenot, immigrants, , i immigration, , indians, , , ingogo, inyanga, , iron, irrigation, , isandhlwana, j jameson, dr., , , johannesburg, , - , - , - journalism, joubert, general, k kafirs, , , - , - , , , - , , , , , - , - , , , , , _et seq._, _et seq._, - , kafir wars, , _et seq._ kalahari desert, _et seq._, , . karroo, the great, , , , _et seq._, , , , , - khama, , , , - kruger (president), s. j. p., , , , , , , _et seq._ kei river, klip river, kimberley, , , , , - king william's town, krugersdorp, l labour, _et seq._ laing's nek, , , lake ngami, leopards, _et seq._ lerothodi, _et seq._ limpopo river, , , , limpopo valley, lions, _et seq._, literature, , livingstone, david, , , lo bengula, , , , , , , lo bengula's sister, _n_ loch, sir h., locusts, , , , , lourenço marques, , _n_, lüderitz, herr, , lynxes, m maceo, the cuban leader, _n_ machacha, , , mafeking, , , majuba hill, and _n_, , - , - effects of the victory on public opinion at home and abroad, - makalanga, or makalaka, , , and _n_, , malarial fever, precautions against, mangwe pass, - manicaland, _et seq._, maritzburg, , mashonaland, , , , , , , resources and future of, - mashonas, , , matabili, , , , , , , , , , , , , _et seq._ matabililand, , , , , , , - , resources and future of, - matoppo hills, , minerals, _et seq._ missionaries, , , , , , , missions, - modder river, molteno, mr., _n_ mombasa, montsioa, moshesh, , - , , mossel bay, mosilikatze, mtali, , - mulattoes, mzila, n namaqualand, , , natal, , , _et seq._, , - , _et seq._, , , , , , , national union formed by the uitlanders, nature, influence of, on south african history, _et seq._ newcastle, duke of, nixon, mr. john, _n_ nyassaland, o orange free state, , , , , _et seq._, , , , , , - , , , orange river sovereignty, , , , orange river, , _et seq._, , , , ostriches, , , , oudzi river and waterfall, , ox-waggon, - , - , , p palapshwye, , , panda, , philip, dr., , phillips, lionel, _n_ physical features, - , - , pietermaritzburg, , , pitsani, , , pitso, basuto national assembly, and _n_, plateau, great interior, - , , , , politics, natal, , politics in the two british colonies, - population, mixed state of the, portuguese, , , _et seq._, , - portuguese territory, , _et seq._, , , - pretoria, , , - pretorius, andries, , pretorius, m. w., , pungwe river, - q quagga, quathlamba mountain range, , , , , , , , , r race problem, the, - , _et seq._, - race question, the, - , railways, _et seq._, - ranching, religious bodies, , - , census of, riebeck, jan van, rising (raid) at johannesburg, - rhinoceros, _et seq._ rivers-- orange, , _et seq._, , , limpopo, , , , , , , , , notwani, , congo, zambesi, , , , , , tugela, , great fish, , , keiskama, kei, klip, pungwe, - rhodes, cecil, , - , , , rhodesia, government and administration of settled by order in council, s st. john's river, st. lucia bay, st. paul de loanda, sand river convention, , , sanatoria, ceres, beaufort west, kimberley, , , , - scenery, aspects of, - schools, , _n_ selous, mr. f. c., and _n_ shangani river, sikukuni, simon's bay, slavery, , smith, sir harry, snakes, society, upper, curious condition of, sofala, , , south african republic. see transvaal spring-bok, steamer communication, , stellenbosch, , , stores, sun-stroke, relation to climate, swazis, t temperature, variations of, thaba bosiyo, _et seq._ tonga-land, , , transvaal, , , , , , , _et seq._, , _et seq._, _et seq._ transvaal boers, their history and characteristics, - travelling and communications, - treeless south africa, , trees-- australian, oak, planting, - trek, the great, _et seq._, tsetse-fly, , , tshka, , , _et seq._, , , u uitlanders, their grievances, , - national union formed by, , , - v vaal river, , , , vandals, vegetation, - victoria falls, voyage out, - w wages, walfish bay, , warren, sir charles, waterboer, andries and nicholas, , white ants, , , , white population, , wissmann, dr. von, witwatersrand, , , , - , z zambesi, , , , , - , zambesi valley, zebra, zimbabwye, _et seq._, - zoutpansberg, , zululand, , , , zulus, - , , , , , , richard clay and sons, limited, london and bungay [frontispiece: frank osborne's alarm on discovering a bow and quiver suspended in the forest] [illustration: title page] the emigrant's lost son: or, life alone in the forest. edited by george henry wall. _new edition._ _illustrated by corbould_ london: routledge, warne, and routledge, farringdon street. new york: , walker street. . [_the author of this work reserves to himself the right of translating._] london; savill and edwards, printers, chandos street, covent garden. contents. introduction by the editor chapter i. cause of leaving england, and arrival at the forest chapter ii. i am lost in the forest--my situation and feelings described chapter iii. i build myself a hut--the scenery throughout a day in the forest described chapter iv. an adventure with a bear--an extraordinary echo--i am attacked with a fever, and subsequently driven from my hut chapter v. i witness a grand convulsion of nature, in which i have a wonderful escape--am rescued in the last extremity, and admitted into a tribe of indians chapter vi. further account of the indians--i arrive at my father's farm introduction by the editor that no person in this state of existence may be tempted to assert his own independence, the affairs of life are so ordered that much of the happiness enjoyed by mankind depends upon their communion with each other. human affections, if they were permitted to act freely, as they spontaneously arise in the breast of mankind, are designed to bind all the human race in one bond of brotherhood. our own parents and near relatives first call these affections into active exercise. their care and attention to our welfare, the interest they take in preserving us in a state of safety and health, and in teaching us also the duties we owe both to our creator and fellow-creatures, tend to give the first impetus to the germs of our affections; and it is by the exercise of these very affections that we derive a continual source of happiness, which becomes hereafter the chief means by which the refinement of the senses may be effected. thus it is, that when death, or other causes, deprive us of our immediate parental guidance, the affections as naturally seek for new objects, on which to exert their influence, as the operations of any other well recognised principles proceed in the works of nature. the author and hero of the following narrative, was called upon to experience the sudden deprivation of not only his parents, but of all his dearest friends; and that at an age when the heart first expands to the relations of our existence, and is most sensitive to the emotions of grief; when, unexpectedly and unprepared, it is cut off from all sympathy or communication with human kind. at the age of thirteen he was lost in an almost boundless guiana forest, where he remained for several years, dependent solely upon his own resources, mental and physical--that is, on the one hand, to bear the mind up against the shock it received in being thrown suddenly into solitude; and, on the other, to provide for his daily wants. that man never was intended to live in what is denominated "a state of nature," is manifest by his long infancy and the tardy development of his mental powers. no animal is so long after its birth before it can support the body on its legs as man; in none is the period of complete adult stature so long protracted. when born into the world he is entirely defenceless, his great distinctions from other animals are reason and speech: these, however, are germs which are not developed of themselves, but are brought to maturity by extraneous assistance, cultivation, and education; hence we must infer that man was intended for social union, and that his imaginary state of nature, which some writers have spoken of, never has existed. man, however, in his nature, is limited in no respect; being fitted for every kind of life, every climate, and every variety of food. the deity has given him the whole earth for his abode, and the produce thereof for his nourishment. with the advantages, however, of an early moral and religious education, together with an excellent constitution, our juvenile exile from man was enabled, under the direction of a watchful providence, to preserve his life, protect his mind against despondency, and procure a subsistence in the midst of dangers. the difficulties he encountered, the manner in which he overcame them, and the scenes which were brought under his view in the extended field of observation into which he was thrown, it is the object of the following narrative to lay before the reader. to those whose knowledge extends not beyond the world of man to the boundless fields of nature, it may appear that such a life must have been one of monotonous listlessness, from which few materials could be gathered to impart knowledge or interest to the general reader. our hero, however, found employment for the mind in every moment of his waking hours, and was furnished with objects for study in the forest, that might engage the longest period of life allotted to man to catalogue or enumerate. happily for the exile, his mind was formed to seek for knowledge in the only sources open to man for the full development of the intellectual powers; namely, observation and reflection. denied the aid of books, in the far woods that "steeped in their moonbeams lie," he called upon his maker, and the echo of the floor of the forest recognised his presence. acquiring confidence from this assurance, and relying on providence for protection, he converted the scenes around him into a school of study, and realized in the woods a life of activity instead of one of solitude. he soon discovered, when left to draw deductions from his own experience in the scenes of nature, that there is nothing but what is beautiful, nothing unworthy of admiration. "the disregard," he says, "which by many is paid to her productions, reflects no honour on those who evince it, and little credit on a system of education that does not at once lead its pupils to the grand fountain of all knowledge. while the majority," he adds, "of my youthful contemporaries were engaged in committing to memory a vocabulary of words, i was busily engaged in studying the things themselves." while others were spending their time in acquiring a knowledge of the customs and forms of artificial society, our exile had the great book of nature widely spread open before him, throughout that period of life which is usually devoted, by the majority of individuals, to study the purposes of social life, he was conversing only with the trees; or with the birds, and insects, and other tribes, of the animal kingdom, all the works of god, and to which his attachment was ardent and sincere. now that he is again in the society of his fellow-men, the recollections of his sylvan probation are as vividly depicted on his mind as at the moment when he first received the impressions. trees which supplied him with food, or shelter from the heat of the sun or the rains of the climate, are still dear to his recollection, and he often reverts to them with feelings of gratitude and respect, from which he would not, if he could, estrange the affections of his heart. there is no music so sweet to his ear as the breezes that animated the lofty cloud-aspiring monarchs of the forest, with which he claims a peculiar acquaintance, or the murmuring of the brook, where he was wont to slake his thirst; no concert to his sense of sound so grateful as the wild notes of the birds that chanted, morning and evening, their maker's praise, as he offered up his own prayers of gratitude for the prolongation of his existence, or the hummings of the myriads of insects, that every hour, in his woodland rovings, arrested his attention. it was while listening to these voices of the creator that his heart was first touched with feelings of admiration and wonder at the multifarious and exquisitely organized beings that everywhere, whether in tranquil meditation or in active search of his food, met his sight. he saw nature everywhere teeming with life, and proclaiming in language intelligible to every one the presence of an all-directing power. it was in the forest, too, in the midst of the wonders of the creation, that the lost youth first aspired to lift up his thoughts to heaven, and mentally exclaim--"these are thy works, oh god!" it was also in the lonely wilderness he first cherished the hope, in the language of the indian, that the great spirit had provided for him a higher state of happiness; and then it was he offered up a prayer, that this hope might, in his maker's own time, be realized. it was also in the wilderness, communing with his own thoughts, that he first received an assurance that he possessed a soul to be saved, and became imbued with a firm conviction that the wise creator, in his infinite beneficence, designed the happiness of his creatures, and that nothing can deprive the human race of his blessings but a connexion with sin. with an undivided mind, intent only on examining and admiring the works of creation, the youth, in his lonely wayfaring, everywhere found the presence of his maker. at the earliest moment of incipient vegetation, he was busy watching the indications of bursting nature preparing to re-robe the trees; and in a prospective vista he beheld the joyous movements of the various tribes of birds and insects providing for the wants of themselves and their progeny. not less busily was his mind engaged when these labours actually commenced, in noting the construction of their habitations, and in admiring the wonderful ingenuity each displayed in providing for its own peculiar wants and safety. thus engaged in almost continual observation, he was enabled to trace the manner in which numbers of the feathered and insect tribes worked out the purposes of their existence. as the multifarious branches of the trees of the forest expanded themselves into fulness of leaf, he saw nations after nations of living things on the move to claim his attention, all pouring forth to seize on their share of the abundance of nature. as each revolving season hastened the decay of or imparted new vigour to the monarchs of the forest, the exile from man had an opportunity, abstracted as he was from the busy affairs of human life, to distinguish the various characteristics of the tribes of insects that took possession of the trees, differing from those which, apparently innoxiously, fed on their fulness of vegetable youthfulness, and the insects that came to prey only on the trunk or branches of those that age or disease had brought to decay. he saw the leaves of the forest come into life, witnessed their gradual expansion into verdant beauty; he was there, likewise, at their decline and fall--recurring symbols of the succession of the races of mankind,--and when, the biting north winds denuded of their leaves many of these mighty monarchs of the forest, he collected them to form his woodland bed. no season passed without adding to his store of information in reference to the works of nature, which knowledge, as we have already said, it is the design of this work to impart to others. it is the natural history of the forest, or so much of it as has been seen by one individual during a period of six years' sojourn in its solitude. from what has been stated, the reader will not expect to find any classified arrangement of subjects in this work; things are spoken of as they were seen, either in the stillness of the shade at one time, or in the raging of the storm at another. forest trees, in general, are described; those which may afford food to man are more frequently mentioned. of quadrupeds, birds of the air, and insects, those that most excited his attention are more especially noticed. those whose ferocity or whose shyness rendered it hazardous or difficult to approach them, are less spoken of. the details of the author's history, in reference to his probation in the wilds of nature, he has endeavoured to relate in a most familiar manner, and in the simplest language; and when describing scenes and events, faithfully to impart the impressions made on his own mind as they occurred. reasoning from the convictions arising from his experience,--that is, the effects wrought upon his own mind--he thinks that the study of natural objects, used as a means for the improvement of the religious and moral character of mankind, has been much overlooked by the philanthropist, and neglected by those who are sincere in their desire to improve their own species. when the author was restored to society, nothing more excited his surprise than the total absence of a system of education which should at once direct the mind of youth to the fountain of all knowledge; and, in consequence, to persons he met with who took any lively interest in the study of natural objects, he remarked, "your system of education appears more designed to exercise the mere verbal memory, than to excite observation or reflection;" adding, "that an acquaintance with the works of the deity, as they are seen remote from the haunts of men, not only expands and elevates the thought, but spiritualises the soul." the contemplation of nature's works, while it subdues the pride of man, harmonizes the feelings of social life, and in a peculiar manner prepares the mind for the reception of revealed truths. it is only necessary to add that, the education of the "emigrant's son," previously to his exclusion from the world of man, had not in any way been of a peculiarly religious tendency; nor had he evinced any predilection for discussing religious topics. yet, when he was brought to contemplate the works of the deity on an extended scale, he everywhere found the indications of the presence of a superior and all-wise creator in those scenes. it is therefore natural that he should feel a desire that others should seek and find him at the same pure fountain of knowledge. "the voice of my beloved; behold he cometh leaping upon the mountains, skipping upon the hills." (solomon, ii. .) true it is, that the student who once enters the portals of natural history, seldom thinks of returning. strolling from object to object, his appetite is never satiated. st. pierre aptly remarked, that "nature invites to the cultivation of herself." should the perusal of the following page direct the mind of the youthful reader to the study of nature, the object of publishing this narrative will have been attained. g. h. w. harrington cottage, brompton the emigrant's lost son. chapter i. cause of leaving england and arrival at the forest. "on the bosom, lone and still, of nature east, i early sought to stroll through wood and wild, o'er forest, rook, and hill, companionless; without a wish or goal, save to discover every shape and voice of living thing that there did fearlessly rejoice." as it is my object to lay before my readers only that portion of my life which was passed in the wilds of nature, it will be unnecessary for me to detain them with a lengthened account of the genealogy of my family. my father occupied a small farm in the west of england, situate near a peaceful village, the curate of which superintended the education of myself and some fourteen or fifteen of the neighbouring youths. i was between ten and eleven years of age, when a stranger arrived at our house, informing the family that, in consequence of the death of my father's elder brother, he, together with two surviving brothers, had jointly become the proprietors of a tract of land situate in the south-western part of guiana. it subsequently appeared that my deceased uncle had speculated in the purchase of the land in question, intending to have invited his three brothers to join him in the cultivation of it. death frustrated these intentions, the land became the joint property of the survivors, and after using every effort to dispose of it in this country, being unsuccessful in meeting with a purchaser, the three brothers came to the resolution of going out, together with their families, and sharing their newly-acquired property. [sidenote: first leaving home] when the order was finally given to prepare for the voyage, it operated on my mind almost as a penal sentence; expatriation presented itself to my imagination as the climax of all evils. it now suddenly occurred to me that i had a thousand local attachments, all of which were to be broken asunder; my imagination passing in review a painful parting with my schoolfellows and other intimates; when all the early and recent scenes of my short career poured in on the memory, and seemed to bind me to the immediate locality of my existence and its environs. i then discovered that i had a real attachment for my teacher, the good pastor of a small flock; indeed, every person known to me, i thought had, in some way, been peculiarly kind, and a torrent of gratitude overflowed the heart; while the idea of quitting the scenes of my childhood, and all i then knew of the world, presented itself as the annihilation of every object from which i had hitherto derived pleasure. the young heart is generally thought to bound with joyousness at the prospect of a change of scene, but it was otherwise with me: the world, in the map of my microcosm, excepting the circumscribed view i had taken of it, was an entire desert, where there was no one to love or be loved. in this state of mind the agitation of my feelings nearly choked me, till i sought the favourite arm of a tree in the orchard, where, unobserved, i found relief in a flood of tears. still oppressed, as the evening advanced i crept to bed without speaking to any one,--not even to my sister, whose buoyant joyfulness at the time excited my surprise. i spent the night in a state of half-dreamy stupor, being neither asleep nor awake; whilst the imagination was engaged in endeavouring to contrast the retrospection of the past with the prospects of the future. every act of kindness which had been bestowed upon me, stood out in strong relief in my memory, as a vista of other days, and into which i had not previously been permitted to look; whilst the little village-world was presented to my view as a bright speck in creation--an oasis in a desert, all around which was a mass of confusion and darkness. the placid countenance of the curate, monarch of his locality, with all the scholastic paraphernalia, were brought vividly under review; the form on which i was wont to sit, with every cut i had made on the well-marked desk with my knife--an instrument with which boys early prove themselves tool-loving animals--were all objects of endearment to me. my fancy then roamed into the little churchyard, where i took a view of each mouldering heap, with the tombstones at the head and foot, every epitaph on which i had committed to memory. i then stood under the brave old hercules, as we designated an oak tree where four of us had met most days to proceed together to school. here i distinctly noted--such is the power of memory when the feelings are excited--each abrupt rising of its rugged roots, and marked the boundary of its shadows at different hours of the day, as described by its broad, out-spreading limbs on the greensward. i wandered to the copse, entered by a well-defined gap at the angular point; noted each spot where i had taken eggs or young ones from birds that had been incautious enough to attract my attention; paused to take a last look at the hazel from which i had gathered the largest cob-nut; lingering at every step, and sighing as i passed each object of remembrance. the following morning, sleepless and weary, i arose with the sun, and collected all my little stock of property--bows and arrows, fishing-tackle, bats, balls, and other juvenile valuables; these i labelled as presents to my intimates. my heart then knew how highly it was susceptible of friendship; it had yet to learn how readily, after the lapse of a few years, such attachments are forgotten. the desire in after life to meet with an old schoolfellow is seldom prompted by a higher motive than a curiosity to learn his success in the world. it is probable that my parents had associations and connexions from which they were about to separate, and deeper feelings of regret to struggle with, than myself, when parting from attached friends. it is fresh in my memory that our calls were very numerous, and that many reasons were adduced to dissuade my father from emigration. the sunday previously to our departure, the curate, from the pulpit, mentioned the intention of the families to emigrate, and offered up a prayer for the realization of their prospects of success. i shall ever remember the day i left the kind preceptor of my youth and the companions of my boyish days. my father had sent a chaise to fetch me and my valuable stock of personal property a day before our final departure. i think i see now the mild old curate shaking my hand and giving me his blessing and friendly advice, while around the gate of the old house were assembled my school companions, to take a last sight of me before i took my leave of home and of them. [sidenote: voyage to demerara] our journey to the coast, and voyage to demerara, a _ci-devant_ dutch settlement, was unattended by any circumstance of peculiar interest. i therefore take up the narrative from the period of our landing. my father was purely a business man, never permitting pleasure or curiosity to divert him from his pursuits. immediately, therefore, on our arrival at demerara, preparations were made for us to proceed on towards our destination, regarding the situation and name of which i had not up to that time taken any interest, i had, however, heard that we had to travel some hundreds of miles over a country where there were no roads, as in england. i also remember a long discussion between my father and my two uncles, whether we should travel with a waggon or purchase horses and mules to carry our luggage and relieve the females when fatigued. as our course was through an extensive wooded country, where carriages could not conveniently pass, the latter mode of travelling was ultimately adopted. our party consisted of nine persons, namely, my father, mother, sister, and self; one uncle, with a grown-up son (his father being a widower); the other uncle, his wife, and son (a youth three years older than myself). my father provided himself with a horse and mule; the latter to carry our personal necessaries, and the former to alternately relieve my mother, and my sister, who was a healthy girl of sixteen years of age, when either was fatigued with walking. one other horse was purchased for the use of my aunt and the party in general. we were provided with two painted cloths, to be used as a covering when we should halt for rest, and no better accommodation could be obtained. i remember my father making a pen-and-ink sketch of the route, marking down, with the assistance of a traveller, the stages we were daily to accomplish. [sidenote: crossing the savanna] thus prepared and equipped, as all of us were in excellent health and spirits, we commenced our journey over the plantations of the settlers, proceeding onwards till we reached the extended savannas--open plains. here the scene was altogether so new and striking, that it was with difficulty i could be prevented from running after every living thing that came under my view. at one moment i was lost in wonder at the multitudes of creeping creatures which, at every step, crossed my path, while the birds of the air in numbers, variety, and plumage, fixed me with astonishment. my excitement was so great that i actually screamed with delight; at another moment i ran from object to object with such eagerness, that, my mother became alarmed for my intellect, affirming that no one in their senses could sustain so much unnatural excitement. on the third day of our journey i began to be seriously fatigued, and my father placed me across the back of our mule. this, however, was a measure against which the animal at once entered his protest, by refusing to move forward the moment i threw my legs across him; his conduct seemed to imply that at starting a contract had been made with him to carry the baggage, and he would not consent to its infringement; and it would appear that the mere attempt to overburden him soured his temper for the whole journey; for a more obstinate or perverse mule was never crossed by man or boy. at length we entered into a compromise, by removing a portion of his baggage to one of our horses; and he then allowed me to ride in peace, as he proceeded sulkily along. he was, however, faithful to his second bargain, never evincing any more discontent. this third day of our journey was the longest we had yet had, and we were all of us anxiously looking for some habitation towards its close, where we might rest for the night. the sun soon promised to hide his golden beams behind the hills which formed the horizon, and we all showed signs of fatigue. we were much delighted when my father informed us that we were approaching the house of a settler, where he hoped to obtain shelter for the night. we proceeded up a steep declivity to the house in question, forming rather a picturesque party. my sister was first, mounted on a heavy dappled grey horse, with my father and mother by her side. i followed on my mule; while the remainder of the party were some fifty yards in the rear. as we halted before the house, my father informed us that, in all probability, this would be the last time we should find accommodation, even in the outhouse of a settler; and that in future we should have to resort to our painted cloths for shelter during the night. we all retired to rest, therefore, with a determination to lay in a good stock of sleep. notwithstanding this determination, and the fatigue i had endured in the excessive heat of the day, the novelty of my new existence resisted every effort to close my eyes for rest; and i arose in the morning but very little refreshed. [sidenote: the blessing of rain] during the first five days of our journey the intense heat of the sun, to which we were unseasoned, annoyed us all exceedingly; while the scorching earth so much blistered my feet that, on the sixth morning, i lingered behind, and divested myself of both stockings and shoes, hanging them upon the mule's baggage. in the school of experience nature is head master. the relief was almost instantaneous; and, during that day, i surprised my fellow-travellers with my pedestrian performances, which induced them all to follow my example. early the same afternoon, the rain began to fall in torrents, or rather in sheets, previously to which, during our journey over the plains, the extreme dryness of the weather had occasioned one of those vegetable conflagrations so common in hot countries. hitherto the scene had been arid, the land being hard to the feet, and painfully dry to the eye. the following morning, we had an opportunity of observing with what surprising rapidity nature, in these climates, clothes the earth. our course was now on a wide-expanded green carpet, every where soft and cooling to the feet, and deliciously refreshing to the sight. birds of every hue, gems of the air, glittered in our pathway; a vast number of the cormorant species were busy in gobbling up frogs, toads, and snakes; the eagle and the vulture, too, were soaring over our heads, looking out for the prey these regions afford them in such abundance. every step we took frightened up flocks of the smaller feathered tribe, and brought to view myriads of other living things, such as slugs, snails, and insects of every variety. on the tenth day of our journey, we approached a country covered, as far as the eye could reach, with dense foliage, variegated with every known or imaginable hue, the groundwork of which was one wide-spreading mass of every shade of green. there were browns of all tints, yellow, orange, purple, and brilliant scarlets, so intermingled as to present one uninterrupted view of nature in glorious beauty, spreading over an undulating mass of waving forest-green, while, in appearance, reaching from the high heavens to the earth, into which the lower sweeps seemed to dip, conveying the idea of eternal spring, summer, and autumn, harmoniously blended into one. as we skirted the forest, the charming variety of the blossoms, and their shades of colour, presented a still more enlivened appearance--the tops of the trees being covered with bloom, some standing erect towards the light of the sun, others bending down, with a profusion of fruit and seed. yet, even here, in this enchanting scene, was man admonished, and reminded of mortality: as we passed the margin of the wood, here and there was seen some former giant of the forest, whose head had been bared by time or the thunder blast, painfully, in the midst of nature's prodigal luxuriance, intimating that all things have their period of birth, maturity, and decay. [sidenote: meeting with natives] penetrated with surprise and admiration at the scene, it was some time before we discovered that we were approaching a party of natives, who, it was evident, had been watching our movements. when they first attracted our notice, the sound of what we took for a village bell fell upon the ear; whereupon my father flattered himself that we were approaching a civilized settlement; while both my uncles were of opinion that a signal of alarm was given at our approach, and, in consequence, prepared for defence. the bell, however, sounded only at intervals of four or five minutes; and as there was no increase of numbers in consequence, we at once went forth to meet the natives. they consisted of a party of six, besides an old negro, who seemed to be the patriarch of his race. to our surprise and delight, he spoke english remarkably well, as did also a young man who appeared to be his son. probably, they were runaway slaves. they proved, however, to be friendly disposed; and when we spoke of the bell, and the negro had explained the nature of our enquiry, they all broke out into a most immoderate fit of laughter. the negro, almost convulsed, said, "white bird, ding dong--ding, dong! a great way off; for white man here, white bird, ding, dong--ding, dong!" the bird that sends forth this peculiar sound is named the campanero, and is snow white; it may be heard at three miles' distance; and during my sojourn subsequently in the wilds of nature, it was the only sound that daily recalled to my recollection the tones of my native village church bell. as we were all attention to the negro, who was very lively and garrulous, a flock of birds passed over our heads, emitting sounds that might be mistaken for those of a trumpet; when the old man pointed up, and laughingly said--"red-coats, red-coats!" meaning to ask, ironically, if we took the birds for soldiers? these birds are properly called waracaba, and are frequently rendered domestic, when they exhibit the attachment of a dog to their master, following him in the same spirit of fidelity; their spirit, also, appears to exceed that of the game cock--although unarmed with spurs for defence, they will fly at a dog; and, in a domestic state, seldom fail to browbeat and lord it over the dunghill cocks living in the same yard. while my father was consulting with the negro regarding our bivouac for the night, the latter suddenly seized his foot, exclaiming, "_chegoe_ in toe," then forcing him to the ground, and taking from his pocket a knife, proceeded to extract one of those formidable insects, which had become embedded in the skin of the foot. this insect, had it been allowed to remain, would have, no doubt, produced inflammation, from its bite, and, in all probability, caused my father lameness for some weeks. the negroes treated us with the greatest possible kindness and respect; and the old man, who appeared the orator of his party, insisted upon our sharing their hospitality, by partaking of their evening meal, which we readily accepted, producing, at the same time, our own provisions; and such an interchange of delicacies took place, that i am sure it would puzzle me now to recollect or enumerate them. i know it was the cause of some considerable share of merriment among us all. their food, if i remember rightly, appeared to me to consist more of vegetables and fruit than ours, and was of a simpler nature. i fancy if some of our worthy civic authorities had been present as partakers of this repast, they would have been more surprised at the viands than delighted. but man is of a ductile nature--a creature of habit, and may almost habituate himself to anything. in civilized cities, where thousands are taxing their energies in the pursuit of wealth and position in society, an artificial state of existence is the consequence; and the primitive fare of our forefathers is superseded by something of a more stimulating nature. i have seen, in my experience in forest life, how little man can subsist upon, and how healthy and strong he may continue in a simple state of existence. civilization brings with it a host of imaginary and fictitious wants. [sidenote: the repast with the negroes] we accepted the offer of our newly-made friends to share with them their small huts for the night, and they being plentifully provided with various skins of animals, a more agreeable resting-place could hardly be desired. the old negro, without being obtrusively inquisitive, was anxious to know our object in crossing the country; and my father informed him of our route, and produced the rough chart he had made upon our first starting upon the expedition. a long consultation was the result, and a doubtful shake of the head was given by the old man as to the possibility of our accomplishing the task; at the same time he gave an incredulous look at my mother and sister, who, he seemed to consider, would hardly be able to endure the journey and the hardships attending it. to say the truth, my mother looked but very weak, and i remember being struck myself with her appearance. my sister was of such a buoyant temperament, that her joyous spirit would carry her through almost any temporary difficulties; but still we were all considerably jaded. and i remember i thought the rude habitation of our entertainers a most delightful place of refuge, compared to being obliged to bivouac in the woods; and, indeed, i dreaded leaving the following morning. i believe we were all of us impressed with the same idea. when we at first met with them, i was overcome with surprise, and was afraid that some calamity was about to befal us. by degrees, however, the feeling wore off, and by that strong and undefined species of discernment which most possess in discovering those kindly disposed towards us, i became on most familiar terms with our friends. the young man, whose name was rangal, i discovered, was the only son of the elder negro. he was very solicitous in his attentions to me, and his peculiar manners considerably amused me during our evening's sojourn. [sidenote: more negroes] upon our retiring to rest, the two negroes, father and son, took up their station in the apartment we had at first entered; this they did to keep watch that no one should harm us; not that there was any absolute necessity for their so doing, but it was an attention meant to impress us with confidence as to our safety. early the following morning, after a refreshing and undisturbed sleep, i accompanied rangal to take a survey of the surrounding country, calling at a neighbouring habitation where the remaining portion of the negroes had located. they conversed with my guide a great deal, two or three speaking at the same time; but it was in a dialect entirely new to me, and beyond my comprehension. they evidently, by their gestures, referred to us; but in what way, i was at a loss to understand. there were also a female and three children, the latter varying from seven to eleven years old. they looked at me in perfect amazement, and the three children retired, whispering, to a corner at the darkest part of the room; but i could see by the whites of their eyes in the gloom, that their gaze was rivetted upon me, in which a feeling of curiosity was mingled with dread. for myself, i was only struck with their comical appearance, and fairly laughed outright, in which i was joined by the negroes, one of whom, i supposed their father, brought them forward and introduced them in due form. upon returning to our habitation of the previous night, we found our party taking their morning's repast; and i learned that the old negro had insisted upon accompanying us, with his son rangal, on our journey during the day. he had also arranged where we should halt for the following night which was at the habitation of a friend of his, situate many miles on our road. [sidenote: the forest] all being got in readiness, we again commenced our pilgrimage. there had been a heavy fall of rain in the night, and it was comparatively cool and refreshing to what it had been, but still the heat was intense to us. we, however, proceeded on our journey with tolerable spirits. my father and uncle shot several birds in the early part of the day, which afforded us an excellent repast. we shortly arrived at a thick and apparently impenetrable forest. through this we had to travel before reaching our destination for the night. once having fairly entered its precincts, there appeared to my mind an impossibility of ever again emancipating ourselves from it. the sun, which had been so scorching to our aching sight, was now no longer visible, save here and there, where a few rays would find a passage through the otherwise impenetrably dense foliage, to remind us of the world beyond our sight. the luxuriance of the foliage, the variety of tropical plants which in the fecundity of nature spring up in a few hours--so rapid is their growth in these climates,--the busy hum of myriads of insects, the reptiles, and occasionally the howling of the fiercer animals of prey, can hardly be appreciated by description. ever and anon we paused, as a rustling of the foliage would give notice of the passage of some fierce animal, who was, as he stole along, unconscious of the presence of man in his domains. we proceeded most watchfully on our way, my father and uncle with guns across their shoulders, ready for immediate service, if required; so, what with our number, and the caution used, we felt ourselves tolerably secure; the more so, as it is a remarkable fact that no species of animal, however fierce, is ever very willing to attack man in open combat, without provocation. waterton, the celebrated naturalist, who has travelled through the woods in search of animals for scientific purposes, says, speaking on this subject, "time and experience has convinced me that there is not much danger in roving amongst snakes and wild beasts, provided you have self-command. you must never approach them abruptly; if so, you are sure to pay for your rashness, because the idea of self-defence is predominant in every animal; and thus the snake, to defend himself from what he considers an attack upon him, makes the intruder feel the deadly effect of his poisonous fangs. the jaguar flies at you, and knocks you senseless with a stroke of his paw; whereas, if you had not come upon him too suddenly, it is ten to one but that he had retired, in lieu of disputing the path with you." secure, however, as we might feel ourselves, it was a matter of surprise to us how the two negroes would fare upon their return, without our party. they would, however, in spite of every persuasion to the contrary, persist in accompanying us, and we were fain to let them have their own way. presently an incident occurred which made us see the necessity of caution. as i was walking by the side of my uncle henry, i discerned, glaring from a neighbouring clump of foliage, two fierce-looking eyes. i impulsively caught my uncle by the arm, and pointed in breathless terror to the spot. he paused, and raising his gun, would have fired, had not my father precipitately intervened, and motioned him to be passive. "do not venture to fire," he whispered, "till there is a greater necessity." at the same time he raised his gun, and both kept guard till the other members of our party passed the point where danger was to be feared. the animal did not move, but appeared ready to spring forth; which had it done, the pieces must then have been discharged. when we had got some little distance from the object of our dread, my father and uncle gradually retreated, with their faces and guns directed towards the animal, until they had got sufficiently out of danger; and we had the satisfaction of observing the animal bound off in another direction. it appeared to be a tolerably large-sized puma, as well as we could discern. this little incident made us doubly cautious, and all were loud in praising the presence of mind evinced by my father; for had my uncle fired so incautiously, it is very improbable that he would have wounded the animal mortally, but it might have incited him to a desperate attack upon us. [sidenote: the negro's daughter] after one or two false alarms, we arrived again in the open country. the darkness of the forest had led us to believe that the day was on the decline; but on emerging into the plain we were greeted again with the rays of the sun. we had still, however, some distance to journey before we arrived at our proposed destination, and my mother, who appeared wearied, was again seated on the back of one of the mules. but even this mode of conveyance was fatiguing to one unaccustomed to such long journeys, in a country so different to our own. the negroes were the most fresh of the party; indeed, heat, and long hours of fatigue or anxiety, seemed to have no effect upon them, for they retained under these trials their good temper and loquacity. the elder of the two seemed, as indeed he always had been, to be of a reflective temperament; and as he was walking by the side of my father, somewhat ahead of the rest, he turned round, and gazing at my sister, said, "make me think of de ole day--de ole day." "how so?" said my father. "had a little girl once myself. long ago, now! long ago!" and he again lapsed into silence, ruminating, in rather an abstracted melancholy mood, for some minutes. "you lost her, then, did you?" said my father. the old man shook his head sorrowfully, and placing his hand upon my father's shoulder, confidentially, exclaimed, "de white man!" he then promised to tell us the history of the affair before leaving. arriving shortly at the point he had originally proposed when we commenced our journey in the morning, we discerned two or three habitations, even more rude than those we had left, and our guides expressed much surprise and chagrin at finding them uninhabited. we, however, determined upon taking possession of them for the night, and at once proceeded to make the necessary preparations for our stay. [sidenote: the story of the negro] agreeably to his promise, the old negro took an opportunity of relating his history. our first surmise proved to be correct; he was indeed a runaway slave. some years previously he and his family were sold to a new owner, who proved to be a cruel and unfeeling taskmaster, the very opposite in character to the former owner, who was a kind-hearted, mild disposed man. his wife was so affected by the change and hard usage, that she sunk into a desponding state, and eventually died, leaving him with a son and daughter. the cruel treatment evinced by their overseer towards the latter, a little girl then of ten years old, was a constant source of trouble and misery to the father, and eventually led to an open revolt. one day, when the brutality of this man was beyond all endurance, the father of the girl, in a fit of rage and disgust, struck his superior to the earth. conscious of what he had done, and the fearful penalty attached to it, he fled frantically from the spot, whither he knew not. his feelings had been wound up to such a state of excitement, that he was scarcely conscious of what he was about; but he had soon left the scene of his suffering many miles distant. his son, it appeared, who was at a remote part of the plantation, hearing of the affair, fled after his father, and they eventually, after enduring numberless hardships, both succeeded in escaping; and notwithstanding the large rewards offered for their capture, they were never betrayed. his daughter he had learned nothing of for many years. he had endeavoured to rescue her soon after his escape from the hands of her tormentor, but did not succeed. afterwards he learnt that she had left the plantation, and had been passed into the hands of a new master at another remote part of the country. she was dangerously ill at that time, and was not expected to recover. the poor old negro grew very mournful as he concluded his narrative. he had not heard of his daughter for so long a period that he seemed to think it improbable he should ever behold her again. his story, i remember, called forth a long discussion upon the horrors of slavery, the truth of which is now happily made sufficiently manifest, and so universally acknowledged, that it hardly needs repetition here. on the following morning we parted with our two negro guides of the previous day, but it was with the greatest unwillingness that they could be persuaded to return to their home; eventually, however, we took leave of them after presenting them two or three remembrances for their kindness. we now journeyed on much the same as before, without any incident occurring worthy of notice, when, on the following day, we met with two english gentlemen, both naturalists, on their way to the forest, to collect specimens for the advancement of scientific knowledge. their party comprised six, namely, themselves, two english attendants, and two negroes, whom they had purchased, with a promise of emancipation if they conducted themselves to their masters' satisfaction. these gentlemen were much delighted to meet with us, and agreed to journey our road, for the sake of company. i was much pleased with their society. i was soon made sensible of the advantages of a system in studying the works of nature. my senses had before been quite captivated and gratified with the general aspect of the scenes through which we had passed; but now i was taught to examine objects more closely and in detail; to compare, arrange, and, above all, to study the uses and purposes of vegetable and animal constituents, with their mechanical construction, tracing, in some measure, the designs of the creator in all his works. i was now awakened to an intellectual gratification exceeding that of the mere senses. i learned how to collect and store up knowledge in the memory, which elevated my notions of the human species and considerably augmented my self-respect. the more i found opportunities to bring the intellect into play, the more apparent became the advantages which the civilized and cultivated man possessed over the mere savage or uninformed; and, in consequence, my delight in receiving instruction was unbounded. unlike myself, however, the gentlemen whom we accompanied did not appear to me to enjoy or appreciate my natural enthusiasm for varied scenery. they carried on their researches with surprising ardour; and when in pursuit of an abstract or particular object, their attention was wholly absorbed; nor were they in any way sparing of the lives of animals, birds, or insects, when selecting their specimens from the abundance before them. their recklessness, too, in destroying what they considered obnoxious animals, somewhat surprised me, so much so as to induce me to enquire what caused them to have antipathies, like unto children and some females, especially against spiders, beetles, &c. the only answer i received was, "we destroy only such things as are of no use to us, and those which come in our way when in search of our object." they soon, however, explained to me that the reason of their shooting such a number of birds was that they were in want of all the varieties, and could not always distinguish, until they had them in hand, whether they had such a one amongst their collection. to watch the young of animals, whether those species born with sight or closed eyes, and note their progress towards perfection, and the celerity with which some of them, birds especially, will remove themselves, even while unfledged, from danger to security, is to see god watching over all his creatures. to be near when the cry of danger is started in the wood, and hear the whole flock, though composed of different kinds of birds, each in their own peculiar note, cry "hush!" to their young ones before they leave the nest,--to ascertain the cause, and then to have the satisfaction of removing that cause of danger,--is to be an agent of the deity in the work of benevolence. "all are agents," said one of the gentlemen, "in carrying out the benevolent purposes of the deity. direct your mind towards the various provisions which nature has devised for the dispersion, of the seeds of plants, and introducing them, into proper situations for germination. every class of beings," he continued, "is useful as a means to promote the spread of seeds: man, beasts, birds, reptiles, and probably even fish, by consuming, cause the propagation of the _algæ_ in the depths of the ocean; and the multiplied contrivances of hooks, awns, wings, &c., with the elastic and hygrometric power with which seeds are furnished, manifest what infinite provision has been made for the dispersion of seeds, and successive productions of nature." it was thus that they would tutor me, and relieve the tedium of the day, by instilling into my youthful mind the first rudiments of a knowledge respecting the works of the deity, and the uses to which they were applied; and i became aware of the wonders an all-bounteous providence has in store for an enquiring mind. [sidenote: the rattlesnake] but i now approach a period which proved an epoch in my existence. it was towards the evening of a very long and fatiguing day's journey, perhaps the most wearisome we had yet had, that we halted to refresh ourselves, and consult where we should bivouac for the night. we were all jaded, and scarcely knew how to proceed any further. my sister was reclining on a bank, and had, unobserved by us, fallen fast asleep, fairly overcome with the fatigues of the day. her head was resting on a small package of tightly compressed woollen cloths. we had not noticed her for some minutes, when one of the gentlemen who accompanied us was the first to observe her dangerous situation. it was fortunate he did so. taking my father by the arm, and leading him quietly away from the party, he directed his attention to my sister. my father stood almost petrified with fear and horror, on observing a large rattlesnake moving from side to side on my sister's chest. upon the impulse of the moment, he was incautiously about to rush to her rescue; but was detained by his companion. "i do not think it means any mischief," he whispered. "make no noise, and i fancy it will merely cross your child's body, and go away." in this, however, he was mistaken, for on reaching my sister's left shoulder the serpent deliberately coiled itself up; and although it made no immediate attack, it did not appear at all likely to leave the side of the sleeper. "leave it to me," said my father's companion, "to rescue the poor girl from her terrible position. i know best the habits of these creatures, and how to treat them. make no noise, on your life, or your child may be lost; but follow me." my father obeyed; and our friend then determined that two of us should advance in front, to divert the attention of the snake, while he should noiselessly steal behind my sister, and, with a long stick, remove the reptile from her body. the snake, on observing the approach of the two intruders in front of him, instantly raised its head, and darted out its forked tongue, at the same time shaking its rattles,--all indications of anger. [sidenote: anxiety] every one of our party was in a state of fearful suspense and agitation for the fate of my poor sister; who lay like a beautiful statue, sleeping the calm sleep of innocence, unconscious of her danger. our friend advanced stealthily behind, with a stick of seven feet long he had procured for the purpose. in an instant, almost before we had time to observe it, he succeeded in cautiously inserting one end of the stick under one of the reptile's coils, and flung the creature some yards from my sister's body. a wild scream of joy was the first indication my sister received of her danger and providential escape. in the meantime, her preserver pursued the snake, and killed it. it was three feet seven inches long, and eleven years old; the age, our friend said, was always to be ascertained by the number of rattles. he also informed us that there is no danger attending the destruction of the rattlesnake, provided a person has a long pliant stick, and does not approach nearer than the reptile's length; for they cannot spring beyond it, and seldom act but upon the defensive. we discovered, on searching about, a nest of these snakes near to where my sister had been lying; and, after this incident, were a little more cautious in taking our way along. we could not shake off the alarm that it had occasioned; and it was with anxious thoughts and heavy hearts that we again proceeded to seek repose from the day's troubles and fatigue. chapter ii. i am lost in the forest--my situation and feelings described. "existence may be borne, and the deep root of life and sufferance make its firm abode in bare and desolate bosoms: mute the camel labours with the heaviest load, and the wolf dies in silence. not bestow'd in vain should such examples be; if they-- things of ignoble or of savage mood-- endure and shrink not, we of nobler clay may temper it to bear; it is but for a day." in arranging our watch for the night every precaution was taken to guard against intrusion; then most of the party composed themselves for sleep; indeed, the previous day had been one of peculiar fatigue and disappointment--opiates much less injurious than those issued from a druggist's shop. i alone, and for the first time, became restless after the approach of night--usually having fallen asleep as soon as i had eaten my supper,--and became insensible to the busy hum of night, which in tropical countries is very noisy. i lay down with the adventure of the snake on my mind, my reflections on which kept me awake till the nocturnal insects of the wood were all in full chorus, and the reptiles began to move. up to this hour i had no idea--so soundly had i hitherto slept--that the night was as rife with sounds and animated nature as the day; differing not in their variety but only in their peculiar kinds. [sidenote: fireflies] as i have in another place, under the head of a natural day in the forest, spoken of this hour, it will be unnecessary for me to describe it in this place; suffice it to say, that my ear being once engaged in attending to the succession of sounds which addressed it, sleep, for the night, became hopeless. about midnight i suddenly sprang to nay feet with the surprise of being surrounded, as i thought, with flakes of fire, or rather with similar lights to those emitted by a jet of gas in the centre of glass drops. finding myself uninjured in the midst of myriads of these dancing lights, i moved forward, as they moved, to examine the phenomenon. they were fireflies, whose light would have enabled me to see the hour by a watch. they suddenly, however, left me in darkness, and that as rapidly as if they had really been gas-lights extinguished by the turning of the stop-cock. pausing for some minutes, and censuring my own conduct for having moved from the spot of our bivouac, my attention was again attracted by sounds of something in pain, close to my feet; it was evidently a bird, and i stooped with a view of taking it up, when the note proceeded from my right, and then from the left, "crek-crek-crek!" whether i was ambitious to capture the bird, or whether i was moved by feelings of compassion i know not, i acted on the impulse, and continued to turn from side to side till i had advanced some distance in the underwood in a zig-zag direction. at length, being vexed at my disappointment, i lost my temper, and rushed forward again with renewed determination to take the wounded bird, which was always at my feet but never in my hand. he who does not command his temper can scarcely fail to do wrong; and never was indiscretion perhaps more severely punished than in my case. [sidenote: bewildered in the wood] i had committed an unpardonable act of imprudence in suffering my curiosity regarding the light emitted by the firefly to lead me one yard from the bivouac; but afterwards to lose my presence of mind in such a situation and at such an hour, in the mere attempt to possess a wounded bird, was an act of puerility inexcusable in a boy many years my junior. need i inform the reader that i was the dupe of a watchful parent, or perhaps there were two of them, who, with a view of protecting their young ones, beguiled me from the spot where they were being reared. the bird was a species of quail, which, like the plover in england, will pretend to be lame, to draw stragglers from its hiding-place. when the cry of the quail ceased, without doubt i had been led a sufficient distance to place her progeny out of danger; i was now enshrouded in all but utter darkness, and then bean to shout out to my uncle john, who was on watch, as loudly and as frequently as the power of my lungs enabled me; but there was no response. the aphorism says, "do not halloo till you are out of the wood;" and truly i might have spared my lungs, for calling was of no avail. errors and blunders generally run in sequences; had i remained on the spot when i found myself first lost, the probability is that i should, when the morning dawned, have been near enough to my friends to have been discovered. but no! having been guilty of one act of folly, i must repair it by committing a second. my impatience impelled me to make an effort to retrace my steps; while a moment's reflection might have shown me, that as there was but one road back, so there were many which might lead me farther into trouble. the remainder of this night was spent in exhausting my strength in vain and useless efforts to retrace my steps; and ere the sun rose, i was so fatigued and hoarse as to abandon every hope of making myself heard. exhausted nature alone brought conviction of the fruitlessness of such efforts. i sat down on a blasted tree, and there relieved my harassed and affrighted spirits by a flood of tears, the shedding of which did indeed bring alleviation; for previously i felt as if my heart was bursting. a heavy load of grief, however, still pressed with a leaden weight on my mind; but as the heart lightened, the reflective powers began to operate, and the full sense of my desolation was presented to my view. i was horror-stricken and paralysed; but as these paroxysms passed away, i gradually brought my mind to contemplate calmly my isolated situation. [sidenote: first sensation of solitude] i first reflected on the inestimable value of parental affection, the blessings conferred on us by friends, the pleasures of social life, and the advantages mankind derive by forming communities. at that moment there was no sacrifice i would not have made to have been restored to my family, and become again entitled to all these advantages. out of this comparative state of calmness, i was roused by murmuring sounds which my excited imagination converted into human voices. oh, how my heart bounded, and with what intensity did the ear strain itself to catch assurance that there was truth in its first impression. but the organ had prejudged, and was not readily open to conviction. i therefore proceeded, with what haste my weary limbs would permit, to exercise the sense of sight. alas! it was but the murmuring of waters, a gentle confluence of which was precipitated over an elevated rock of stone. it was impossible to conceive a more enchanting scene than that which now met my anxious eye. through several ravines the water, pouring over moss-grown stones, fell in miniature cascades, with a musical murmur, over rocks shaded by low trees, and grey with variegated mosses and the elegant maiden's hair. large trunks of trees, thrown down by the hand of time, lay covered with fungi waved with various hues. the scene was altogether such as might for a time engage the attention and abstract the mind of one plunged into the abyss of grief. i was deeply impressed with its beauty, and it powerfully excited sensations of delight; but as i continued to contemplate it, a sense of loneliness crept over me; there was no one near to hear me exclaim, "how exquisitely enchanting! how sublime! yet how soft and harmonizing is it to the feelings." turning from this scene i found my grief considerably modified in its intensity; and i began now to look on my case only as that of a lost child in society, whom the parents would be certain of finding on diligent search. "god tempers the wind to the shorn lamb," and in a thousand mysterious ways prepares the minds of his creatures to meet the burdens they are called upon to bear. of this truth i was early convinced. had the night of my first day's loneliness closed on me in the full consciousness of my desolation and self-dependence for preservation, it is impossible to say what dreadful effects might have been wrought on the mind of one so young, and so tenderly brought up. but it was ordered otherwise. the want of sleep the previous night, together with agonised moments of distress, and fears which returned with redoubled force as the day progressed and no relief came, all contributed so much to the exhaustion of my frame, that long ere the curtains of night were drawn over the forest, i involuntarily fell into a profound sleep, unconscious at what hour, or where i had lain myself. i was thus spared those feelings of dread which, if night had overtaken my waking moments, might have overshadowed my reason while i was watching the final departure of daylight. when i awoke the next morning, it was broad day; and nothing, while memory retains her seat, can obliterate or weaken the impressions i received on opening my eyes. there was presented to my view the most magnificent scene perhaps ever beheld in this world of nature's productions. for a time i imagined myself dreaming of fairy-land. before me, as i reclined on a mossy bed of green herbage, as soft as eider-down, there was an opening in the wood, shaped like an amphitheatre, with the sun's rays throwing a flood of light into it. trees rich with foliage and blossoms waved like a galaxy of parti-coloured flags or banners at a jubilee of nature; brilliant colours, varied in endless hues, all beautifully harmonising, so that each was seen without any being predominant. here arose upright flowers on stupendous branches, towering aloft as if aspiring to reach the sun; there others hung pendulously, as if seeking to hide themselves amidst the rich foliage that cradled their birth, and were anxious in their modest delicacy, to avoid the god of day. birds of ever-varied plumage, sizes, and habits, were congregated in immense numbers, forming an orchestra of thousands of vocalists, as if met to celebrate the hour of creation. a small glassy lake in the centre of the glade, peopled with water-fowl, served the songsters for a grace-cup, each quitting the sprays to dip its beak into it, and again resume its perch to pour forth a torrent of musical notes. i know not how long i might have lain rapt with delight, had not some husks fallen on my face, and roused me. i have reason to think that i was pelted by monkeys, whose jealousy at the appearance of a stranger in their territories had aroused their indignation. [sidenote: the nut-hatch in the gum tree] entranced as i had been by the scene, the grosser appetite admonished me that food was necessary for the sustenance of the body; i had not tasted it for upwards of twenty-four hours, and the demands of the stomach now became imperative. without allowing myself time to reflect, the horror of starvation presented itself to my imagination, and i was again relapsing into despondency, when i saw several small birds running up and down the trunk of a large tree, in a spiral course; their movement was so rapid, that i could not distinguish whether their heads or tails were uppermost. curious to obtain a nearer view of them, i advanced, and observed that they frequently tapped the bark with their beaks, and then inserted them into the interstices; this led me to examine the tree more closely, when i discovered large masses of gum protruding from the bark. this description of bird is named the nuthatch. they were in search of insects and their eggs, not of the gum. i however filled my pocket with it, and putting piece after piece into my mouth, as it dissolved, it allayed for the present the cravings of hunger. frequently when distant dreaded danger is more nearly approached, our fears vanish, and it often happens that a supposed coming evil turns out to be a benefit. at all times, however, the mind is soon familiarised to those dangers that partake of the inevitable. the very worst had now passed away from me--the first night's sleep alone in the forest. i was safe, unhurt, refreshed, and even cheerful: perhaps because i was still full of the hope of being sought for and found by my father and friends. it was the will of divine providence that i should for several weeks cherish this hope; nor did i abandon the flattering solace till i had become fully initiated into the ways of providing for myself. indeed, i may affirm that hope never left me--hope, if not of meeting directly with my friends, of emancipating myself from the intricacies of the forest. hope, memory, and imagination, three lovely sisters, were my companions, and even in the wilds of a forest, "hope enchanted, smiled, and waved her golden hair." memory, a visionary slumber, with half-closed eyes, was frequently dispelled by the hard necessity there was to be up and stirring for immediate self-preservation. imagination came with lamp-like eyes, a bright and bold beauty, seating me at one bound or flight in the midst of my family, enjoying all the comforts of civilized life, throwing me into the arms of my mother, indulging in her warm embrace. remorse would then supervene--remorse for the pain and anguish i had occasioned my fond and worthy parents, and for the misery my waywardness had brought upon myself. [sidenote: efforts to escape] my first meal, as i have stated, when left to cater for myself, consisted of gum, of which i had a store in my pocket. as soon, therefore, as i had satisfied myself with the surrounding objects of admiration, i thought of making another effort to regain the spot where i had left my parents: it was a vain hope, but i pursued it throughout the day, during which i must have travelled many miles. in the course of my peregrinations, i found abundance of fruit and nuts, which lay strewed in my way. late in the day, i met with a mass of the bush-rope, and, ignorant of its abundance, i at once jumped to the conclusion that i had arrived at the identical spot which our party had before passed. this barrier, as it is designated, to my view was considerably extended; and then my heart, after being elevated with hope, again sunk within me. still, however, disinclined to relinquish hope, my only solace, i soon persuaded myself that i might not, on the former occasion, have accurately surveyed it; and i resolved, as night was fast approaching, to remain on the spot till the following morning, and from thence to make a fresh start, to find, if possible, the track in which the party were travelling. in social life, provident thoughts rarely trouble a youth of thirteen years of age; his parents, or others, think for him, and generally every night provide a bed for his resting-place. such had been previously my case; the reader will, therefore, not be surprised that, up to this moment, i had not bestowed a thought on how i was to pass the ensuing night in security. i was, however, now fairly inducted into the school of hard necessity; and as the day was fast waning, i had no time to lose. acting on impulse, i commenced climbing the bush-rope, intending there to make my bed, but the dread of falling came over me, and checked my resolution. i then thought of a hollow tree, many of which i had seen in the course of my perambulations. following this suggestion of the mind, i immediately began a search for one, and fortunately met with it on the spot. night was, however, setting in so rapidly, that i had no time to be nice in my choice. [sidenote: the jaguar] the tree that seemed most to invite me to enter into its interior was partly uprooted, leaning its head towards the earth, so that i could rest in a sloping position; but thinking the opening of the decayed part too wide for perfect security, i stripped off the bark on the reverse side, of which to form a shutter, or loose door, which i might pull towards the opening when fairly ensconced within the hollow. having thus prepared my bed, i instinctively cast a look round, as an undefinable sense of danger crept over me; the first movement brought my eyes in contact with those of a large jaguar, the tiger of that country. he was standing upright, about eight yards distant, apparently surveying me from head to foot. i was paralyzed with fear, and remained fixed to the spot; the animal gave me a second and third look, then took two or three bounds, and was out of sight in an instant. it is to this moment my fixed opinion, one confirmed by subsequent experience, that i owe my life to the passive manner in which i stood, and which was occasioned by fright; the slightest movement on my part would have occasioned alarm in the jaguar, and proved fatal. with regard to the jaguar's prowess, he is little less formidable than the bengal tiger: cows and young bulls he destroys with ease and avidity; but the horse is his favourite prey. all these large animals he kills by leaping on their backs, placing one paw upon their head, another on the muzzle, and thus contriving, in a moment, to break the neck of his victim. the jaguar, although as ferocious as the tiger, rarely attacks man unprovoked, or unless very hungry; but in general he finds no scarcity of food in the regions in which i was located. i now debated with myself whether i should enter the tree, foolishly imagining that the animal designed to take me asleep. at length the gloominess of the night enshrouded me in darkness, and left me no alternative but to spring into my cabin, and pull the pieces of bark before the aperture. i will not attempt to describe the fearful trepidation in which i was placed: the darkness of the night rendered the hollow of the tree like a tomb, and i viewed it as a coffin; every movement of a twig was, to my imagination, the jaguar removing my barricade with an intention of clawing me out for prey. the scene was rendered more horrible by the contrast with that of the morning, to which the mind would revert, in spite of surrounding horrors--one was the reality of the fabled elysium, the other that of the tartarean fields. just as i had thought i had now experienced the acme of terrors, my fright was augmented by something fluttering round my head, the noise from which seemed as if an animal was struggling to disentangle itself from a snare. shakspere, describing the effects of fright, speaks of its causing "each particular hair to stand on end, like quills upon the fretful porcupine." i will not affirm that the hairs of my head rose to that height, but i may safely aver that no mortal had ever more cause for exhibiting all the known symptoms of extreme fright. in a second or two after i heard the fluttering, i received repeated blows on the head and face, indubitable proofs that i had a quarrelsome fellow lodger. present and immediate dangers chase all others. i kicked away my temporary shutter; but before i could make my exit i felt, by the motion of the air, that a living thing had passed me in rapid flight. [sidenote: the terrors of night in the forest] when the sharer of my tenement had flown, i began to consider that it must have been some night-bird; and as the jaguar was still uppermost in my thoughts, i lost no time in repossessing myself of my lodging. worn out as i now again was with the fatigues of the day and the terrors of the night, after a time i was dropping to sleep, when i was once more roused by the growl of the jaguar, as if he had just seized his prey, and half the beasts of the forest, from the noise there was, had collected to contend and fight for the carnage. a short interval elapsed, and then the growling changed gradually into death-groanings. i was now in the midst of a scene of horror and darkness that may well be said to elude the power of verbal description. only a few hours previously my mind had been harmonized by the soft and elegant forms of nature's richest beauties, under a clear blue sky. how changed was now the scene! how deformed and disfigured was the aspect! it was a transition from paradise to erebus; environed by all the real and conceivable monsters in nature. i had before been alarmed--i now abandoned myself to the one sensation of unmitigated despair, the extremity of which was so intense, that it is a miracle reason held her place, or that i survived to write this narrative. indeed, nothing but the turn my thoughts took at this crisis could have preserved me. i had already undergone all the horrors of an agonizing and protracted death, and was well nigh insensible to grief or pain, when, providentially, in the last extremity, i was inwardly admonished to appeal to my god. and now, with suppliant accents and upraised hands, i prayed to heaven for a blessing, for short i still thought was the space between life and death. praying with fervency of soul, i gradually became inspired with confidence; my mind became more tranquil and fitter for calm consideration. it occurred to me, notwithstanding the horrible din of noises around, that i was still unhurt; that if the jaguar had really selected me for his prey, he would have seized me when within his reach, and not have restrained his appetite for the mere gratification of tearing me from the hollow of a tree. then, in reference to the sharer of my apartment, i began to look on myself as the real aggressor. had i not ejected some native of the forest, whose natural home it was, both by right and possession; had i not most unwarrantably intruded on his privacy, and frightened an inoffensive member of the sylvan community. thus, through the medium of prayer, was i at once enabled and taught how to face danger; and whilst looking it steadfastly in the countenance, to ascertain correctly its magnitude, and banish chimerical fears. that i was surrounded with danger, i was still conscious; but now i offered up thanks to god for preserving me in the midst of them; for having directed me to a place of security, and provided me with a strong tower, where i might almost defy enemies. thus recovering my self-possession, i began really to enjoy the interior of the tree as a very comfortable resting-place and a complete snuggery. very soon after this state of mind was brought about, i fell asleep, and awoke refreshed and tranquil. morning was announced to my glad eyes by lines of light passing from the lofty trees, scintillating through the holes of my worm-eaten shutter--lines of light which were delicately drawn by the golden fingers of phoebus, the most famed of artists. a very considerable portion of the sufferings of mankind have their source in ignorance: nearly all that i encountered, even from this memorable night to the hour of my emancipation from the forest, was the result of my want of experience. had i known that the noises which had disturbed my rest were but the imitations of the red monkey, i might have slept in quietude. these animals assemble, and at times amuse themselves throughout the night by making the most horrible noises, more especially mimicking the growlings and roarings of the more ferocious animals. i say amuse themselves; but at the same time i may remark that all sounds given out by quadrupeds, birds, or reptiles, are designed to effect some of nature's especial purposes. some, for their own protection; others, to caution weaker animals against approaching danger. [sidenote: monkey tricks] the gift and propensity the red monkey has of imitating the beasts of prey, may deter some enemy from attacking him in the dark; for it is observed they cease their mocking habits when daylight appears. they may also warn the timid animals when others of a formidable nature and ferocious appetite are in their vicinity. the jaguar, as we have said, was in the immediate neighbourhood that night. among the general community of the monkey tribes, morning and evening are periods they generally select to settle their public affairs, for the noises they make at these times are absolutely stunning, and to strangers very alarming. the forest is their citadel, where, mounted on lofty trees waving in the breeze, they confabulate, and, as naturalists have often described, arm themselves with sticks and stones, and in conscious independence defy all intruders. the red monkey, however, is the most pugnacious of the whole species; and it was some months before i was permitted to walk the woods in peace, for these animals frequently assailed me with a stick or a stone. policy led me to take all their insults patiently; and in the end, i imagine, they passed an act of naturalization, for i was ultimately permitted to range the forest without molestation. i once witnessed a peculiar instance of their tenaciousness in regard to their territory. an european boat was passing down a river on the side of a wood, when, on a signal being given by one of these animals, others crowded to the spot in such numbers as literally to cover the trees, bending with their weight the branches to the water's edge. at first they appeared as if amused with the sight of the movement of the rowers; then deeming them intruders, they commenced a general pelting, discharging showers of stones and broken sticks. the people in the boats fired; when the monkeys pelted more furiously than before, and though numbers fell wounded, or dead, still they continued the contest till the boats passed beyond their domain. i now entered on the third day of my sylvan probation, and upon the whole, felt more self-possession than i had any right to expect, under all the circumstances of my forlorn case. this day, like all others, waned with a quick and silent foot, while i again rambled round the immediate locality of my resting-place, fearing i might, if i strayed far away, be constrained to face the perils of a night in the open air. [sidenote: the blood-sucker] this night i took possession of my lodging in good time, and, as i thought, carefully fenced myself with an impregnable barrier; and, as i thought so, it was the same as if it had been a high stone-wall, for it removed my perturbation, and occasioned me to sleep soundly. when i awoke the following morning, i was surprised to find my stocking matted with coagulated blood; i hastened to a rill of water, where i had the day before previously allayed my thirst, to draw it off and cleanse the foot. to my utter astonishment and dismay, i discovered that my shoe was in every part stained with blood, and that the toes and the sole of the right foot were stiff with coagulum. divesting myself of the covering of my foot, i observed a small wound on the instep, not unlike the mark made by a leech. imagining that i had been bitten by some formidable insect, such as i had seen in the course of our journey, when i had washed myself and recovered my fright, i hastened back to scrape out the interior of my chamber with a stick. in performing this work i disturbed myriads of small insects with which i had rested, but nothing that could account for the bite on my foot. pleased, however, at having discovered the necessity there was for cleanliness in my apartment. i was resolved to give it a thorough scouring; and for this purpose thrust the stick up a hollow arm of the tree above my head, when out flew an extraordinary large bat. it was some satisfaction to become acquainted with those who are likely to become the sharers of your lodging, and i had no doubt the bat was the animal that flew against my face when endeavouring to set out the previous evening on his usual nocturnal rambles. still i remained in a state of ignorance as to the cause of the wound in my foot. it requires much study and considerable experience, even to ascertain the causes of only a few effects in the phenomena of nature's workshop. unwilling to leave the uninformed reader in doubt, not only in this particular instance, but in numerous others that will be met with in the course of this narrative, i shall anticipate, as it were, my own subsequent experience, and explain, when i can, the causes of certain effects that occurred to me while living alone in the forest. it was a species of bat, named by naturalists the vampire, that i had ejected, and he it was who had bled me so freely in the foot. it is remarkable that this bloodsucker, when once he has fastened on an animal, is allowed to satiate his appetite unmolested, as its victims all remain quiet and unresisting during the time he makes his meal. it is said that vampires flap their wings and produce a cooling sensation that lulls their prey to sleep while they suck their fill. in the instance of myself, i had not awoke the whole night, and was perfectly unconscious of the attack, until morning; but, as i have already said, i was in nature's great school, and soon learnt that, as in the moral world, so it is in the woods, there is more to dread from insidious attacks, than from open and declared enemies. when i had satisfied my appetite, on leaving my resting-place, with nuts and fruit, i sat down by the rill of water, to consider more determinately than i had hitherto done, what were my prospects, and what course of conduct i should pursue for my own protection. [sidenote: the battle of the snakes] while thus engaged in thought, my attention was attracted to a snake, only a few yards' distance from where i sat; it was near a patch of brushwood, and was apparently trembling with fear. almost as soon as i had noticed its state of alarm, another snake, with astonishing celerity, sprung upon it, and seized it by the neck, then encircled itself about six folds round the body of its victim, like the worm of a screw. the assailant then, leaning its head over the other, looked its gasping foe in the face, to ascertain the effect of the coils round the body; and seeing that its prey was still alive, it multiplied the coils three or four times, and evidently tightened the screw, watching all the time to see the effect of the extra coils. the attacking party was an animal designated the black snake, and the victim was a rattlesnake, about three and a half feet long, its enemy being about the same length. the former, however, had perfect command over the latter; but i was surprised at the length of time the executioner took to satisfy himself that his work of death was performed. the black snake remained three-quarters of an hour coiled round the other, and then very slowly and cautiously slackened one coil at a time, narrowly watching if any signs of life yet remained, ready to resume the screw again, if necessary, to complete the destruction of the victim. driving the live snake away, i obtained possession of the dead one: it was four years old, which i scarce need mention was known by the number of rattles in its tail, which make a rattling noise when these reptiles are in motion. the rattlesnake is not among the most active of the species of snakes: it never springs a greater distance than its own length, which rarely exceeds four feet. it is owing to this that the black snake has the advantage, being able to spring from a greater distance on its prey, and, from its rapid motion and method of seizure to deprive it at once of the power of injecting its venom. i have since seen the rattlesnake destroyed by bucks in the open plain, and that without risk of suffering from the fatal effects of its bite. [sidenote: the buck and the rattlesnake] a buck, when he discovers a rattlesnake, immediately prepares to attack it as a dreaded enemy, while he will pass other snakes unnoticed. the buck, depending on his sharp bifurcated hoofs, with which to sever the body of his adversary, is very skilful in his manoeuvre. he approaches the snake to within about ten feet, and then makes a bound, cutting the snake down with his hoofs with such unerring celerity and fatality as rarely leaves any chance of escape. the two incidents of the vampire and the snakes threw my mind into a state of reflection on the system of nature which makes the existence of one animal depend on another for its subsistence. then my thoughts reverted to the number of living things i had myself to dread, separated as i was from society where men unite for mutual protection. i had seen in the case of the chegoe, that a very small insect could inflict a severe injury on the human frame, and i had narrowly escaped being carried off by the jaguar. snakes, serpents, and enormous lizards, crossed my path at almost every step, and the monkeys pelted me. uneasy and restless, i rose on my feet, to wander i knew not whither; i proceeded forward as if running from danger, yet dreading it at every step as i advanced. presently my progress was impeded by a broad piece of expanded network, such as, from appearance, might have been manufactured by the hand of man,--it was spread from tree to tree. in the network was a small bird struggling to free itself from the toil which had ensnared it. thinking i had now crossed the path of fowlers, my heart leaped with joy, and i flattered myself that deliverance was at hand; yet, fearing to spoil their sport, i drew back, and took up a position behind a tree. my mind was soon disabused of the error into which i had fallen. several spiders of enormous size approaching the captive, i sprang forward to release the bird, and then perceived that the netting was the work of insects. the captive proved to be a humming bird, one of those beautiful little creatures that are fabled to feed on the nectar of plants. they however feed on insects, those which are attached to the nectarium of plants: these they seize for food with their long bills. the spiders that weave these extraordinary webs from one tree to another, are not, like those of europe, of solitary habits, but live in communities; they mutually share in the labour of forming the web, and divide the prey they catch. it is worthy of notice that all animals who unite their labour, possess infinitely more ingenuity in their proceedings than those who work individually. the weak, however, are generally provided with some compensating, self-protecting secret, that enables them to rear their young in as much security as the strong. many insects that execute their buildings in trees, and there collect provisions for their infant colony in fear of the depredations of birds, cover the extremity of their store with substances of nauseous taste. having saved the elegant little bird from the voracious spiders, i could not resist giving it freedom. the web which had impeded my progress brought to my recollection the bush-rope, which i had previously proposed to examine by daylight, in the hope of falling into the original track my family had taken through the forest. after having spent the whole of the subsequent part of the day in surveying the barrier and its approaches, i was reluctantly constrained again to take up my position in the hollow of the tree, under the firm conviction that i had no clue by which i could, for the present, at least, emancipate myself from the mazes of the forest. i retired to rest much depressed, and half disposed to abandon myself to despair. i, however, got some sleep at intervals, notwithstanding the renewal of the frightful noises heard the first night; and, upon the whole, on the approach of morning, found myself somewhat resigned to my fate. [sidenote: preparations for defence] possessing an excellent pocket-knife, i now thought of cutting a good staff, and, if occasion should render it necessary, of defending myself with it against any assailant. how it happened that i had not thought of this before surprised me; and i acquired new confidence from the consideration that i possessed some means of defence. while trimming my staff, the history of crusoe occurred to my recollection; and i then resolved to adopt his mode of registering time by making notches on the stick; and this employment brought home to my recollection that i had now been lost four days, and, while so engaged, that the present day was a sabbath. the last notch i cut longitudinally, that i might mark the sundays, and thus chronicle the return of the one day to be kept holy. having always been accustomed religiously to observe the sabbath, the current of my thoughts now took another turn. my first act was to offer up prayers, and to petition god to infuse into my breast courage to face the trials i must necessarily undergo in the wilderness, and ask for his guiding finger in all my wanderings. alter performing this duty, i sat down on a fallen tree to court reflection, and presently heard a humming noise close to my ear. turning round, to see from whence it proceeded, i thought i recognised the identical bird that i had, a short time before, liberated from the spider's web. it appeared, at first, to be stationary in the air, and i marvelled how it was supported; it then occurred to me that it was a spiritual messenger, sent in the form of the little creature i had been kind to, as an assurance of divine protection. full ten minutes i contemplated the bird in this light, when it flew away, leaving me in a much happier state of mind than i had hitherto felt myself. [sidenote: utility of birds] the fixed position of the bird i afterwards found to be its habit when hovering over certain flowers in search of insects. there are a great variety of the humming-bird tribe; the one i had caught was very beautiful, and moved its wings with such astonishing rapidity in flight as to elude the eye; and when poising itself over a flower, waiting to attack insects as they enter between the petals, the wings moved with such celerity as to become almost invisible, like a mist. the habits of these birds may be denominated fly-like:-- "when morning dawns, and the blest sun again lifts his red glories from the eastern main, then round our woodbines, wet with glittering dews, the flower-fed humming-bird his round pursues,-- sips with inserted tube the honied blooms, and chirps his gratitude as round he roams." birds, throughout my sojourn in the forest, were my chief and most cheerful companions. they seem to be sent by heaven as the peculiar associates of man; they exhilarate him in his labour, and brighten his hours of leisure by their melody. they also, in an especial manner, serve man, by preventing the increase of those insects that would consume the products of his industry. whatever the uninformed farmer or gardener may say on this head, i beg to assure them that the depredations birds commit are more than compensated by their insectivorous habits. there is not a vegetable production, cultivated or of spontaneous growth, from the forest tree to the most tender garden-flower, that is not liable to attacks from myriads of insects, though small in form and weapons, yet insidious in their mode of attack, and fatal to the plant. birds are the natural enemies of insects, and were sent as a check upon their increase. man persecutes the bird for plundering his fruits, seeds, and grain crops, but he does not enquire whether he would have any of these productions if the bird did not free the ground and buds from insects. the late professor bradley ascertained that a pair of sparrows, during the time they had young ones, destroyed on an average caterpillars every week, besides butterflies. man, when he clears and cultivates the land, destroys the winter food of birds, cutting down the trees that nature intended should supply them with berries during a season when their insectivorous habits are suspended. it would be an advantage to those who are engaged in cultivating the earth, if they studied the harmony of nature a little more than they now generally do. the farmer will say that a hard and long frost is good for the land, because it kills the insects; so likewise do the birds die off in severe seasons of cold, thus reducing the number of his auxiliary agriculturists to the proportion in which they will be required, on the return of spring, to keep the land clear from insects, and secure a crop to the cultivator. birds in general return tenfold to man, in the services they render him, for all they take from his store; while they, ----"with melody untaught, turn all the air to music, within hearing, themselves unseen." the humming-bird's visit, together with the peculiar associations of my mind at the time, produced in me a calmness that partook of heaven. the scene--a picture, too,--which was before me, was one of those beautiful instances of nature's chaste compositions that combined all around in harmony. lovely were the sylvan flowers, fresh with blossoms, rising amidst the soft and matted growth beneath; and how exquisite the structure of the moss and lichen within my reach; how calm, how clear and serene was the air--how deepened were the shadows--how perfect was the quiet--how eloquent the silence! [sidenote: solitary reflections] my meditations were painfully broken in upon by the mind reverting to the jaguar that i thought at times was lurking about to devour me; then to the snakes, and the captive humming-bird. "has god," i involuntarily exclaimed, "made all his creatures that they may devour each other? yes, yes! he has." i continued, as i rose with disturbed feelings; "i see the scheme of destruction at every step, and behold it at every turn; both day and night, every hour, yea, every moment, millions are struggling in the death-grasp of their foes." these reflections almost melted my heart, when, casting up my eyes to heaven, as if to ask for some light to shine on my mind and explain the subject, i saw a falcon, in the act of flying, seize a bird of the pigeon kind, and fly off with it into the woods. tears came to my relief. goldsmith says, "the mere uninformed spectator passes on in gloomy silence; while the naturalist, in every plant, in every insect, and in every pebble, finds something to entertain his curiosity and excite his speculation. in the animal kingdom alone there exists nearly one hundred thousand of known different subjects, and half that number of different plants. the discovery of almost every vegetable brings with it the knowledge of a new insect. in the mineral kingdom the compositions and forms are almost endless." and dr. priestley says, of scientific pursuits "the investigation of nature cannot fail to be valuable. it engages all our intellectual faculties to the greatest extent, and in its pursuit the general stock of useful knowledge is increased. the field for inquiry is rational, extensive, and profitable, beyond conception." "but what right have i, a poor, short-sighted mortal," i then exclaimed, "to seek for the motives that actuate an all-wise deity? it is not only vain but wicked in man to scrutinize the ways of providence." chapter iii. i build myself a hut--the scenery throughout a day in the forest described. "o may i with myself agree, and never covet what i see; content me with a humble shade-- my passions tamed, my wishes laid; for while our wishes wildly roll, we banish quiet from the soul." [sidenote: projects of building] as the first sabbath-day in the woods closed upon me, i felt more resigned to my fate, and more composed, than i had been at any previous period since the separation from my parents. i now looked on myself as a denizen of the forest; and as i slowly repaired to the hollow tree, the thought possessed me that i could construct some kind of dwelling-place. during the night i formed and rejected fifty plans for carrying this scheme out. at length, just as morning dawned, a simple method suggested itself to me of effecting my purpose; and, with my usual ardour, i commenced the work forthwith. before the evening set in i had collected, and trimmed with my pocket-knife, a considerable number of stakes, about four feet long, at which work i continued for four days, when it occurred to me that i had not yet given the eligibility of site a thought, and had been much too hasty in my proceedings. ashamed of my own impetuosity and want of consideration, i crept to rest, very weary and ill at ease with myself; and as i took a retrospective view of the results of my impulsive mode of acting on the thought, together with the ills i had brought on my own head, i did not spare self-reproach. considering my numerous wants, it was clearly, where i had collected the stakes, a very inconvenient spot to choose for a permanent place of residence. weighing in my judgment the kind of locality suited to the purpose, i decided on an open space or glade in the forest, where i might have a clear view all around, and be out of the way of uprooted or falling timber. but for this last consideration i should at once have selected the spot where i awoke after my first night's sleep in the forest. the recollection of that beautiful scene reminded me of another thing i had not hitherto thought of, namely, that my house must be built near to a supply of water, and also of fruit. the next day, therefore, was spent in searching for a site on which i might commence my building speculation. there was no lack of space, or of glades; but in the resolution i had now made to become thoughtful, and act with caution, i fear i became too nice and fastidious. [sidenote: the forest stream] one open plot of ground i traversed many times with the eye of a government surveyor: it was the very thing itself; but there was no water to be seen. presently, i caught the sound of trickling water; and my new friend, caution, forsook me. i was so heedless in running to satisfy myself that there actually was a stream fit to drink, that i was precipitated headlong into the gill, or chasm, which formed the channel for its course. it was so covered with wood that the eye could not see it. fortunately i met with this rent in the earth near to the commencement of the fissure, where it was comparatively narrow and shallow. at any other part, its steepness and depth might have endangered life. it was the birthplace of a native stream. i subsequently learned to track it by the soothing harmony of this invisible torrent, the notes from which sounded like innumerable broken falls, and were softened by ascending through branches which hung over it. these sounds were extremely harmonious. at the spot where i had fallen the water might with some difficulty be obtained, and near to this, at length i determined to build my villa--a sylvan mansion. this site, on one side, was flanked by a morass, or bog, which even then, in the driest season, was only passable with care on tufts of grass, which here and there sprung from the moisture of the soil. proceeding to lay out my ground-plan, which was a circle, and to prepare for the morrow, i stayed at work till it was too late to find my way back to my lodging; leaving me no alternative but either to stretch myself on the ground, exposed to numberless dangers, or remain awake, and protect myself as i might. in this extremity i thought of the chasm, and groping my way to it, found its extreme end, where it was a mere slit, into which i rolled, and laid till the return of day. [sidenote: the hut commenced] the morning opened with its usual bustle of animals, birds, and insects summoning me to my labour, and, having commenced, i was surprised to hear a cry of, "who are you? who--who are you?" i had scarcely recovered from the astonishment which these words occasioned, when they were followed by, "work away!--work away!--work away!" and a mournful cry of "willy come!--go, willy! willy--willy--come! go willy!" looking up, and being now in an open space, i could plainly see the birds fly over my head that uttered these notes. not aware that these calls are common to certain birds, and my christian name being william, the reader may imagine the effect and surprise with which they were heard. i instantly discontinued my labour, conceiving that the birds had been influenced by supernatural agency, and that they portended omens which had a peculiar reference to myself. this impression filled me with fears and fantasies of all kinds; it seemed as if some spell was on me, and i sat down in melancholy moodiness for the rest of the day. irresolute, the following morning i rather dragged myself than walked to the same spot; but as i went, another bird over my head distinctly cried out, "whip-poor-will! whip-poor-will! whip-poor-will!" yes! i exclaimed (as my spirits threw off the burden which had oppressed them) i am indeed ashamed of my folly in attending to the omens of birds. they are winging their way to the business of the day, and why should i neglect mine? i then returned, and took a bundle of the prepared stakes on my back to my new settlement. need i apologise to the reader for mentioning the trifling incidents which depressed me at times, and the manner in which the paroxysms were dispelled. my motive in naming them is to illustrate the alternations my feelings underwent during my early days of probation in the wilderness. i know not whether i had taken a cold, but for some days past i had now suffered from a pain in my limbs, which i at the time attributed to the cramped position in which i rested at night. i therefore became extremely anxious to possess a place in which i might stretch myself at length. it, however, took seven days to construct the internal shell of the hut; for, being determined to sleep in security, i ultimately doubled the frame of the building. having driven stakes into the earth, about a foot apart, forming a circle of about eight feet in diameter, i interlaced these with the limber branches of trees, fastening them to the stakes with tough fibres, stripped from the bark of lianes. these shrubs, of which there are a great variety, all comprised under that term, sometimes grow to the size of a man's leg round trees, making the trunks look like a mast of a ship furnished with rigging. they support the trees against the hurricanes, in the same manner as spurs are placed in the ground to prop posts; cords are made of their bark stronger than those manufactured of hemp. in woods where timber is felled, it is sometimes the practice to cut several hundred trees near their roots, where they remain till the lianes, which hold them, are also cut. when this is done, one whole part of the wood seems to fall at once, making an astounding crash. by the means of the lianes and stakes, i formed a circular strong hurdle-kind of fence; on this i fastened a number of other sticks, like wands, tapering at the top, which, when bound together, met over the centre part of the floor of the hut, and formed a conical roof. these i also interlaced in the same manner as the upright stakes; covering the whole with leaves of the parrasalla tree, which the wet does not injure; binding these also down with my most excellent substitute for cordage--fibres of the bark of the lianes. in the roof i left a hole for ingress and egress; so that, with two steps up, and then a jump, i was in the centre of my habitation, where, with dried grass, i made a most comfortable bed. this, after all, was a frail affair. my next object was to erect another frame over it, at about two feet distance from the interior shell, filling up the space between the upright stakes with stones and dry earth. the aperture was secured at night, leaving only a space for air, with a piece of bark hung on with the before-named fibres. with the same material (bark) i also formed a kind of stage before the opening into the hut, where i could sit, and survey the surrounding scenery. some time subsequently i wove myself a grass hammock, which i found more cleanly than the dried grass, and less liable to be infested with insects. finding myself lonely in this structure, i took the resolution of increasing my family; and, with this view, i devoted a portion of the interior for birds, that i might not be wholly companionless. these i took young, and reared them up in an aviary which i constructed immediately under my hammock, letting them out to hop about me when the aperture of the hut was closed. many of my associates repaid me for my care with strong proofs of docility and affection. i also caught two land tortoises, to occupy the floor of the dwelling, and make me conscious of other living things besides myself breathing the same air. [sidenote: the dwellers in the hut] in the foolishness of my heart i thought that when i possessed a hut, in which i might repose in security, i should be happy. but alas! in the city or in the forest, worldly acquisitions are not always attended with contentment. man everywhere sighs for something more than he possesses. i had now a hut, one, too, that was impregnable against the attacks of the jaguar, or any of the animals of the forest; and, as i thought, in every way compactly built to be impervious to noxious insects; but happiness or contentment did not abide in it. i now wanted a gun, that i ought, man-like, slay, and play the tyrant over the living things around me. i grew tired of my vegetable diet, and daily lamented the want of a fire to cook the eggs, which now began to form a considerable portion of my food. these wants gradually, as the mind dwelt upon them, became sources of anxiety, and disturbed my rest. the animal propensities of my nature began to stir within me. i longed to kill at my pleasure, and live on prey, as did the other animals of the forest. at length i determined on making the best substitute i could for a gun--namely, a bow and arrow; and, like robin hood, practise till i could hit the shaft of an arrow placed upright in the ground. it was many weeks subsequently to this resolution before i succeeded in even procuring the materials i deemed suited for my purpose. my knife having become blunted with frequent use, it took a length of time to fashion the bow, and no less than four snapped in two as soon as i attempted to use them; proving that, choice as i had been in the selection of my wood, my judgment was defective in this particular. when i had succeeded in forming one of these primitive warlike weapons, i fastened large butterflies against the hut, and commenced the practice of archery. i have informed the reader that the entrance of the new dwelling was through the roof, where, as i have said, i erected a seat, or standing-place; a sort of balcony, or rather, more like a dormer window. on this, every morning, during the dry season, at daybreak, i took my stand to discharge my arrows at any unwary bird that might come within my reach. [sidenote: early morning in the forest] this early rising at length grew into a habit, and to watch the opening of the day gave me unspeakable pleasure; and up to the last day of my pilgrimage it was the most interesting hour to me. it was an hour when the littleness of life did not present itself; the mind being refreshed with rest, was prepared to be filled with enlarged ideas. the labourers of the night--for nature has her two sets of working animals--were then all on their way to seek retirement and rest during the day, from the fatigues of the night; while those that had rested during that period were all preparing to hail the morn with innumerable cries. as twilight glimmers in the east, the tiger-cats are stealing into their holes. the owl and the goat-sucker cease their mournful lament, and as streaks of light appear the "ha! ha! ha! ha!" of the latter, each note lower than the last, sounding like the voice of a murdered victim, entirely ceases. the crickets, also, at this hour begin to slacken the violence of their chirping, though sometimes in cloudy weather they will continue their notes for four-and-twenty hours together. the partridge is the first of the birds to give signal of the rising of the sun, even before he appears on the horizon; while the mist of the morning, that precedes the day, is dispelling, numerous tribes of insects are creeping to their hiding-places, as others are issuing forth to enjoy the day. lizards of sparkling lustre, from two inches to two feet and a-half long, cross the paths of the forest; and the chameleon has begun to chase the insects round the trunks of trees. gaudy serpents steal from out of holes or decayed trees. "each rapid movement gives a different dye; like scales of burnished gold they dazzling show, now sink to shade, now like a furnace glow." the houton, a bird so called from the sound he gives out, distinctly articulates "houton, houton," in a plaintive note, as he erects his crown, and cuts and trims his tail, with his beak, in the most, artistical manner, then flies off with a short jerk. at the same period the maam whistles; and when the sun is seen above the horizon, the hanaquoi, pataca, maroucli, and all the parrots and paroquets are prepared to announce his arrival. every hour from this moment, excepting noon, calls into action new races of animals; and he who spends a day in the scene that environed my existence, when seated at my door, would not know which most to admire,--the forms, hues, or voices of the animals presented to his observation; as at intervals, wonder, admiration, and awe of the power that created them, are forced on the mind. [sidenote: forest animals] with the morning's dawn, the monkeys send forth their howl, the grasshoppers and locusts chirp, the frogs and toads give out their notes. the hanging pendant wasps' nests, most curious in form, send forth their inhabitants; myriads of ants issue from their clay-built tenements, in some places colonized so densely as to cover the foliage all around. these, like the species of ants called the termites, that cast up the earth in mounds, commence their day's journey on roads constructed by themselves, some of which are covered, and others open. myriads of the most beautiful beetles buzz in the air, and sparkle like jewels on the fresh and green leaves, or on odorous flowers. other tribes, such as serpents and agile lizards, creep from the hollow of trees, or from holes beneath the herbage; many of them exceeding in splendour the hue of the flowers. the major part of these are on their way to creep up the stems of trees or bushes, there to bask in the sun, and lie in wait for birds and insects. the most brilliantly coloured butterflies, rivalling in hues the rainbow, begin to flutter from flower to flower, or collect in parties on the most sunny banks of cooling streams. there was the blue-white idia, the large eurilochus with its ocellated wings, the hesperite, the laertes, the blue shining nestor, and the adonis; these, like birds, in most places hovered between the bushes. the feronia, with rustling wings, flew rapidly from tree to tree; while the owl, the largest of the moth species, sat immovable, with out-spread wings, waiting the approach of evening. as the day progresses, the life of the scene increases. troops of gregarious monkeys issue from the depths of the forest, their inquisitive countenances turned towards the verge of their wooded domain, making their way for the plantations; all leaping, whistling, and chattering as they progress from tree to tree. parrots, some blue, red, or green, others, parti-coloured, assemble in large groups on the tops of the forest-trees; and then, flying off to the plantations, fill the air with their screams. the toucan, perched on an extreme branch, rattles his large, hollow bill; and in loud, plaintive notes, calls for rain. the fly-catcher sits aloof, intent on watching insects as they dart from branch to branch, seizing them as they heedlessly buzz by him in their giddy and unsteady career. other birds, of singular form, variety, and superb plumage, flutter by, in large or small parties, or in pairs, and some singly, peopling everywhere the fragrant bushes. on the ground are gallinaceans, jacuses, hocuses, and pigeons, that have left the perch to wander under the trees, in the moisture, for food. in the tones of the nightingale the manikins are heard in all places, amusing themselves by their sudden change of position, and in misleading the sportsman; while the woodpecker makes the distant forest resound as he strikes the trees. super-noisy, above all, is the uraponga, who, perched on the highest tree he can find, gives out sounds resembling the strokes of a sledge-hammer on the anvil, deluding the wanderer, as it once did me, into a belief that a blacksmith's shop is near at hand. [sidenote: the mocking-bird] every living thing, by its action and voice, is seen greeting the splendour of the day; while the delicate humming-bird, rivalling, in beauty and lustre, diamonds, emeralds, and sapphires, hovers with invisible wings over the brightest flowers. the bird colibri repairs to the tree called _bois immortel_, when the wild guava ripens its fruit; and there, also, will be found the pompadour, both the purple-breasted and the purple-throated. at the same hour (day-break), the crowing of the hanaquoi sounds like a village-clock, for all to set to work in the great shop of nature. then the cassique, or mocking-bird, gives out his own short but sweet song, preparatory to visiting the plantations, being fond of the haunts of man, where he remains till evening, making all kinds of noises, from the crowing of a cock, and the barking of dogs, to the grunting and squeaking of pigs. these birds weave their nests near together, in a pendulous manner. their bodies are black, having the rump and half-tail yellow; other species have the rump a bright scarlet. in form they are a model of symmetry. as the feathered tribes, one after the other, adjust their plumage, and tune their throats, squirrels, in rapid spiral speed, as quick as thought, are seen descending trees, then darting upon others in opposite directions, flinging themselves from tree to tree, with amazing exactness; pursuing their mates or their rivals among the mazy branches of the trees, with a velocity that eludes the sight. everywhere is nature's secretary, with his pen dipped in intellect, busy in writing down the invisible agency of infinite wisdom and almighty power. "how dazzling is thy beauty! how divine! how dim the lustre of the world to thine!" the sublimity of the scene, when first beheld, produced unlimited astonishment; viewed again and again, all was softened down into harmonious shades of beauty, imparting a pleasure that cannot be understood by mere dwellers amidst the works of man. [sidenote: noon in the forest] in the forest, every hour of the night and day is the creator present to the eye. surrounded by the works of man, we sometimes lose sight of our maker, and do not always properly appreciate his attributes. i have said that the morning gives life and activity to myriads of his creatures, who declare his power; but not less expressive is the hour of tranquillity--the hour of noon. at that hour, all is suddenly hushed into solemn silence. stillness, as if by general consent, concert, or word of command, influences all the sylvan communities--a stillness illumined and made more manifest by the dazzling and burning beams of a meridian sun. creation at that hour appears wearied, fatigued, and overcome with the splendour of the day; it is as the face of god himself, before whose glory all things are struck with awe, and pause to acknowledge his majesty. nothing moves--it is the hour of nature's siesta--yet the stillness speaks. "thy shades, thy silence, now be mine, thy charms my only theme; my haunt the hollow cliff whose pine waves o'er the gloomy stream." the quietness is that of a pause in the running stream of time; the air is motionless, the leaves hang pendant, as waiting in the presence of a deity for permission to resume the business of growth. the silence that reigns at the hour of noon is peculiarly of a religious character; there is nothing to which it can be compared but itself. from the nobles of the forest to the minutest insect, all appear to be at their devotions--the propensity to kill, for the time being, is forgotten or suspended,-- "the passions to divine repose alone persuaded yield; and love and joy are waking." it is as if the naiads and fairies had deserted the sunbeams and fallen asleep. oh! there is a harmony in nature wonderfully attuned to the intelligence of man, if he would but listen to it. the hour of noon, in the woods, is an hour of intellectual transcendentalism; it lifts the thoughts beyond the world, and peoples the grove with spirits of another world. yet is there nothing in motion but the beams of the sun penetrating the foliage to the base of the trees-- "the chequered earth seems restless as a flood brushed by the winds, so sportive is the light shot through the boughs; it dances as they dance, shadow and sunshine intermingling quick, and dark'ning and enlight'ning (as the beams play wanton) every part." everything speaks of the deity, and the fall of a leaf passes as a phantom of the dead. ----"not a tree, a plant, a leaf, a blossom, but contains a folio volume." the fitful meanings of the wind, in the more boisterous moments of Ã�olus, through the branches, speak not louder of god than the whisper of his breath that plays with the foliage. the low and broken murmurs of the water in the gill are as audibly eloquent as the lashing of the waves of the ocean in a storm, or the wild roar of the cataract. the voice of nature, come in what form it may, brings unutterable thoughts of the majesty of the creation. whether it is in the deep, delicious tones of the happiness of the wood-dove, the melting, graceful notes of the nightingale, the thrilling melody of other sylvan songsters, or the twitterings of the swallow, all compel us to exclaim, "oh! there is harmony in nature." "sounds inharmonious in themselves, and harsh, yet heard in scenes where peace for ever reigns, ... please highly for their sake. ... kites that swim sublime in still-repeated circles, screaming loud, ... have charms for me." [sidenote: evening] but the hour of stillness, like all other hours, passes away. the insects again give out their sounds; wasps and bees buzz in every direction; the talk of birds is clamorously resumed; the king-vulture and the kite soar high in the hair, like fugle-birds, as signals for the resumption of the business of the day. the chattering manikins again rustle among the fig-leaves; the armadillo, and other burrowing animals, are seen cautiously peeping from their holes; the horned screamer opens wide his throat, and one by one, the whole of the sylvan feathered community join in concert. the porcupine moves in the trees; the long grass is observed to give way as creeping things pursue their prey, or escape from foes; all indications that the earth and air again are full of animated life. an hour or two elapses, and a gentle breeze rises to cool the air and give motion to the trees, as troop after troop of birds and monkeys wend their way back into the interior of the forest, indicating the gradual decline of the day. general preparations are being made for rest; only the slender deer, the peccari, the timid agouti, and the tapir, will still graze. the opossum, and some sly animals of the feline race skulk through the obscurity of the wood, stealthily prowling for prey. finally, the last troop of howling monkeys are heard, as if performing the duty of drovers to those that have preceded them; the sloth cries as if in much distress with pain; the croaking of frogs, and monotonous chirps of large grasshoppers, bring on the close of day. the tops of the forest now appear to be on fire, in the midst of which, the toucan, on a blasted mora tree, is uttering his evening cry, as darker shades are gradually cast into the forest, and the sun's disc sinks into the horizon. the sky, which a moment since was bright as burnished gold, has already changed to a dusky grey, with here and there streaks of purple hue. a solitary bird, truant to its mate, or perhaps a mourner for its loss during the day's excursion, is seen like a wayfarer, with tired flight, wearily labouring to reach the wood ere nightfall. twilight is still lingering in the west, bringing on the night with a soft and sweet touch of delicacy, but still approaching, till surrounding objects become more and more obscure and confused, though undiminished in their beauty and effect. the cries of the macue, the capaiera, the goat-sucker, and the bass tones of the bullfrog, are now heard. myriads of luminous beetles fly in the air, resembling the ignes fatui, and announce the departure of the day; when the night-moths and numerous other insects start on the wing, the bats flit between the branches of trees, the owls and vampires, like phantoms, silently pursue their course in search of prey, reserving their hollow cries for the ominous hour of midnight. the stars, one after another, are lighted up as the moon rises on the horizon, with a modest countenance, to intimate to man that there is still a ruling power over the world. she tinges with silver streaks of light the tops and edges of the forest, till "lo! midnight, from her starry reign, looks awful down on earth and main, the tuneful birds lie hush'd in sleep, with all that crop the verdant food, with all that skim the crystal flood, or haunt the caverns of the rocky steep." at this hour the spectral owl quits the hollow tree, and with his shriek makes the boldest birds shrink away in fear, though in the sunshine hour they would hunt him. "so when the night falls, and dogs do howl, sing ho! for the reign of the horned owl! we know not alway who are kings by day; but the king of the night is the bold brown owl!" "mourn not for the owl, nor his gloomy plight! the owl hath his share of good; if a prisoner he be in the broad daylight, he is lord in the dark greenwood. nor lonely the bird, nor his ghastly mate, they are each unto each a pride; thrice fonder, perhaps, since a strange dark fate, hath rent them from all beside." [sidenote: the bow and arrows] i made but little progress in archery, which was a great source of mortification to me, although i spent every leisure hour i could spare after obtaining food, in practice. i was on the verge of despair of ever being able to make anything like a shot, when an incident occurred that enabled me to kill, in a few weeks, almost any bird on the wing, if within the range of my bow. returning home from a long and fatiguing ramble (for i had extended my surveys of the forest as i acquired confidence of finding my way home at night), i one day was astonished to see a bow and a quiver of arrows suspended from the branch of a tree. this was a sight which occasioned feelings that are indescribable. i was both rejoiced and alarmed. at first i thought my deliverance was certain; the next moment i crouched behind a bush to hide myself, as from a most deadly foe. when i reflected on the loneliness of my existence, i longed to join society; yet, whenever society appeared to be available, i instinctively shrunk back, as if about to lose my independence or be carried into slavery. operated on by mingled impulses, the dread of man seemed for a long time to prevail. might they not be savages, and take my life? or might they not lead me into captivity, and make a slave of me? they would at least have the christian's practice to urge as a plea, in extenuation of such a measure. confident that human beings were in the neighbourhood, i at length resolved to secrete myself in a bush and wait their return. i fixed my eyes on the bow and quiver, expecting their owner would return for them; but the tones of the toucan were heard, by which i was as well informed of the approach of evening, as the partridge's call announces the coming day. still unwilling to quit the spot, i remained throughout the night; but no owner came to claim the weapons. all this time i feared to touch them as if they were a trap laid to ensnare me. about noon the next day, i thought of possessing myself of them, and then made a circuit to reassure myself that no one was at hand. with fear and trembling i then, like a thief, took the bow and quiver from the tree, and hastened back to my hut to examine them. the whole secret of my inability to shoot birds was now at once explained. i had not feathered my arrows, nor was my bow long enough. still anxious to know their owner, the following morning i repaired again to the spot, and hung my own rudely formed weapons on the same tree from which i had taken the others. my motives were, first, to ascertain whether any person would yet come to remove them, and also to inform those who might come for that purpose, that another human being was in the neighbourhood. the bow and arrows hung there a month, when i gave up all hopes of seeing any person in the woods; still the event caused me much uneasiness, and ever afterwards occasioned me to tread the paths around with extreme caution. [sidenote: flint and steel] being now furnished with well-made arms, i soon brought down my birds, and might have fared sumptuously, could i have procured a fire. all my waking hours were, therefore, spent in bewailing this want, when one morning, as i was digging with my stick to come at a land tortoise that had crept into a hole, i raked out a piece of flint, and the tinder-box occurring to my mind, i struck it on the back of my knife, and instantly produced sparks, which actually made me leap for joy. my delight, however, was but of short duration. how were the sparks to be collected? i had no tinder--no matches. i then thought of my shirt, which i had long cast off; but then i had no matches, and must have fire before i could make tinder. my joy was soon turned into despondency. i threw down the flint, and in the bitterness of my disappointment, apostrophised it, as the cock in the fable did, when scratching on a dunghill he found a jewel instead of a grain of corn. "are all my days to be spent," i ejaculated, "in hopes that delight me only to make me more miserable?" suddenly it occurred to my memory, that when at school, our small pieces of artillery were fired with lighted decayed wood, what the boys called touch-wood. repossessing myself of the flint, i flew to my old sleeping-place, and in my impatience, struck a light on my former bed--the soft wood in the interior--it ignited, and smouldered. i was in an ecstacy of delight, and clapped my hands with exultation. still i had no flame. i then collected some dried leaves, and holding them loosely over the spot that was alight, i blew with my mouth; a severely burnt hand soon informed me that i had succeeded. my first fire was indeed a bonfire: heaping more leaves and dried sticks on to it, the tree was entirely consumed, and a number of others so damaged as very soon to become touch-wood. [sidenote: the thunder-storm] a terrible thunder-storm succeeded this exploit. so wholly absorbed had i been with the fire, that when it expended itself, i found myself in total darkness, the moon having been suddenly obscured. all the inhabitants of the wood were restless and uneasy in their beds. i could hear the stag startle, and again lay himself down. flashes of lightning showed the birds, lifting their heads at intervals, then returning them hastily again under their wings. the storm had for some time been gathering on the tops of the forest, and had now spread its black mantle over the moon, while i, like a school-boy on the fifth of november, had been exulting over a blaze. on the storm advanced, in the majesty of darkness, moving on the wings of the blast, which my imagination pictured as uprooting the trees around me. the thunder rolled over the crown of the forest in the rear of the lightning. rifted clouds continued to pass over my head. an owl left its dirge unfinished, and fitted its ruffled feathers into a cleft of a blasted tree over my head. the wild animals that prowl by night, with famished stomachs, sought shelter in their dens. i alone stood bared to the fury of the storm, incapable of reaching my hut in the darkness of that awful night. the thunder rolled as with ten thousand voices, and the lightning at intervals set the whole forest in a blaze of light. one of the flashes brought down a mora tree near to where i stood, crushing the limbs of other trees as it fell. the crash was terrific. examining it the next morning by daylight, there was a wild fig-tree growing out of its top, and on the fig grew a wild species of vine. the fig-tree was as large as a common apple-tree, yet owed its growth to an undigested seed, dropped by birds that resort to the mora to feed on its ripe fruit. such seeds the sap of the mora raises into full bearing, when they, in their turn, are called on to support and give out their sap to different species of seeds, also dropped by birds. in this case the usurpation of the fig on the mora, and the vine on the fig, brought all to an early end. a dead sloth was lying near to the prostrate timber, probably brought down, by the force of its fall, from the branch of another tree. it was a night of devastation in the wilds of nature. the storms of destruction blew piercingly on every quarter. the destroying blast clapped his wings over many a tree, and laid prostrate numerous creatures that had life as the sun went down the previous evening. to the things that can be shaken, belong all that is earthly. however durable they may appear, however they may glitter, or stable they may appear, age, or the storm, will bring them to oblivion. mutability is written on all the works of nature. it is an inscription that meets every eye, whether turned on the foundations of a city, a nation, or the works of the creation. awe-struck with the dilapidations the morning made visible, i hastened to my hut, anxious to see if all was safe there, and prepare to cook myself a dinner. [sidenote: the sloth] man is essentially a cooking animal, and though omnivorous in his appetite, is nine parts out of ten carnivorous. i had abundance of vegetable food around me, of which i ate freely, and was in good health; yet my desire to taste animal food was so strong that i would at the time have made almost any sacrifice to obtain it. i had reached more than half the distance towards my residence, thinking all the way only on the means that i possessed of making a fire, before it occurred to me that i had no flesh to cook. i then turned back, and with my knife cut off the hind-quarter of the sloth, being resolved to try the quality of the flesh. having collected a small heap of the dried rotten wood, to use as tinder, i succeeded in making a fire outside my hut, where i broiled some pieces of the sloth's flesh, and from it made a tolerable meal, though it was not so good as beef or mutton. whenever i subsequently met with the sloth, he always excited my pity, and i forbore from doing such a helpless creature any injury. the natives say that by his piteous moans he will make the heart of a tiger relent, and turn away from him. the sloth is a solitary animal; he has no companion to cheer him, but lies on the branches of trees almost stationary, having no means of defence or escape, if you intend him any harm; his looks, his gestures, and his cries declare it; therefore do not kill him. he subsists wholly on the leaves of trees, and does not quit one branch till there is nothing left for him to eat, and he then moves evidently with much pain to himself. he preys on no living animal, and is deficient and deformed, when compared with other animals, though in some other respects he is compensated in the composition of his frame. his feet are without soles, nor can he move his toes separately; he therefore cannot walk, but hooks himself along by means of the claws which are at the extremity of the fore-feet. he has no cutting teeth; he has four stomachs, and yet wants the long intestinal canals of ruminating animals. his hair lies flat on his body, like long grass withered by the frost. he has six more ribs than the elephant, namely, forty-six, the latter having only forty; his legs strike the eye as being too short, and as if joined to the body with the loss of a joint. on the whole, as a quadruped, the sloth is of the lowest degree. he never quits a tree until all the leaves are eaten. the day after i had made a meal from the sloth, i shot my arrow through the head of a horned screamer, which brought him within my grasp; this was a great feat for me to accomplish, the screamer being a majestic bird, as large as a turkey-cock, having on the head a long slender horn, each wing being armed with a sharp, strong spur, of an inch long. i had seated myself behind a tree, where i had been, for several hours, watching the movements of the ants that build their nests on those trees, when the bird came within a few yards of me. this incident practically exemplified to me that, like other animals that seek for prey, i must use patience, and be wary in my movements. it taught me to reflect and to know that it was not rambling over much space that would ensure success, and that every spot in the world was available, either for the study of the things of creation or for procuring food. it is a great error some fall into when they imagine that travelling over much ground will give knowledge; those who observe and reflect may gain more information when examining a puddle of water, than the careless will in traversing the globe. [sidenote: the ants] of the insect tribe, the ants early attracted my attention, and i spent much time in watching their movements; indeed, from the first hour i turned my thoughts to the study of insects, i never afterwards spent a dull one. the tree ants' nests are about five times as large as those made by rooks, from which they have covered ways to the ground; these ways i frequently broke down, but as often as i did so, they were quickly under repair, a body of labouring ants being immediately summoned for that purpose. ants have the means of communicating with each other in a very rapid manner. i am of opinion that the antennæ are the medium through which they receive and convey orders to each other. i have seen a troop of ants a mile long, each one carrying in its mouth a round leaf about the size of a sixpence, which appeared to have been trimmed round to the shape. wasps do the same; and after twisting them up in the shape of a horn, deposit their eggs in them. when on their march, or engaged at work, nothing deters them from progressing; they seem to have no fear either of injury or death. i have broken their line at different points, and killed thousands of them; the others go over the same ground, as if perfectly unconscious of danger, while a body of them are instantly detached to remove the dead, and clear the way. it matters not how often the experiment is repeated, or what number are slain, others come on as if their forces were unlimited. it would seem that they live under an absolute monarchy, and dare not disobey orders. when accompanying them on a march, i have seen a messenger arrive from the opposite direction to that they were going, and the whole line, as i have said, of sometimes a mile long, simultaneously brought to a halt. one of the ants belonging to the body went forward, and applied its antennæ to those of the messenger, after which, the latter returned the way he came, and the main body immediately altered its course of march. at one time, i fell in with an unusually large body of these persevering labourers, and being resolved, if possible, to stop them, i formed a ditch in their way, and filled it with water; while the ditch was being made, they continued their course up and down the ridges of the loose earth, as if nothing had happened, although hundreds were every instant buried. when, however, the water was turned into the channel, there was a momentary halt; but as the ant must never be idle, it was but for an instant, to receive orders to take the margin of the earth, and travel round the head of the channel. how the nature of the disaster they had met with was made known, so as to stop the whole body simultaneously, may be difficult to ascertain; but at the moment of making these experiments i have distinctly seen the antennæ of one ant strike the tail of the one immediately before it, and the same movement repeated by all the others in rapid succession as far as my observation extended. [sidenote: wasps] all insects that live in communities are, i should imagine, in possession of language. one day i saw a wasp fly into my hut, and recollecting that i had a small collection of honey wrapped in some plantain leaves, i went to close the shutter as it again flew out; but observing the wasp immediately fly towards another of his species, and then to a second and a third, and those instantly fly off in opposite directions, i said to myself, the discovery of my depot of honey is being advertised throughout the community of wasps. thinking i would disappoint the depredators, before i left home i was very careful in fastening the entrance, and stuffing every crevice up with long grass. about a hundred yards from my hut i met a swarm of wasps, which induced me to return and ascertain whether my conjectures were confirmed; and there i found an immense number seeking an entrance, evidently with a view of plundering me of my honey. it was not long ere they found admission through some of the apertures in the roof. knowing that my honey must go,--for a swarm of wasps is not to be molested with impunity,--i turned away to pursue my walk with the reflection that they only took what they could get, and suited their appetites, the business of my own every-day life. both in society and in the forest it is wise at all times to avoid being an aggressor. the stings of mankind, and of insects, are most frequently the result of our own imprudence. in the forest i have daily been surrounded with myriads of wasps and large stinging bees, and never received an injury but when i was committing depredations on their store. but of all plunderers in nature, the ant exceeds the whole. i had become acquainted with five species of bees in my immediate neighbourhood, not one of which could secure their combs from the voracious appetites of the ant. they came in such numbers, as sometimes, in my view, to threaten the undermining of the forest; and were to be seen of all sizes and colour. one sort is so large, that the natives make a considerable article of food of them when fried. the termites, or white ants, are very destructive; neither fruit, flowers of plants, or food of any kind, escapes them. when they appear in the dwellings of man, they will undermine a house in a few hours, if the wood of which it is built suits their taste. [sidenote: voracity of the ants] the whole of the ant tribes are, however, essentially carnivorous, and are useful in repressing a too rapid increase amongst reptiles much larger than themselves; and i have often thought, when watching their movements, and observing that there is nothing, from the smallest winged insect to the carcase of a bullock, that comes to the ground, but they instantly assemble in millions to devour it, that they were intended by nature to prevent the corruption of the air from the decay and putrefaction of animal matter. if an enormous spider accidentally falls to the ground, they give it no time to recover itself; thousands are instantly on it; and although the spider, in its struggles to escape, will kill and crush numbers, still others continue to crawl up his legs and thighs, and there hang on in quietness, till their victim is exhausted by fatigue, when a few seconds serve to remove all traces of its heretofore existence. as i grew older, and acquired more experience in hunting for my food, i frequently killed large animals, of whose flesh i could only eat as much as served me for a meal, before the remainder would be spoiled by the heat of the weather: this the ants generally cleared away. at length i learned to go out by moonlight, to kill deer and the peccari,--a time that they like to browse, and may be approached with more ease. i generally dragged the remains of a carcase i did not want in the way of the ants, and watched them at their feast. a few hours served to leave the bones of the largest animal perfectly clean, and as a skeleton for study, fit for an exhibition. when the termites, or white ant, is seen in the neighbourhood of man, the antipathies of the species are rendered available. as soon as they are observed, sugar is strewed in such a direction as to lead the brown or black ants to the spot, who, it is known, will immediately attack and put the white party to the rout, much to the amusement of the negroes, who cheer on the blacks to kill the whites. i have often awoke with my body covered with ants, when i generally ran to the nearest water, and plunging into it, freed myself from them; though i never could discover for what purpose they spread themselves over my frame, unless it were in expectation of my becoming a corpse. when, however, i did rouse myself, they seldom exhibited much alacrity in acknowledging their error by making a speedy retreat. chapter iv. an adventure with a bear--an extraordinary echo--i am attacked with a fever, and subsequently driven from my hut. "give me, indulgent gods--with mind serene, and guiltless heart--to range the sylvan scene; no splendid poverty, no smiling care, no well-bred hate, or servile grandeur there." i had now become a sportsman--a nimrod--my chief delight being found in the use of my bow and arrows. thus armed, i ranged the forest, or laid in covert, to destroy any game which might come in my way. my propensity for killing, however, soon led me into a scrape, the escape from which nearly cost me my life; yet the lesson was thrown away on me, for it in no way abated my desire to shoot and eat the flesh of birds. early one morning i had taken my station behind a large tree, from which i discharged an arrow at a mocking-bird. no sooner had the arrow quitted the string, than i descried a bear, feeding on ants' nests, and that in a direct line between myself and the bird shot at. the arrow passed close by his ear; it might have struck him: be this as it may, the bear instantly began to descend the tree, showing evident signs of his intention to revenge the insult. not being disposed to confront such an enemy in an angry mood, i instantly took to my heels; but had not proceeded far, before the shaggy monster was near overtaking me. in this extremity i ascended a tree, confident of being as good a climber as bruin was. i had, however, scarcely reached the lowest extending branch, before the enraged beast was close on me. fortunately, i had in my flight retained possession of my stick; and as the bear had no means of supporting himself but by clinging to the trunk of the tree with his claws, i applied my staff with so much vigour to his feet, that he was constrained to drop to the ground, whereupon his rage was great. he then took a turn or two round the base of the tree to cool himself, gave a growl, and seated himself under it, fixing his eyes on me. in this position the disappointed monster remained, on his hind-quarters, seven hours, watching my movements; till at length, growing weary of his presence, and having read somewhere of the effect of the human voice, i cried out loudly, mentioning several names, as if calling for assistance. when speaking of the storm, i said that the thunder rolled with ten thousand voices. the cause, however, of its multiplied tones, was reserved for this adventure to make known. as i called out, i was utterly astonished to hear my own words repeated several times in succession;--the bear started on his feet; and after looking round, as if in fear of an attack, took himself off at his utmost speed. [sidenote: an alarming echo] assured that i had heard human voices, i became more agitated than when in company with the bear. it may appear anomalous; it is nevertheless true, that the prospect, or thought, of meeting with human beings in these wilds, always elicited agitation, or, more properly, terror. the joy that hope brought of my emancipation was always mixed with an alloy of indefinable dread of some coming evil. i remained in the tree about an hour after the bear had departed, continuing to amuse myself with the exercise of the voice, and listening to the repetitions of its sounds. at length, when assured that the bear did not contemplate a renewal of the attack, i descended from the tree, and again raised my voice, and was again surprised to find that i had no response. this struck me as very mysterious; and instead of seeking for natural causes of the phenomena, i abandoned myself to superstitious fears, and persuaded myself that i was on enchanted ground, while my mind indulged in endless chimeras. every effect is preceded by a cause, was a sentence i had often heard my father repeat; and as it recurred to my memory, i again ascended the tree, and repeated the experiments, alternately, for some time, on the ground and in the tree. the result was always the same, the voice being reverberated when in the tree, and not so when on the ground. again and again. i turned the matter over in the mind, and could come to no other conclusion than that there were persons somewhere in the neighbourhood, who could hear me from the tree, but were too far off to hear my voice when surrounded with the underwood on the ground. i now thought it my duty to find out the persons from whom i supposed the sounds came, and was actually preparing to start in search of them, when it suddenly flashed on my mind that i had heard a similar phenomenon under a bridge near my own native village, which the boys called an echo; yet as that gave only one response, or echo, i was still perplexed to make out a cause for hearing so many. this phenomenon, however, soon became a considerable source of amusement to me, and by shifting my positions i found several series of echoes: in some places the reverberations were six and sevenfold, and in others they were so numerous as to run into indistinctness. for a considerable time subsequently it was my wont, on a sunday, to ascend a tree after my devotions, and sing a line or two, or a verse of a psalm which i knew, when the effect was something like a number of voices in a place of worship, though the ear could not compass the innumerable combination of reverberations. when the echo was peculiarly distinct and near, and then taken up and repeated at a distance, it conveyed to my imagination the idea of aerial spirits answering each other. it was thus that the astonishing multiplied reverberations of the thunder in this region were accounted for--namely, the transmission of its sound from point to point. [sidenote: the honey-bear] i saw no more of the ant-bear; but the honey-bear, which was more common, and a fellow-depredator of the bees' nests with myself, often crossed my path; and it required the exercise of much ingenuity and caution to successfully compete with him. in all countries where the collection of honey is made a profit, various devices have been resorted to for deterring or entrapping the rugged depredators. to enumerate them all would be a digression from my narrative. the following are, however, among other successful modes of dealing with bears who have a taste for honey. the trees in which the bees are found the inhabitants lop close to the trunk, up to the home of the bees, so that the bear has nothing but the main trunk to assist him in climbing. these trees they sometimes stick with spikes, and blades of knives, with the points upwards. these, however, offer but small impediments to the bear in ascending the tree, but as he cannot descend with his head foremost, he is compelled to slide down, when the points are not so easily avoided, generally lacerating him in such a manner as to deter him from making any future attempt to rob hives situated in trees. the experienced bear will, however, sometimes, as he ascends the tree, break off the points, and secure himself a safe retreat. entrapping them is, therefore, a more successful practice. in lopping the tree the peasants are careful to leave a branch that extends out from the trunk above the hole where the bees have constructed their hive. from such a branch they suspend, with four ropes, a flat board, forming one scale of a pair, such as are commonly used in open markets; when this is hung up it hangs pendant at a distance from the trunk of the tree. when, however, it is prepared as a trap, it is brought close to the body of the tree by means of a bark rope, upon which it is fastened over the entrance of the hive. the bear having climbed the tree, with difficulty maintains himself with his claws while he commits the depredation, and is, therefore, glad to find a seat so conveniently placed for him to sit on; but seeing the entrance of the hole nearly covered with the bark-rope, he immediately commences tearing it away, and, in so doing, liberates himself from the tree, and becomes suspended in the air. in this situation he sits contemplating the alternatives of remaining to be killed when discovered, or venturing a leap to the ground; both, however, lead to the same end, as stakes are placed to receive him on their points, should he hazard a leap. in cold countries, it is by no means uncommon for bears to attack human beings; but in forests, within the tropics, where redundant nature pours out her horn of plenty, and food is found in abundance throughout the year, man, if he is not himself quarrelsomely disposed, may pass without molestation. both the ant and the honey-hear occasionally visited my hut, having frequently detected them sniffing round my barricade; but when i made my appearance, either on the roof, or in returning from a ramble, they always walked away without manifesting decided hostile intentions. [sidenote: the rains of guiana] i had now passed ten months in the forest, and had learned to dispense with shoes, stockings, linen, and, indeed, with every kind of covering for the body, excepting a wrapper for the loins, which i contrived to make out of the remaining rags collected from the worn-out habiliments i possessed when lost to my family. i had also combated with a wet season, and this season was now again approaching, that is, january and february, when the rains fall heavily; indeed, rain is no proper term for a fall of water in a guiana forest. rain conveys the idea of water falling in drops; there, the water comes bodily upon the earth in wide sheets. and before they come, no notice is given; they send no _avant courier_ of a few scattered drops to warn you of what is to follow; they are their own messengers. in the intervals between every such fall, the fervid sun resumes its influence, operating with such intensity as to effectually envelope all things in hot steam. a continuation of rain and excessive heat produces exuberant vegetation; and these in turn, by the exhalations of its ripeness and corruption, furnish back to the atmosphere an accumulating fund of distempering miasma, or cause of malignant fever. when the destructive effects of these influences are considered, in a locality amongst the rankest productions of nature, and where in a thousand places the water is pent up and sluggish,--prolific producers of reptiles and noisome vapours--nothing but a miracle, through the interposition of providence, could have preserved me in health so long. but my day of sickness was not to be altogether remitted, it was only postponed, and then inflicted in kindness, to teach me prudence, and the necessity there was for adopting proper precautions against evil results. my hut, notwithstanding the complacency with which i had selected the site, was, after all, situated in the very worst place i could have found in the entire forest. the former rainy season had inundated the morass that lay in the rear of my dwelling, and had, indeed, threatened me with submersion; yet i continued to remain there, as if nothing of danger had occurred, and the air, impregnated with the fermentations of collected vegetation for ages, was as healthful as that on hilly lands. it is the province of experience to calculate or anticipate results; how then could one so young as i was know that too frequently the beauty which redundant nature presents to the eye, is but an indication of its treachery to the constitution. i had not then reflected on the condition on which mortals receive life, namely, that of being associated with an inseparable companion called care; a companion which never quits their side till they resign up their souls. in my isolated situation, it was natural i should seek to indulge the sentiment of friendship with such companions as the locality afforded. the interior of my hut was therefore a kind of aviary; and it was my practice every morning to devote a couple of hours to teaching, and in the amusement of feeding my companions; after which, i indulged, by turns, the most docile with a walk into the interior of the wooded parts of the forest. a land-tortoise had become so tame, that when, in my rambles, i sat down to rest, i allowed him to seek his own food in the immediate neighbourhood, and that without any fear of his wandering far, even if unwatched. the rainy season had commenced about three weeks, when one morning i arose with an intense headache, excessive thirst, and a burning skin. i hastened to the stream, drank copiously of cold water, bathed for upwards of an hour, and then returned with my usual supply of water, conveyed in a clay vessel, which i had baked in the sun. this, as were similar vessels, was chiefly for the use of my family of birds, &c. i remember perfectly well, the following morning, that, as was my custom, i caressed the whole family; and, to avoid jealous bickerings, to which some were prone, i bestowed on each an equal portion of attention; and that subsequently i took up a tortoise and a mocking-bird for my companions during a walk. i also remember, that as i reached the aperture under the roof, the rays of the sun affected my sight in a peculiar manner, and that a giddy sensation came over me; but from that moment i lost all remembrance of what followed, being unconscious of passing circumstances; until i found myself reduced in flesh, and so weak and feeble, as to be incapable of rising from the floor of the hut where i was lying. under the opening, from whence i must have fallen, lay a dead tortoise, the shell being crushed. the sticks of which my aviary was composed were all torn asunder, and the broken fragments strewed about the place. several of my favourite birds, with their necks wrung, were on the ground; the others were absent. the vessel in which i had brought the water was broken into pieces, and many parts of the hut exhibited proofs of an attempt having been made to pull up the stakes of which it was formed. these were all evidences that i had fallen down when attempting to leave the hut, probably from giddiness or vertigo; that a violent fever had supervened, and in that condition i had lost my reason, and the consequent command of my actions--whence the devastation around me, and the debilitated state in which i found the body when reason returned. soon after consciousness had made me sensible of my condition, i fell asleep, in which i was carried into all kinds of illusory imaginations. among other fantasies, i dreamed that i was on the sea--walking--yet bounded on either side with rows of myrtles in full blossom, intermixed with jessamines; and that thousands of cupids and fauns preceded me, strewing flowers in my way. these figures, carrying baskets, were followed by zephyrs, which supplied the flowers. i was in a state of enchantment with the scene, yet every moment suffered from the dread of sinking into the depths of the sea, until i thought the water would no longer support me, when i awoke in the fright of being drowned. [sidenote: the power of prayer] the fever had entirely left me, and i was in a measure refreshed by the sleep i had had. i was now reflecting on the phenomena of dreams, and the length of time the impressions they leave remain on the mind--for i still heard the action of the water--when, after several efforts to disengage myself from the illusion, as i thought, i was roused from imaginings to a sense of the reality of what i heard. plash, plash, went the water against the exterior of my hut; and these sounds were continuous and audible, so much so as to be unmistakable. still i was incapable of reaching the exterior to see what was the cause. my state of alarm and agitation may therefore be better conceived than described. too feeble to use my limbs, i had no resource but in prayer. most sincerely did i offer the supreme being thanks for having preserved me through my illness. i then prayed, that after such a miraculous dispensation of divine goodness, i might not be left to perish in my helplessness. i believe that no one ever prayed from the heart without acquiring some additional knowledge or strength of purpose. may not this be because prayer is both an inquiry of the intellect and of the affections; the one seeking for the truth, and the other for what is good? besides, pure devotion is thought, which improves, at least, and helps the judgment. after some time spent in this manner, i felt the perturbation of my mind much abated, and in a frame to contemplate steadily surrounding circumstances, and consider how they might be best dealt with. a short time since, and i had looked on death as inevitable, either by drowning or starvation; now, i reflected, that if the water had been very high, it must have, ere this, penetrated my frail creation; and, if very powerful, it would have swept the whole away without giving me any notice whatever. it also occurred to me that i ought to have some dozen or two of cocoa-nuts and a store of honey within my reach, as i lay on the floor. as i had not previously, on any occasion, made a store, i could not but see the hand of providence directing me to prepare for my present extremity. these supplies were placed in a hole which i had made in the ground for their reception, being covered with a piece of bark, and a stone to keep it in its place. fortunately, i had only to drag myself a few yards, and take the nourishment i so much needed; although it was not calves'-foot jelly and port wine, yet, in my then weak state, it proved a very gratifying refreshment. it is not possible for me to make any rational estimate of the length of time i was under the influence of the fever, or of the period employed in sleeping during my recovery. it is probable that it had but a short, though a violent career; but the present exigencies were too pressing to admit of much time being expended over the past. plash, plash, continued the water against the hut, and the floor began to exhibit signs of its entrance into the interior. my situation was now one of real peril. i made an effort to raise myself up to the opening through which i mast pass to escape, but as i had first to mount a stool formed of pieces of bark, and then to raise my body several feet with my arms, before my head could reach the aperture, i found my strength insufficient for the task. my distress was considerably augmented by the impossibility of my taking any more rest in a reclining position, as the water was rapidly covering the floor, and the probability there was of the structure giving way on a sudden, and submerging me in an instant of time. i seated myself on the before-mentioned stool, with my feet and legs stretched over a bird-coop that had not been entirely broken up. singular to relate, in this position i fell into a profound sleep, with my back against the lining of the hut; the extreme of distress, contemplated for a length of time, i believe has a tendency to produce this effect. [sidenote: perils of water] i had fallen asleep as the moon went down, about an hour after midnight; it was daylight when i awoke; the first object that caught my attention being the staff, on which were the notches that formed my calendar; this was floating on the water, now a foot or more in depth. it is said drowning men catch at straws; the idea immediately came across my mind that, with the support of the stick, i should be enabled to effect my escape. i succeeded; and after wading about fifty yards up to my knees in water, reached a dry spot of land, on which my first act was to kneel, and offer up prayers of gratitude for my deliverance. as a period of unconsciousness had occasioned a breach in my calendar, and the true sabbath was lost to me, i made the day of my deliverance a sunday, from which hereafter to reckon the days of the week. attenuated in frame, with weak limbs, but possessing a healthy stomach, i dragged myself to a half-natural cave, at a short distance, which i had previously cleared out as a place where i might find shelter from the heavy rains, and where i could lie in wait to kill a head of game without the fatigue of hunting for it. in this retreat i lived for two days, solely on cocoa-nuts and honey; the third, i caught an armadillo, which i dressed for dinner, and then resumed the practice of taking a dessert in the afternoon, having abundance of fruit at my command. it is one of the miseries inseparable from the condition of man, that good and evil are presented under different forms; misery often appearing to us under the mask of happiness, and prosperity under the image of misfortune, teaching us to leave all in the hands of him who knows best what is good for his creatures. i had no reason to complain, having within my reach blossoms, green and ripe fruit, all on the same trees, and those in abundance throughout the year, new soil for their growth being constantly formed by the exuviæ of the forest, which here keeps her sabbath in silence. but even here, in the midst of plenty, man must not be idle. "the crab," say the negroes, "that does not leave his hole, never gets fat." as my strength returned, my wants increased; and as animal food appeared to be needed for the renovation of the frame, i was constantly engaged in the pursuit of it; while, what leisure time i possessed became irksome, from the want of a domestic establishment such as i had formed in the hut. [sidenote: the first night in the cave] although my specimen of sylvan architecture was at no time more than half submerged in water, and that without being broken up, i abandoned it as being unsafe as a residence. finding myself not only more secure from the heavy rains, but much more cool in the cave, i now began to fortify its entrance, to guard against night intrusions. in effecting this object, the only one i kept in view while at work, i fell into the error of neglecting to provide for the admission of sufficient air to sustain life. the first night i passed in the cave, after completing my barricade of bark, which served the purpose of planks of deal, i could get no rest, turning and rolling about with an uneasiness i could in no way account for, till the morning came, when the admission of air made me sensible of breathing with more freedom, and at once explained the cause of my previous uneasiness. the next day was spent in cutting holes through the bark fence, to remedy so serious an evil as the want of air. accustomed as i had been to the intimate society of birds and other animals, their loss was too severely felt for me to remain long without them; i therefore commenced the construction of a new aviary on the outside of the cave, with a space beneath, to confine any of the small kind of animals which might fall into my hands. one surviving tortoise from the hut i had already brought into the cave. it was not long before the entrance to my retreat somewhat resembled the display made by a metropolitan dealer in animals, on the pavement before the steps which lead to his lodgings in the cellar. contentment is in no station the lot of mankind. although my new residence had many advantages, nothing could compensate me for the loss of the security in which i had every morning obtained a survey of the movements of the inhabitants of the forest from the roof of the hut. i did not, however, indulge in idle regrets, continuing to work on in constructing snares and traps, to people my new dwelling-place; and when it happened that i wounded a bird or animal, i derived a peculiar pleasure in attending to it till its recovery was effected. when i had again collected a tolerable number of friends, and formed some new attachments, a catastrophe happened which occasioned me more regrets than any circumstance which had previously befallen me in the woods. [sidenote: slaughter of the pet birds] early in the day i had left my family all safe and well; they were of course confined, but plenty of air and light was admitted through the bars into their dwellings. i had the satisfaction of thinking they were happy, even in their captivity; they were, however, all carried off at one fell swoop, and i returned only to witness the desolation of the scene. there is a small animal of the weasel species, having the bump of destructiveness so strongly developed, that it seeks the destruction of all other animals that cannot defend themselves from its attacks; it is called the crabbodaga. one of these--or there may have been an accomplice in the murderous business--crept between the bars of the cage, and killed every bird and animal i possessed, excepting a mocking-bird i happened to have out with me. none but those who have reared birds from the callow state and have given them a place in their affections, can appreciate my distress at this disaster. the birds had been my companions--had dined, some of them, at the same table every day, and over the dessert had amused me with their conversation, or delighted me with their music. reflecting on this domestic tragedy, i resolved to convert the entire of the abandoned hut into one large aviary, that is, as soon as the dry season had entirely freed the place from water. i had very little difficulty in trimming sticks, and binding them together for fences, to confine the birds; but it was not so easy to repair the loss of attached friends, who had reposed their confidence in me, or to teach strangers an agreeable method of conversation upon a given signal. i could now no longer give dinner-parties at home; i therefore intruded on the entertainments given by others, for i did not enjoy my meals alone. i did not often take a meal with gregarious birds--those who moved in flocks,--yet many of these were excellent companions in private; in a body they were generally too noisy and fickle in flight to be depended on, except in the morning or evening. the birds usually called social, were my favourites; these are such as live in pairs, but assemble in parties at certain hours of the day to dine on the same tree, sing in concert for an hour, and then part as they came, each attended by its mate. at many of these entertainments i was permitted to remain, without causing any surprise or confusion; but then i behaved with proper decorum, and above all, did not forget the manners and habits of those i visited. observing the monkeys to be very fond of the seeds that grew on a tree called the _vanilla_, the spanish name for scabbard, which the seeds of the plant resemble, i one day presumed to join one of their parties at meal time, and climbed a tree for that purpose, but was received so very uncourteously, that i gave them up as incorrigible boors. that they have no soul for music i have had frequent proofs while listening to the song of the thrush in the breeding season; a period when these birds select an elevated spot, generally the same every day, and pour forth strains of peculiar melody. these songs the monkeys not only disregard, but continually interrupt with their monotonous howls. [sidenote: habits of birds] the habits of birds are very peculiar, and distinctively marked; the thrush sings to its mate, delighted with the prospect of rearing up a new progeny; the nightingale, on the contrary, only ceases to sing when his mate arrives to join him; being migrating birds, the male precedes the female in making its passage from one country to another, and pours forth his notes only while waiting for the arrival of the female. if this bird is caught and caged before he is joined by his mate, he will continue to sing in confinement, if afterwards, he will be mute. nothing is more remarkable in birds, or has perhaps been less noticed, than their affection for each other, and for callow birds in general. the cries from any one nest of birds will set all the old ones within hearing into a state of extreme agitation, all flying up and down anxious to inquire what is the matter, and what assistance they can offer. he who walks through the woods, and can imitate the cries of young birds, may at all times be certain of collecting old ones around him, that is, in the breeding season. the cry of young birds in the nest is in the forest what the cry of fire or murder is in a city; it alarms all the neighbourhood; and the knowledge of an enemy to their young being in the vicinity of their homes, is to them much the same as going to bed next door to an incendiary. i have seen a blue jay--a very noisy and chattering bird--discover an owl sitting in his hiding-place, and immediately summon a flock of his feathered fraternity to his assistance. these surrounded the winking _solitaire_, and opened a fire of abuse on him that might at a distance be mistaken for a general disturbance in billingsgate market. the owl opened and then shut his eyes, as if at first unconscious of the meaning of the attack, and asking, "can it be me you mean?" he, however, was soon made sensible that he would not be suffered to remain within their jurisdiction; and off he went, followed by a mob of birds, who hunted him out of the bounds of their district. clamorous as the jay is against the owl for eating young birds, he himself i have detected in tearing the callow young out of the eggs belonging to other birds; yet he never fails to unite with the other feathered inhabitants of the wood at the cry of danger. the tender assiduities of birds in their attachments is no less remarkable than their courage in defence of their mates and young ones. the male, solicitous to please, uses the tenderest expressions, as evinced by his manner; sits by his mate as closely as he can; caresses her with a thousand endearing movements of the body and head: sings to her his most enchanting warblings; and, as they are seated together, if he espies an insect more agreeable to her taste than another, he takes it up, flies to her with it, spreads his wings over her, and genteelly puts it into her mouth. and if a rival or an enemy appear, his courage in attack soon proves the ardour of his love. [sidenote: the mocking-bird and snake] during incubation, the female is no less the object of his solicitude; as birds have many enemies, the males feel that it is their duty to watch over and protect their mates and young ones. i had every waking hour opportunities of witnessing their courage, frequently seeing very small birds attack the black snake, darting at its head, and pecking the eyes till they either killed or drove away that enemy to their brood. when these contests became doubtful, the females would leave their nests, and hasten to the scene of action to render their mates assistance. the mocking-bird seldom fails to kill the snake single-handed, instantly afterwards mounting the bush, to pour forth a torrent of song in token of victory. these birds mount and descend as their song swells or dies away; at times darting up with the celerity of an arrow, as if to recover or recall the last strain of expiring melody. while the mocking-bird thus exerts himself, a bystander, destitute of sight, would suppose that the whole of the feathered tribes had assembled to vie with each other in singing and in deceiving the sportsman, by imitating the birds of which he was in pursuit. their talent at imitation is so extraordinary, that they can call the mates of almost every other bird around them at pleasure. the fascinating power ascribed to the black snake is an error. when a snake is discovered in the vicinity of a nest, the male bird mounts a spray, and in great agitation flutters his wings in a threatening manner, till an opportunity offers of flying down to the attack. in these encounters the snake sometimes succeeds in biting the bird, and in injecting its venom, when the effect of the poison is so sudden, as to paralyse the further efforts of the latter; hence has arisen the supposed power of fascination, and the story of birds flying into the snake's jaws. instances of this nature i have witnessed, and if i had not followed up my observations further, might have fallen into the popular error of supposed fascination: but my experience informs me, that when the bird is said to be spellbound, it is preparing to destroy an enemy, in which encounter it generally comes off victorious. birds, as a class, possess as much intelligence, and more courage than any of god's creatures lower in the scale of animals than man. the instincts, or the propensities and precautions of animals, as in birds developed, are as multifarious and as striking, if not more so, as in other animals, not excepting the elephant and dog. a thrush that i caught in a trap used to catch wasps, and after plucking the wings off to prevent their escape, pressed the abdomen with his bill, to force out the poison of the sting before he swallowed it. i have frequently seen birds seize mice and reptiles, and after examination reject them. in all such cases i have found that the prey thus cast aside was sickly, or infested with lice. the birds seem to reason thus: "if i take this sickly thing to my nest, i shall not only carry my young ones unwholesome food, but shall carry a nuisance to them, also." another bird i had in my aviary, would carry food that was too hard for his taste to his water, and there let it remain till it was soaked to his palate. [sidenote: departure from the cave] looking over my notched calendar, and transferring it in weeks and months to another stick i was suddenly struck with the length of time i had been shut out of society, and how wonderfully the almighty had preserved me. it then occurred to me that i had not exerted myself as i ought to have done, to free myself from the intricate mazes of the forest. then, reflecting on the regular inundations of the morass, i thought it was probable that the waters might come from a river, or the sea; and as they had just then retired, i determined to start off immediately, and pursue the margin to its source. hitherto, security at night had induced me to linger about favourite spots; i had now surmounted childish fears; still i was sensible of the great risk i should run of sleeping, night after night, in the open air; and this reflection for a time deterred me from carrying out my plan. at length i thought of the gipsies i had seen in the green lanes in england, and then set to work to manufacture a substitute for the covers they use to throw over the hooped sticks at night, with which they were wont to form low booths. this i effected by platting and weaving long dried grass, and when it was completed, i cut some poles of the lacaria; but still doubting my own resolution to break up my establishment, i one day, with a kind of spasmodic effort, liberated all my newly-collected domestic friends and companions, some of which accepted of freedom rather reluctantly. my attachments being thus dissolved, the following morning i commenced my lonely journey, on the second day of which i made a fire near to some shallow water, and was broiling a jay i had killed for my supper, when the earth on which i sat began to move, and instantly afterwards the embers were scattered about. starting to my feet with alarm, a crocodile about four feet long showed itself as it plunged a few yards further off into a pool of mud and water. the place on which i had lighted my fire, was a part of the swamp, crusted over, probably, by the heat of that day's sun only. every hour, indeed, now brought me in contact with enemies, and exposed me to privations i had avoided by making a home in one spot. but then i had an object to attain, and i persevered for twenty days, at the end of which i had the mortification to find that i had, like many others in the world, progressed not a step, having travelled in a circle, which brought me to the very threshold of my recent home. my chagrin was so poignant, that i thought the very trees waved in derision at my folly; and the same day i set out in another direction, which proved to be directly south. every step i took informed me that i was a trespasser; the scene that i had quitted appeared to have been ceded to me by the inhabitants of the forest, who were willing for me to occupy it without molesting me, or exhibiting any signs of alarm; but, as i moved from place to place, all seemed in arms against me. my insatiable curiosity, too, was everywhere offensive; nothing escaped my prying propensity, and i even regretted that i had suffered the crocodile to escape that i might have intercepted, had i been cool, and have driven to the land for examination; i often, indeed, pushed my inquiries beyond the line of prudence. [sidenote: an unpleasant nocturnal visitor] one moonlight night i was favoured with a splendid view of the jaguar under the influence of a hungry stomach, and in that state i saw him seize his prey. i had spread my matting at the lower end of a tree that had been torn up by the roots, between which i could creep and hide myself; at the other end the branches extended into a small glade or open space; when about midnight i was awaked by a tremendous roar. alarmed for my own safety. i crept between the roots of the tree, pulling the covering after me, and in this situation raised my head so as to look along the shaft of the fallen timber, about ten yards from the end of which i could distinctly discern the jaguar, pacing up and down, in a space of not more than thirty yards. his step was quick and hurried, but so light that he appeared not to touch the ground; his swollen and stiffened tail swept the ground, as it moved from side to side. i instantly became anxious to ascertain whether his eyes were directed towards any particular object, and more especially in the direction where i was hid. i had the satisfaction of seeing their fierce glance furtively cast in every direction but towards me; indeed, i must have been invisible to him through the broken branches and roots, at the distance he was from the tree, and amid the shade that surrounded me. the spot he had chosen for his nocturnal promenade was, i have no doubt, a deer track, on which he had before in all probability snatched many meals. his impatience evidently increased as his expectations were delayed; he quickened, if possible, his step at every turn, till at length he suddenly paused, and assumed a most exciting attitude. his tail for a moment stood out perfectly horizontal, in a line with his back; making gentle sweeps, as if of immediate expectation. suddenly he crouched on his belly, still moving his tail very gently; at length the moment arrived: he gave one roar of horrid delight, and the next, a deer was in his jaws, and growling, he seized and dispatched it by twisting the head downwards with his paw. finally he gave the deer a shake, as if to assure himself that life was extinct, and then, with a fling of the head threw the dead animal across his back, and was lost in the thicket, depriving me of the satisfaction of witnessing his manner of finishing the repast. strong in my resolution to arrive if possible at the extremity of the forest, i continued to proceed, as i thought, in the same direction; but i could not travel every day, being compelled sometimes to watch through the night, and being frequently unable, while moving forward, to obtain a sufficiency of nutritious food. when, therefore, i met with a convenient retreat, i stayed and refreshed myself till i acquired strength to undertake new labours. some scenes would irresistibly detain me, and if any one express surprise that they should do so when journeying to seek the society of my fellow-creatures, i reply that i did not at any time abandon the hope of success; yet when the uncertainty of my course, without a compass or guide, is considered, i never had a right to be very sanguine in my expectations, use whatever efforts i might. in a journey of such a doubtful nature, oftentimes worn down with fatigue of body and despair of mind, it was natural to linger on and to rest in an oasis longer than in a desert. in a hot climate, cool retreats have peculiar charms, such as are unappreciable by those who live in cold countries. the mere topographical traveller may measure a lake, or a river, give the height and angle of a projecting rock, describe the rush of falling waters into an estuary, and trace the course of rivers from their rise to their mouth, but he is unable to give the living tints of nature, together with all their form and colour. [sidenote: beauties of the forest] neither the pen nor the pencil can describe the feelings of those who sympathize with nature in her secret homes of grandeur. when i first entered the forest, the effect of the sublimity of the scene was astonishment, in which the beauties were lost; but as surprise wore off, these beauties, one by one, stood out to view; and operating on the senses, produced pleasure in its highest state of enjoyment. in scenes where bignonias, passifloras, and a thousand other flowers presented an unceasing display throughout the year, surrounded with birds and insects of surpassing beauty, who, possessed of sympathy of soul, or an ear for the sweet sounds of nature, would not for a time forget mortality and live in imaginary eternal bliss; for the charm of such scenes is only dispelled by awakening to the wants and necessities of the corporeal man. my existence was of such a nature,--one of alternate enjoyment in communing with lonely and enchanting scenes, and of fears lest i should fall a sacrifice to the dangers that environed my everyday movements. sometimes i sallied forth to face dangers, and again paused to breathe, and, for a time, escape them. at length i reached a new scene, consisting of sand-hills, out of which issued springs of water, uniting at a short distance, where they formed a stream, which appeared to wind over an open country. in comparison with my solitude in the woods, this was a cheering change; and recollecting the geographical axiom in my school-books, that all springs and rivers ultimately find their way into the sea, i rejoiced at the chance i had of being extricated from the labyrinth in which i had been so long bewildered. [sidenote: following the stream] it is the fate of mortals to see the birth of pleasure only to witness her destruction. her commencement is always very nearly connected with her end. the instant that gives her birth is generally the same in which she expires. i had not proceeded far before the waters spread themselves over the land, and were lost to the sight. in one or two places their course terminated as if they were cut off with a knife, one edge being visible and the other in obscurity, exhibiting the phenomenon of rivers which suddenly take a subterraneous course, to rise again at another point, leaving the space between perfectly dry. being now in an open country, i ascertained that the course i had travelled was directly southward, or towards that part of the horizon which was cut by the sun's culminating, or meridian line; and this course i continued to pursue. a day and a half again brought me to the stream, for, as yet, it was not entitled to be called a river. it now, however, took a direction leading into the wood, among the foliage of which it was lost to the eye. the emancipation from the forest had given me the greatest possible delight, i therefore could not but hesitate before i again entered it; yet it was my only certain source of subsistence in the open country. i suffered both from hunger and thirst. i had, therefore, no alternative but to follow the stream; and on i went, its course winding so much that i began to fear i was traversing another circle. at length, after giving me much wearisome toil, it was lost in an impenetrable thicket of wood. i was now constrained to make a very considerable and extended _détour_, in the hope of again reaching its banks at some merging point. three days i journeyed round an impervious mass of wood, so closely matted that i could at no point obtain an entrance. at the end of that time, i suddenly lighted upon the spot where i supposed the waters met in one broad reservoir. various tributary streams flowed into this spot, and continued their meandering course for many miles. i hailed the sight of it with considerable delight, as i had begun to be fearful that i was about to lose sight of its course altogether. chapter v. i witness a grand convulsion in nature, of which i have a wonderful escape--am rescued in the last extremity, and admitted into a tribe of indians. "look round and see how providence bestows on all alike sunshine and rain, to bless the fruitful year of different nations, all different faiths; and though by several names and titles worshipp'd, heav'n takes the various tribute of their praise. since all agree to own, at least to mean, one best, one greatest, and one lord of all." [sidenote: a useful hollow tree] when i arrived at the confluence, as i took it to be, of the streams, it was saturday night,--that is, according to my new calendar. as i did not think it lawful to travel on the sunday, i sought for an eligible place of security, where i might rest, and start thoroughly refreshed on the monday, to solve the problem of the opposing currents. with this view i ascended an isolated blasted tree, where i might seat myself, and find protection from insidious enemies. i was delighted to find that the trunk was hollow, the only entrance being from the top. the tree leaned to the horizon at about an angle of degrees. after carefully examining it, i thought i had satisfied myself that it was not pre-occupied by any obnoxious inhabitant; i then dropped into it, as it were, down a chimney. crouching, i was out of sight, but when i stood erect i had a view of my own desolate situation. a species of frogs had just commenced to send forth their peculiar noise, which resembles the sound from a stonemason's yard, when i was annoyed by a number of green frogs, such as dwell in trees; and endeavouring to brush these from my immediate locality, i discovered a number of the _scolopendra_, or centipedes, from five to eight inches in length. perceiving a hole in the side of the tree, i proceeded to expel these formidable insects with my stick, by which means i disturbed, in the pulpy part of the decayed wood, a nest of _scorpions_. things in motion soon catch my eye, and in another second i had regained the earth. indisposed, however, to give up such a comfortable apartment, i cleared out the whole of the interior, and then regained the top of the tree, where i sat for a considerable time in doubt whether i should retire to rest or keep watch through the night. it was a beautiful evening, and the air was strongly impregnated with the aromatic fragrance of the different species of the _rubiaceæ_, the _andiocera_, and _ænothera_. moonlight is a thoughtful period in all climates. i had almost, while watching my own shadow, forgotten the process of time, when suddenly cynthia extinguished her lamp. wearied, both in a mental and physical sense, i again, reckless of consequences, dropped into my cylindrical apartment. how long i slept i cannot tell; i was, however, awaked to scenes as remarkable as they were terrible and rapid in succession. a flood of light was streaming into my skylight, and i became conscious of a rocking sensation. for a moment i concluded that i was again seized with the vertigo in my head. a violent sound of rushing waters soon roused me to a sense of my real danger, and, standing erect, i beheld all the firm earth, on which but a few hours previously i had stood, now covered with water. an immense number of aquatic birds were floating on its surface, while others were springing up to branches of the trees above, to escape from the enormous serpents, and other monsters of the deep, that infest temporary lakes caused by sudden inundations. [sidenote: an inundation] as i surveyed the scene the waters were still rising, and the tree on which i sat rose with them in an upright position. presently it became stationary, and the water began, gradually to cover its trunk. i have said that it was an isolated spot: it was a small area in the midst of the wood, which appeared to have been cleared by the blast of lightning, the nearest tree being fifty yards, or more, distant. among other things struggling for life was a fawn, which swam beneath me, and was seized by a cayman; while as another monster of the same species, at least thirty feet long, paused to survey me, with my feet then nearly touching the water, i impulsively raised my stick in self-defence, and at this juncture the trunk of the tree suddenly swung round, and by its action nearly threw me off into the jaws of the cayman. the principal part of the roots were torn from the earth, but most providentially the only remaining branch on the tree remained uppermost, which presented me with the opportunity of climbing five or six feet higher. still, as i could not now turn round with facility, i remained for a full hour, every moment expecting the monster would seize me from behind; for the cayman continued to show himself at intervals, as if certain, in the end, of his prey. at length the roots of the decayed tree parted entirely from the earth, and it was carried forward with the current. fortunately the branch, which was my only chance of escape, still remained elevated. the cayman did not abandon his intended victim till my bark conveyed me among the standing trees, when i seized the opportunity of climbing up one of considerable height. up to this period all other dangers had been merged in the immediate dread of the monster of the deep, but i was now at liberty to take a more extended view of the scene, from a fixed position, and i found myself in the midst of congregated wild beasts and powerful reptiles. in the next tree to the one i occupied was an ant-bear, and a little farther off i could discern several others. monkeys and apes were swinging and chattering over my head in large numbers; serpents, from five to thirty feet long, were crawling on the branches and round the trunks of trees, to escape from the flood; tiger-cats, beautifully striped, were springing from branch to branch of the green and purple-heart trees, which here grew to the height of seventy feet; lizards were seen in such numbers as in many places literally to cover the branches of the trees. all the birds were sending forth sounds of dissonance, as if stricken with terror; while the shrill voice of the bird called the pi-pi-yo roused me to the consciousness that the hour of noon had arrived. the lofty _panax_, _bignonia_, _copaiva_, rising to a hundred feet in height, were peopled with living things, all in apparent consternation at the sudden changes of the scene. it was a grand, though an awful sight for a human being to behold. animals of various natures, habits, and antipathies, were all crowded together in one common place of refuge, shaken by the wind, and dreading contact with each other, as the violent rushing of the waters bore on their surface numberless proofs of the havoc made, and still threatening to sweep away and swallow up every vestige of animal and vegetable creation. [sidenote: hope in desolation] but let the soul be set on the highest mount of distress, and view the most spacious prospect of misery, if the eye be turned towards god comfort may be found beyond the horizon, when human strength is vain. i lifted up my voice in the wilderness, and lo! god was there, and i took courage, exclaiming, "the almighty is the architect of all i see, his power stretches over the whole earth and the empty space; he hangs the earth and all the ethereal globes upon nothing; and is he not able to save me?" "i will uphold thee with the right hand of my righteousness," saith the lord. "the hand which fixes the stars and guides the planets in their courses is stretched out to preserve his children." with these reflections did i trust in my position, and bid my soul to take courage and rely on divine succour. fortunately, i had the remains of a cooked bird in my wallet, which always hung at my back; and _murucuja_, fruit of one of the passion-flowers, was within my reach, which i gathered and ate. the fish also forsook their ordinary food, for i could plainly see them feeding on the fruit and berries of shrubs through which they swam. at length night overtook me, and the moon, i thought, rose with a more speaking yet angry countenance than usual, frowning blood-coloured rays on the surface of the water and through the foliage of the wood, still rendering my fellow-lodgers immediately around me visible, while the vampire and other species of bats flitted wildly round, like spirits of the air; and occasional splashings beneath indicated that the larger tyrants of the flood were making prey of the weaker inhabitants, or the latter were exerting themselves to escape from the jaws of the former. the terrestrial animals seemed, for the most part, in providing for their own safety, to have suspended all operations of warfare, the scene above the flood in the evening wearing much the same appearance as throughout the day, excepting that the reptiles were not so numerous, the serpents and lizards having found hiding-places in the holes of the trees or under thick foliage. after a few hours the moon went down and left me "in the populous solitude of bees and birds, and fairy-form'd and many-colour'd things." it was now that, like job, i had to "gird up my loins like a man;" for, as darkness shrouded me, my thoughts naturally reverted to the bear in the next tree; i could not but speculate on his movements, and the probability of his descending and swimming to invade my territory. impressed with this fear, the master one of the hour, i took up a position to command the trunk of the tree, where, armed with my stick, i might oppose him to an advantage. [sidenote: a night on the water] it would be futile were i to attempt to describe my sensations during the night. could words be found expressive enough for the purpose, they should have been penned at the instant they were felt; feelings under such extraordinary circumstances cannot be recalled, or appreciated only at the time they were excited. words, in description, stand for general ideas in nature's chart; ten thousand sensations and forms enter of themselves into the sanctuary of the mind. i can only say that i spent the night in prayer for the coming morn. it, however, passed without involving me in any encounter. "now, men see not the bright light which is in the clouds; but the wind passeth and cleareth them away." i thought it was an interminable night, and long before morning dawned, as the first glimmer of light tinged the eastern horizon, i strained my eyes to assure myself of its actual approach; yet what hope could it bring me?--none, in prospect; notwithstanding which, latent hope was not wholly extinct. a vague idea possessed me that i might find some floating tree to carry me to the nearest shore. at length, indolently, as i thought, the morning did appear, rendering surrounding objects visible. the bear was still in the tree, coiled up like a cat, in a forked branch, apparently asleep. his bearship had not even the politeness to pass the compliment of the day by noticing me; and noon again arrived, bringing with it utter despair. for some time i had been watching a log of timber, in the hope that it would float within my reach, when i distinctly heard the sound of human voices. my heart leaped up with joy; and the coincidence of the appearance of a rainbow at the same instant, operated like a reprieve to a malefactor in the hands of the executioner. i was so much elated, that i actually should have neglected to have called out for assistance, had not the same voices again addressed my ear more distinctly, when i used my vocal powers with all my might; but i had no response, and my heart was again, sinking within me, when i observed a canoe approaching. it contained two indians; one was using the paddle, the other directing his attention to the spot from whence my voice proceeded. a few seconds brought them under the tree, and an invitation, by signs, for me to descend, and accept of my emancipation from their hands. [sidenote: the charms of solitude] notwithstanding all the terrors and privations of my wild life, there was a charm in it which is inexplicable; and i paused ere i parted with it. men whose whole life has been identified with civilization may not understand this feeling; but long association with nature in her own scenes of unlimited grandeur and profuse bounty, cannot be broken off without a struggle. in return for all the blessings nature bestows on her children of the woods, she requires no sacrifice of liberty; free and unconstrained she permits them to roam throughout her domains; to robe or unrobe, as their taste may dictate; to rest when fatigued, and to rise when refreshed. nature does not mask misery with the face of happiness, nor dress misfortune in the guise of prosperity; free and uncontrolled, her children are invited to help themselves at her munificent board; while in the narrow paths of civilized life, even the boasted reason of man is incapable of conferring happiness on society. but with the green grass and soft moss for a carpet, umbrageous trees for a shade, the murmuring stream for the ear, together with the sound of the breeze amongst the leaves to woo reflection, the syrens of vicious pleasure may be avoided, and the disquietudes of life be forgotten. like a true citizen of the world, i had become enamoured with liberty, and with the instinct of a denizen of the forest, i shrank from the presence of man. my situation was perilous, death being inevitable if i remained in the tree; for in a short time sleep must overcome me, and in that state, i must fall into the waters beneath. reluctantly, therefore, i dropped into the canoe, with the feelings of a bird who darts into a cage to escape the talons of the hawk--an incident, by the way, which once brought both the fugitive and the hawk into my trap. no captured african slave could feel the loss of liberty more than i did when the indians assigned me a seat in the canoe, which proceeded to join a company consisting of eleven persons. they were a fishing party that had left their wonted haunts to avail themselves of the flood, a period when their efforts were generally rewarded with great success. one canoe was nearly filled with the product of the first draught, and they were in the act of drawing another as i appeared amongst them. they were all well-grown men, nearly naked, like myself, very placid in their demeanour, and showed great anxiety to relieve my distress, offering me food and drink. indeed, their manners were so urbane and pleasing, that in a very short time i recovered from my depression of spirits, and congratulated myself on my good fortune in falling into their company. they wore large grass-platted hats to defend the head from the heat of the sun, and had each a hammock made of the same materials, which as night approached, they slung from the branches of trees, and calmly laid themselves down to survey the confusion of nature which the sudden inundation had occasioned. with the party was a youth about my own age, who at once attached himself to me; he manifested his disappointment and concern that he could not make himself understood by words, and in a very short time intimated his intention of undertaking my education by showing me the implements in use and calling them by name, till i not only recollected them, but acquired accuracy of pronunciation. [sidenote: the indian village] two days subsequently to my rescue from the tree, i was taken to the indian village, about ten miles from the border of the forest. it consisted of fifteen huts on an elevated spot, distant a half-mile from a fine river, which ebbed and flowed with the tide. it was this circumstance that had occasioned my embarrassment when following the stream and suddenly meeting with a contrary current. on my arrival at the village i was struck with the absence of curiosity or surprise which a stranger from another race generally excites, even in civilized localities. neither men, women, or children appeared to bestow on me any peculiar notice, nor did they, as far as i could learn, express any desire to know how i came amongst them, or from whence i came. no overseer or other parish officer was called in to provide me with food and then dispute my right to eat. i was at once led to the hut of the father of my young friend, and received as one of the family, in which there were two wives and two families--one mother with three, and another with four children. plurality of wives was the custom of this indian community, and yet they lived in perfect harmony; there were no jealousies or bickerings; the progeny of each shared alike the affection and care of both mothers, who laboured with equal zeal in the culture of cassava or manioc, the roots of which they grated and made into bread. there were numerous tribes of these indians, but they all spoke the same language. the tribe i was with were called galibis; they were remarkable alike for their humanity and intelligence. indeed, they possessed all the moral qualities of civilized society, without its forms and most of its vices, especially the one of coveting their neighbours' goods. [sidenote: habits of the indians] during the time i was with them, a period of eighteen months, i never heard of a charge of theft. land was as plentiful as air and water; there could not, therefore, be any motive to steal, if we except idleness,--a vice which prevails more in cities than in the wilds of nature. numerous families sometimes live in one common large hut; yet there are no quarrels to disturb their harmony; and such is their hospitality that he who is fatigued with hunting may always depend on repose in the nearest dwelling. their language is peculiarly harmonious, rich with synonyms, and is represented by those who have studied its grammatical construction, to be complicated and ingenious in syntax. intelligent as they are, they have at all times rejected the arts and all instruction, from their great love of independence. the countenances of all are stereotyped with benevolence, and their conversation is fraught with maxims that inculcate the practice of charity to all the human race. they are not without a sense of pride, yet discourage it in practice. it requires no broker to make a written catalogue of their household furniture: their weapons are bows and arrows, and a short dart which they force through a reed with the breath, bringing down birds on the wing with surprising dexterity. a flat stone on which the women bake bread, and a rough one on which to grate the root of cassava; a hammock, a hatchet, a comb, and a broken piece of looking-glass in a rude frame, comprise the whole of their furniture. what few vessels they had were ill made,--not any improvement on those i formed from clay for the use of my aviary when in the woods. they have no code of laws, nor have they a word in the language by which to convey the idea of laws; yet they have the same word as in hebrew to express god, by which they understand supreme master. they have a magistrate or elder, to whom any matter of disputation is referred, and by him summarily and finally settled. fire they obtain by rubbing two pieces of wood together; and for cooking, this is made on the ground, over which they suspend their vessels in the rudest manner. although these people wear no clothes, properly so called, they are very fond of ornaments; as amulets and charms, those obtained from the ivory-billed woodpecker were most in vogue. no people in the world, perhaps, are more remarkable for acute observation. if you name any kind of bird, or other animal, to them, that is to be found in this part of the globe, instantly they imitate its action and tones of voice. the notes of birds they give with surprising accuracy. they are very expert swimmers, and some of the women and children spend the chief of their time in the water. the men fish, and hunt, and when not so employed, which happens three or four days in the week, they remain in their hammocks, and amuse themselves with their implements, in the repairs of which, and in conversation, all their leisure is spent. they possess all the qualities to form good sportsmen, and to take the command of others--having great presence of mind and promptitude of action. i know not which most to admire, their skill in discovering game, or their manner of taking it. they entertain the loftiest sentiments of chivalrous honour, and their courage always rises with increasing difficulty; it "smiles in danger stern and wild," and is superior to circumstances. on the fourth day after my emancipation from the loneliness of the forest i accompanied a fishing party to the same spot from whence i had been taken. it was a favourite locality for hunting the ant-bear, and when the waters were out, for taking crabs and oysters, which were caught in large numbers among the trees and shrubs that were more or less covered by the flood. [sidenote: the great spirit of the indians] under the assiduous tuition of my young friend, whose name was _pecoe_, i rapidly progressed in a knowledge of his language, and could not refrain from making many reflections on his method of teaching as compared with my european schoolmaster's. pecoe, i considered, had adopted a natural mode of instruction, while the system of the other was wholly artificial, and tedious in practice. my teacher was as anxious to be taught himself as to teach me, and when we were able to converse, asked ten thousand questions relative to my country and the state of society in it. whether my long residence in the woods had disqualified me to be an advocate for the cause of civilization i know not, but at all my descriptions of it, pecoe shook his head, and was evidently under an impression that my countrymen must be a very unhappy race of people. on one occasion, when conversing on our difference of colour, and on the human races generally, he said, "i will tell you how it happened: you know that there are three great spirits, all good, though each is greater than the other. the great spirit of all one day said to the lowest spirit, 'make a man, and let me see him.' the spirit took some clay and made a man; but when the great spirit saw him, he shook his head, and said he was too white. he then ordered the spirit next to himself in goodness to make a man, who tried his skill with charcoal--burnt wood; but the great spirit again shook his head, and said he was too black. the great spirit then determined to try himself, and taking some red earth, made the indians, which pleased him very much." when i told him that the great spirit in his great goodness had so ordered it that every one should think his own colour the best, he replied, that it was not possible for either a black or a white man to be so stupid as to be satisfied with the colour of his skin, stigmatized as he, pecoe, thought both races were, by barbarities. when i explained to him the various grades of civilized society, his quick apprehension broke out in the most indignant terms, denouncing the system as one dictated by a demon. rich and poor! "what good," he asked, "could arise from allowing one to take all, and giving nothing to the other?" [sidenote: pecoe's ideas of society] i replied, that the wisdom of the great spirit (god) was recognised in his anticipation of the wisdom of man, by providing him with original principles of his own, which were given to regulate, not excite desires. thus the sense of property is germinated in very early childhood, which sense i maintained generated a moral feeling, and a principle of justice and equity. my young friend, after a moment's thoughtful pause, stoutly gave the negative to my premises,--that the sense of property was developed in early life; he argued that the desire exhibited by children to handle things, and which we erroneously call a desire to possess them, is nothing more than a natural desire to exercise the physical senses on objects of the external world, through which only could they educate the powers of the body for healthful and manly purposes of life. those things which some call children's playthings, he held to be _bonâ fide_ tools, without which, whether they were wooden horses, paper boats, a doll's head, or a piece of stick, they could no more rise out of a state of childhood than a man could go to sea without a canoe. he therefore denied the inference, that because children manifest a disposition to snatch or handle everything they can reach, it is an indication of natural acquisitiveness. the mind, he said, was wholly disengaged from these matters at an early age; employment for the organs of the five senses, together with an instinctive desire to promote their development, were the true causes of children quarrelling for possessions. he instanced their having no abiding attachment for any one particular toy, however expensive or attractively constructed, always casting away one thing to handle another, the various forms of which gave exercise to different muscles, and imparted new sensations of pleasure. the object i have in presenting my readers with a few of pecoe's opinions is to illustrate the different ideas elicited in the minds of men by diverse circumstances of life and education. i scarcely need inform them that, in committing to paper my friend's notions, i have dressed them up in my own language. on this occasion pecoe closed the conversation by remarking that the nature of society, such as i had depicted in england, appeared to charge the great spirit with having at some early period thrown upon the earth all his gifts in a heap, for a general scramble, on the condition that the posterity of those who succeeded in first picking them up should for ever live in idleness, and become the masters of the posterity of those whose ancestors had been unsuccessful in snatching from their fellow-men more than their own share. he continued: "it was hard to believe such a state of society could exist, and thought the evil spirit must have put it into my head;" meaning that i had drawn upon my own imagination for the sketch. the incomprehensible part of the system to pecoe was, that some could be luxuriating in plenty and others be starving at the same time in one country. warfare was unknown to his race, because the practice of good-will and the friendly offices of mutual assistance were universal among them, and annihilated every motive to aggrandisement, and consequently the disposition was never brought out. bear in mind, reader, that i am describing no utopia. when, therefore, i spoke of our numerous wars, and explained that it was those who had been unfortunate at the first general scramble, as he designated it, who risked their lives in battle, fighting for their wealthy masters, his incredulity rose so high as to doubt my veracity, and for some time subsequently i thought he seemed to shun my society, appearing very pensive and lonely in his habits. [sidenote: pecoe as a nurse] about a fortnight after the above conversation i was suddenly taken with violent symptoms of fever, when pecoe was immediately by my side, assiduously attending to all my wants with the tenderness of a nurse. the physician, or pee-ay-man, was applied to, who offered up prayers to the bad spirit for my recovery;--for it is a part of their creed that the good spirit is too good to do any one harm, and therefore it is the malicious spirit that must be conciliated. for this purpose a number of incantations were performed, after which the physician continued to parade from hut to hut, howling and performing another series of incantations throughout the night, at intervals calling to see if any improvement had taken place in the health of his patient. as it was the practice of every family to burn a fire through the night, i could from my hammock see this juggler stalking to and fro, looking more like a demon than a minister of comfort in sickness. pecoe proved the best physician. he never left me, continuing to administer comfort to me in every possible way and manner. among other services he relieved me, at my request, from the mummeries of the pee-ay-man, aptly urging that, as the spirits of my country were not the same as theirs, he might by his interference make them angry instead of conciliating them. but the women, who really felt an interest in my fate, were not so easily satisfied, they placed implicit reliance on the skill of the pee-ay-man, and were angry with pecoe for sending him away. "never mind," said he, coolly, to some remarks that censured his conduct, "i am as good a doctor as he is; and if i am hot, don't the great spirit brush away the flies from the animal without a tail?" my disease grew worse, and rapidly hastened to its crisis. pecoe in every stage sought for new sources of comfort: he collected silk-grass, and daily made new pillows for my head, when they were wetted with the cold water he applied to my temples. he constantly moistened my lips with slices of pineapple, only occasionally leaving me, to go in search of the jelly cocoa-nut, which in an unripe state has but a thin skin, but contains more liquor. as the fever subsided, these grateful draughts contributed much towards my recovery, and without doubt hastened the period of final restoration to health, when i said to my friend, "you may now set up as physician to the tribe, and supersede the pee-ay-man." the remark brought a smile from his lips, as he replied, "i have not such a mean spirit as to endure to be laughed at by all the people. do you, then, really believe that these pretenders to superior knowledge are esteemed, or that any in the place have faith in their arts?" "if not," said i, "why tolerate them, and why not apply to the great and good spirits themselves for help?" [sidenote: pecoe's prudence] "why!" rejoined pecoe, "because too many like deception more than honesty, and prefer listening to falsehood rather than to truth. my father and all his friends have secretly laughed at the impostor all their days, yet in public give him countenance, and also frown on the children who would doubt the efficacy of his tricks, or his ability to solve dreams and foretell events. i myself," he continued, "sometimes doubt my right to disregard the proffered services of these men. this arises, perhaps, from the general countenance they have from all the tribes, and the force of custom; for i seldom give myself the trouble to investigate their claim to respect; i endure their arts, because the majority patronise them, though i never open my lips in their defence. it is an ungracious task to make yourself more wise than your neighbours; even if you should be successful, you must inevitably make enemies without gaining new friends, people do not like to be told that they have been in error all their lives, or to believe that their forefathers were foolishly credulous." chapter vi. further account of the indians--i arrive at my father's farm. "what fancied zone can circumscribe the soul, who, conscious of the source from whence she springs, by reason's light, or resolution's wings, spite of her frail companion, dauntless goes o'er libya's deserts, and through zembla's snows? she bids each slumb'ring energy awake,-- another touch, another temper take; suspends th' inferior laws that rule o'er clay. the stubborn elements confess her sway; man's little wants his low desires refine, and raise the mortal to a height divine." notwithstanding the darkness in which my friend pecoe had been brought up, i was impressed with the notion that his soul was sufficiently alive to receive the great truths of christianity. i therefore resolved again to introduce the subject, and make an effort to engross his attention. i commenced by impressing on his mind that my countrymen were a race acknowledged to be inferior to none other, and that they worshipped only one great spirit, the maker of the heavens and the earth, together with all things visible and invisible. he surprised me by admitting that these things had engaged much of his attention, and that his mind was now made up on the question; his conviction being that the heavens and the earth had existed from eternity, and would continue the same to eternity. i explained to him that nothing endured for ever but the power of god; that all things were constantly undergoing a process of change; that the globe we inhabited had a beginning, and, consequently, like inferior bodies, would have an end; that god permitted the dissolution of one body, and the birth of another, at periods appointed, to the end that the whole of his designs might arrive at perfection, and no absolute loss be sustained. pecoe heard me out with great patience, then shook his head, and enquired how it came that my father should know better than his? when, however, i spoke of the existence of the soul in another and better world, and endeavoured to illustrate that certainty by saying, in the dissolution of bodies nothing perished but their forms, and that the soul when it abdicated its decaying vessel, the body, was translated to another, and a purer state of existence, he evidently looked on me as being insane. [sidenote: attempts at conversion] i was disappointed,--was vexed at my inability to awaken him to a sense of what all mankind, more or less, in some form, have acknowledged, namely, a future state of existence. i now urged that all human beings were sensible of relations not subject to the senses, and therefore possessed sensibilities distinct from the body. that they could compare, and therefore had judgment; that they retained, and therefore have memory; that they possessed freedom of choice, and therefore have will. i then said, if to these we add instinct, there are five faculties of the soul; adding, reason compares those ideas immediately transmitted to the memory; imagination is the same faculty exercised on the same objects differently combined, having no similitude in nature. "these," replied pecoe, "are all your own thoughts." having from early infancy been accustomed, both morning and evening, to offer up my prayers to god, and having, when in the wilds of nature, found in this practice much solace, i did not fail while with the indians to continue the custom; yet none of the people had hitherto taken any notice of my devotion. at length pecoe inquired my motives, asking what i expected to gain by the practice. i replied, that we had all daily wants, and that in the morning i petitioned the great spirit--my god---to supply them, and that in the evening i returned thanks for the protection and supplies i had received. i further explained, that prayer was the voice of sin to him who alone can pardon it; that it was the petition of poverty, the prostration of humility, the confidence of trust, the feeling of helplessness, and the compunctions of the soul. all this i put in the most simple form of language, and i have reason to think that he fully understood the feeling i endeavoured to convey. notwithstanding, he asked me whether i had not food enough to eat, and what it was the evil spirit had made me do that troubled me so much? [sidenote: conversation on prayer] in vain did i labour to impress his mind with a sense of the necessity there is for all to worship the giver of life and all other blessings, and that by intreating the one god to protect us, the value of his gifts was enhanced, and that there was an inexpressible delight in committing ourselves to the care and guidance of one who is infinitely able to protect us in the right path. "the spirit," said he, "is good, and will do nothing wrong--he will not listen to what you tell him." i replied by saying that we could not tell god of anything that he did not already know, and that prayer and thanksgiving were due from us all to one so beneficent. i then explained to him that his condition of darkness in religious matters was once the condition of all mankind, and that it was only by reflection, and the intercommunication of minds, that the little light our forefathers possessed was obtained, until at length god sent his only son to reveal the truth to us. i then repeated the lord's prayer, and promised to teach it to him in his own language if he would use it. he replied that he must have time to consider of it. a few days after he requested that i would not talk in that way any more to him, adding, that they were all my own sayings, meaning they were things of my own invention. "you have consulted your father," said i. he acknowledged that he had, laughing at the same time, as if i had been a subject of their ridicule. up to that moment i had flattered myself that i should have been spiritually of service to him, and perhaps through him, to more of his race. his father, however, was an enemy to civilized man, and inimical to innovations of every kind. it appeared from a traditional story, which pecoe subsequently related me, that at some former period these people had been visited by a party of missionaries, the particulars of which i an induced to give, as a caution to gentlemen who labour in such arduous undertakings as those of converting heathens to christianity. "some white men," said pecoe, "came here a long time since, and brought strange talk about the great spirit and his son, (that is, about our blessed saviour), to which our people agreed to listen, upon condition, that every time they attended they should receive a bottle of rum. they did attend," continued pecoe, "but in a short time the white men wanted them to come and listen for nothing, and so broke their contract." scrupulously punctual to their own engagements, the indians, immediately on the withholding of the rum, took a prejudice against the missionaries, which no subsequent conduct on the part of the latter could remove, or perhaps will ever efface from the memory of the former. thus has a stumblingblock been placed in the way of all future adventurers among them in the cause of christianity. as soon as i was made acquainted with these particulars, i resolved to undertake the defence of the missionaries' conduct, and at least, lessen the prejudice against them. with this view, i availed myself of the first large assemblage of the natives, and opened the subject by inquiring how long it was since the white men had visited them, which way they came, and lastly, by what road they returned? suggesting, that perhaps the same road might lead me to a european colony, where i might have a chance of hearing from my friends. [sidenote: defence of the missionaries] an aged indian replied to these inquiries, adding, that he had no great opinion of the white men who came there; and on asking how they had conducted themselves, he related the story in nearly the same words as i had heard it from pecoe. i then explained the good intentions of the persons who subscribed money to spread the truths of the gospel, and the great sacrifices made by those who consented to give up the charms of civilized life for the good of the poor unenlightened heathen. i then went on to say, that with respect to the presents of rum, it was natural, after the missionaries had taken the trouble to study their language, and to travel so far, to adopt any means to secure a hearing, without which, no good could possibly accrue to the objects of their mission. although, i continued, they might at first hold out some inducement to be heard, yet it was unreasonable to expect that persons so far away from home and their resources could continue to find the means of making repeated presents in order to tempt persons to their own good. when i had finished, some of the indians laughed, others shook their heads, indicating disapprobation, and a hint that i had better be silent. upon the whole, though i pushed the matter somewhat strongly, i failed in making any impression on the auditors. with regard to natural objects, i question if there be a more acute and observing people in the whole world; yet they are wholly a people of feelings, being evidently deficient in intellect. their imagination and understanding are both at a low ebb, as i could never extend their ideas beyond their own path of life. at times i gave pecoe credit for possessing a more lively imagination than others of his tribe; but as i knew more of him, this impression died away. in the highly cultivated walks of society, manhood is the period when the feelings are predominant. imagination prevails in youth, and the understanding in old age. these people are in the middle stage of progress; and as they possess the purest moral notions of right and wrong, cannot be incapable of receiving the truths of revealed religion. the highest degree of moral elevation can only be attained by carefully cherishing the more benevolent and kindlier feelings of nature; that is, by cultivating the good passions, and throwing into disuse the bad ones. the indians with whom i lived, effected these objects in a very high degree; for i never saw an instance of any violent exhibition of temper among them, and it was always a matter of astonishment to me to see how exceeding tractable their children were without severity on the part of the parents. in the moral sense of the word, they were good; and if they had been christians, would have been deemed examples for more refined nations. "a good man, and an angel! these between, how thin the barrier? what divides their fate? perhaps a moment, or perhaps a year; or, if an age, it is a moment still." the following anecdote will not only illustrate the kind feelings of the indian's heart, but also exhibit his delicacy in bestowing a favour. i had for some time been uneasy at not being able to contribute, by my exertions, a fair share towards the provisions of the common stock of those with whom i resided; and this uneasiness was frequently expressed to pecoe, the principal difficulty being the want of a canoe--for these vessels were not constructed in general to carry more than one person; i was thus precluded from sharing in the daily excursions on the water. [sidenote: gift of a canoe] pecoe, as i have said, knew that i felt this want, and one morning surprised and delighted me, after a walk in the woods, where he pointed out the silk cotton tree as the material out of which they made canoes. "why," exclaimed he, as he took a turn towards an inlet of the great river, "here is a canoe already made for you; come, help me to launch it, and let us see how it fits you when afloat." i had recently, for several long intervals, missed him, and having, when inquiring the cause of his absence, received equivocal replies, i thought it was occasioned by some duty connected with his family, and had in consequence forborne to notice it again. he had, however, been in the wood, fashioning a canoe for my use, being the most valuable present he could, at that juncture, have made me; and the manner in which he conducted the matter, considerably enhanced its value. i was now as rich in property as any of the natives, whose ambition seldom soars beyond the possession of a canoe and a stock of hunting and fishing implements, which my friend pecoe did not forget to provide with the canoe. my health being perfectly restored, i now joined in all the sports followed by the natives, having previously, at pecoe's earnest solicitation, learned to swim. time ran on smoothly, the morning invited me to the woods (my natural home) to hunt for game. "on a sweet shining morning, thus drawn out, it seem'd what man was made for, to look round and trace the full brook, that, with clamorous route, o'er fallen trees and roots, black curling, wound through glens, with wild brakes scatter'd all about." the days did not linger in their progress, nor did night arrive too soon, the changes being all attended with enjoyments. "night bringeth sleep to the forest deep, the forest bird to its nest, to care, bright hours, and dreams of flowers, and that balm to the weary--rest." discontent is man's great enemy. i believe that, constitutionally, i was fitted to enjoy any station to which the almighty, in his wisdom, might call me; yet even contentment may be carried to an extreme, and degenerate into apathy, or the want of a healthful spirit into indolence. soft leisure hath her charms, and the bliss of her votaries is to bask in summer rays through the day under the greenwood tree; but however soothing or pleasant this may be to the reflective mind, the common duties of life should not be neglected. i had parents, relations, and friends, all of whom had more or less been rendered unhappy by my loss in the woods; and i now became impressed with a notion that i had not been sufficiently active in using means for my restoration. i had indeed escaped the mazes of the forest by the inundation--an event in which the hand of providence was conspicuous; for had not the flood-gates of the firmament been opened, i might still have remained in my forest prison. i now asked myself why i did not stir and exert all the energies the same providence had bestowed on me, to reach the nearest european colony and seek advice as to the proper mode of proceeding to discover the home of my parents. all my moments of leisure were now filled up with self-reproaches. the deep solitude of the woods, i thought, had enchanted me, and now the wild charm of a free and roving life was weaning me from duty. these were errors which, i thought, demanded a rigid retribution; yet at intervals i was in no want of excuses to extenuate my conduct. i reflected on the extraordinary flexibility of our nature, which accommodates and adapts itself to all circumstances; and, that the reality of our existence is the present moment, the exigencies of which are inimical to prudent resolutions. of man's generic character there is much yet to be written; the change of climate, food, scenery, society, together with a thousand contingent circumstances that follow in their train, all produce effects unappreciable by those whose lives have been bounded by one circle. of all animals, man best endures the changes of food and climate. it therefore follows that his physical construction is more changeable; but in proportion as the body undergoes a change, and adapts itself to the circumstances of its situation, so will the feelings, temper, and mind also undergo some change, and more or less affect the character of the individual. [sidenote: forgetfulness of home] in reference to my own case, and the experience derived from it, this is the best solution i can give of the passive submission with which i accommodated myself to the manner of life into which my waywardness had cast me. if we pass from man to the influence of climate on other animals, the effect on dogs is very remarkable. in kamtschatka, instead of the dog being faithful and attached to his master, he is full of deceit and treachery; he does not bark in the hot parts of africa, nor in the extreme cold countries of the north; in greenland he loses his fitness for hunting and his character for docility. if this subject were pursued, it might be added that the african slaves, when removed from their own country to the west indies, undergo a marked change of character. the american settlers too, have changed in character since their first settlement in that country, as also have the anglo-new hollanders. the temperate zones appear to be the most favoured regions for the full development of the human powers, whether physical or moral, especially of the principle of sympathy, that vicegerent of the divine benevolence in our world, which is capable of binding up all the wounds that sin and death have introduced into it. as we are all, however, too much swayed by the considerations of pleasure and pain, it is probable, that had i been cast into regions subject to a rigorous winter, i should have been more anxious to have escaped from the forest. perpetual summer, however, beguiled me from my resolution, and being unprovided with a defence against ease and indolence, years passed on while i was only dreaming of home and friends. the hand of providence, notwithstanding, continued over me, and in a miraculous manner took me from savage life. the sun's departing red rays were shining on the surface of the river, as pecoe, myself, and three other youths were hastening in our canoes to reach home before night should set in, when i heard the stroke of oars, that indicated the approach of a boat's crew. i have before said that an inexplicable feeling came over me whenever i thought that i was in approximation with those who might be the means of conveying me again into civilized life. on this occasion i was for the moment paralysed. pausing to assure myself of the reality of the sounds, i heard pecoe and his companions calling to me to pull towards the opposite shore, from whence the sounds proceeded, and turning round to ascertain the direction they were pursuing, i caught sight of a long-boat, manned with ten sailors, just turning a point of land which had hitherto screened them from my view. the indians were still calling to me, but it was too late. with the usual celerity of british sailors, the boat in a few seconds was abreast of my canoe. the officer who commanded the crew pulled my canoe aft, and after scrutinizing my countenance, ejaculated, "the boatswain is right--an european; but not, as he supposed, a runaway convict; it's the wrong latitude for that kind of fish;" continuing, "come, young man, step into our boat: we are in want of some information with which you may furnish us." [sidenote: impressed on board an english ship] i hesitated, then made some reply in english, when one of the sailors exclaimed, "i told tom that he was a briton." "i am glad i have met with a countryman," resumed the officer, who held the canoe fast as he offered his hand to assist me into his own boat; but as i still hesitated, he affected to stumble, and in the action drew me over the bow of the canoe, which constrained me either to jump into the ship's boat or fall into the river. when seated beside the lieutenant, i had in some measure recovered from my surprise; i inquired whether the practice of pressing in the british navy was revived. "it is not," replied the lieutenant, "but i shall feel myself justified in detaining you until i have the particulars of your history, and learn especially what brought you into this part of the world." all this time the boat was proceeding down the river, and had carried me out of sight of my indian friends. when i informed the officer that i had been lost when a boy, he replied-- "then you are now found; but have you a knowledge of this river?" "from hence upwards i have," said i. "having accompanied the indians in their farthest migrations." "make your mind easy," rejoined the officer, "i shall introduce you to the captain of our brig." it appeared that the boat had been sent out by a government brig which was on a survey in the river amazon, to ascertain the course of one of its tributaries. late in the evening of the following day we reached the ship, and when my story had been heard by the captain, he at once determined on taking me with him, saying that he should find means of sending me to berbice, the point, he judged, from which my father had started, and to which place he thought it probable my father would in the first instance transmit an account of my having been lost; and where also it was likely some arrangement had been made for providing me with the means of finding my way to his residence. the brig remained two months on the survey, and then sailed for halifax, crossing the mexican bay, where i had an opportunity of witnessing the extraordinary phenomena produced by a large body of fish that at one time surrounded the vessel. the sea was like one field of fireworks, all sparkling with serpents and silver spangles; the mind, when contemplating such scenes, is lost in amazement at the prodigious number of living things the regions of the sea contain. but whether the naturalist turns to the woods and the water, or explores the cloud-capt mountains, the sequestered cave, or the rocky cliffs, he will at first be embarrassed at the sight of the variety of objects that claim his attention; and it is only by learning how to distinguish them in a methodical manner that the mind can be brought to contemplate them in detail. on board the vessel i was supplied with a sailor's dress, but the force of habit was so strong that for a considerable time i could not wear it with any comfort to myself. the captain was faithful to his promise, and from halifax sent me in a merchant vessel to demerara, with a letter addressed to the british consul at that station. on my arrival i presented myself before that authority, who the next day produced a colonial newspaper in which i had seven years previously been advertised, and a reward offered for my recovery, and in which also the name of an agent was mentioned who would defray any costs incurred on the occasion. [sidenote: return to society] fortunately that gentleman was still in the colony, who, after satisfying himself of my identity, promised to avail himself of the earliest opportunity to restore me to my family. the location of my father's property was on the remote banks of a branch of the amazon river, to which few vessels traded, there was therefore no possibility of reaching it otherwise than overland, as the family had previously done. for some time after my arrival in demerara, i found myself an object of interest, receiving invitations from most of the respectable inhabitants; while my appearance in the streets excited a sensation. although i was much pleased with the opportunity of attending public worship, where i might collect and concentrate the scattered ideas i retained of my father's faith, yet the ceremonies and forms of society appeared ridiculous to me, and were very irksome. [sidenote: first sight of home] [sidenote: the brother and sister] [sidenote: rengal] i received marked attention and kindness from the gentleman who had been advertised as my father's agent, and an opportunity soon occurred for him to place me under safe escort to my home. two gentlemen were about to journey near to where my father resided, and they kindly undertook my safe conveyance. they were entrusted with a letter from the agent to my father, which was to be delivered into no other hands but his own. i can scarcely describe my delight when all was in readiness for our departure and we set out on our journey. my feelings of impatience grew more uncontrollable every day. the thoughts of home and the prospect of again beholding all i held dear on earth made my passage appear a lifetime;--tedious and protracted as it was i shall pass it over now, as it had no incident that was at all attractive to me--until we arrived at the amazon river, whose clear surface i hailed with indescribable delight, as i knew then we were not far from my father's estate. following its course for a day we arrived towards the afternoon at a plantation of cotton, the proprietor of which informed me that we were within two miles of my father's house. he had heard the particulars of my absence, but declined to comply with my request to go and inform the family of my arrival. the reason he assigned was that he had lately been engaged in a dispute with my father, and therefore could not undertake my mission--adding that the alteration in my appearance, living as i had from the age of thirteen to twenty in the wilderness, would be sufficient to prevent them from recognising me at first. i then inquired for my uncles, and was informed that one had sold his land and returned to england, and that the other (the widower) was dead. this unchristian man also informed me that, in his opinion, i had been given up as entirely lost by my family. as the day was advancing, i waited no longer to hold converse with him, but abruptly turned away, disgusted with his apathy and want of feeling. as we proceeded towards my home, i consulted with the two gentlemen who were my guides what course to adopt in breaking the intelligence of my return, to my family, as i felt a dread of presenting myself too precipitately after so long an absence, being naturally fearful that the shock would be more than my mother could sustain. we deemed it prudent, therefore, to send the letter by one of my guides, while i waited the result close by. our precautions, however, were not carried into effect, as an incident occurred which rendered them unnecessary. i had arrived in sight of my father's habitation, and paused on a slight eminence to contemplate with mingled feelings of surprise, delight, and fear, the spot made sacred by the affections which were centred there, with all the ties which bound me to the world--that spot which, from the meanest to the noblest in every land, is the only haven of refuge from the troubles and travail in this life, and which finds a ready response in every heart by the one magic word--home! i had not felt its cheering influence for now more than six years. an outcast and a wanderer for that period, how often in the loneliness of my forest life had i yearned to be again restored to it, and to find, like the dove of old, a place of refuge and rest--an ark, and a covenant. but now, as the fruition of my hopes appeared to be realized, i paused, spell-bound and overpowered by the many conflicting feelings which the sight of it had conjured up. the memory of all the incidents of my early life--the days of childhood--the school-boy troubles--the many acts of parental kindness evinced in a thousand ways--were all pictured to my sight in one rapid glance. and then the terrible foreboding presented itself, that i might not find my family circle as i had left them--alive and in health. in the history of the world six years is but a speck of time; but with individuals the case is widely different. i had lost one uncle, and the fear came across me that my loss might not be ended thus. i almost dreaded to make the inquiry, as i felt incapable of bearing such a calamity. it was a beautiful mansion which lay before me. the large and well-built house, surrounded with thick foliage--the carefully cultivated grounds surrounding it--the broad and extensive landscape beyond of richly wooded hill and dale--the wide and meandering river by whose banks i had been guided thither--gave to the scene a lofty grandeur. while standing thus irresolute, a young man of some five or six and twenty was advancing towards us; he had on his arm a female, with whom he appeared to be chatting familiarly. i watched them as they came near us, and from the young man's appearance judged him to be one of the settlers here. as they approached, i heard their voices more distinctly. that of the female fell upon my ear in well remembered tones. there could be no mistaking them, i knew it to be the voice of my sister. but ah! how changed she was. the laughing merry girl had grown into a staid and matronly woman. i could hardly believe it possible; but to assure myself, i inquired of her companion if that was the residence of mr. howard. my sister started as i spoke, turned pale, and looked at me intently. i suppose i was changed; indeed, there was but little doubt of that--but changed as i was, she could not be deceived. she trembled, and would have fallen, had i not caught her in my arms in a fond embrace. the first surprise over, she laughed and cried by turns, and overwhelmed me with caresses. then the numberless inquiries she had to make! one after the other in such rapid succession, without waiting for replies. i know not what the three spectators of the scene must have thought; but no doubt they deemed her frantic, and, indeed, for the time, i believe she was. my first inquiry was about my parents. they were both well. she had left them a few minutes previously. her companion she introduced to me as her husband. she told me, also, that she had two children, a little boy and girl. we arranged our plan, if it could be called arrangement, where all was mad delight; she insisted that my two guides should go home with her husband for that evening, as his house was close by, and deliver the letter in the morning, while she and myself went home to our parents. when we had arrived at the house, i detained her from entering until i had peeped in at the window to take a glance at its inmates. there was a light in the interior, and i could observe all distinctly. i saw my father seated in a comfortable apartment, quite unconscious of any one observing them. my father was reading aloud one of the local papers. he wore spectacles; i remember to have been struck with this, otherwise, my mother and he were not at all changed. the same as i had left them--the old familiar faces, remembered from earliest childhood--the old familiar faces, it made a child of me again to gaze on them. presently my sister entered, and from her hurried manner and sudden return, they seemed surprised. she said something, i did not know what, but my father rose, and hastily throwing down the paper, gazed wonderingly on my sister. i waited no longer--another moment--i was on my knees before my mother, buried in her embrace. she wept over me, her truant boy, tears of joy. who of us has not felt the depth and purity of a mother's love? who hath not found, be his errors what they might, that there was one gentle spirit to turn to, ever ready to pardon, protect, and solace? i felt the force of this doubly then. and now, when past the meridian of my life, i look back through the long vista of the past, the self-devotedness of a mother's love shines forth as something "which lighted up my way of life," never to be forgotten. my father could scarcely find utterance, from excess of joy at my return. i recounted to him a brief summary of all i had gone through since i had been lost, and half that night was passed in the details of my story. my sister did not return to her own home till the following morning, when i accompanied her. another surprise awaited me. i saw rengal and his father working on our estate. they had become devoted and trustworthy servants of the family, being employed as free labourers. it seemed that my father had instituted a vigorous search for me, and had engaged them many months for that purpose, believing their acquaintance with the country would be of infinite service in the undertaking. their labours, however, proved fruitless, as my reader already knows. ultimately, pleased with their faithful conduct, and evident anxiety to accomplish my restoration, he engaged them as assistants on his farm, where they had remained ever since. their surprise and extravagant delight when i made myself known, exceeded all bounds; and although, perhaps, i compromised my dignity, i was obliged, in spite of myself, to burst out into a fit of immoderate laughter. there was a degree of comicality about these people which was perfectly irresistible, the more so, as they could not at all comprehend it themselves. the old negro informed me that he had discovered his daughter, and my sister's husband had purchased her freedom, and engaged her as a domestic in his house. * * * * * many years have rolled on since the incidents described in this narrative occurred. time has been busy with his ceaseless works and wondrous changes. our little settlement has now sprung up into a large and thriving city, in whose streets are seen a throng of busy men. our river bears upon its bosom many argosies freighted with the merchandise of every clime. our meadows are ploughed into furrows by the hand of the skilful husbandman, and returning autumn sees them laden with the products of cultivated nature. the giant, steam, is made a slave to man. and is seen at work on the mill--the mine--the forge--and rail; and everywhere marks of the master spirit, industry, are visible in our town. for myself, i am rich in the possession of all the blessings of domestic life, with an amiable and loving partner and dutiful children. i am respected as a thriving merchant, and i hope as a worthy friend. my parents, i am happy to say, still cheer me with their presence and advice; and if this, the narrative of my earlier years, should awaken the youthful mind to a sense of self-reliance and dependence under all trials and vicissitudes, and make manifest the bounteous providence of a wise and beneficent creator, my labours will not have been spent in vain. the end. [transcriber's note: in this etext, the source book's variant page headings have been converted to sidenotes and positioned where most logical.] none the black man's place in south africa by peter nielsen. juta & co., ltd., cape town. port elizabeth. uitenhage. johannesburg. _to my mother_. preface. the reader has a right to ask what qualification the writer may have for dealing with the subject upon which he offers his opinions. the author of this book claims the qualifications of an observer who, during many years, has studied the ways and thoughts of the natives of south africa on the spot, not through interpreters, but at first hand, through the medium of their own speech, which he professes to know as well as the natives themselves. p.n. the black man's place in south africa. the question stated. the white man has taken up the burden of ruling his dark-skinned fellows throughout the world, and in south africa he has so far carried that burden alone, feeling well assured of his fitness for the task. he has seen before him a feeble folk, strong only in their numbers and fit only for service, a people unworthy of sharing with his own race the privileges of social and political life, and it has seemed right therefore in his sight that this people should continue to bend under his dominant will. but to-day the white man is being disturbed by signs of coming strength among the black and thriving masses; signs of the awakening of a consciousness of racial manhood that is beginning to find voice in a demand for those rights of citizenship which hitherto have been so easily withheld. the white people are beginning to ask themselves whether they shall sit still and wait till that voice becomes clamant and insistent throughout the land or whether they shall begin now to think out and provide means for dealing with those coming events whose shadows are already falling athwart the immediate outlook. the strong and solid feeling among the whites in the past against giving any political rights to the blacks however civilised they might be is not so strong or as solid as it was. the number is growing of those among the ruling race who feel that the right of representation should here also follow the burden of taxation, but while there are many who think thus, those who try to think the matter out in all its bearings soon come to apprehend the possibility that where once political equality has been granted social equality may follow, and this apprehension makes the thinking man pause to think again before he commits himself to a definite and settled opinion. taking the civilisation of to-day to mean an ordered and advanced state of society in which all men are equally bound and entitled to share the burdens and privileges of the whole political and social life according to their individual limitations we ask whether the african natives are capable of acquiring this civilisation, and whether, if it be proved that their capacity for progress is equal to that of the europeans, the demand for full racial equality that must inevitably follow can in fairness be denied. this i take to be the crux of the native question in south africa. before we attempt to answer this question it is necessary to find out, if we can, in what ways the african differs from the european; for if it be found that there are radical and inherent differences between the two races of a kind that seem certain to remain unaltered by new influences and changed environment then the whites will feel justified in denying equality where nature herself has made it impossible, whereas if the existing difference be proved to be only outwardly acquired and not inwardly heritable then the coming demand for equality will stand supported by natural right which may not be ignored. the question, then, before us is this. is the african native equal to the european in mental and moral capacity or is he not? we must have an answer to this question, for we cannot assign to the native his proper place in the general scheme of our civilisation till we know exactly what manner of man he is. we of to-day are rightly proud of our freedom from the sour superstitions and religious animosities of the past, but these hindrances to progress and general happiness were only dispelled by the light of scientific thought and clear reasoning. let us then bring to bear that same blessed light upon our present enquiry into the reasons, real or fancied, for those prejudices of race and colour which we still retain, for it is only by removing the misconceptions and false notions that obscure our view that we can come to a clear understanding of the many complex issues that make up the great native problem of africa. bodily differences. "that which distinguishes man from the beast," said beaumarchais, "is drinking without being thirsty, and making love at all seasons," and he spoke perhaps truer than he knew, for the fact that man is not bound by seasons and is not in entire subjection to his environment is the cardinal distinction between him and the brutes. this distinction was won through man's possession of a thinking brain which caused or coincided with an upright carriage whereby his two hands were set free from the lowly service of mere locomotion to make fire and to fashion the tools wherewith he was enabled to control his environment instead of remaining like the animals entirely controlled by it. this wonderful brain also made possible the communication and tradition of his experiences and ideas through articulate speech by which means his successors in each generation were able to keep and develop the slowly spelt lessons of human life. are the african natives as far removed from the beasts as the europeans, and do they share equally with the europeans this great human distinction of ability to think? the belief, at, one time commonly held, that in morphological development and physical appearance the bantu stand nearer in the scale of evolution to our common ape-like ancestors than do the white people does not seem to be warranted by facts. careful investigations by trained observers all over the world have shown that the various simian features discernible in the anatomy of modern man are found fairly evenly distributed amongst advanced and backward races. the so-called prognathism of the bantu has been cited as a racial mark denoting comparative nearness to the brutes, but when it is noted that anthropologists differ among themselves as to what constitutes this feature, whether it is to be measured from points above or below the nose or both, and when we are informed in some text books that while the negroes are prognathous, bushmen must be classed with europeans as being the opposite, that is, orthognathous,[ ] and when, added to this, we learn from other quarters that white women are, on the average, more prognathous than white men,[ ] then the significance of this distinction, which in any case is not regarded as being relative to cranical capacity, is seen to be more apparent than real. extreme hairiness of body, on the other hand, which might well be taken as a simian or vestigial character, is seldom met with in the bantu, but is equally common among europeans and australian aboriginals and is found particularly developed in the ainu of japan. the texture also of the african's hair is less like that of the hair of the man-like apes than is the hair of the european. the proportions of the limbs of the europeans seem, on the average, to be nearer to the supposed prototype of man than those of the bantu. the specifically human development of the red lips is more pronounced in the african than in the european,[ ] and if there is anything in what has been called the "god-like erectness of the human carriage" then it must be admitted that the bantu women exhibit a straightness of form which may well be envied by the ladies of civilisation. it is generally accepted that the african natives have a bodily odour of their own which is _sui generis_ in that it is supposed to be different from that of other human races. some early travellers have compared it with the smell of the female crocodile, and many people believe it to be a racial characteristic denoting a comparatively humble origin and intended by nature as a signal or warning for the rest of human kind against close physical contact with the african race. a recent student of the negro question in america gives it as his opinion that this odour is "something which the negroes will have difficulty in living down."[ ] to most europeans this smell seems to be more or less unpleasant but it must not be forgotten that it does not seem to affect the large numbers of white men of all nationalities who have found and still find pleasure in continued and intimate intercourse with african women. it would seem as if highly "refined" europeans are nowadays given to exaggerate the sensation produced on their over delicate olfactory nerves by the exhalations caused by perspiration through a healthy and porous skin. in many of the so-called ladies' journals published in england and america advertisements appear regularly vaunting chemical preparations for the disguising of the odour of perspiration which, it is alleged, mars the attractiveness of women. if this is so it would seem that the nostrils of the modern european are rather too easily offended by the natural smell of his kind. however this may be there is no evidence for believing that the african's bodily smell is more animal-like than that of any other race. if there is one thing which the white man of south africa is sure about it is the comparative thickness of the "nigger skull," but this notion also would appear to be one of the many which have no foundation in fact. the opinion of medical men, based upon actual observation and measurement, is to the effect that there is no evidence to support the contention that the native skull is thicker than that of the european.[ ] that the thick, woolly hair of the native may account for his supposed comparative invulnerability to head injuries has not occurred to the layman observer who is more often given to vehement assertion than to careful enquiry. the supposed arrest of the brain of the bantu at the age of puberty owing to the closing of the sutures of the skull at an earlier age than happens with europeans is another popular notion for which a sort of pseudo-scientific authority may be quoted from encyclopædias and old books of travel. the opinion of modern authorities on this subject is that those who say that the closure of the sutures of the skull determines brain growth would or should also say that the cart pulls the horse, for, if the sutures of the native skull close at a somewhat earlier date in the average native than in the average european then it simply means that the native reaches maturity slightly earlier than the average white man. the loss of mental alertness which is said by some to be peculiar to the natives at the time of puberty is very often met with in the european youth or girl at that period of life. competent observers have of late years come to the conclusion that this supposed falling off in intelligence, in so far as it may differ in degree from what has so often been noticed in european boys and girls at that point of development, is due to psychological and not to physiological causes. it is realised that this lapse in mental power of concentration in european youth in the stage of early adolescence is prevented by the force of example and fear of parental and general reprobation coupled with unbroken school-discipline, all of which factors are as yet seldom present in the surroundings of the average bantu boy or girl. the outward ethnic differentiæ of the bantu are admittedly palpable and patent to everyone, but in the opinion of competent observers there is nothing in the anatomy of the black man to make him a lower beast than the man with the white skin. it is now seen that there is no apparent relation between complexion or skull shape and intelligence, but while this is so there appears to be a correlation between the size of the brain and the number of cells and fibres of which it is made up, although this correlation is so weak as to be difficult of demonstration.[ ] the capacity of the normal human cranium varies from , cubic centimetres to , cubic centimetres, the mean capacity of female crania being per cent. less than the mean of male crania. on this basis skulls are classified in the text books as being _microcephalic_ when below , cubic centimetres, such as those of the extinct tasmanians, bushmen, andamanese, melanesians, veddahs, and the hill-men of india; _mesocephalic_, those from , to , cubic centimetres, comprising negroes, malays, american indians, and polynesians; and _megacephalic_, above , cubic centimetres, including eskimos, europeans, mongolians, burmese and japanese. the mean capacity among europeans is fixed at , cubic centimetres, and the average weight of the brain at , grams. these figures show that the skull capacity of the average european is larger than that of the average negro, and as it seems plausible that the greater the central nervous system, the higher will be the faculty of the race, and the greater its aptitude for mental achievements, the conclusion that the european is superior in this respect seems on the face of it to be well grounded. there are, however, certain relevant facts which qualify this inference, and these must be briefly considered. the anthropologist manouvrier measured thirty-five skulls of eminent white men and found them to be of an average capacity of , cubic centimetres as compared to , cubic centimetres general average derived from ordinary individuals. on the other hand he found that the cranial capacity of forty-five murderers was , cubic centimetres, also superior to the general average. professor franz boas, in discussing this experiment, says that most of the brain weights constituting the general series are obtained in anatomical institutes, and the individuals who find their way there are poorly developed on account of malnutrition and of life under unfavourable circumstances, while the eminent men represent a much better nourished class. as poor nourishment reduces the weight and size of the whole body, it will also reduce the size and weight of the brain.[ ] dr. arthur keith when dealing with the so-called piltdown skull in his book "the antiquity of man" says to the same effect that the size of brain is a very imperfect index of mental ability in that we know that certain elements enter into the formation of the brain which take no direct part in our mental activity, so that a person who has been blessed with a great robust body and strong, massive limbs requires a greater outfit of mere tracts and nerve cells for the purposes of mere animal administration than the smaller person with trunk and limbs of a moderate size.[ ] it seems fair, therefore, to assume that the brain-weights of big men of the zulu, the xosa and the fingo tribes will be considerably above those of european women, but to conclude from this that the capacity of the big black man is higher than that of the average white woman would hardly be possible to-day. i would say here that i do not accept the suggestion, recently advanced, that the mental faculty of woman is qualitatively different from that of man. i hold that there is no difference of any kind between the intellectual powers of the male and female human being. the comparative lack of mental achievement on the part of women in the past i believe to have been due to a natural, and, as i think, wholesome feminine disinclination to take up intellectual studies and scientific pursuits that until recently have been deemed the prerogative of men, and not to any innate inferiority of the female brain. according to professor sollas, whose high authority cannot be disputed, the size of the brain when looked at broadly seems to be connected with the taxinomic rank of the race, but when we come to details the connection between cranial capacity and mental endowment becomes less obvious. the eskimo, for instance, who is of short stature, has a cranial capacity of , cubic centimetres, thus surpassing some of the most civilised peoples of europe, and yet no one of this race has so far startled the world with any kind of mental achievement. "the result," says professor sollas, "of numerous investigations carried out during the last quarter of a century is to show that, within certain limits, no discoverable relation exists between the magnitude of the brain--or even its gross anatomy--and intellectual power," and he illustrates this statement by a list giving the cranial capacities and brain-weights of a number of famous men which shows that though bismarck had a skull capacity of , cubic centimetres, liebniz, who attained to the highest flights of genius, had a cranium measuring only , cubic centimetres. dealing more particularly with the assumed relation between highly specialised mental faculties and the anatomy of the brain, as apart from its mere size, the same author cites the case of dr. georg sauerwein, who was master of forty or fifty languages, and whose brain after his death at the age of in december, , was dissected by dr. l. stieda with the idea that, since it is known that the motor centre for speech is situated in what is called broca's area, some connection between great linguistic powers and the size or complication of the frontal lobe might be found in this highly specialised brain, but the examination revealed nothing that could be correlated with sauerwein's exceptional gift.[ ] professor r.r. marett in his handbook on anthropology says, in discussing the subject of race, "you will see it stated that the size of the brain cavity will serve to mark off one race from another. this is extremely doubtful, to put it mildly. no doubt the average european shows some advantage in this respect as compared, say, with the bushmen. but then you have to write off so much for their respective types of body, a bigger body going in general with a bigger head, that in the end you find yourself comparing mere abstractions. again, the european may be the first to cry off on the ground that comparisons are odious; for some specimens of neanderthal man, in sheer size of brain cavity, are said to give points to any of our modern poets and politicians.... nor, if the brain itself be examined after death, and the form and number of its convolutions compared, is this criterion of hereditary brain-power any more satisfactory. it might be possible in this way to detect the difference between an idiot and a person of normal intelligence, but not the difference between a fool and a genius."[ ] in his book, "the human body," dr. keith, in dealing with racial characters, begs his readers to break away from the common habit of speaking and thinking of various races as high and low. "high and low," he says, "refers to civilisation; it does not refer to the human body."[ ] the foregoing authoritative opinions serve to show that the bantu, as compared with other races, labour under no apparent physiological disabilities to hinder them in the process of mental development. let us now consider in the light of modern psychology upon first-hand and reliable evidence the allegation of mental inferiority that is constantly brought against these people. the mind of the native. the white man has conquered the earth and all its dark-skinned people, and when he thinks of his continued success in the struggle for supremacy he feels that he has a right to be proud of himself and his race. he looks upon the black man as the fool of the human family who has failed in every way, whereas he, the lord of creation, has achieved the impossible, and this comparison which is so favourable to himself naturally leads him to set up achievement as the sole test of ability. if asked why the african native has never accomplished anything at all comparable with the feats of the european or the asiatic the average white man will answer, without hesitation, that it is because the native has always lacked the necessary capacity. the average white man has a more or less vague notion that his own proud position at the top of human society is the result of the continuous and assiduous use of the brain by his forefathers in the struggle for existence under the rigorous conditions of a northern climate during thousands of generations by which constant exercise the mental faculty of his race grew and increased till it became, in course of time, a heritable intellectual endowment, whereas the natives of africa by failing always to make use of whatever brain power they might have been blessed with in the beginning have suffered a continuous loss of mental capacity. the idea that the evolution of the human intellect is a perpetually progressive process by means of the constant use of the brain in the pursuits of increasing civilisation towards the eventual attainment of god-like perfection is one that appeals strongly to the popular fancy, and its corollary, that those who fail during long periods to make full use of their mental equipment in the ways of advancing civilisation must gradually lose a part, if not the whole, of their original talents, is commonly accepted as being warranted by the teaching of modern science. but science, as a body, does not support the view that bodily characters and modifications acquired by an individual during his lifetime are transmissible to his offspring; in other words, science does not, as a body, accept the theory that the effects of use and disuse in the parent are inherited by his children. modern science does not, indeed, definitely foreclose discussion of the subject, but what it says is that the empirical issue is doubtful with a considerable balance against the supposed inheritance of acquired characters. very recently evidence has, indeed, been adduced to prove that "initiative in animal evolution comes by stimulation, excitation and response in new conditions, and is followed by repetition of these phenomena until they result in structural modifications, transmitted and directed by selection and the law of genetics." the student who tenders this evidence is dr. walter kidd[ ] who claims that his observations of the growth of the hair of the harness-horse prove that the prolonged friction caused by the harness produces heritable effects in the pattern of the hairy coat of this animal. it is admitted by this observer that such momentary and acute stimuli as are involved in the mutilation of the human body by boring holes in the ears, knocking out teeth, and by circumcision, which practices have been followed by so-called savages during long ages, seldom, if ever, lead to inherited characters, but he maintains that the effect of prolonged friction by the collar on the hair on the under side of the neck of the harness-horse has produced marks or patterns in the same place on certain young foals born by these horses. these observations must, of course, be submitted to strict examination before science will pronounce its opinion. meanwhile i may be allowed to cite what dr. kidd calls an "undesigned experiment," which to my mind goes far to prove that the effects of prolonged friction on the human body during many generations is not heritable. the custom followed by many bantu tribes of producing in their women an elongation of the genital parts by constant manipulation must have been practiced during very many generations, certainly much longer than the comparatively recent harnessing of horses in england, for we know how tenaciously primitive people cling to their old customs, generation after generation, for thousands of years, and yet no instance has ever been noticed by these people, who are very observant in these matters, of any sign of such an inherited characteristic in any of their female children. the ordinary layman, though he may feel strongly interested in the problems of heredity and evolution, has seldom the leisure or the opportunity for the careful study of biological data, and he must therefore leave these to the specialists in scientific enquiry, but he is by no means precluded from using his own common-sense in drawing conclusions from the ordinary plain facts of life observable around him. it is when we come to consider this most important question in its bearing upon the mental side of the human being that the ordinary layman feels himself to be no less competent to form an opinion than the trained man of science. is it possible, then, we ask, for the parent whose intellect has been developed through training in his lifetime to transmit to his children any portion of this acquired increment of mental capacity, or, putting the question in more concrete terms, is it possible for a parent to transmit to his offspring any part of that power to increase the size and quality of the brain which may be assumed to have resulted in his own case from mental exercise? the question must not be misunderstood. we do not ask whether clever parents do as a rule have clever children; what we want to know is whether the successive sharpening of the wits of generations of people does, or does not, eventually result in establishing a real and cumulative asset of mental capacity. seeing that universal education has only come about within the latter part of the last century it must be clear that the vast majority of the present generation of educated europeans are descended from people who never had any of that education which so many people nowadays regard as essential to the development and growth of the intellectual powers. but although education has only recently become, in various degrees, common to all white people, the light of learning has always been kept burning, however dimly at times, in certain places and circles, and it may, perhaps, be possible to find people to-day who are the descendants of those favoured few who have enjoyed, during many unbroken generations, the privilege of liberal education. now let us assume that there are at present a small number of such people in the forefront of the intellectual activity of the day, and then let us ask ourselves whether these leaders of thought who can claim long lineal descent from learned ancestors show any mental capacity over and above that which is displayed by those commoners who are also in the foremost ranks of thought and science, but who cannot lay claim to such continuous ancestral training. if we admit the existence of two such separate classes to-day then the answer must surely be that there is no mental difference discernible between them. but i think we may safely conclude that there has been very little of the kind of descent here presumed. it would be well-nigh impossible to find people who could prove an unbroken lineage of educated forbears going back more than four hundred years. during the middle ages the monks of the church were the chief and almost sole depositories of education and learning, and as they were bound by their vows to life-long celibacy there could be no transmission from them to posterity of any of that increased capacity of brain which we are supposing as having been acquired by each individual through his own mental exertion. we know, of course, that there were frequent lapses from the unnatural restraint imposed on these men so that some of them may have propagated their kind, but such illegitimate offspring was not likely to remain within the circle of learning and therefore could not perpetuate the line. we of to-day know full well that the son of the common labourer whose forefathers had no education can, with equality of opportunity, achieve as much and travel as far in any field of mental activity as can the scion of the oldest of our most favoured families. there does not seem to have been any augmentation of human brain power since written records of events were begun. indeed it would seem rather as if there had been in many places a decrease in intellectual capacity, as when we compare the fellahin of modern egypt with their great ancestors whom they resemble so closely in physical appearance that there can be little doubt about the purity of their descent. the same may be said about the modern descendants of the people who created "the glory that was greece and the grandeur that was rome." and when we consider the period of the renaissance we cannot say that civilised man of to-day is superior to those people who after centuries of stagnation and general illiteracy were yet able to seize and develop the long-forgotten wisdom and philosophy of antiquity. to go still further back and to venture beyond the historical horizon into the dim past when prehistoric man roamed over europe is a task manifestly beyond the powers of the ordinary layman, and here we must, perforce, trust ourselves to the guidance of those students whose training and special learning entitle them to speak with authority. the so-called piltdown skull which was discovered in is accepted as representing the most ancient of human remains yet found in england, its age being estimated at somewhere between , and , years. in discussing the size and arrangement of the lobes and convolutions of the brain which this cranium must have contained, dr. arthur keith, who is admittedly the highest authority on the subject to-day, makes the following statement: "unfortunately our knowledge of the brain, greatly as it has increased of late years, has not yet reached the point at which we can say after close examination of all the features of a brain that its owner has reached this or that status. the statement which huxley made about the ancient human skull from the cave of engis still holds good of the brain: 'it might have belonged to a philosopher or might have contained the thoughtless mind of a savage.' that is only one side of our problem, there is another. huxley's statement refers to the average brain, which is equal to the needs of both the philosopher and the savage. it does not in any way invalidate the truth that a small brain with a simple pattern of convolutions is a less capable organ than the large brain with a complex pattern. if then we find a fairly large brain in the piltdown man, with an arrangement and development of convolutions not very unlike those of a modern man, we shall be justified in drawing the conclusion that, so far as potential mental ability is concerned, he has reached the modern standard. we must always keep in mind that accomplishments and inventions which seem so simple to us were new and unsolved problems to the pioneers who worked their way up from a simian to a human estate." in his concluding remarks upon this important find, dr. keith iterates his opinion: "although our knowledge of the human brain is limited--there are large areas to which we can assign no definite function--we may rest assured that a brain which was shaped in a mould so similar to our own was one which responded to the outside world as ours does. piltdown man saw, heard, felt, thought and dreamt much as we still do. if the eoliths found in the same bed of gravel were his handiwork, then we can also say he had made a great stride towards that state which has culminated in the inventive civilisation of the modern western world."[ ] professor herbert donaldson of the university of chicago, gives it as his opinion that "in comparing remote times with the present, or in our own age, races which have reached distinction with those which have remained obscure, it is by no means clear that the grade of civilisation attained is associated with a corresponding enlargement in the nervous system, or with an increase in the mental capabilities of the best representatives of those communities."[ ] now while the ordinary man is unable to pronounce judgment upon expert opinion he is quite capable of understanding the main arguments upon which the foregoing conclusions are based. we all realise the truth of the old saying "il n'y a que le premier pas qui coûte." we all appreciate the tremendous difficulty of taking the first step in the way of discovery and invention. we know that to be the first to step forward in an utterly new direction or venture; to be the first to work out, without any guidance or previous education, the first principles, however simple, in the doing, or thinking out of anything new, requires a mental audacity and astuteness that predicate a brain capacity as great as that which enables modern man to apply and develop the accumulated knowledge available in the text-books of to-day. dr. alfred russell wallace held strongly to this opinion. he could see no proof of continuously increasing intellectual power; he thought that where the greatest advance in intellect is supposed to have been made this might be wholly due to the cumulative effect of successive acquisitions of knowledge handed down from age to age by written or printed books; that euclid and archimedes were probably the equals of any of our greatest mathematicians of to-day; and that we are entitled to believe that the higher intellectual and moral nature of man has been approximately stationary during the whole period of human history. this great and intrepid thinker states his view with characteristic incisiveness thus: "many writers thoughtlessly speak of the hereditary effects of strength or skill due to any mechanical work or special art being continued generation after generation in the same family, as amongst the castes of india. but of any progressive improvement there is no evidence whatever. those children who had a natural aptitude for the work would, of course, form the successors of their parents, and there is no proof of anything hereditary except as regards this innate aptitude. many people are alarmed at the statement that the effects of education and training are not hereditary, and think that if that were really the case there would be no hope for improvement of the race; but close consideration will show them that if the results of our education in the widest sense, in the home, in the shop, in the nation, and in the world at large, had really been hereditary, even in the slightest degree, then indeed there would be little hope for humanity, and there is no clearer proof of this than the fact that we have not _all_ been made much worse--the wonder being that any fragment of morality, or humanity, or the love of truth or justice for their own sakes still exists among us."[ ] i think the majority of thoughtful people will agree that these words express their own observations. every day we see how children have to be taught to act and behave. we see continually how parents have to put pressure on their children to make them accept and apply those moral principles and mental valuations which have guided their lives and the lives of thousands of generations before them. we know only too well that children do not inherit the moral standards of right and wrong of their parents, and that to establish these principles in the young is a matter of protracted and often painful inculcation. the proved maxim that honesty is the best policy is still being literally hammered into the children of to-day who seem to find it no easier to follow the better way than did the children of the past. if mental modifications acquired by the parents were in any degree transmissible to the offspring then there would be no need for this constant repetition of the same process in every new generation. the earliest indubitable man hitherto discovered was fully evolved when first met with, he was _homo sapiens_. by means of his human intelligence this frail, unspecialized being became in a sense the very lord of creation, for instead of remaining, like the animals, entirely subject to his surroundings he subjected his surroundings to himself. by means of this intelligence man was enabled to break away from the absolute rule of the law of natural selection which punishes with extinction all those types that fail in fitness for survival in the struggle for existence, so that, unlike the animals that die out when their particular structure does not fit in with their environment, man by means of his thinking brain was able to equip himself with parts of his environment, and thus to become its master. the process of evolution ceased to affect directly this creature who had a brain that could think, and ever since that brain was given to him man has remained unmoved and stationary above and apart from all other living things. all this is implied in the command, "be ye fruitful and multiply and replenish the earth and subdue it." but though man became almost emancipated from the direct servitude of natural selection, he still is, and always will be, subject to the law of heredity. man is made up of a group of innate characters inherited from a very mixed ancestry, these characters, being innate, are transmissible to his offspring, but such characters as are acquired by the parent through the direct influence of education or other environment, not being innate are not transmissible to his children. but in so far as a new development of latent and innate characters, through the influence of the environment, may help or hinder certain types in propagating themselves, the race may, perhaps, be modified through such influence by the process of gradual elimination of the types that lack the characters that prove to be of survival value in a particular locality. this we may suppose might happen where a number of europeans, composed half of blondes and half of brunettes, come to live in a tropical country, if it be proved that the comparative darkness of the brunettes afford them better protection against inimical light and heat than the fair skin of the blondes, so that the former would on the average, enjoy better health and live longer, and therefore have more children than the latter, whereby, in course of time, the appearance of these people would be modified in respect of the general complexion of their skin. this, it is easy to see, would not mean the acquisition of a new and heritable means of protection, but only a development in each individual of an already present innate character that happened to be well fitted for survival in a certain climatic zone. in order, therefore, to obtain any direct modification of the race in the way of mental improvement the physical effect of education must be such as to ensure longer life and with it, the concomitant chance of greater fertility for those who are educated against those who are not, so that the latter would tend to die out while the former would continue to increase their numbers. in other words, education must prove to be of survival value. seeing that where education has increased most the birth-rate has tended to decrease it seems clear that we cannot regard continuous mental training as a favourable factor in the competition of propagation of human varieties. if then we accept the conclusion that the effects of individual experience are not cumulatively hereditary we shall cease to cavil at the fact that there has been no anatomical or structural progress in the human body or brain since the time when men first became social and civilised beings, that is to say, since they first began to work together with their heads and hands, and we shall see that that which was to be expected has always happened, in that, from the earliest historical times to the present day, human life has been as the rolling and unrolling of a carpet. cycles of civilisations, all essentially similar, have been evolved, one after another, to endure for a while and then to fade away, leaving the raw material of human kind as it was from the beginning. there is no evidence of any advancement in physique, intellect or moral character. the leaders of mankind were the law-givers, whether they were witch doctors, priests, chiefs, prophets or kings, and they all sought to establish their laws by claiming supernatural delegation and authority. with writing came the codes, and when we compare the statutes of hammurabi, who flourished about , years b.c., with those compiled by his successors, moses, solon, justinian and napoleon, we find in them all evidence of the same mental appreciation and capacity in dealing with the social conditions and problems of their respective periods. the greatest products of art are still met with in the sculptured forms of ancient greece, those images of serene beauty which may be imitated but not excelled. the reasoning powers of the ancient philosophers who, long before christ was born, debated the still unanswered riddles of existence, when we compare the paucity of data on which they had to work with the wealth of knowledge now available, must be ranked as high as the intellectual ability of our foremost thinkers of to-day. in mechanical proficiency the world has indeed advanced to an astonishing extent, but the perfection of our modern machinery means only a gradual and very recent advance upon earlier methods and does not denote a corresponding development in the mind itself. the greeks had no machinery to speak of, neither had the english in the days of shakespeare and newton, but who can doubt that the engineers of those times would have been equal to the task of understanding and applying the principles of modern mechanics had the necessary books been available to them? we do not assume that because the modern germans excel as chemists they are therefore blessed with higher reasoning ability than were the contemporaries of socrates and plato who had no knowledge of the science of chemistry. the conclusion forced upon us after a sober and impartial survey of the facts of history is that, although the intellectual output of the world is always increasing, the intellect itself remains unaltered. knowledge, we see, is after all, only descriptive, never fundamental. we can describe the appearance and condition of a process, but not the way of it, and though knowledge has come in rich abundance, wisdom still lingers. the foregoing argument shows that the alleged mental superiority of the european cannot be due to constant use or education, so that it now becomes necessary for those who maintain that it nevertheless exists to prove, not only that the white man's intellectual capacity is now superior but to prove also that from the beginning it has always been stronger and better than that of the african native, or, in other words, those who believe that the white race has inherent mental superiority must prove innate inferiority in the mental make-up of the native. there is a more or less indefinite notion abroad that the bantu languages, as compared with those of europe, are but poor and ineffective vehicles for the conveyance of abstract ideas, wherefore the capacity to form and entertain such ideas may be taken to be innately inferior in the native brain. that the language of a people embodies, so to speak, in objective form the intellectual progress made by it is certainly true, and it will be well, therefore, to state briefly the actual and potential value of the native speech as compared with that of the whites. the living and the dead languages of the world have been classified by philologists into three main types of linguistic morphology; the isolating, like chinese; the agglutinative, like turkish and bantu, and the inflective, like latin. it was customary not long ago to look upon these three types as steps in a process of historical development, the isolating representing the most primitive form of speech at which it was possible to arrive, the agglutinative coming next in order as a type evolved from the isolating, and the inflective as the latest and so-called highest type of all. but since the matter has been carefully studied it has been admitted that there is no satisfactory evidence for believing in any evolution of linguistic types. english is now considered to be an isolating language in the making while chinese is cited by authoritative european scholars as being a language which with the simplest possible means at its disposal can express the most technical or philosophical ideas with absolute freedom from ambiguity and with admirable conciseness and direction.[ ] while i do not pretend to philological authority i do claim the ability to make a sound comparison between the main bantu languages which i know and those european languages with which i happen to be familiar, and i have no hesitation in saying that though the bantu types are not at present as fully developed in point of simplicity and preciseness as are the main languages of europe they are, nevertheless, by reason of their peculiar genius, capable of being rapidly developed into as perfect a means for the expression of human thought as any of the european types of speech; they are astonishingly rich in verbs which make it easy to express motion and action clearly and vividly; the impersonal, or abstract article "it" is used exactly as in european languages, and the particular prefix provided in some of the bantu types for the class of nouns which represent abstract conceptions makes it possible to increase the vocabularies in that direction _ad infinitum_. the bantu types are not so-called holophrastic forms of primitive speech in which the compounding of expressions is said to take the place of the conveyance of ideas, nor are they made up of onomatopoetic, or interjectional expressions, if indeed such languages exist anywhere outside the heads of the half-informed. they are languages equal in potential capacity to any included in the main indo-european group. even now in their comparatively undeveloped state these languages are capable of expressing the subtleties of early philosophical speculation. i would not, for instance, feel daunted if i were set the task of translating into any of these main types, say, the dialectics of socrates. to do this i would first reduce the more complex terms to such simple and common anglo-saxon words as when built together would give the same meaning, and then translate these into their bantu equivalents. the substitution of anglo-saxon words for those of modern english would, no doubt, involve a good deal of repetition but the sense would be adequately rendered. i would proceed in the same way as the early teachers and writers who had to build up the language they used as they went along. the english indeed, have not built up their world-wide speech with their own materials but have, with characteristic acquisitiveness taken the combinations they wanted, ready made, mainly from greek, latin and french. how far and how well a native would understand my presentation of metaphysical speculation would depend upon the degree of familiarity he might have acquired, through missionary teaching or otherwise, with abstract notions in general. in my opinion the average "raw" native would understand as well and as much as the average uneducated european peasant. both would probably find my disquisition "sad stuff"; both would require time for that repetition of the words which is necessary to familiarise the mind with the unaccustomed ideas they represent; in both cases one would have to "give them the words that the ideas may come." a single illustration will show my meaning. when the first missionaries rendered the word "soul" into zulu by the word signifying "breath" in that language they simply followed the example of their predecessors of antiquity who employed the latin _spiritus_, which also means "breath," for the same purpose, namely, to convey to their hearers the idea of a breath-like or ethereal something housed in, but separable from, the human body. "the essence of language," said aristotle, "is that it should be clear and not mean." the raw bantu material is ample for compliance with this demand, and the process of development will not be as protracted as in early europe for it may be accomplished here, largely, by the simple means of translating the words already thought out and provided in the white man's language. in so far, then, as we attempt to measure the mentality of the natives by their language we find that they cannot be relegated to a lower plane than that occupied by the uneducated peasantry of europe of a few decades ago. most people are prepared to believe that the primary psychical processes are identical in all races, but many still profess to see a difference in favour of the white man in what they call the higher faculties of the mind. but the much-abused word "faculty" no longer bears the meaning given to it by locke and his followers who propounded a limitless brood or set of faculties to correspond with every process discoverable by introspection as taking place in the mind. in modern psychology the word means simply a capacity for an ultimate, irreducible, or unanalysable mode of thinking of, or being conscious of, objects. perception, for instance, is looked upon as the capacity for thinking of a thing immediately at hand, and memory as a capacity for thinking again of a certain material or abstract object. the mental power of abstraction is no longer considered as a sort of separate function of the mind but is regarded as the capacity for thinking of, say, whiteness as apart from any particular white patch. but the notion that the white man is endowed with a set of finer feelings and with special and higher powers of abstraction than is the african native is so generally entertained that it will be convenient to make the necessary comparisons in, more or less, the commonly accepted terms. those who look upon the native as being in every way a more primitive being than the european will naturally be disposed to believe that he is more a creature of instincts than a man of reason, and they will expect him to move in dependence upon certain fundamental intuitions where the european goes guided by reason alone. i have found no evidence whatever to support this supposition. the elementry instinct of self-preservation is no stronger in the native than in the white man. suicide is not at all uncommon among the bantu. i have seen many instances of natives who have shown a calm and philosophical disregard of death where life has seemed no longer desirable. this pre-eminently human prerogative--for no animal can rise to the conscious and deliberate destruction of itself--has often been exercised, as i have seen, by natives in their sound and sober senses so as to preclude entirely that suggestion of temporary insanity which is so commonly accepted at coroner's inquests in england and elsewhere. the instinct of direction, the "bump of locality" as it is generally called, varies with the natives as it does among the whites, and is no keener in the individual native than in the individual white man. all the hunters and travellers i have met have confirmed the opinion i have myself formed from personal experience that by training his ordinary powers of observation and thereby developing his sense of locality and direction the average european is able, after a comparatively short time, to find his way in difficult country as well as the natives, while some european hunters who have dispensed with native guides and trackers have acquired the art of tracking game so well that they surpass even the local natives themselves. "veld-craft" is simply a matter of training the ordinary faculties of observation and memory for particular purposes, and the native shows no such superiority in this respect as would naturally be expected from him if he were indeed better provided with animal instincts than the more civilised white man. the sexual instincts of the natives seem in no wise different from those of other people. the african male, like the european male, is generally more amative than the female who is always more philoprogenitive than the man. but the notion is common that the native male is more bestial when sexually excited than the white man in similar case, and this is taken to account for the fact that he is so often found guilty of crimes of violence against females of his own colour, and sometimes even against european women. it must be borne in mind that before the white man came the natives, like the peasants in many european countries not long ago, conducted their courtship and love-making with a show of violence which seemed to them right and proper. the idea, indeed, that any self-respecting native girl could yield herself to a lover without, at least, a semblance of physical resistance, leading to her more or less forcible capture by the man, would have seemed, and still seems, distinctly improper to the majority of native women in their raw state. but since the european code was set up native women have not been slow in making use of its protection, and, as i have seen, have not infrequently abused that protection by alleging rape or assault where their own action in simulating flight and resistance served, as they well knew it would, to stimulate passion and pursuit. in considering crimes of violence against white women it must also be remembered that the native "house-boy" who works in constant and close physical contact with his european mistress and her daughters is exposed to sexual excitation which very few european youths are called upon to withstand. but crimes of this kind are indeed common enough among the lower orders in europe and america, and are particularly frequent among men who have to live for a long time in unnatural abstinence from natural intercourse with the opposite sex, and who then find themselves in new surroundings giving opportunities for the gratification of their natural desires, but without having at the same time the restraining influences of their home life to help them to overcome the temptations to which they are exposed. the seaports of europe and america, and the great war furnish too many sad examples of sexual ferocity by white men to allow us to think that they are in this respect inherently superior to the men of other races. the maternal instinct is manifested in the same manner and degree in the women of both people. i have often asked native women whether it would be possible for any mother among them to distinguish her own new-born baby from a supposed "changeling" of the same sex and of the same general appearance, and the answer has always been negative. the native and the white woman alike would continue to cherish the substituted child exactly as they would have cherished the issue of their own bodies. the desire to bear children is the same in all normally constituted women irrespective of colour or race, and there is no sign of any special instinct for identification in the native woman, such as the sense of smell, which is found in all the higher animals. there are some students who think that most of the emotions of man are but the survivals of instinctive habit. be this as it may, the sexual attraction which is commonly called love certainly seems to be essentially instinctive whereas friendship and parental and filial devotion, when continued throughout life, seem to be emotions that depend largely upon association and conscious intelligence. every natural mother will sacrifice herself for her offspring while it is young but the tender feeling which continues in her breast towards the child after it has grown up is sustained by association, or, where the child is continually absent, by conscious intelligence in the form of considerations of conventional approbation which in time merge into a habit or a sense of duty which is hardly recognised as such. many white people think that although the average native mother is capable of the greatest devotion for her young children she is incapable of the love which a white mother feels for her children even after they have ceased to depend upon her care. this, i think, is wrong. i have seen many instances of elderly native women who have cherished their grown up children to the last with every sign of motherly affection. joy and sorrow, love and hatred, hope and fear, these are the fundamental emotions of human kind. can any difference be detected between these feelings in the two races? no one who knows him will say that the native's capacity for the "joy of life unquestioned" is less than that of the average white man. most natives are born lovers of song and music, and attain easily to technical proficiency in the art of harmony. the æsthetic sense is present in the average native as it is in the average european and in both is easily overlooked when not stimulated and developed by education and culture. that the natives, as a whole, feel the sorrows of life and death as keenly as do the people of other races will be readily admitted by all who know them well, although their way of showing their sorrow may differ from those prescribed by the canons of conduct of other communities. it is assumed by many that love, "the grand passion," has been brought to a finer point, as it were, among the white people than anywhere else, and it may well be that monogamy is conducive to the growth of a higher and purer form of sexual reciprocity than is possible under the polygamous system of the natives and other peoples. the monogamous marriage, though based on sexual attraction in the first instance, tends to become, as the man and the woman grow older, a union of souls, so to speak, more or less independent of the sexual element itself. the close and continued association of one man and one woman of compatible temperaments no doubt brings about a state of mutual intimacy, dependence and devotion which can hardly be possible in a polygamous household. but on the other hand may fairly be cited the frequent instances, familiar to all, of widows and widowers among europeans who, despite their repeated and quite honest protestations of undying and undivided love for the first "one and only" mate, nevertheless find speedy consolation in a second marriage in which undying and whole-hearted love for the second "one and only" spouse is again declared and accepted in all sincerity. the phenomenon of "falling in love," as it is commonly called, is not peculiar to white people. i have known many cases where the love-sick native swain has travelled hundreds of miles and suffered great hardships in order to reach or recover the one woman of his choice though other women, no less desirable, were ready to be had for the asking at his home. the converse is even more commonly seen. native women are remarkably like white women. they look upon marriage as their proper and natural function in life, but they are not all of them willing to marry according to parental instructions; there is the same proportion of self-willed damsels among them as among the whites, who by obdurately refusing to enter into the marriages arranged for them cause pain and trouble to their well-meaning parents. jealousy, especially from the female side, is an ever-present source of trouble and unhappiness among the natives. the length to which a jealous native wife will go in winning back the affections of an errant husband is often extraordinary, though the ways and means she adopts differ but little from those practised by the superstitious and credulous peasantry in europe less than a hundred years ago. while no one will deny the african native a capacity for feeling anger equal to that of the white man when provoked by insult and injury there are many who believe that he is constitutionally incapable of sustaining that feeling of hatred which in the european so often leads to premeditated and prepared revenge. this notion is, no doubt, derivable from the fact that a native seldom shows any open vindictiveness against a european employer by whom he has been insulted or unjustly punished, but this fact may, i think, be otherwise accounted for. the white man's prestige, backed up as it is by the established powers of law and order, makes the attempt at revenge by a native a difficult and risky undertaking and, furthermore, there is to be considered the spirit of traditional submissiveness which at all times and in all places marks the attitude of the slave or serf towards his master. one has only to remember the many accounts of abject resignation by the peasants of france and the moujiks of russia before the revolutions that changed the order of the past in those countries. no such considerations affect the native where his anger and hatred are directed against one or more of his own colour. the records of the south african courts are replete with instances of cattle-maiming, arson, poisoning and other crimes proved to have been motived solely by feelings of revenge. courage and fear are feelings that depend upon conditions that seem to be fairly evenly distributed all over the world, and where the virtue of courage in the form of pugnacity is comparatively lacking, as amongst the bulk of the population of india, other forms thereof are met with, such as that wonderful contempt of a painful death by burning which was so often displayed by the widows of that country in following their ancient custom of _suttee_. the average white man feels assured that no race can be compared in bravery with his own, and that within that race no nation can be found equal in courage to the one to which he belongs. this is a form of elemental patriotism common to all communities, but those who have shared the dangers of flood and field with african natives often testify to acts of sublime courage by native soldiers, hunters and miners in the face of real and appreciated danger under circumstances which show that the natives as a whole are no less capable than the white people of conquering instinctive fear and of sacrificing the individual self when great demands are made. i am not speaking now of what is commonly called mob-courage. natives have been known to go through fire and water alone as well as white men. is there any difference of kind or degree in the moral sense of the two races? in the prevailing view of authoritative students morality is emotional and not intellectual in its origin, and the warrant of right doing is attributed not to some hypothetical objective standard, but to the whisperings of an inner conscience, an innate subjective mental state, independent of environment and education. differences, undoubtedly, exist as to the acts or omissions which are approved or disapproved by the moral feeling in the two races respectively, but the feeling is the same. the feelings which prompt a native woman to condemn barrenness in other women is the same as that which makes the average european lady look upon immodesty as a sign of immorality. the difference is objective, not subjective; it is in the outlook but not in the inner sense. that immorality is rife amongst natives no one who knows them well will deny, but neither can putanism amongst the whites be denied. before the white man came the very robust moral sense of the natives made them put down theft and, sometimes, adultery, with a thoroughness which is apparently impossible amongst the most civilised white people to-day. now that western civilisation is spreading over the land the difference in the moral outlook of the two peoples tends to decrease; with the savage vices go the savage virtues, and soon there will be no difference at all. having found no difference between the senses, instincts and inner feelings of the two races we come now to consider the oft-alleged difference in what is popularly called _pure intellect_ in favour of the white man. is there such a thing as pure intellect or pure rationality? obviously there is not. the thought that we call abstract is fashioned in the same way as the thought that is formed by the recognition of similarities between concrete objects. the abstract thought has its source like all other forms of thought in the organic and emotional structure of the individual, and it is, indeed, only by pointing to instances that we can define what we mean by an abstract idea. but many people still think that the white race is gifted with a special faculty for thinking about general attributes as apart from the particular objects in which the abstracted attributes may be concretely perceived. there is no foundation in fact for this presumption. the natives have no difficulty in finding words wherewith to abstract the general essence from a plurality of facts or instances; their vocabulary is as apt and as extensive for this purpose as that which suffices for the mental or spiritual needs of the bulk of european people, indeed, the capacity for abstracting the general nature and character from the particular experience or emotion into pithy expressions by way of simile or metaphor that admirably convey the perceived generalisation is as highly evolved in the native as in any other human variety.[ ] i think that the magistrates, native commissioners, police officers, missionaries, farmers, miners, and traders in south africa who have had first-hand experience of dealing with raw natives will agree with me that in sound reasoning ability, as applied to matters with which he is familiar, the native is no whit below the white man. it would be easy for me to give hundreds of instances that have come under my own observation of arguments stated and deductions made by natives who were innocent of all european education that would show a capacity for mental analysis and clear ratiocination equal to that of the educated european, but i have to consider the reader's patience and will therefore confine myself to a few illustrations taken at random from a number that were written down by me at the time of observation. i may say here that my translation into english has been made with the most scrupulous regard to exactness so as to avoid the possibility of importing into the words used a fuller meaning than that which was actually present in the speaker's own mind. in the northern part of matabeleland, not far from the zambesi river, lives a tribe called bashankwe who follow a custom of marriage known locally as "ku garidzela" which is in effect a rendering of personal service, in the doing of such primitive husbandry as there obtains by the prospective son-in-law for the parent of the girl chosen instead of paying for her a consideration in money or cattle as is done by most of the natives in south africa. it is a practice similar to the custom which may be supposed to have been general in palestine when jacob served for rachel in the days of the hebrew patriarchs. sometime ago i discussed the nature and present incidence of this custom with a chief named sileya of those parts, a wholly untutored native. a point brought up for settlement was the validity, under the present _régime_, of the claim for compensation that under their law might be brought by a rejected "garidzela" lover for the value of the work done by him during his period of service when, at the end of such service, he found the girl unwilling to marry him. i had explained to the chief that the white man's government would always set its face against any custom whereby it might be possible for the parents to pledge their daughters in marriage, and had pointed out that this particular custom was for that reason not viewed with favour by the authorities. to this sileya replied: "if you, the government, will make it plain that the man who finds himself refused by the girl for whom he has been serving can claim compensation for the work he has done then the fathers will become more careful than they now are and they will refuse to accept the young man's services save where the girl is old enough to consent for herself, for no man likes to give up what he has won and held, and in this manner our old custom will not go against the way of the government." this reply, which i have englished almost literally, is typical of the native form of argumentation and it shows good all-round thinking ability; it is not a particular instance of special intelligence, but a fair example of average native perspicacity. a few months ago, while discussing with some elderly matabele natives the subject of miscegenation in south africa generally one of the old men voiced the opinion of the meeting thus: "white people do what they like, they take what they like, and when they like certain girls they take them, and what can we say? and, after all, why should they not do so? everything belongs to them, we are their people, our girls belong to them, the white people only take what is theirs to take." "but," i interpolated, "white men do not take the girls away from you, it is the girls themselves who leave their own kind and go to the white men." "no," he replied, "i say they take the girls because they know as well as we do that women--all women--will always go where they can live with ease and have plenty and be without work, and this they can do when they go to the white man, whereas with us they must work. therefore i say that the white men take the girls away from us, but i do not say that they do wrong so long as they only play with them and have no children by them, for it is the manner of all the world that men and women come together and no law can be made to stop them from doing so, but the white men do wrong when they allow the black women to have children by them because such children grow up without proper homes, and that is very sad and wrong." i think the average white man, whatever his own opinion may be on this matter, will acknowledge that there is clear thought and strong common-sense in the old man's dictum, and this old man is an ordinary raw native, without any european education. my good friend, mahlabanyane, is a typical tebele of the old school. in his youth he accompanied the hunter selous on many wanderings, and he never tires of telling of the ways and habits of the game and wild animals he has seen and shot. one day he told me that he had observed all the wild animals of rhodesia, big and small, and that he had examined them all after they had been killed. he had come to the conclusion, he said, that many of the bigger animals were related to one another in some wonderful way, and that they had probably come out of the earth, all alike, and had then afterwards become different, "as people do when they separate and live always by themselves away from other people," he added. "look at the elephant, the rhinoceros, the hippopotamus and the wild pig," he said, "they must at one time have been one kind; their teeth are alike, and none of them chew the cud. i think they must be cousins to one another, and, one time, perhaps, they were brothers." leaving aside the question of the absolute correctness of the old man's observation there can be no doubt that we have here a thinker who, being struck with the physiological similarity of some animals is attempting to account for the fact, and does so along the lines of darwin and his predecessors, but without any of the facts and theories that were recorded before they began their labours. i asked the old fellow if he had ever heard selous talk about this matter, and he said he had not; the idea, he said, had come out of his own head. one day a zambesi woman whose husband, a petty chief, was awaiting trial for murder at my station, sent word to me asking for permission to dance that night in the compound. surmising that there was a religious motive behind this request i gave my consent, and afterwards watched the dancing for an hour or so. the element of rhythm in sound and movement has always been one of the chief means of exciting and expressing religious exaltation as well as sexual passion, and the two emotions merge easily in all primitive people whether they be the half-civilised moujiks of russia, or the frequenters of modern "revival meetings," or the naked batonka on the banks of the zambesi. the batonka, indeed, are particularly fond of dancing to the beat of the ubiquitous drum. the woman, who was accompanied by a few of her female friends, danced with unusual grace, and her movements were remarkably free from erotic incitation. holding a pair of gourds in which little stones rattled not unmusically, like castanets, she gyrated in the moonlight and pirouetted on her toes with such lightness and elegance that my curiosity was roused, and the next morning i had her brought to my office and asked her to account, if she could, for the marked difference between her way of dancing and that of the rest of her people. this is what she said: "i was very sad and my whole body was heavy. i felt ill, so i asked that i might be allowed to dance. dancing always does me good when i feel unwell. i did not learn to dance in the way i do from anyone. i think the great spirit gave to me the gift of dancing, the power came down on me when i was a child. i have never seen europeans or arabs dancing. i have never seen an arab dancing woman. i dance my way because the spirit gave it to me to do so." i then asked her what it was that made her well. was it the dancing or the profuse sweating which i had noticed? "the spirit," she said, "made me well, he gave me to dance, the dancing made we sweat thereby cooling my body, and that made me well, it brought my heart back to its right place." this clear expression of concatenated thought from a native woman who had had no missionary tuition or other education of the western kind shows to my mind sound reasoning capacity no less developed than that met with in europeans generally. turning over my notes i select, at random, a few more instances to illustrate my argument. a tebele youth of about twenty years of age, smooth-limbed and good looking, was charged some years ago in the rhodesian high court with the crime of abducting two young native girls for his own immoral purposes. i made a note of the chief part of his speech in his own defence at the time. this is what he said: "i have the gift of singing and dancing, my father had it, and his father before him. when i sing and dance people forget their sorrows, and when i leave a kraal, singing as i go, the people follow me for the joy of my song, so that sometimes i have to drive them away. now it is easy to drive away old men and women, but who can drive away two pretty girls like these that have been made to speak against me to-day? when i sang and danced at their kraal their father gave me a goat because i had made his heart white and glad, and his daughters followed me and joined in the play--and i am young! when i become old and can no longer sing and dance the girls will not follow me. why should i not be merry while i may? i never said a word to these girls, they followed me, i did not call them. but now, if the white men who listen to my words feel doubtful about what i say, then i would ask the judge to allow me to show them here and now how i can dance and sing, and if, after hearing and seeing me do so, they still think i am to blame, then i have no more to say; i shall go to gaol with a broken heart, and silent." the offer made by this african apollo, i need not say, was not accepted, and he was found guilty and sentenced to a term of imprisonment with hard labour, but i remember that several of the jurymen expressed their astonishment afterwards at hearing so good a defence so pleasingly expressed by a raw native youth who had never been to any kind of school. on one occasion i had some trouble to make a native complainant understand that the evidence upon which he relied was entirely hearsay and therefore of no avail against the man he wished to charge with a crime of theft. while talking an elderly tebele arrived and i put the matter to him. he listened gravely and when i had finished he turned to the other and said: "have you not heard before that that which is heard only cannot be heard again in court? you must bring witnesses who saw and heard themselves what you say has happened. the words of the man who says he heard the story from another is no testimony against a man when he is to be tried for a crime or a debt." after writing down this crisp and explicit statement from a native whom i knew to have had little or no intercourse with educated europeans i asked the old man if he had ever heard the matter discussed in a european court. he said he had not, and seemed surprised that i should consider his words worth putting down in a note-book. when it is realised how few laymen amongst ourselves are able to grasp the distinction between admissible and inadmissible evidence in a court of law, and how few would be able to express themselves as clearly as did this old, so-called, heathen, then the instance is seen to be worth citing. i remember a native witchdoctor who in defending himself against a charge of alleged witchcraft practice spoke thus: "the people you have heard to-day came to me and told me that they had had sickness and death at their kraal. i knew these people and i knew that there had been strife among them for a long time over the dividing of an inheritance. i threw the bones[ ]--it is our way--and i told these people that the spirit of the old woman, who was the grand-mother of most of them, was angry because of the quarrelling that did not cease; i told them that the snakes, that is to say the ancestral spirits of these people, were angry at the noise of the quarrelling, and i told them to redeem their fault by killing a goat,--it is our way. and now it is said that i have done wrong. in what way have i done wrong? i have heard a white missionary say that the white man's god sends sickness to people when they sin, and that if the sinners leave off their evil ways then they become well and happy again, and i said the same to these people--and if they paid me ten shillings, why, do not the whites make payments to their priests?" i might add, in parenthesis, that the argument advanced did not find favour with the magistrate on the bench who, like so many of his kind, had little knowledge of bantu lore and languages, and who therefore could only perceive the letter of the law and not the human spirit behind the acts that constituted a breach of the white man's statute. the natives, like most of the white people, prefer not to think overmuch about death and whether there be life for us beyond the grave; like the vast majority of europeans they prefer to take the superstitions and beliefs of their forefathers for granted. vague notions about ancestral and familiar spirits that emanate from the grave in the guise of snakes or other animals are accepted in the same spirit or traditional mood in which the doctrines and dogmas of the various religions of europe are accepted by the bulk of white believers. i have found among the bantu the same child-like faith in all that is proclaimed by traditional authority about things supernatural, and i have found also among them the same hesitation or inability to believe without questioning in all that is laid down in the name of tradition that we see among ourselves. the will to believe is temperamental and general, but the unbeliever is found among the bantu as well as everywhere else. i remember that i asked a raw native once what he thought about the after-life in which so many white and black people professed to believe. he answered: "the white people are a clever race; they see many things in their books; perhaps they can see even beyond death. i do not say that they are liars, as some of our people sometimes say. they may know these things, i do not. all i know is that when i die this breath that is now in me so that i am able to think and speak will leave my body which then must be put away in the ground: i think that will be the end of me--but, not quite, for there,"--here he pointed to his infant son who was toddling about in the strong sunlight--"there in him, my son," and his voice grew tender as he spoke, "i shall live on because he is part of me, my life is in him; i cannot die altogether so long as he lives, but if he should die and not leave a son to carry on my life, then should i die the death utterly." i recollect that when i wrote these clear words of an honest doubter there came to mind the old arab saying: "whosoever leaveth no male hath no memory," which is but a confession of that sense of doubt that has haunted the minds of men of all races and at all times while the people as a whole have professed their hope and belief in a life everlasting. i discussed the matter of polygamy with a native youth one day, and made a note of his argument. he said: "in our district the young women are beginning to go against the man who wants more than one wife. i have a young wife, and when i talk to her about taking a second wife she says that she will not suffer it. she says that the white people do well in that the man and his wife grow old together, whereas we natives, as she says, we are like the cattle in the kraal; we do not behave like human beings. but to this i answered that our fathers and mothers taught us that one wife by herself cannot be happy and comfortable because when she falls sick, as women often do, there is no one to help her, whereas when a man has two or more wives they can help and nurse one another, they need not be sad or unhappy. i think our fathers way is the good way and i shall follow it, but i know there will be trouble because of the new thoughts my wife has taken from the white people." now i do not say that these instances show any remarkable intelligence or power of thinking, but i do say that they show sound level-headed reasoning just like the common sense reasoning from cause and effect which we find in the average european, and that they show, moreover, that the same types of mental disposition and capacity are found in black and white alike. it would indeed be easy for me to continue giving instances like these to show the essential sameness of the nature of the minds of the black and white people, but i must consider the weight of my book and the readers patience. i have refrained from pointing to those natives who have proved their scholastic capabilities at various universities and colleges because it is generally surmised that these men are exceptional or that their success is due to a highly developed imitative faculty coupled with a strong memory, with which it is fashionable to credit the successful native student, and i have advisedly confined myself to instances drawn from the everyday life and thought of the normal and uneducated native people. i have lived amongst the bantu for nearly thirty years and i have studied them closely, and i have come to the conclusion that there is no native mind distinct from the common human mind. the mind of the native is the mind of all mankind; it is not separate or different from the mind of the european or the asiatic any more than the mind of the english is different from that of the scotch or irish people. the english way of speaking differs from that of the french, but there is no reason for thinking that the mind of the two people differs in any way whatever. the languages of the world are many but the mind of the world is one. there are, i know, some white men who talk knowingly about a native mind which they allege to be unlike their own, a mind of whose strange anfractuosities they profess a special knowledge, but these people must not be taken seriously. they are always half-educated men, suffering, as cardinal newman said, from that haziness of intellectual vision which is so common among all those who have not had a really good education. these people pretend to a knowledge which is impossible, seeing that we can only know and understand the minds of other people by assuming that they are like our own so that if we postulate a native mind different from our own it must of necessity remain unknowable by us, for what is psychology but the power of understanding others from our understanding of ourselves? the judge on the bench and the priest in the confessional follow the thoughts and feelings of the minds they have to deal with, not by virtue of any special power of divination, but simply by judging their fellow-men's way of thinking and feeling to be even as their own. the truth of the matter is that all men think in the same way, but not always about the same things. there is no such thing as an inherent racial mind but there are different national and racial cultures lasting sometimes for centuries, like that of china, and some times only for a generation, like that of modern germany. but these differences are temporary and outward and not inwardly heritable. the difference between the mind of the philosopher and the plough-boy is one not of kind, not even of degree, but of content. the things that occupy the mind of the peasant farmer are not the same that fill the mind of the university don, but if the respective environments of the two types had been reversed the professor might have thought about manure and the farmer about metaphysics. and this holds good also of nations and races. consider, for instance, the german people who before the rise of bismarck were looked upon as a nation of peaceful peasants and _gelerhten_, "_ces bons allemands_," in contemporary french parlance, and how they became within a few years through being made to think constantly about their own national supremacy, a race of ruthless warriors that terrorised and nearly conquered europe in the great world war. the mind of the german race had not been changed, but the main business of that mind had been changed through the imposition on the growing masses of a new ideal, the ideal of dominion in the hands of the german people. the difference between the mental status of the white man and the native is the same as that which we notice between the man who has had a liberal education and the man who has not, and it lies mainly in the fact that the one is given to introspection, analysis and criticism whereas the other, whether he be a european peasant or a bantu herdsman, looks outward, takes things for granted and asks no questions, so that with the bantu as with the illiterate european, the primitive thoughts and ways of their forefathers are held good enough by their sons, but this does not preclude the latent potentiality in both for the understanding and acquisition of new thoughts and ways once the shackles of conservatism have been loosened and cast aside. in his thinking about the things he knows the black man comes to the same conclusion as the white man when he thinks about the same things. the black man does not think about electricity or the differential calculus because he knows nothing about these matters, neither, and for the same reason, does the european peasant wherever he may still be found in his primitive state. it has been alleged in america and in south africa that negro and bantu children, when compared with european children in both countries, show not only comparative slowness in the study of arithmetic, but that they are on the whole less accurate in their work, and this i readily believe, for the reason that the home surroundings of the black children are seldom as favourable to the development of speed and exactness as they are among europeans. it is not considered "good form" among natives to do things in a hurry, slowness is regarded as essential to good manners; moreover the craving for speed and exactitude is everywhere a feature of high-pressure city life rather than of life in the country. the town artisan of to-day must be quick and accurate, whereas the agricultural labourer is found satisfactory so long as he is a steady worker, and the home atmosphere of the two types is bound to be affected by these considerations. the home atmosphere of the ordinary bantu family in process of acquiring the ways of western civilisation will be more like that of the agricultural labourer than of the town artisan or shopkeeper, and it is conceded on every hand that the home influence has a direct and important bearing on the children's progress in school. take as an example the children of the back-veld dutch in south africa. i have been told by many of their teachers that the difficulty in teaching these children is not so much to make them work as to rouse them to a sense of the importance of speed and accuracy, and yet we often see children from this class growing into men and women of very high intellectual ability. there are also some who think that the native has no great capacity for mechanics and engineering generally, but i have seen so many instances of mechanical resourcefulness and inventiveness in natives who have only had a superficial acquaintance with machinery that i cannot doubt that with technical education like that given to european apprentices they will attain to proficiency equal to that of the whites. i do not profess the knowledge of a pedagogue in these matters. i speak simply from an insight gained through many years of observation and study at first hand. i have listened to thousands of old native men of many different tribes in my time, i have heard them speak their inmost thoughts, not through interpreters--who ever learned anything through an interpreter?--i have studied these people in and out of court, officially and privately, in their kraals and in the veld during many years, and i say that i can find nothing whatever throughout the whole gamut of the native's conscious life and soul to differentiate him from other human beings in other parts of the world. in his sense of sorrow and of humour, in his moral intuitions, in his percipience of proportion and in all the subtle elements that go to make up the mental constitution of modern man, i see no difference in him from the european variety which to-day stands at the highest point of human achievement, but i freely confess that the african native has so far shown a lack of that will to think analytically and critically which in the civilised man is the result of a continuous discontent with things as they are, a discontent which has urged him up to his present plane of racial supremacy. but the reason for the fact that the african natives have never thought as hard and as long as the ancient and modern peoples of other lands lies not, i think, in a lack of inherent capacity but in a lack of opportunity, the meaning of which now comes to be considered. achievement. we have now come to the point where an answer must be given to the question: if the african natives are on the whole endowed with a mental capacity equal to that possessed by the europeans why have they never achieved any civilisation at all comparable with those cultures which have been successively set up by the people of europe, asia and ancient america? if we take it for granted that the africans have never achieved a civilisation similar to those that date back beyond the limits of history, a premiss by no means assured seeing that there are signs of cycles of civilisations coming before those of which we have written or monumental records and of whose ethnic origin there is no certain knowledge, then the question may appear to have no other answer than the assumed lack of inherent capacity in the black race, but let us consider the matter closely. the question asked depends upon the proposition that achievement is the sole test of capacity or, in other words, that achievement must necessarily follow capacity, and this is a proposition by no means free from doubt. it is plain that a desire to achieve is a condition precedent to achievement but it is equally plain that there may well be ability without ambition. the question why civilisation has not followed apparent capacity may with equal propriety be asked about races whose mental abilities have never been doubted. consider, for instance, two such widely separated races as the red indians of our own times and the northmen who roamed over the seas in the days of alfred the great. the north american indians, though they achieved no civilisation to be compared with the cultures of mexico and peru, yet conserved a very high degree of initiative in other directions. according to competent observers, these people have shown a capacity for wiliness and a power of divination of the obscured workings of nature and of the human mind which have never been surpassed elsewhere. that the high moral and mental status of these people is fully recognised by their european successors is proved by the fact that many americans in high stations to-day actually boast of having in their veins the blood of the north american indian. and yet these highly gifted people had not when columbus discovered america attained to the knowledge of iron. despite the advantages of a most favourable environment and a stimulating climate, the red indians were in point of mechanical development behind the earliest bantu; they had no iron implements, no tillage and no settled or permanent abodes, and whatever may have been the cause of their lack of development, the fact remains that there was no achievement despite undeniable capacity. the early scandinavians who lived in a state of barbarism ages before and long after egypt, mesopotamia, india, greece and rome developed their various civilisations, furnish another illustration of the fact that there may well be capacity without accomplishment, for no one can doubt the keenness of the minds of these people who have advanced to the front ranks of human endeavour. these rude sea-rovers must have lived in what is generally supposed to have been a most stimulating climate during long ages while other races in southern europe and in asia built up mighty civilisations within environments that seem to have been far less incitative of progress. although the broad facts of history are known to us the causes that have contributed in the past to keep down some races while other peoples who were no better endowed or situated rose to the greatest heights of human effort cannot be stated with certainty. it is easy to cite the circumstances that are commonly conjectured as accounting for the origin and growth of civilisation, such as soil, climate and geographical position, but it is equally easy to point to times and places when and where great civilisations have arisen under conditions that have concurred elsewhere with miserable stagnation in rude barbarism. climate is, perhaps, the factor which is most generally condescended upon as being the chief of the causes that contribute to that collective accomplishment which we call civilisation, but the connection between the two things is far from clear, indeed it seems to be often negatived by actual facts. seeing, for instance, that the easy fruition of desire which is possible in tropical and sub-tropical latitudes does away with the idea of necessity as the mother of invention in those parts of the world it becomes difficult to see how tool-using man, who is generally supposed to have originated somewhere in the warm belts, came to take the first and the most difficult steps in the upward progress where there was so little, if any, incentive to that sustained effort and concentration of the mind which is required for the thinking out of the most difficult of all thoughts, the first principles of any art or craft. why, we may well ask, should the primitive african have worried about cultivating the soil where edible roots and berries abounded? why should he have bothered about making fire where there was no need of artificial warmth or for the cooking of food? why should he have cudgeled his brains to fashion weapons and to contrive snares for the killing of game of which he was in no more need than his vegetarian cousins, the anthropoid apes? why should there have been progress where the environment provided no stimuli therefore, in other words, why should primitive man have moved forward where indulgent nature allowed him to stand still? if we believe, with darwin and other students, that our primitive ancestors emerged from somewhere within the warm zones, we cannot avoid the difficulty of reconciling that supposition with the theory that civilisation is in the first instance the result of a stimulating environment. if on the other hand, we surmise that _homo sapiens_ originated in the colder parts of the world we still have to account for the fact that his further progress was made not in those parts but in warmer latitudes where a genial climate afforded no apparent provocation for continued effort in the way of invention and general development. it would seem that the innate tendency to conservatism latent in man, the disposition to leave things as they are and to stick to the familiar devil rather than fly to unknown gods, is in itself sufficient to account for those lapses in mass-achievement and those long periods of stagnation which mark the course of mankind everywhere. we see how egypt hovered for centuries on the brink of the discovery of the alphabet but never attained thereto. the exponents of the so-called "pulsatory hypothesis" can hardly claim that a change in the climate will explain the fact seeing that the neighbouring people were able to accomplish this great feat under very similar climatic conditions. we see how china developed a wonderful civilisation while the western world lay steeped in barbarism, and then went to sleep till now. the size of that great country made possible always the friction between people coming from widely separated localities, which we believe to be conducive to progress, and the climate and general environment seems to have been no less favourable than in europe and america. we see how the arabs made great conquests and enriched the world with many patient and accurate observations and then came to a standstill and remained as they are to-day in serene contentment, strangers to the very idea of progress. can it be said that mental capacity and collective will-power were lacking in any of these people? on the contrary, it is admitted that they were possessed of mental powers as great as those of the restless europeans of to-day who are rushing onward in a ceaseless pursuit of change, a pursuit made possible only by continuous victory over the forces of conservatism, and this victory, as i think, is gained not through the outward circumstances of climate and geographical surroundings, but through a "divine discontent" which is kindled, we know not how, in the leaders of the world, regardless of time and place, as says the poet of one whom he hails as the deliverer of his country: "a flaming coal lit at the stars and sent to burn the sin of patience from her soul, the scandal of content." it is this inward fire rather than any outward pressure that prompts the captive spirit to break loose from the fetters of the unmoving giant, custom, the greatest of all tyrants, who grows stronger as he grows older. the difficulty of reversing the ways and conditions that have been induced from birth is tremendous, and progress has never been possible without breaking away, always at great risk to the innovators, the stoned prophets of all ages, from the powerful grip of hoary and hallowed custom, which is the essence of conservatism. initiative implies the breaking of the commandment which enjoins everyone to honour his father and mother that he may live long in the land, a sanction which entails continued adherence to the ancestral ways and ideas, and which, being rooted in instinctive fear of innovation, has power over us all. progress, then, has everywhere been the result, in the beginning, of individual initiative in men who were possessed of the power of personality, the "born" leaders of the world who, whether they figured as chiefs or kings, witchdoctors or priests, prophets or lawgivers, were all reformers in their various ways. we see how these restless spirits have appeared everywhere at irregular intervals, not only in localities favoured by nature, but often in the most unlikely places, and there is no reason for thinking that this sporadic cropping up of new leaders will ever cease. but although we believe that progress has been started always and everywhere by the efforts of reformers that have occurred as spontaneous variations from the dead level of their fellows independent of time and circumstances, we need not deny the effect of environment, especially the effect of an inimical environment, upon a new movement after it has been started, and it may well be that the physical disadvantages of the great "dark" continent may have made difficult, if not impossible, in the past that meeting and friction of different cultures which seem to be essential to the birth of intellectual life, so that here the admitted isolation of the inhabitants during many centuries may have served to squelch initiative and foster stagnation. nevertheless the influence of environment must not be over-rated for we see that general contentment with resulting inertia have existed for untold ages in places where now the sounds and shocks of daily progress reverberate in a thousand fields of civilised activity without any change being discernible either in the bodily or mental calibre of the people themselves, and this must surely teach us that it is not incapacity nor yet unfavourable physical environment, but that, more than anything else, it is the dead weight of human conservatism that holds down a nation or a race to its particular level; that it is the human element in the general milieu that determines human development, a lesson that has been well summed up in the chinese aphorism "a man is more like the age he lives in than he is like his father and mother." some years ago a theory was advanced which assumed the presence from the beginning of an inherently superior race of blond europeans who, it was supposed, left their lairs in the north from time to time to harass and conquer essentially inferior people in the south whom they innervated through intermarriage with their superior mentality, and thereby succeeded in rearing those mighty civilisations that waned and fell when the "blue" blood of the invaders became absorbed and lost in the old autochthonous streams. apart from the lack of cogent evidence this theory, if it may be so called, is unsatisfactory in that it does not explain why these putative super-men failed to establish within their own stimulating environment any of those great cultures that were set up in places and under climatic conditions which are supposed to have been far less provocative to progress. to-day the theories of gobineau and houston chamberlain who both held up the teutons as being at all times the greatest and noblest of human kind, do not impress the non-teuton part of the world, nor do the later apostles of the more recent "nordic" race faith, like madison grant, and others of his school, succeed in persuading thinking men and women that the scandinavians and the english are the only people that ever could initiate and sustain great civilisations. the fact that great civilisations have been built up and are now being developed by people who were and are neither blond nor nordic makes it impossible to believe these pretensions to exclusive racial genius and merit. "all the talk," says professor flinders petrie, "about nordic supremacy is vanity when we look at the facts in europe. dark iberians and picts, asiatics, gaels and celts, are the basis of our peoples. further, it is in the time of stress and difficulty that the older stocks come again to the top. the majority of the men of power among the allies have not been fair nordics but dark men of the underlying races."[ ] recent study has indeed dissipated that fascinating idyl about the old race of tall, blond aryans as the originators of our present civilisation, for it has been shown that the so-called aryan civilisation was inferior in many ways to the primitive culture of neolithic times, and it can now hardly be doubted that our classical civilisation is of mediterranean origin though aryanised in speech. it is now generally accepted that history points not to scandinavia and germany, but to the lands lying round the mediterranean sea as furnishing the matrix out of which civilisation has sprung. it is to the south rather than to the north, to the early people of egypt, palestine, greece and rome, and not to the primitive inhabitants of scandinavia and germany, that we must look for those great men whose intellect and character were strong enough to overcome the natural conservatism of their times. the mind of the early white men of the north never soared higher than a valhalla peopled with puerile deities and blood-stained warriors whereas the swarthy thinkers of the south discovered the unseen god, invented art and philosophy and developed law and government. and though the church proclaims the highest of all born leaders, christ himself, to be the very son of god, yet was he a native of palestine and not a fair-haired, blue-eyed teuton as represented by mediæval painters of germany and holland. it is no doubt true that the invaders and the immigrants have often achieved more in their new surroundings than in their homelands, as the moors in spain and the irish in america, but it must not be forgotten that the civilisation which the new-comers have enriched by virtue of their new found freedom from home conservatism has not been of their making; they may have added thereto but they did not beget it; the spade-work, which is the hardest part, had been done before they arrived. looking, round the world to-day we see clearly that race is not the determining factor in contemporary progress. in japan we see a people, admittedly not white, who until yesterday were stagnating under a system of childish feudalism, now developing at a great pace a culture similar with and not inferior to that of modern europe, while in western ireland we see white people living in a state of sloth and squalor below that of many "raw" bantu tribes in south africa. these facts show that any race, white black, or yellow, may be kept down simply by the forces of conservatism, chief among which is priestcraft operating through prejudice and superstition in the name of religion. to say this is not to cavil at the priests of any particular time or creed. we must have priests as well as prophets. the prophet of a new faith begins his mission by breaking the images of the priests before him and is succeeded by his own priests who set up new images and dogmas wherewith to conserve the new-found creed until it in turn becomes too old when, in the never-ceasing course of evolution, the law of variation bids a new prophet arise. the priest must needs be to preserve the world from the anarchy of too many reformers, but his power, if long continued, tends to inhibit the divine spirit of discontent which makes for human advancement. it is the priest's duty to preserve the old and to hinder the new, and when he finds he can no longer ignore the new inventions that are made around him he will at most accept the new learning as a means only to preserve the old order whose servant he is. the founder of the society of jesus enjoined his followers: "let us all think in the same way, let us all speak in the same manner, if possible," and it is reported of him that he said that were he to live five hundred years he would always repeat "no novelties in theology, in philosophy or logic, not even in grammar." in africa priestcraft, in its primitive form of witchcraft, has continued for unnumbered ages to perpetuate the elementary creed of ancestor worship whose chief article is that the ways of the fathers must remain the ways of the children, and that to depart from the old and established order is sinful and wicked, and under this baneful authority progress has been impossible. but although the heavy conservatism enforced by this primitive cult has smothered initiative during many centuries it does not follow that the mind and character of the african people have been impaired thereby beyond the life of each generation. the mental sloth in which the western world lay steeped during the dark ages before the reformation did not become a heritable defect. but apart from the question of the possibility of the transmission of acquired characters we have the fact that within the scope of his daily life the conservative and uncivilised african has to face and solve as many difficult problems as the civilised european in his different surroundings. that these problems are made up of elements differing from those that constitute the problems of the civilised man in his daily avocation proves only a difference of content, not of difficulty. the mental strain involved in leading the so-called simple life of the so-called savage is, on the whole, no less intense than that suffered by the civilised man in maintaining his civilised existence. in the all-surrounding air of superstition and mutual suspicion in which the african moves and has his being he requires cunning to circumvent the cunning of his fellows,--and very deep cunning it sometimes is,--so deep, indeed, that the intellectual european has difficulty in following the dark and devious ways thereof. vigilance and resourcefulness, careful observation, prudence, forethought, caution, judicious apprizement of character and intelligent calculation of probabilities are required for the planning of the primitive african's daily campaign against the forces of darkness with which he is surrounded, and to carry out these plans he must have courage, firmness of will and self-control in no less measure than the average european city-dweller. to avoid the ever-present chance of being found guilty of witchcraft, which in the past meant always death, the african has had to develop the faculty of lying to a high point of efficiency, and no one who knows him will contend that he is inferior to the european in this respect. the natural education of the natives include the art of lying as the education of spartan boys included the practice of larceny. lying, we know, develops the memory, for a good memory is essential to successful lying. some of the ruses and stratagems thought out by natives fleeing from the king's wrath or the witch doctor's doom, of which i have heard from the natives themselves, have seemed to me to be in subtilty of design and in daring of execution as admirable as any that may be found in contemporary detective fiction, while the fortitude with which defeat and death has been accepted by some of the unfortunate fugitives would evoke admiration in the least impressionable of men. i say therefore that those who deny to the africans the capacity for sustained collective and purposive effort of mind and body because these qualities have so far not been shown by them in the building up of a civilisation of their own must consider the fact that the nations which to-day lead the world in all the ways of civilisation remained for thousands of years without leaders and without achievement while the people who now lag behind produced those mighty men that led and paved the way to the great civilisations of the past, and i think that we must recognise in that fact a lesson to teach us that present inferiority is no proof of permanent inability, wherefore it may well be that the natives of africa will some day rise and compete with their present overlords in the mastery of all the arts and crafts of a modern state. "but," says the white south african, voicing the general opinion, "this is all very well; the native may have the brains, but he does not, even now when he has the chance of proving himself, show the same capacity for strenuous and continued effort that the white man has shown. he cannot stand alone; if left to himself he will sink back rapidly into savagery." that the south african natives are still in a stage where they cannot stand alone, so that if left entirely to their own devices they would lapse back into barbarism, is not, i agree, open to doubt. but would not the same fate overtake any nation or community, regardless of race, if it were completely cut off from all outside help and influence. the civilised romans who conquered britain in the early christian era, no doubt, looked upon the primitive britons as a feeble folk when compared with themselves, but the erstwhile slaves have since demonstrated their capacity for developing a civilisation utterly beyond the imagination of their foreign masters. rome was not built in a day. the rearing of western civilisation required many centuries, and it can hardly be doubted that if the early builders of the great cultures had been left in isolation instead of being stimulated continually from without through foreign learning and influence neither ancient rome nor modern europe would have come into being. isolation has always and everywhere been followed by stagnation and regression and there is no reason for expecting the natives of south africa to furnish an exception to the universal rule. that the average native is lazy no one who knows him will deny. he is certainly no less lazy than the average european work-man who must be compelled by economic pressure to do hard labour. the rough and menial work of the world has always been done through some sort of compulsion, either slavery or some kind of economic coaction, for it is not in human nature, white or black, to work hard at uncongenial tasks unless superior force in some shape or other supplies the driving power. the manual workers of europe are forced by the economic conditions under which they live to do the heavy and rough work that has to be done--there are very few, even among white men, who like rough work for its own sake--and when we consider how small are the wants of the average south african native we are often surprised that he works as hard as he does. the common expression "as lazy as a kaffir" is counterbalanced by the equally common saying used about a white man who works hard at anything "he works like a nigger," which suggests that there is not much difference between the two races in this respect. nevertheless the mental attitude of the average native undoubtedly enables him to enjoy laziness more than the average european whose early habits have been formed by different influences. primitive man is a lazy man whatever race he may belong to, and civilisation, which has often been helped on by direct slavery, is indeed itself a system of slavery, under which the toilers are driven to their tasks by the goad of necessity. the fact that many native youths frequently leave their studies before completing the prescribed course, with the entry "left school tired" against their names, is often cited as showing that the capacity of the native for sustained mental effort is not as great as that of the average european, but here, again, it must be remembered that the general conditions and home influences under which the bulk of european boys grow up tend to keep them at their studies whereas the native school boy is not fortified by similar support. the dread of becoming an "unemployable" through lack of education, which is a forcible spur to effort in both parents and children among the whites, is not felt by the natives who can always find work to do at wages that will satisfy their ordinary wants, and, moreover, the native's chance of gaining profit and preferment through being well educated are still few in south africa, so that where there is neither penalty for failure nor reward for success we cannot expect more effort than we find. when education becomes as general in south africa as it is among the people of europe then it will be possible to institute fair comparisons. education is the discoverer of ability and without the opportunity it gives genius will languish and die unknown, as said that acute observer of human nature, machiavelli, in speaking about the leaders of antiquity, "without opportunity their powers of mind would have been extinguished and without those powers the opportunity would have come in vain."[ ] assuming that the capacity for acquiring western education and civilisation is no greater in the american negroes than in the bantu we may note the opinion of a recent student of the race question in america, as being in point here. in his book "children of the slaves," mr. stephen graham says "the fact is, negrodom has to a great extent qualified to vote. half the population is sunk in economic bondage and illiteracy, but the other half has more than average capacity for citizenship."[ ] the opinion so often expressed in south africa that "education is a kind of thing that doesn't agree with the nigger" is born of the same feeling that animated the power-holding minorities against the illiterate majorities in europe not many years ago, and, in justice to the minorities, it must be conceded that the effect of education upon the masses has always been disturbing and often disastrous. speaking now from my own experience i can say that i have found no ill-effects from education in natives; on the contrary, i have found, as a rule, that the native who has had an ordinary school education is generally more amenable to precept and admonition than the raw kaffir though less bovinely submissive and therefore more resentful of indignities offered to him. the fact that the educated kaffir comes more often in the way of committing theft and dishonesty than his illiterate brother is in itself sufficient to account for the not unduly large number of theftuous crimes with which he is credited as a class; but on the other hand, the propensity in the primitive male that leads to sexual assaults upon women is undoubtedly checked and lessened by education and school-discipline. education will bring out and give scope to all that is good and all that is bad in the native as it has done with the white man. if the natives have not sunk to those depths of infamy which are disclosed daily in the criminal courts of europe and america it is not because of want of the usual percentage of criminally disposed people among them but because of want of education and opportunity. commercial immorality and developed swindling are impossible without a commerce, but the cupidity that begets these forms of vice is not lacking amongst the natives and waits only for the opportunities which developed commerce affords. the potential capacity for criminality and immorality is indeed no less among the natives than among europeans. theft, arson, murder and rape are the most common forms of crime committed by the natives to-day because the opportunities for perpetrating systematic fraud are as yet few among them. unnatural immorality is common enough in the kraals and in the "compounds," for the natives have their "perverts" as well as the whites. at the native "beer-drinks" crapulous lewdness is as common as it is in the bucolic orgies of european peasantry. there is no "native" innocence nor is there any "native" vice, the virtue and the vice, the capacity and the character of the native are the human qualities and failings that are common to mankind. the native is no more able to withstand the enervating effects of isolation than the european, he is no more anxious to work hard for small wages, no more and no less capable of honesty and thrift, no more and no less endowed with human virtue, no more and no less cursed with the vices of the world, no more human and no less divine than is his master, the white man. when machiavelli asserts in general of men that "they are ungrateful, fickle, false, cowards, covetous, and as long as you succeed they are yours entirely; they will offer you their blood, property, life and children--when the need is far distant; but when it approaches they turn against you." he thought, no doubt, of white men only, but to me his appreciation of the baser side of human nature seems no less applicable to the black people of south africa, and when, on the other hand, shakespeare declaims: "what a piece of work is man! how noble in reason! how infinite in faculty!" he also, we may be sure, thought of his own kind, but to me, again, the beautiful words, which usage cannot cheapen, express the wonder i have often felt at the wealth of imagery, the mental grasp, the wisdom and the natural dignity in very many untutored natives i have met with, and it is this experience which makes me believe that the present difference between the europeans and the native race is one of degree and not of kind, and that, in the fullness of time, achievement will follow the latent genius with which, as i hold, nature has endowed, in equal degree with ourselves, the great bantu branch of the human family. yet i am no encomiast of the natives, for i know them to be no better than other people, but search as i may, i cannot find that native character which is alleged to be inherently different from the white man's character. did not mark twain find, as the most conspicuous result of his travels, that "there is a good deal of human nature everywhere," and is it not true that human nature is everywhere the same? we are far too apt to exaggerate both in our disparagement and in our praise of backward people. many people still think, if they think at all, of the south african native as a being of the kind imagined by hobbes when he wrote: "man in his natural state is towards man as a wolf," and, on the other hand, there are still many who regard him, after the fancy of rousseau, as a sort of primitive man-child existing in a state of natural innocence from which he is being driven by the corrupting influence of the civilised invaders. but all this is wrong. the native is not a savage. even before the whites came to south africa the bantu lived in social order under a political system in which the principles of constitutionalism were clearly recognised. to-day the bantu are simply a race of barbarians in various stages of transition from a crude civilisation to a highly developed civilisation, and we shall do well to remember that the process of transition which we are now witnessing is one in which individual mistakes and failures will be more conspicuous, though no more significant, than the general advance. miscegenation. if it is true that the human nature of the bantu is no whit different from the human nature of the europeans then it is a fair question to ask why the two races should not be able to live together in liberty, equality and fraternity as people of one nation or body politic. it is because human nature is governed by laws which, unlike the laws of mathematics, cannot be laid down with certainty that we find ourselves unable to give a positive answer to this question. the human nature of the whites, like the human nature of all races that have been predominant before, is swayed by the feelings of pride and prejudice that arise through differences of complexion, physical appearance and bodily odour, as well as the difference in racial achievement, and these essentially human feelings, if they remain as strong as they now are in south africa, will render impossible the fraternity that implies the liberty to intermarry, so that there arises for our consideration a second question, namely, whether without full fraternity and social equality the two races may yet live together in the land in political liberty and equality. we observe from the earliest times a rhythmic play, as it were, of opposite forces that tends, alternately, to build up and to break down and mingle human races, but of the laws that underlie and govern these forces we know little or nothing. on the one hand we see how man has always and everywhere shown what the advocates of so-called racial purity have called "a perverse predisposition to mismate" which has made it exceedingly difficult to classify existing human varieties. on the other hand we see throughout nature how a pronounced disparity between varieties of the same species engenders an aversion from one another of the different varieties which seems to arise, in men and animals alike, through the instinct of sexual jealousy which is probably bound up with the primary instinct of self-preservation. those people who profess belief in the inherent superiority of a particular race naturally look upon the tendency towards race-blending as a perverse proclivity, while those who think that all men are potentially equal regard it as a wholesome instinct provided by nature to counteract the feebleness and infertility which cause the dying-out of the race that becomes too pure. racial antipathy seems to depend in the degree of its strength upon the degree of physical disparity between given races. in the so-called latin races of to-day, prejudice against black people is certainly weaker than in the blond races of northern europe. is this aversion a matter of absolute instinct or is it an acquired social characteristic and as such liable to change? i think the answer must be that this racial repugnance is not naturally inherent in children, nor in women towards the men of a different kind, nor in men towards the women of another race, but that it arises naturally and spontaneously and, in this sense, instinctively, through the feeling of jealousy which is caused, in both men and women, by fear of losing their natural mates to rivals of both sexes from another and disparate race. white children who grow up together with native children certainly have no instinctive feeling against their black playfellows; they have to be taught to look down upon and keep away from the companions of their childhood, a fact which no candid observer will deny. it is also a truism of history that the fair-skinned women of a conquered country, as a rule, will yield themselves easily to the swarthy barbarians who have killed or overcome their husbands and brothers. the many women who in british seaports, and in the german towns that were recently occupied by french coloured troops, have lived and cohabited with african men have proved by so doing that they have had no instinctive racial sense of hostility against black men. it has been stated by independent and competent witnesses, who are corroborated by german newspapers of good standing, that the black troops have a very marked attraction for a large number of german women, and that the german men hate the black men because the german women do not.[ ] the fact that white women in south africa and in the southern states of america never associate with black men does not, i think, prove that they are controlled by instinctive racial or sexual aversion but rather that women, as a whole, are, by reason of their physical inability to dispute with men the ultimate ratio of all order that lies in brute force, thoroughly amenable to the rule of social conventions imposed upon them by their jealous masters. i say this because we see that the aversion that has been inculcated from without tends to disappear wherever the man-established conventions lapse or cease to govern either through the comparatively small numbers of black men being insufficient in certain localities to cause fear in the white men living there, as in some seaport towns, or through the temporary break-down of the customary standards of society brought about by war and revolution, as in those parts of germany that were recently garrisoned by coloured soldiers. nature having cast upon the male the duty of winning and holding the females of his species it is easy to see why the racial feelings of jealousy and ill-will are more positive and more active in the man than in the woman, and this explains, as far as these things can be explained, why white men will allow themselves to cohabit freely with black women to whom they feel naturally attracted but will "see red" and commit murder as soon as they find a black man attempting to gain the favour of a woman of their own colour. "un adolescent aime toutes les femmes" say the french, and it is generally accepted that man is by nature more inclined to polygamy than woman is towards polyandry, still man and woman are both swayed and motived by the same elemental jealousy that is born of fear of losing something valued; the emotion which descartes has so well defined as "une espèce de crainte qui se rapport au désir qu'on a de se conserver la possession de quelque bien." it is, no doubt, true that the thinking white woman, no less than the thinking white man, is led to feel dismay and even resentment against the natives by apprehension of the possibility of danger to white civilisation through fusion of white and black, but this is a feeling caused by intelligent appreciation rather than by instinctive apprehension, and as such liable to be dispelled by argument tending to show that no real danger threatens. during a recent agitation against miscegenation in rhodesia a number of letters written by white women appeared in the press from which it was easy to gather that the chief concern of the writers was not the possible degradation of the whites, though this was not overlooked, but rather the simple fact that some white men were cohabiting with black women to the prejudice of the matrimonial chances of eligible women of their own race. but it is unwise to dogmatise in the realms of social and racial psychology; we have not yet discovered the means for analysing with precision the subtle elements of the human soul. i have used the word instinct here in the sense given to it by william james, who defines it as "the faculty of acting in such a way as to produce certain ends without foresight of the ends, and without previous education in the performance," but when we reflect upon the transitoriness of human instincts, as compared with those of animals, and recognise that the human instincts are, as james also says, implanted in us for the sake of giving rise to habits, and then to fade away, we see how difficult it is to draw a line between the instinctive and the acquired or habitual mood or feeling. if we believe that racial antipathy is caused by the feeling of jealousy that arises instinctively, so to speak, from man's inner nature, then it is safe to say that it will last as long as the substance from which it springs, and as long as the racial difference which provokes it remains, but this belief is not firmly established in the general mind. the whites, as a whole, feel far from sure about the permanence of their cherished pride and prejudice of race; they are, more or less consciously afraid that the antipathy upon which they rely may become weakened and eventually dissipated by close contact of the two races in places where economic pressure has reduced both to the same level of life. we shall do well to remember the words of renan when we try to estimate the truth of this matter, "la verité consiste dans les nuances," for both estimates may be true; the racial instinct may have to yield here and there to the superior force of economic pressure, and may yet in the main prove powerful enough to prevent the contact that tends to render it of no effect. the racial feeling which we are considering is undoubtedly much stronger at present in the whites than in the bantu, but there is reason to believe that the awakening desire for racial self-assertion which we call pride of race will grow and increase in the bantu as it has done in the negroes in the southern states of america, and elsewhere. general education, so far from hindering the growth of nationalism and racialism seems in some sort to subserve and foster that growth; witness the strident self-assertion of the newly-constituted little nations in europe, and the cult of "nationalism" in south africa to-day. it is natural for birds of feather to flock together and screech together, and in the same way throughout mankind particular groups of people tend naturally to keep together and to marry among themselves separately from the rest of the community by which they happen to be surrounded, and this ethnic instinct, if so it may be called, is seen to operate even where, as among the italian immigrants in america, there is no great racial difference between them and the native-born inhabitants, and, much more markedly, in the southern states of america where, according to a recent observer, the present tendency is not towards but away from miscegenation, so that the ultimate blending of colour is not likely to take place there in the course of nature.[ ] the normal native man does not hanker after white women, and the normal native woman is not, as a rule, anxious to mate with a white man, but this normal disposition is apt to be disturbed by the familiarity which is bred by the close contact that occurs in towns and other centres. it is not, therefore, safe to deny the possibility that with advancing industrialism in congested areas there will be some white women ready to marry or cohabit with native men who are either in positions of relative superiority or in possession of more money than their white fellow-workers or neighbours, making it possible for them to outbid these in the providing of comparative ease and luxury, which things have always appealed strongly to women of all races. yet i think that those who prophesy the speedy merging of the two races in south africa do not give sufficient weight to the fact of the collective consciousness of a racial entity which, being strongly established in the european section, is also being fostered and increased in the natives by the civilisation which is now spreading among them, so that it seems reasonable to expect that the european aversion from racial blending will be reciprocated from the native side more and more as time goes on, and that this reciprocal feeling will go far towards keeping the two races biologically intact. i think, therefore, that despite the conditions that conduce to miscegenation, the factor of the growing and reciprocal desire in both races to remain ethnically separate will gain the day. many people think that the coloured people in south africa, who are most numerous in the vicinity of cape town, but are also scattered all over the country, will form, as it were, a bridge between the two sections of the population for their eventual coalescence. but when this conclusion is closely examined it is seen to rest on debatable premises, for it is admitted that by far the greater part of the miscegenation that is now going on is between white men and coloured or black women and not between coloured or black men and white women, from which it follows, as has been pointed out by boas,[ ] that, as the numbers of children born does not depend upon the numbers of men but upon the numbers of women, the result will be a bleaching of the black element, here and there, and not a darkening of the whites in south africa. statistics have, indeed, been quoted which show that between the year and the year the coloured population increased in the cape province by fifteen per cent, while the total population increased by only six and a half per cent., but these figures do not show how much of the coloured increase is due to propagation among coloured people themselves and how much to unions between white men and coloured women. when it is noted that in the year the european increase over the year in the whole union of south africa was . per cent., and that of all non-european elements only . per cent., it will be seen that although the black increase is on a larger basis it hardly justifies alarm over an imagined flood of overwhelming coloured numbers. if the coloured increase is due chiefly to propagation among the coloured people themselves then it forms a good argument against those who assert that the half-caste is relatively inclined to sterility, while if the increase is found to be due to cohabitation of white men with coloured women then it is a fair illation that the coloured section is in process of absorption by the whites. this assumed process of absorption will, no doubt, entail the presence of a certain, even a large, number of coloured people for many generations to come, but this number will grow smaller, and not greater, as time goes on because there is no reason to doubt that the white women of south africa, as a whole, will refrain in the future as they have refrained in the past from cohabiting with black men, so that the observed tendency towards the diffusion of the coloured element back into the parent streams will be allowed to continue. but let us for a moment look calmly, and as far as possible without prejudice, at the people who in south africa are said to furnish the awful example of the alleged evil of the crossing of white and black. the fact that the denunciation of these people is based on opposite and contradictory arguments shows that it is not the result of clear thinking. on the one side it is vehemently asserted that the coloured man is a physiological misfit, a sort of hybrid unfit for the society of either white or black and an alleged relative sterility of his kind is advanced as proof of this assertion. on the other side it is said, with equal vehemence, that the coloured people are mongrels, unfit to mingle with the pure parental breeds, and that this is proved by their excessive fecundity. the coloured people are also accused of being inferior in physical constitution when compared with either of the parent races, and therefore undesirable. my own observations, corroborated by the opinions of many other observers, leads me to believe that the fecundity of the coloured people is neither greater nor less than that of other people--white, black or yellow--whose birthrate is not artificially restricted, and that their general physical constitution, when not undermined by disease or stunted by underfeeding, is as strong as that of any other human variety. the great naturalist, wallace, has insisted that some degree of difference favours fertility, but that a little more tends to infertility, and by applying this hypothesis to the facts as i have observed them i am led to believe that there is no biological difference between the bantu and the european of a degree sufficient to produce any difference, one way or the other, in the fertility of the offspring of the two races, but proper statistics, continued over several generations, will, of course, be required to prove or disprove this conclusion. the gravest, and, as i think, the most unjust of the many charges brought against these people by an unthinking public, is that the half-caste, wherever he is found, partakes of all the vices but of none of the virtues of his parents. when we remember that in the towns of south africa the coloured people of necessity form the class that in the nature of things is peculiarly exposed to the temptations of prostitution and crime, then it becomes a matter for wonder that these people are as good and as law-abiding as indeed they are. people who know south africa will admit that the coloured girl is from childhood exposed to the temptation of loose-living far more than either the native girl in the kraal or the european girl in her home, and that the coloured boys and youths, by reason of the lack of the right kind of home-influence, which is the result of the unfavourable position in life of the bulk of their parents, naturally gravitate towards the levels where it becomes difficult to avoid crime. but despite all these adverse conditions that press so heavily against them the coloured people of south africa, taken as a whole, stand justified of the calumnies uttered against them. the coloured people as a whole are not behind the whites in anything except in the lack of opportunity for education and self-improvement, a lack caused not by themselves, but by their inimical surroundings. that many of the coloured people are immoral and shiftless need not be denied; the same may be said about the "poor whites," who as a class perplex well-meaning legislators, but neither of these proved accusations give reason for thinking that either of these classes is inherently inferior to their more favourably-placed fellow-beings. we must always remember the tremendous handicap of being reared in the depressing surroundings of sloth and squalor. i have seen hundreds of poor whites--as white as any blond german could wish to be--who seemed utterly unfit for the complexities of civilised life, but i have also seen many of the children of these people who, after being removed from their home surroundings, have risen to positions of usefulness and trust, in which they have earned reputations for integrity and capacity. the trenchant saying of a british working-man is in point, "treat a man like a dog and he will behave like a dog," and the corollary is equally true, that if you treat a man as a man he will, as a rule, rise and quit himself like a man. the familiar cry that once white blood is diluted with black it is "all up" with our civilisation is not convincing when we remember that the ground-work of this civilisation was built up by races that were not "pure white"; that the white civilisation during the dark ages sank to a very low level through no dilution of african blood, and that it was a mixed race, the moors, who brought back into europe the lost principles of aristotelian science on which the crumbling structure of european culture was rebuilt. to believe that the people of asia and of africa may be capable of attaining to western civilisation, but that the offspring produced by the crossing of these races with whites will not have the necessary capacity therefor is to me impossible. so far from being deterrent to mental growth it would seem that an infusion of african blood in the european serves rather to increase mental capacity; at any rate, those who know south africa well will not deny that an unmistakable tincture of african blood in a white family is often associated with marked intellectual ability. against this concession it has indeed been alleged that, while it must be admitted that a small admixture of black blood in a white race enriches it, a small admixture of white blood in a black race degrades it, but this fanciful notion has not been supported by scientific data. the truth of the matter is that as the blacks are the underdogs, the half-breed becomes a racial and social bastard, as indeed he is openly named in south africa, a man condemned before he is tried, handicapped from birth in a way that would drag down and keep under most of those who shout loudest about their racial superiority. it is his condition and not his nature that keeps the coloured man underneath. to the man who in face of the facts of history and of to-day believes that all we have of civilisation we owe to the teutonic or to the nordic type of man, and that nothing good can ever come out of coloured nazareths, the possibility of the whites in south africa becoming browned by the selective agency of tropical light or by an infusion of african blood, no doubt, seems an evil to be prevented at any cost, but those who, like myself, have seen coloured women working in their homes as thriftily and self-sacrificingly as the best of our own women, and coloured men labouring steadily against heavy odds to improve their condition, have become convinced that the coloured people of south africa suffer under no inherent disabilities when compared with the whites, and for this reason we cannot join in the general wail over a predicted evil which we regard as exaggerated in itself and not, moreover, likely to happen. i would not, however, be taken to advocate the inter-breeding of white and black. those who have witnessed the misery and suffering which the coloured people have to endure for being coloured will welcome any fair means of preventing miscegenation in south africa. proscriptive legislation has been advocated by both the detractors and the defenders of the half-breed, as a means of preventing what both schools, for their different reasons, regard as wrong and undesirable, but i cannot agree that it can ever be right or expedient to penalise and make criminal a natural act which under existing conditions is in many places unavoidable. there can be no doubt that the evil of miscegenation in south africa has been greatly exaggerated, both in respect of its nature and its extent, but, nevertheless, so long as the racial prejudice of the white man remains as strong as it is to-day--and there is nothing to show that it is likely to decrease in the future--so long will it be the duty of all good citizens to discourage by persuasion and precept the production of children for whom the ruling race has no love and little pity. even those among the whites who, in a spirit of good will and tolerance urge that the coloured people should receive preferential treatment because of the white blood which is in them, cannot escape having their point of view warped by their racial prepossession, for, surely, it is not because of a man's class or colour that he is treated as a man to-day but because of his being a civilised member of a civilised community. nevertheless, the day when civilisation shall be the sole qualification for full membership of the civilised community of south africa is not yet. i say, therefore, in answer to the question whether, without the full fraternity which seems impossible here, the white and the black races may not live together in south africa in political liberty and equality, that the trend of events leads to the belief that the established pride of race of the whites, and the growing pride of race among the natives will conduce to voluntary separation wherever this is possible, and that in this way the coming generations will contrive to live territorially separate under a common governance, founded upon political equality and liberty. conclusion. the evidence before us leads inevitably to the conclusion that there is nothing in the mental constitution, or in the moral nature of the south african native, to warrant his relegation to a place of inferiority in the land of his birth, but the same evidence also leads to the conclusion that the racial antipathy which prevails to-day will remain unaffected by this admission, seeing that this racial animosity is caused not by alleged mental disparity but by unalterable physical difference between the two races. it is important that this distinction be grasped for it goes to the root of the matter. it is the marked physical dissimilarity of the black man that rouses the fear and jealousy of the white man, and not any inherent mental inferiority in him. and we must take human nature as we find it, inscrutable and immutable as it is; wherefore we must reckon with, and not hastily condemn, the imponderable purpose of a fundamental instinct which is older than speech and deeper than thought, so that, although we admit that this racial antipathy is not justified by logical reasoning, we may nevertheless recognise it as a feeling grounded in man's inner nature--in his heart, so to speak--hardening it against other men whom he feels he cannot receive and entreat as brothers; in other words, we may say that this feeling is not the result of ratiocination but of forces that are deeper and more elemental than reason; that it is a hardening of heart rather than a mental conviction, in which sense we may apply the words of pascal "le caeur a ses raisons que la raison ne connait pas." now if i am right in thinking that this racial feeling is engendered instinctively by physical dissimilarity only then we may not expect it to be removed or even lessened by the increased and general advancement of the natives, for although we may hope that the whites will gradually come to recognise the abstract justice of the civilised natives' claim to full racial equality we must, at the same time, remember that the increasing competition of the black man in every walk of life is bound to bring into play and accentuate the natural race prejudice of the white man whereby the tolerance and good feeling that might otherwise result from a growing recognition of the civilised natives' mental and moral worth will be more than negatived. the present state of affairs in the southern states of america is a warning against easy optimism in this respect. we must expect clashing and growing ill-will rather than social serenity to be the outcome of a continued policy of drift. to condemn the wrong of repression would to-day be like preaching to the converted. most people now admit that the africans are entitled, no less than the europeans, to develop themselves as far and as fully as they can, but the question remains how they can be allowed to do so without intensifying present antipathy on both sides. parallelism is a word that has been used a great deal of late to signify an attitude of mind, as i take it, rather than a definite policy or plan of action, through which it is hoped that separate scope for civilised activity and development may be given to the natives on lines parallel to those along which the whites pursue their separate course, but without any forced territorial separation of the two people. metaphor of this kind is undoubtedly useful to the political speaker in that it enables him to be apt without being exact, and thereby frees him from the possibility of being pinned down to a stated position, but in serious discussion exactness rather than aptness is desired, and to the thinking man the figure of speech, by which the notion of two lines running always parallel without meeting is applied to the course of development of two races living together in one country, is not convincing. this idea of parallelism is based on the presumption that the ruling race can so rule itself that by the mere exercise of its collective will-power it can refuse always to mix socially with the growing numbers of civilised natives living and working in the same localities, and thereby--in a manner not yet explained--avoid always the clashing and ill-will that seems inseparable from the close contact of two dissimilar races competing against one another in one country. the advice offered from afar is that the whites should allow the natives equal opportunities with themselves in all the ways of civilised activity, but--should not invite them home to dinner. being based on an unwarranted presumption parallelism here begs the question, for it is precisely the ability of the ruling race to follow this counsel of perfection that is in doubt. it is easy to urge that the europeans must maintain their position in south africa as "a benevolent aristocracy of ability," but we want to know how this can be done. a recent contributor to the general question of colour has stated that the true conception of the inter-relation of white and black races should be "complete uniformity in ideals, absolute equality in the paths of knowledge and culture, equal opportunity for those who strive, equal admiration for those who achieve; in matters social and racial a separate path, each pursuing his own inherited traditions, preserving his own race-purity and race-pride; equality in things spiritual; agreed divergence in the physical and material."[ ] but, again, we want to know how this abstract conception is to be put into actual practice in this world of things as they are. i have said that the natives do not hanker after intimate social intimacy with the whites, but this does not mean that the civilised black man who has risen to the economic and educational level of the european remains indifferent whenever his claim to ordinary social recognition is denied or ignored. he would not, indeed, be human if he did not feel hurt whenever he is slighted and treated with contempt by people from whom he differs only in his physical appearance and colour. in one of his essays, dealing with native matters, professor jabavu, a native, describes how "high" feeling arose among the native teachers and boys in a certain training institution in south africa at which he had been invited to lecture because he was not allowed to see the inside of the european principal's house, despite the fact that he had ten years of english university life behind him.[ ] such feeling is only natural and must tend always to create ill-will, and, knowing how strong is the convention of the whites against social recognition of the educated native, we must expect increased bitterness in the future, rather than growing good-will. the thinking white man, who would fain be just to every one, is perplexed by two conflicting emotions. he feels that the clean-living, law-abiding, educated native is a man not inferior to himself whom he therefore ought to recognise as a fellow-citizen, but whenever he sees this fellow-citizen aspiring or laying claim to the social recognition that involves contact with white women he is filled instantly with wrath which he cannot justify to himself and yet cannot suppress. it is easy to see that where instead of common courtesy and mutual recognition from one another of two sections of a community, constant irritation and ill-will result, there the existence of the whole is threatened with disaster. under such conditions we must expect, not parallel progress, but strife and enmity; not peace, but a sword. the jews may be cited to show how a separate and peculiar people may be able to live together with other races without either clashing with or being assimilated by these but we must remember that the ethnic difference between the jews and europeans are too slight to sustain serious and lasting race-antipathy. parallelism, when applied to the native problem of south africa, is clearly nothing more than the old, plan-less drift continued in the pious hope that human nature will sooner or later change into something better than what it is to-day. but human nature will not change. we must never leave passion out of account. if we recognise love we must recognise hate also as a moving force of mankind. neither must we overlook vanity and arrogance. the white man, being human, will not cease to be vain and ambitious, he will not cease to feel the hatred that comes from the fear of losing possession of his mates, and possession is the natural man's definition of love. where there is a sense of possession there will also be jealousy and hate, and it will only be by securing the white man in his sense of racial integrity that peace and good-will can be made to last. territorial separation of the home-life of the two races is the only way by which parallel development can take place. some of the native leaders who have opposed this policy have done so in the belief that their people might eventually be able to prove and enforce their claim to full racial equality, but they have not realised that this claim will be denied always on physical grounds, and not on considerations of moral worth. these leaders mean well but they do not see well. smarting under the pain of their treatment they do not perceive that the real issue is one of unalterable physical disparity. the hardships and disabilities under which the educated native suffers in the northern provinces of the union and in rhodesia are patent and serious. it is hard that a civilised man may not travel in his own country without a "certificate"; it is hard that he must do only rough or menial, but always ill-paid, work when he is capable of doing skilled and well-paid labour; it is hard that when he is allowed to do skilled labour he cannot claim the wages of a skilled labourer; it is hard to be denied always the privileges of a civilised existence for which he has proved himself fit and worthy; it is hard to be treated always as an inferior and an alien in the land of his fathers; all this is hard, but--'tis the law, written and unwritten, made and enforced by the dominant race, and there is no reason to think it will be made less hard as the pressure of black competition increases. but if good and ample land can be set aside in the various territories of spacious south africa in which the natives can live and move without let or hindrance; in which they can do what work they like for themselves and for their own people; in which they can engage, according to their individual desires, in all kinds of trades and commerce without the prohibition of the white man's colour-bar; in which they can earn the wages that are governed by the laws of supply and demand only; in which they can build up after their own fashion courts of law and political councils for themselves; in which, _in fine_ they can live and work out their own salvation, unhurried and unworried by strange and impatient masters, then, surely, the natives of south africa will have gained a great gain, far greater than any they can ever hope to win by pitting their undeveloped strength against the organised resistance of the whites. the policy of territorial separation, which is now part of the law of the union of south africa,[ ] is the only policy that will make possible a home existence for the natives in their own homeland, for we know that, however educated and however worthy the civilised native may become, he cannot hope to find a home, or to feel at home, among the whites. rightly or wrongly, the whites have banged, bolted and barred their doors against the blacks, and neither moral worth nor educational qualifications will serve to open them. but in their own areas the natives will have their own homes and their own home-life, without which human existence is indeed miserable. those among them who long for the privilege of private ownership will be able to acquire land in freehold in localities set aside therefor, while those who cling to the old ways will be allowed to continue as before under their old system of communal land tenure. with freedom of movement and action under a minimum of european supervision and control the natives will, in their own areas, have full opportunity and scope for the development of a home-civilisation of their own along lines similar to, if not identical with, those by which the europeans follow their separate ways. it is a heroic plan, and it will demand great sacrifice from both peoples, but who can doubt that the end will be worth the effort? the natives may in some places have to leave the land where their ancestors are buried, and the whites will, in many places, have to accept the price of expropriation for land and houses hallowed and made precious by effort and memories, but the great general gain at the end will undoubtedly be worth all that must be surrendered now. this policy is the only one that holds out hope of peace and happiness for both races. if the fears and objections that are being raised by a few natives and by individual europeans here and there are allowed to frustrate this, the only practical plan so far devised, the future generations of both white and black in south africa will assuredly curse the day their fathers wavered and failed to make the only just and fair provision that could be made. to those, who for religious reasons feel doubtful about the righteousness of a plan that denies to the natives the privilege of social equality which is implied in the ideal of the brotherhood of man, i would quote the words of paul who, when speaking at athens of the separation of the sons of adam, said that god "hath made of one blood all nations of men for to dwell on all the face of the earth, and hath determined the times before appointed, and the bounds of their habitations,"[ ] for, whether we take this statement to be the inspired utterance of a holy apostle, or simply the reasoned opinion of an acute observer, we must admit that the words convey the experience of the ages that races which are physically dissimilar tend naturally, and therefore, rightly, to dwell apart within their respective racial boundaries. some people have professed to be afraid that the territorial separation of the two races will tend to consolidate the natives, and thereby foster animosity towards the whites which may eventually lead to open war, but this fear seems to have no ground in reason, because it is not proposed, nor, indeed, would it be physically possible, to segregate the natives by themselves in one great area. on the contrary, it is proposed to dispose of the natives, as far as possible, according to present geographical and tribal conditions, in several and separate territories, so that race-consolidation of a kind inimical to the whites will naturally be less likely to occur where the natives live as separate tribes, speaking their different languages, than where, as in the southern states of america, the negroes have english as a common medium for the expression of a common race-interest. other people, again, are in doubt as to whether the natives, as a whole, approve of this policy by which their future existence is to be shaped and determined. the answer is contained in the words of sir william beaumont, in his report of the findings of the native lands commission, which gathered evidence from all concerned in , where he says "the great mass of the native population in all parts of the union are looking to the act (the act providing for territorial separation) to relieve them in two particulars--the first is to give them more land for their stock, and the second is to secure to them fixity of tenure."[ ] regarding the natives of rhodesia i am able to say that all the elderly native men with whom i have spoken about this subject--and i have conversed with a large number--agree that the policy, as outlined in the native lands act and the native affairs act of , as i have explained it to them, is good and sound. it is true that certain prominent natives of the educated class have protested strongly against this policy, but it is not true that these men have spoken on behalf of the natives as a whole; indeed, it is safe to say that the vast bulk of the natives of south africa have even now no clear knowledge of the legislation that has been made recently in the pursuance of this policy. the protests that have been made from the native side, moreover, have been directed against the hardship caused through harshness in carrying out the act in certain places, and against the relative smallness of the areas proposed for native occupation, and not against the principle itself, and there can be no doubt that the statement quoted from the report of the native lands commission conveys the true feeling of the large majority of the natives. these are some of the objections that have been raised to the policy of territorial separation, but the gravest danger to the successful working of that policy remains to be mentioned. it is the possibility that the cupidity of the whites may lead them to remove their black neighbour's landmarks in the event of the discovery of new fields of gold or other valuable minerals within the native areas. the danger of such a lapse from the righteousness that exalteth a nation can only be averted by the constant exercise of the public conscience of the whites themselves. no reasonable person will expect that this policy will do away entirely with all the little troubles that arise from the clashing of opposite racial interests. in the white areas the native, who can come there only as a labourer or visitor, not as a settler, will remain subordinate to the whites, but his unavoidable competition in trade and industry may nevertheless lead to friction now and then, and the continuance of the present pin-prick policy of enforcing humiliating pass-laws and similar racial restrictions will certainly lead to trouble. but if tolerance and honesty prevail in our councils we shall be able to adjust and settle the many questions that are bound to arise from time to time through the juxtaposition in the industrial field of the two immiscible elements. but i must come to an end. i have tried to show that there is good reason for accepting the bantu as the equals of europeans in every respect save past achievement, but that because of unalterable physical disparity, and not because of any mental inequality, the whites and the blacks cannot live in peace and good-will together in one place, wherefore it follows, as a necessary conclusion, that territorial separation is the only way to lasting peace and happiness in south africa. i say, therefore, that the black man's place in his own country must be assigned not below, nor above, but apart from that of the white man, for that which nature has made separate man may not join together. i have endeavoured also to show that there is good reason for believing the bantu to be no less capable of adopting and adapting western civilisation than other races which in the past have risen from rude barbarism to high culture, but here i admit that the full proof of my belief must be given by the natives themselves. the difficulties in the way are many and serious, but if we of the power-holding race remain true to the great principles of justice and fairness which have guided our forefathers in their upward path we shall not go astray. so long as we remember the lesson of history voiced in the saying of the romans "as many slaves so many enemies" we shall refrain from the means of repression which have always reacted adversely on the repressors; we shall realise that we cannot set artificial barriers in the way of the civilised native if he proves that he has the capacity for going higher and the will to try, and we shall learn to treat him, not as a slave, nor as a child, nor yet as a brother in the house, but as a man. the natives can in fairness demand no more, the whites can in fairness yield no less. _printed by_ cape times, ltd., _cape town_.--s . * * * * * footnotes [ ] article on anthropology in nelson's encyclopædia. the "gnathic index" is said to show that europeans and bushmen are orthognathous. [ ] "man and woman" by havelock ellis. [ ] "the mind of primitive man" by franz boas. [ ] "children of the slaves" by stephen graham. [ ] "anthropological notes on bantu natives from portuguese east africa" by c.d. maynard, f.r.c.s.e., statistician and clinician to the south african institute for medical research, and g.a. turner, m.b., b.ch., aberdeen d.p.h., medical officer to the witwatersrand native labour association. [ ] "the growth of the brain" by h.h. donaldson, professor of neurology in the university of chicago. [ ] "the mind of primitive man" by franz boas. [ ] "the antiquity of man" by arthur keith, m.d., ll.d., f.r.c.s., f.r.s. [ ] "ancient hunters" by w.j. sollas, d.de., ll.d., professor of geology and palæontology in the university of oxford. [ ] "anthropology" by r.r. marett. [ ] "the antiquity of man" by arthur keith, m.d. [ ] "initiative in evolution" by walter kidd, m.d., f.r.s.e. [ ] "the antiquity of man" by arthur keith, m.d. [ ] "the growth of the brain" by h.h. donaldson. [ ] "social environment and moral progress" by alfred russell wallace, o.m., d.c.l., oxon. [ ] "the varieties of human speech" by edward sapier, in smithsonian institute report for . [ ] " sechuana proverbs" by solomon t. plaatje. [ ] "throwing the bones" is the usual form of divination practised by the natives in rhodesia. [ ] "what is civilisation." article by professor w.m. flinders petrie, in the _contemporary review_ for january, . [ ] "the prince" by niccolo machiavelli. [ ] "children of the slaves" by stephen graham. [ ] _der christliche pilger_ of th may, , and _volklinger nachrichten_ of th june, . [ ] "children of the slaves" by stephen graham. [ ] "the mind of primitive man" by franz boas. [ ] "the colour problem" by sir f.d. lugard, in _edinburgh review_ for april, . [ ] "the black problem" by professor d.d.g. jabaou. [ ] when general smuts introduced his native affairs bill in the union parliament in may, , he said, _inter alia_, that he hoped that under a policy of territorial separation, which was now the law of the land, it would be possible to carry out the idea of parallel institutions for the natives by means of which they could deal with their own concerns. in the course of his speech general smuts also said "the pass laws do the whites no good and are intolerable to the natives." the native affairs act of provides for the establishment of a permanent native affairs commission, and for the creation of local native councils or conferences of native chiefs and other representatives for the discussion of all questions affecting the interests of the natives. in explaining the nature and scope of this act the prime minister said that more study and investigation, and more consultation with the natives were required before it could be said that the areas suggested by the beaumont commission were fair and proper. [ ] acts -- . [ ] native lands commission. minute by sir w.h. beaumont. the wreck of the nancy bell; or, cast away on kerguelen land by john conroy hutcheson ___________________________________________________________ a well-written nautical novel by j.c. hutcheson. the "nancy bell" appears to be a well-found ship, on its way out from the united kingdom to new zealand, but she is beset early on by a severe storm which leaves her rudderless and mastless. one of the passengers was an ex royal navy commander who, for some reason, was travelling incognito. he had offered the captain advice which was rejected as the captain thought it came from a landsman. very possibly, had he heeded that advice, the whole train of disasters might not have occurred. hutcheson has a habit of introducing characters who speak in their own form of english. in this case he has a jamaican, an irishman, and a yankee, all speaking with their own native versions of the language. for good measure there is also a norwegian, who has to make himself understood in a mixture of german and english. all this makes for a rather difficult book to transcribe, but i hope we have got it right. eventually the vessel is wrecked just off kerguelen island, where the crew and passengers land and build themselves a shelter to take them through the winter. there had been a mutiny just before the wreck, and some of the crew had landed elsewhere, but eventually one or two men who had not been the actual mutineers, but who had got caught up in events, make their way back to the main party. when spring arrives they make their way to the other side of kerguelen island, by a route which includes an overland traverse by boat, portaging where necessary. eventually a vessel comes in, and they are saved. hutcheson is very good at getting his characters to appear quite real, and for this reason he is a good author to follow. ___________________________________________________________ the wreck of the nancy bell; or, cast away on kerguelen land by john conroy hutcheson chapter one. outwards bound. "how's her head?" exclaimed captain dinks, the moment his genial, rosy, weather-beaten face appeared looming above the top-rail of the companion way that led up to the poop from the saloon below, the bright mellow light of the morning sun reflecting from his deep-tanned visage as if from a mirror, and making it as radiant almost as the orb of day. "west-sou'-west, sorr," came the answer, ere the questioner could set foot on the deck, in accents short, sharp, prompt, and decisive, albeit with a strong milesian flavour, from the chief mate. he was the officer of the watch, and was standing alongside the man at the wheel on the weather-side of the ship, with a telescope under his arm and a keen look of attention in his merry, twinkling grey eyes. "ha-hum!" muttered the captain to himself reflectively. "i wish the wind would shift over more to the nor'ard, and we'd then be able to shape a better course; we're going far too much to the west to please me! i suppose," he added in a louder tone, addressing the mate again, "she isn't making any great way yet since daylight, mccarthy, eh?" "no, sorr, leastways, captain dinks," replied that worthy, a genuine thorough-going irishman, "from the crown of his head to the sole of his fut," as he would have said himself, and with a shaggy head of hair and beard as red as that of the wildest celt in connemara, besides being blessed with a "brogue" as pronounced as his turned-up nose--on which one might have hung a tea-kettle on an emergency, in the hope that its surroundings would supply the requisite fire and fuel for boiling purposes. "no, sorr, no way at all at all, sure! not more'n five knots, cap'en honey, by the same token, the last time we hove the log at six bells, bad cess to it!" "everything drawing, too, slow and aloft!" said the captain, with just a shade of discontent in his cheery voice, as he took in with a quick, sailor-like glance the position of the ship and every detail of the swelling pyramids of canvas that towered up on each mast from deck to sky--the yards braced round sharp, almost fore and aft, the huge square sails flattened like boards, the tremulous fluttering of the flying jib, and occasional gybing of the spanker, showing how close up to the wind the vessel was being steered. "you couldn't luff her a bit more, mccarthy, could you?" he added, after another glance at the compass and a murmured "steady!" to the steersman. "not a ha'porth, sorr," replied the mate sorrowfully, as if it went to his heart to make the announcement. "i had the watch up only jist a minit ago; an' if you'll belave me, cap'en dinks, we've braced up the yards to the last inch the sheets will run, bad cess to thim!" "well, well, i suppose we'll have to put up with it; though it's rather disheartening to have this sou'-wester right in one's teeth before we have cleared the chops of the channel, after all our good luck in having so fair a wind down with us from the nore!" the captain still spoke somewhat disconsolately; but, his temperament was of too bright and elastic a nature to allow him long to look merely on the dark side of things. soon, he saw something to be cheerful over, in spite of the adverse influence of aeolus; and this was, as it appeared to him, the wonderful progress the ship was making, although sailing, close-hauled as she was, with the wind right before the beam. "now, isn't she a beauty, though, mccarthy," he said presently, with a sort of triumphant ring in his speech, after gazing for a few moments in silence over the taffrail astern at the long foaming wake the vessel was leaving behind her, spread out like a glittering silver fan across the illimitable expanse of greenish-tinged water. "isn't she a beauty to behave as she does under the circumstances! there are not many ships laden like her that would make five knots out of a foul wind, as she is now doing, eh?" "that there ain't, sorr," promptly returned the other with hearty emphasis, only too glad to have the opportunity of agreeing with his skipper. "an' jist you wait, sorr, till we get into the nor'-east trades; an' by the powers we'll say the crathur walk away from us, like one of thim race-horses on the skibbereen coorse whin you're a standin' still and a watchin' thim right foreninst you." "aye, that we will, mccarthy," chimed in captain dinks, now all good humour again, chuckling with anticipated pleasure and rubbing his hands together gleefully. "i wouldn't wish for a better ship under me in fair wind or foul than the _nancy bell_. bless her old timbers, she's staunch and sound from truck to keelson, and the smartest clipper that ever sailed out of the london docks--when she has anything like decent weather!" "that she is, sorr, plaze the pigs!" chorused the irishman to this paean of praise, which might have run on to an interminable length if it had not been just then interrupted by the mate's suddenly raising his gilt- banded cap in nautical salute to a new-comer, who now appeared on the scene. captain dinks, at once "cutting short" any further rhapsodical encomiums he may have contemplated anent the merits of the _nancy bell_, turned round. "ah, good morning, mr meldrum," said he in cordial tones, raising his cap politely like his chief officer. "you are early on deck: an old sailor, i presume!" "good morning, captain dinks," smilingly replied the gentleman addressed, one of the few saloon passengers who patronised the cuddy of the new zealand clipper on her present voyage. he had only just that moment come up from below, tempted to turn out by the genial brightness of the lovely june morning; and, as he emerged from the companion hatchway, he bent his steps along the poop towards the binnacle, by which the captain and his aide-de-camp were standing. "yes," he continued, in answer to the former's question, "i have had a voyage or two in my time, and one is accustomed to keep early hours at sea." "begorrah, ye're right, sorr!" ejaculated the irish mate, with an empressment that showed his earnestness. "an' a dale too airly for some ov us sometimes. sure, an' a sailor's loife is a dog's loife entirely!" "shut up, you old humbug!" said the captain with a laugh, turning to the passenger; "why, to hear him you would think mccarthy to be one of those lazy lubbers who are never content unless they are caulking below, snoozing their wits away whilst the sun is scorching their eyes out; whereas, he's the most active and energetic seaman i ever met with in all my experience at sea, man and boy, for the last thirty years. look you, mr meldrum, he never waits to be roused out by any chance when it's his watch on deck; while, should the weather be at all nasty, you really can't get him to go below and turn in--it is `spell ho' with him with a vengeance, night and day alike!" "don't you belave his blarney, sorr," put in the mate eagerly, bursting into a roar of merriment, although blushing purple with delight the while at the skipper's compliment. "why, sorr, whin i go to slape sometimes, the divil himself couldn't wake me!" "ah!" rejoined captain dinks, "that may be when you're ashore, tim, but i know what you are when you're aboard ship and duty calls! i don't forget, old man, how, under providence," and this the captain added reverently, taking off his cap and looking up to heaven as he spoke, "you saved the _nancy bell_ on our last voyage home--no, tim, i don't forget!" "aye, aye, cap'en dinks," replied the other, not to be beaten, "true for you, sorr; but, where was yoursilf the whilst, i'd like to know, and what could i have done without your hilp sure, wid all your blatheration?" "nonsense, tim," returned the captain, giving the mate a slap on the back which must have taken his breath away for the moment, as it made him reel again, and then holding out his hand, which the other grasped with a vice-like grip, in a paw that resembled more in size and shape a leg of mutton than anything else--"tip us your fist, my hearty, and let us say no more about it!" it would have done anyone's heart good to see the way in which these two brave men--sailors both every inch of them--then looked each other straight in the eyes, a smile of satisfaction illumining their faces, as if each had reason to be proud of the other, their hands locked in a friendly clasp that was true to the death! as for mr meldrum, the passenger, who was a delighted observer of the good feeling existing between the captain and second in command of the vessel in which, like caesar, he had "embarked himself and all his fortunes," and was now journeying across the surface of the deep--a good feeling that was fairly indicative of everything going well on the voyage--he was so carried away by the spirit of the moment that he felt inclined to ask that the general hand-shaking might be "passed round for the good of the crowd." what is more, he immediately put his "happy thought" into execution; whereupon, much fist-squeezing ensued between the trio, the steersman looking on with a grin of complacency at the fraternal exhibition, and gripping the spokes of the wheel more firmly, as it were, out of a sort of fellow-sympathy, as he kept the ship "full and by!" "tim mccarthy and i are old shipmates," said captain dinks presently, as if apologising for the little ebullition of sentiment that had just taken place, "and we've seen some rough times together." "pray don't mention it," said mr meldrum; "your friendly feelings do you both honour! but, how are we getting on, captain," he added, to change the subject, "the ship seems to be slipping along through the water?" "pretty well, but not so well as i could wish. we've got an obstinate head-wind against us, and cannot quite lay on our proper course; so i don't think we'll be able to log much of a run when we take the sun at noon. the wind looks like shifting now, however, so the next twenty- four hours may tell a different tale." as the captain spoke, the sails flapped ominously against the masts; and, in obedience to a motion of the mate's hand, the steersman had to let the vessel's head fall off a little more to the westward, in order to fill the canvas again and make it draw. "i think, cap'en, we'd better thry her on the other tack," said the irishman after a pause. "the wind's headin' us sure!" "all right, mccarthy," answered the captain, "go forwards and call the watch, and we'll see about getting her about." handing the captain the telescope, which he had retained until now under his left arm, apparently regarding it as the badge of his authority as officer of the watch--an authority which he now relinquished to his chief--the mate was down the poop ladder and on the deck below in "a brace of shakes;" and, in another moment, his voice was heard in stentorian tones ringing through the ship fore and aft. "hands 'bout ship!" the cry was like the wave of an enchanter's wand in the realms of fairy- land; for, where all had been previously quiet and easy-going, with only the helmsman apparently doing anything on board so far as the vessel's progress was concerned, there was now a scene of bustle, noise, and motion,--men darting forwards to flatten the headsails and aft to ease off the boom sheets, and others to their allotted stations, waiting for the well-known orders from the captain, who stood in the centre of the poop, with the passenger beside him, looking on with a critical eye at the way in which the manoeuvre should be executed. "all ready forward?" shouted the captain, as soon as he saw the crew at their several posts. "aye, aye, sorr," replied mr mccarthy. "ready, aye ready," repeated the captain--it was a sort of catch-word of warning to prepare the men for the next word of command, like the "'tention!" of the drill sergeant to his squad of recruits--and he then waved his hand to the man at the wheel to put up the helm. "helm's a lee!" was the next cry; and, instantly, the jib and foresail began to shiver and shake as the ship's bows came up to the wind, and the square sails flattened against the masts, while the boom of the mizzen swung to and fro until the vessel should get out of stays and pay off on the port tack. "raise tacks and sheets!" came in rotation, and the topgallant-bowlines were let go, ready for the next move. "mainsail haul!"--and the ponderous mainyard was swung round, bringing with it the maintopsail and topgallant yards with all their acreage of canvas: the foreyards followed suit, when the captain shouted, "haul of all;"--and, after the final order, "brace sharp!" the _nancy bell_ might have been seen heading a sou'-south-east course in lieu of her former direction to the westwards, and gaining more southing by the change. the mate had just returned to the poop, after seeing the watch trim the forward sails and curl down the slack of the ropes, while captain dinks was wondering why the steward had not yet summoned them down to breakfast, considering that it was past eight bells. he was just indeed asking mr meldrum whether he felt hungry or not, when suddenly a great commotion was heard down the companion hatch, as of voices in altercation, a crash of crockery following in rapid sequence. "i'd like to know what that stupid lubber is up to now," ejaculated the captain. "he's an ignorant ass, and as slow as a mute at a funeral. i'm sorry i had to ship him; but i had no alternative, for my old steward was taken suddenly ill, and i had to put up with this substitute whom he sent me just as we were leaving plymouth." "perhaps," began the passenger, as if he were about to offer some good- natured excuse for the man's awkwardness, but his observations were drowned by a louder clatter below than ever; and, ere the captain could descend to ascertain the cause, the new steward rushed up the companion ladder, with his eyes half-starting from his head, his hair standing on end, and his face pale with terror. "howly moses!" exclaimed the mate. "be aisy, can't ye. what's the matter wid ye, you spalpeen, to be rooshin' on deck like a bull in a china shop? spake, you blissid omahdawn, or i'll shake the loife out of ye!" and the irishman, putting his brawny hands on the terrified man's shoulders, appeared about to carry out his threat, when the unfortunate wight stuttered out in stammering accents, "lor-ord, sir, do-oo-oo come below. the-eer's a ghost in the cabin; an-an-and he wants to m-m-murder me!" the man looking the while as if he was going to faint. "a ghost in the cabin?" said the passenger, laughing; "and in daylight to? why, captain dinks, he must be a sort of _rara avis_--not _in terris_, however, in this instance." "a ghost in the cabin?" repeated the captain, in a serious tone of voice, with a frown on his forehead that somewhat disturbed the usual good-humoured expression of his countenance; "we must see about this. i don't allow any ghosts aboard my ship!" and, with these words he dived down the companion, followed closely by the mate and passenger; the panic-stricken steward contenting himself with remaining at the top of the hatchway at a safe distance from the object that had alarmed him, although he could not help peering down below and listening with bated breath as to what might ensue in the cabin--heedless of the entreaties of the man at the wheel, in whom curiosity had overpowered the sense of duty for the nonce and made to speak in defiance of discipline, to "tell him all about it!" chapter two. stowed away. when the "party of observation" under the leadership of the captain arrived at the foot of the companion way, nothing very alarming was presented to their notices as there were no signs of disturbance to be seen in the steward's pantry, which was close to hand on their right; although, judging by the crashing sounds they had heard when on deck, one and all would have almost sworn that a "free fight" had taken place in that sanctum, causing its complement of crockeryware to come to irretrievable grief. nor was anything wrong to be perceived, at first sight, on entering within the cuddy. on the contrary, everything there seemed in due order. the doors of the cabins on either side, as well as those of the state-rooms at the further end of the saloon, were closed in their ordinary way--with the exception of one, which was opened for an instant, to allow of a night- capped head, evidently of female ownership, peering forth for a momentary peep round, and then immediately slammed to again; and, the long table, which ran fore and aft the vessel the entire length of the apartment from the foot of the mizzen mast, was neatly spread over with a snow-white cloth, on which knives and forks were laid equi-distantly with trim regularity, as well as other prandial paraphernalia, in preparation for breakfast; while to complete the category, the swinging trays above, that oscillated to and fro as the ship gave an occasional lurch and roll to port or starboard, betrayed no lack of their proper quota of wine-glasses, decanters, and tumblers. no, there was no trace of any disorder here, nothing to account for that noise of a struggle and of breakages below that had preceded the sudden uprush of the steward to the poop. what could possibly have caused all that clatter and commotion? evidently so thinking, the captain, mate, and passenger looked at each other in a bewildered fashion, as if each were endeavouring to solve some knotty conundrum, and had ultimately come to the conclusion to "give it up!" they had not long to wait, however, for an explanation to the mystery. all at once, a deep, sepulchral groan came from abaft the mizzenmast, as if some one was being smothered in the hold below; and, almost at the same instant, there echoed from the adjacent cabin--that whence the night-capped head before mentioned had popped out--a shrill scream, as of a female in distress, succeeded by the exclamation, "gracious goodness, help us and save us! we shall all be murdered in our beds!" "be jabers," ejaculated the mate, following up the captain, who had immediately rushed aft to the spot whence the groan had proceeded; "sure and that's the meejor's swate voice! i'd know it onywheres, aven in the bog of allen!" on the captain reaching the end of the cuddy table, which had, of course, interfered with his view, the crash of crockery which they had heard, and which had been hitherto inexplicable, became at once clear; for, there on the floor of the deck was the debris of a pile of plates and scattered fragments of cups and saucers which had been suddenly dropped by the steward in his fright and were smashed to atoms; while, in the centre of the scene of devastation, was the dungeon-like cavity of the after-hatchway, the cover of which had been shifted from its coamings by the man, in order for him to get up some of the cabin provisions from the hold, whose gloomy depths were only faintly illumined by the feeble rays of a lantern, which as it lay on its side rolling on the deck, participated in the general upset. captain dinks promptly took up the lantern, holding it over the open hatchway; and, as he did so, a second groan came from below, more hollow and sepulchral than before. "who's there?" shouted the captain down the hatchway. there was no reply, save a fainter moan, apparently further away in the distance, followed by a sort of gurgling sound, and then the fall of some heavy object was heard in the hold. "who's there below?" repeated the captain, endeavouring to pierce the cimmerian darkness by waving the lighted lantern about and holding it as far down the hatchway as his arm could reach. "speak or i'll fire!" this was an empty threat of the skipper's, as he held no weapon in his hand save the lantern; but it had the necessary effect all the same. "it's only me, massa," said a thick guttural voice from below; "only me," repeated the voice pleadingly. "goramighty, massa, don't shoot!" "and who's me?" interrogated the captain sternly, as the mate and the passenger looked at each other inquiringly, a smile creeping over mr meldrum's face, while the irishman screwed up his left eye into a palpable wink. "me, snowball, sah--a 'spectable collud genleman from jamaikey, massa," replied the voice in the hold. "and what the dickens are you doing aboard my ship?" asked captain dinks in an angry tone; but the others could see that he was half-laughing as he spoke. "me want passage, sah, back home. very bad peoples, sah, in plymouth; tieve all poah niggah's money and make him drunk. snowball starbing; so um see lubly fine ship goin' way and get aboard in shore boat wid um last shillun: eb'ryting scramble and jumble when come on deck; so snowball go get in cabin, and den down in hold, where he see steward stow um grub, and lie quiet till ship sail. when hold open, he try get out, but can't; box fall on um foot, and snowball holler wid pain; steward tink um de debbel and knock down tings. snowball done no harm; um bery bad wid um leg!" "sure, an' it's an impedent schoundrel he is, the spalpeen!" said the mate. "of all the cheeky stowaways i ever came across, he bates the lot entirely. shall i rouse him up with a rope's end, cap'en?" "no, wait a bit, mccarthy," said the captain; "we'll try a little persuasion first. here, `snowball,' or whatever else you call yourself, just sling your hook out of that, and come up here. i fancy i shall be able to accommodate you with something, besides a free passage at my owner's expense!" "can't, massa," replied the stowaway, after making a movement, as they could hear, below, succeeded by a suppressed cry of pain; "um leg jammed 'tween box and cask: snowball feel bery bad--tink leg go squash: can't move um nohow." "be jabers!" exclaimed the good-natured irishman, "sure an' the poor baste's hurt, and, by your lave, cap'en, i'll go down and say what's the matther." "do," said captain dinks; but ere he could get out the word, the mate, taking his consent for granted, had caught hold of the hatchway coamings with his powerful hands and swung himself down on to the lower deck; reaching up afterwards for the lantern, which the captain handed him, and then disappearing from view as he dived amongst the heterogeneous mass of boxes and casks, and bales of goods, mingled with articles of all sorts, with which the place was crammed. after a moment's absence, he came back beneath the hatchway. "plaze, git a blanket or two out of one of the cabins, cap'en, to hoist him up," said he; "the unlucky beggar sames to be injured badly, and i think his ribs are stove in, besides a heavy box having fallen on his leg. he hasn't got such a chape passage this toime as he expected; for he has been more'n half suffocated in the flour hogshead where he first stowed himself away; and, begorrah, to look at him now, with his black face all whitened, like a duchess powthered for a ball, and his woolly hid, and the blood all over him, as if he had been basted wid a shillelagh at donnybrook fair, why, his own mother wouldn't know him. it's small blame to that fool of a steward to be afther taking him for somethin' onnatural, sure!" while the mate had been giving this explanation of the stowaway's condition captain dinks had not been idle. with an agility of which none would have thought him capable, looking at his thick-set and rather stout figure, he had rushed in a second to his own cabin, which was near aft; and, dragging out a couple of railway rugs and a coil of rope had pitched them below to the irishman, concluding his operations by jumping down alongside him, to aid in releasing the injured man from his perilous position--telling the passenger as he quitted him to "sing out" for assistance. "steward!" shouted mr meldrum up the companion, in obedience to the captain's injunction; but never a bit did that worthy stir in response, nor did the ringing of a hand-bell, which the passenger saw in one of the swing-trays above the cuddy table expedite the recalcitrant functionary's movements, albeit it brought others to mr meldrum's aid. "what is the matter, papa dear?" said a tall, graceful, nice-looking girl, of some eighteen summers, as she emerged from the state-room on the starboard side of the saloon and came towards mr meldrum. "florry and i heard a heavy crash which woke us up, and then a cry of alarm, and a rush of feet along the deck which frightened us, for we could not tell what had happened. i dressed as fast as i could, but i wouldn't have come out if i had not heard your voice. as for poor florry, she says she won't get up, and is now hiding her head under the clothes, as she thinks there's a mutiny going on or something dreadful!" and the girl laughed merrily as she spoke, disclosing the while a set of pearly teeth that were beautifully regular, and coral lips that would have put a rosebud to the blush; but, when she came up beside her father, who looked very young to be her parent, for he barely seemed forty years of age, she placed her hand on his arm in a caressing way, looking up into his face with a more serious expression, as if she had merely assumed the laugh to disguise a fear that she really felt. "oh, there's nothing very dreadful happening, kate," replied mr meldrum; "only a stowaway in the hold whom the steward took for a ghost, to the serious detriment of the breakfast things which you heard being smashed; so, pray go back to your cabin, my dear, and soothe `poor florry's' alarms. we are just getting our unexpected guest up from his temporary quarters under the saloon, and i'll call you when the coast is clear." this he said that she might not be shocked at the sight of the wounded man; and he felt far more comfortable when she had retired into her state-room and shut the door of communication that opened from it into the cuddy. his comfort, however, was not of very long duration. "i'd like to know what all this terrible hullabaloo is about?" exclaimed a gaunt and elderly female with sharp features and a saffron-hued complexion, coming out from the cabin on the opposite side of the deck, where she had previously appeared for an instant when in deshabille, as her night-capped head had evidenced. "it is positively scandalous, disturbing first-class passengers like this in the middle of the night and frightening them out of their wits!" "my dear madam," said mr meldrum blandly; "why, it is just on the stroke of eight o'clock, and we'll be soon having breakfast." "don't `my dear madam' me, sir," returned the lady indignantly; "my name is mrs major negus, and i insist on being treated with proper respect. where is the captain of the vessel, sir?" "down there," said mr meldrum laconically, pointing to the open hatchway. "and why is he not at his post, looking after the welfare of his passengers?" demanded the lady sternly, with the voice of a merciless judge. "really i think you had better ask him," replied mr meldrum laughing; "it strikes me he is now looking after the welfare of one of his passengers, unexpected though the sable gentleman may be!" what mrs major negus might have rejoined to this, cannot unfortunately be told, for at that moment, just as she had drawn herself up to her full height of some five feet ten inches, or thereabouts, and appeared prepared to demolish mr meldrum for his temerity in laughing at her--in laughing at her, forsooth; the wife of the deputy assistant comptroller- general of waikatoo, new zealand--the captain called out to him to bear a hand to raise the wounded darkey from out of his self-selected prison. mr adams, the second mate, turning out of his cabin at the same time to take his watch, the two managed to raise "snowball"--the captain and the irishman easing the burden by lifting him from below. as for the grand mrs major negus, she had to content herself with looking on with an undisguised contempt at the whole proceeding, wondering all the while that they should dare to introduce a negro into the saloon in that manner without having first asked her permission! help generally comes when it is not specially wanted; so, by the time the stowaway had been lifted and placed on a berth in one of the vacant cabins, having his wounds, which were somewhat serious, seen to and bound up, some others of the passengers appeared on the scene. notably amongst these was mr zachariah lathrope, of providence, rhode island, an american gentleman of a particularly inquisitive nature, but who, professing some knowledge of medical craft, was really of some use in this instance, as there was no regular ship surgeon on board; and, secondly, young master negus, a "born imp of mischief," whose acquaintance will be further improved as the voyage proceeds; while, llewellyn, the steward, summoned courage at last to descend the companion, in company with his wife the stewardess, who had been forward to the cook's galley in search of some early tea for the lady passengers. seeing her husband on the poop she had brought him below, being, as mr mccarthy observed, "twice the man" that her presumptive "lord and master" could possibly have been supposed, even by his warmest admirer. the mystery being thus satisfactorily explained, and the stowaway made comfortable for the while in a much more sumptuous lodging than he ever expected--captain dinks waiting to call him to account until he should have recovered from his injuries--the debris of broken crockeryware was cleared away, and the saloon party piped to breakfast, throughout which meal, it need hardly be added, llewellyn got chaffed immeasurably anent his supernatural visitor, never having a moment's peace about his discovery of the "ghost in the cabin" and subsequent terrific fight therewith. and, all this while, the ship was tacking every now and then to make the most out of the wind, which was shifting from the west to the south, and veering occasionally from the east to the north; rising as it shifted and blowing with an ever-increasing force, till the vessel was running under reefed topsails and foresail, with her spanker half brailed up, her spread of canvas having been reduced by degrees, in preparation for the threatening gale that seemed coming from the south-west, that is, if the appearances of the sea and sky were to be trusted. chapter three. a narrow squeak. during the forenoon watch, the deck was in charge of mr adams, the second mate--a plain, steady-going, matter-of-fact sort of man, with none of that buoyant spirit and keen sense of humour which characterised hid senior shipmate mccarthy, although he was a thorough sailor to the backbone, and believed the human race to be divided into two classes, those who were seamen and those who weren't. the wind now took a more favourable turn, settling itself in the south-east quarter as if it meant to remain there, thus enabling the ship to steer a better course; and, meanwhile, the sky clearing up a bit, the threatening clouds drifted to leeward and the sun shone out again just as it did when the captain first came on deck in the early morning. taking advantage of the change, the reefs were shaken out of the topsails, the courses let fall again, the jib and flying-jib hoisted, and the topgallants set; and soon, with her head steering south-west and a half south, the _nancy bell_ was bounding over the waves under all plain sail, as if anxious to make up for the time she had lost in tacking about against the head-wind that had barred her southward progress ever since she took her departure from the lizard point on the previous day when she hauled out from the channel. the breeze was freshening, and there was a nasty sort of chopping sea, when the captain came on the poop at noon to take the sun, in order to ascertain his longitude--an operation which would have been much more difficult in the hazy weather that had prevailed some few hours previous, with the zenith every now and then overcast by the fleecy storm wrack and flying scud that came drifting across the sky as the wind veered; but the ship was making good running, and everything bade fair for her soon crossing the boisterous bay of biscay, on whose troubled waters she had now entered. "she's slipping along!" said captain dinks to adams, rubbing his hands together gleefully, as he put down his sextant on the top of the saloon skylight for a moment and gave a glance aloft and then over the side to windward. "yes, sir," replied the second mate. "going fine--eleven knots last heave of the lead." "ah, nothing can beat her on a bowline!" said the captain triumphantly. "she's a clipper and no mistake when she has the wind abeam: bears her canvas well, too, for a little un!" he added, with another glance aloft, where the sails could be seen distended to their utmost extent and tugging at the bolt-ropes, while the topgallant-masts were bent almost into a curve with the strain upon them and the stays aft were stretched as tight as fiddle-strings. "yes, sir; she does," agreed adams; "but, don't you think, sir, she's carrying on too much now that the wind has got up? i was just going to call the hands to take in sail when you came on deck." "certainly not," replied captain dinks, struck aghast by the very suggestion of such a thing. "i won't have a stitch off her! why, man alive, you wouldn't want me to lose this breeze with such a lot of leeway as we have to make up?" "no, sir; but--" "hang your `buts'!" interrupted the captain with some heat. "you are a bit too cautious, adams. when you have sailed the _nancy bell_ as long as i have you'll know what she's able to carry and what she isn't!" with these pregnant words of wisdom, the captain resumed possession of his sextant and proceeded to take the altitude of the sun, shouting out occasional unintelligible directions the while through the skylight to mr mccarthy, who was in his cabin below, so that he might compare the position of the solar orb with greenwich time as marked by the chronometer. then telling adams at the end of the operation to "make it eight bells," whereupon the tinkling sounds denoting twelve o'clock were heard through the ship, he himself also hurried below, to "work out his reckoning." on captain dinks coming up again, he reported that the _nancy bell_ had done better than he expected for her "first day out," considering the adverse circumstances she had had to contend with, for she had logged more than a hundred and fifty miles; but he did not look quite so jubilant as he had done before going below, nor did mccarthy, who now accompanied him on deck to relieve the second mate, whose watch had expired. "what's the matter, captain?" asked mr meldrum, with a smile, "are you not satisfied; or, did you expect the ship to have done more?" the passenger was patrolling the poop, in company with his two daughters, kate and florry--the latter a rompish little girl, some twelve years old, with long golden-brown hair which the wind was making wild havoc of, dashing it across her face as she turned, and streaming it out to leeward behind her in picturesque confusion. the girls had some little difficulty in walking along the deck, as it was inclined to a considerable angle from the vessel's heeling over; but, by dint of clutching hold of their father, which they did with much joking and merriment and silvery laughter, each taking an arm on either side, they managed to preserve their equilibrium, keeping pace in regular quarter- deck fashion. "no," replied captain dinks to mr meldrum's chaffing question, "i can't say that i am satisfied, for i'm sorry to tell you that the barometer is going down." "indeed!" said the other, "and with the wind from the south-east! i'd advise you, captain, to take in sail at once." "why, you're as bad as adams," returned captain dinks rather huffily; "i suppose you'd like me to strip the ship just when we're getting the first fair breeze we've had since leaving plymouth! excuse me, mr meldrum, i know my business; and, i presume, you'll allow a sailor to be better acquainted with his duties than any landsman can possibly be." "oh, certainly, captain dinks," said mr meldrum with a bow, "and i'm sure i beg your pardon for interfering! of course, as you say, a landsman has no knowledge of these things and has no right to speak." "oh, papa!" exclaimed kate meldrum reproachfully, "how could you say that?" while florry pinched his arm and seemed convulsed with laughter, which she endeavoured to choke down in vain, at some secret joke or other; but captain dinks, quite restored to his usual good-humour and politeness by mr meldrum's apology, did not notice the girls, and presently all were chatting together with the utmost cordiality, the captain enlarging on the excellent run he hoped to make to new zealand, and promising the young ladies that they should see madeira ere the week was out, for he anticipated that the south-easterly breeze they now had would carry them well past the spanish coast and into the north-east trades, when their voyage would be all plain sailing down to the equator. how true, however, is the old adage, "man proposes and god disposes!" while the captain was chatting gaily with his passengers, another change was taking place in the appearance of the heavens. the heavy, threatening clouds, which had risen up after breakfast and been swept away to leeward by the south-east wind as it got up, were now slowly being banked up along the horizon to the northward and westward, the haze extending down to the south right ahead of the vessel's track, while a lot of scud began to be seen flying aloft at a very considerable rate--not from but towards the point from which the breeze was blowing, a sign that betokened not merely another shift of the wind, but a squall, and one not to be trifled with either! the obscuring of the sun by the drift was the first thing that called the captain's attention to the altered state of the weather, and he at once gave the order--"all hands shorten sail!" the mate rushing forwards to see the details properly carried out. the order did not come an instant too soon. all at once, in a moment, the wind, which had previously been blowing strongly from the south-east, died away and it was dead calm; while the sea--already rough enough with the short chopping waves of the morning-- began to run with those huge billows that seem to get up almost without preparation on the advent of a gale, every second growing more mountainous. at the captain's word of command, re-echoed by mr mccarthy, the crew had sprung aloft immediately; and, working with a will, had furled the topgallant-sails, taken in the flying-jib, hauled up the mainsail and mizzen-trysail and squared the after yards, when the ship resembled a gladiator, entering the arena of the prize-ring stripped for a fight, as she thus awaited the approach of the storm. in the south-east the sky was clear and cloudless, but in the opposite direction dark heavy purple masses of vapour rolled over each other, more unnatural in appearance owing to a lighter cloud covering the curling, wreathing fluid as if with a veil. shooting from this dark pile of clouds, some few were detached and became separated, rising to a higher region of the air, in which they were dissipated and blown out like mares'-tails that passed rapidly across the zenith; whilst on the water, and about a mile or so from the vessel, the sea appeared covered with a thick white mist, before which ran a dark line of black. mr meldrum had sent the girls below the moment captain dinks had given his orders to shorten sail, in spite of their entreaties to be allowed to remain on deck with him and "see the storm;" so, being now alone, he stationed himself near the binnacle close to the captain. as he stood watching the lull before the break of the squall, he felt a hand touching his shoulder; and looking round he found his fellow passenger, mr zachariah lathrope, by his side. "jee-hosophat! mister," said the american; "i guess we're goin' to have a blizzard, and no mistake!" "what's a blizzard?" said mr meldrum, smiling at the other's nasal intonation, which was more marked than usual, even for a citizen of the land of the setting sun. "why, darn my moccasins, deon't yew know what a blizzard is?" mr meldrum shook his head in the negative: he felt that he should laugh outright in the other's face if he opened his mouth to speak, and he did not wish to appear wanting in politeness. "waal," said the american, drawing himself up, as if proud of his superior knowledge and ability in being able to enlighten a backward britisher. "a blizzard's a hurricane and a tornader and a cyclone, all biled inter one all fired smash and let loose to sweep creation. we have 'em to rights out minnesota way; and let me tell you, mister, when you've ten through the mill in one, you wouldn't kinder like to hev a share in another. snakes and alligators! why, a blizzard will shave you as clean as the best barber in boston, and then friz the marrow in your bones an' blow you to jericho. it's sarten death to be caught out on the prairie in one of 'em: your friends won't find your body till the snow melts in the spring. i guess you wouldn't like to try one, streenger!" "no, i think not," said mr meldrum, shivering at the description, for he had heard before of these "northers" of the far west; but, the next moment, the thoughts of blizzards and all belonging to them were banished from his mind by what he saw, for the storm was upon them. it came with a blast that shook the ship from truck to keelson and almost turned her over, the wind being accompanied by a shower of hail and rain that pelted those on deck like grape-shot and completely took their breath away. "let go everything!" shouted the captain. fortunately, the halliards being cast off in time, the ship was not taken aback; and the steersman putting the helm down, she paid off from the wind and ran off for sometime directly before it, tearing through the water at the rate of twenty knots an hour, with everything flying by the run. "thank god!" exclaimed mr meldrum, in heartfelt thanksgiving to him who controls the winds and storms, as he sprang to aid the man at the wheel, seeing that he had a hard task to keep the helm over. "ya-as, i guess that were a narrow squeak," said the american; "and i kalkerlate i'll make tracks down south fore another of them snorters come!" so saying, mr lathrope dived down the companion-way, his departure being accelerated by a heavy sea which washed over the quarter and floated him below. "way aloft there!" shouted the captain; and, although his words could not be heard from the howling of the wind, which shrieked and raved like pandemonium broken loose as it tore through the rigging, the men knew what was wanted and scrambled up the shrouds as well as they could, sometimes stopping for breath as a stronger blast than usual pinned them to the ratlines, where they stuck as if spread-eagled for sport. after a good half-hour's hard work, the courses were clewed up and furled, the jib hauled down, and the topsails close-reefed, a staysail being set to steady her, when the men came down from aloft pretty well worn out with their exertions. hardly had they got below, however, than the captain, seeing a second squall coming, ordered them up again, to strip the ship of her remaining sail. but, he was too late this time. before the men could ascend the shrouds the wind struck the vessel, like an avalanche, on her starboard broadside, heeling her over to port as if she had been canted by the caulkers in dock. then, another following sea pooped her and cleared the decks fore and aft, sweeping everything loose overboard, the maintopsail being split to pieces at the same time; while the foretop-mast stay-sail was blown clean away to leeward, floating in the air like a white kite against the dark background of the sky. finally, the foretop-gallant mast was carried by the board to complete the ruin, leaving the ship rolling like a wreck upon the waters, though, happily, no lives as yet were lost. chapter four. saved! while all this turmoil and confusion was going on above on deck--with the ship labouring and straining through the heavy seas that raced after her as she ran before the wind, one every now and then outstripping its fellows and breaking over her quarter or stern-rail with a force that made her quiver from end to end, and "stagger like a drunken man," as the psalmist has so aptly described it, the thud of the heavy waves playing a sort of deep bass accompaniment to the shrieking treble of the wind as it whistled and wailed through the shrouds and cordage, and the ragged remnants of the torn topsail flapping against the yard, with the sound of a stock-driver's whip, in a series of short, sharp reports-- those below in the cuddy were far from having a pleasant time of it; for, they were almost in the dark, the captain having caused the companion-hatch to be battened down, and a heavy tarpaulin thrown across the skylight to prevent the tons of water that came over the poop at intervals from flooding the saloon as the waves swept forward in a cascade of foam. this was just after mr zachariah lathrope, the american passenger, had so well illustrated virgil's line, _facilus descensus averni_, in coming down the stairway by the run, on the top of a "comber;" and, although the steward had lit one of the swinging lamps over the cuddy table, it only served, with its feeble flickering light, to "make the darkness visible" and render the scene more sombre. the _nancy bell was_ a wooden ship, clipper built and designed for the passenger trade; but, being only of some nine hundred tons or so burthen, she had not that wealth of accommodation below that some of the first-class liners running to australia and new zealand possess, especially in these days of high-pressure steamers and auxiliary screws, which make the passage in half the time that the old-fashioned sailing vessels used to occupy. she was, however, as well fitted up as her size permitted; and, as her list of passengers was by no means filled, there was plenty of space for those who now had possession of the main saloon, most of whom have been already introduced to notice. if she had had, indeed, as proportionate an amount of cargo as she had passengers it might have been all the better for her seaworthiness. instead of this, however, she was, by far, too deep in the water, having a lot of deadweight amid-ships, in the shape of agricultural implements and other hardware, which she was taking out to otago, that seriously interfered with her buoyancy, making her dip to the waves instead of rising over them, and depriving her of that spring and elasticity which a good ship should always have. now, she was groaning and creaking at every timber, as if in the last throes of mortal agony; and the manner in which she rolled when she got into the trough of the sea, between the intervals of the following billows, would have dispelled any idea one might have possessed as to her proper angle of stability, and made the observer feel inclined to treat it as "a vanishing point." added to this, she pitched every now and then as if she were going to dive into the depths of the ocean; and, when she rose again in recovering herself, it seemed as if she were going down bodily by the stern, the surge of the sea along the line of ports in the cabin bearing out the illusion as it swelled up above her freeboard. with the glass and crockeryware in the steward's cabin rattling, as if in an earthquake, and trunks and portmanteaus banging from side to side of the saloon, or floating up and down in the water that had accumulated from the heavy sea that had washed down the companion when mr zachariah lathrope so gracefully made his rapid descent below, the place was a picture of discomfort and disorder such as a painter would have been powerless to depict and words would utterly fail to describe. kate and florry meldrum had retired to their berths, having experienced a slight suspicion of squeamishness which the unwonted movements of the vessel had brought about. they thought in such case that "discretion was the better part of valour," especially as they felt no alarm as to the safety of the ship, having perfect confidence that their father would look after them if there was any danger; but mrs major negus, on the contrary, was firmly convinced that the _nancy bell_ was going to the bottom. she sat in the captain's seat at the head of the cuddy table, tightly clutching on to the sides to preserve her equilibrium at each roll of the ship, loudly bewailing her untimely fate; and between the paroxysms of her grief she found time now and again to scold her son maurice, who was enjoying himself most delightfully amongst the floating baggage, narrowly escaping destruction every moment from the wreck of the debris on the cabin floor, as it banged to and fro with the swish of the water and the roll of the ship. during one of the lulls in the series of squalls that swept over the vessel in rapid sequence, mr mccarthy came below by the direction of the captain--who, of course, could not leave the deck--to see how the passengers were getting on, as well as to have the dead-lights put up in the state-rooms, in case of the stern-ports being battered in by the waves; for these had now swollen to an enormous size, and seemed veritably mountains high, rising up far above the cross-jack yard sometimes. "and how are we getting on now, mrs meejor?" said he, good-humouredly addressing the lady at the head of the table, as he made his way to the aftermost end of the saloon, followed by a couple of sailors, who had accompanied him to aid him in his task of barricading the ports. "sir," replied she, endeavouring to speak with as much dignity as her insecure position and her qualmishness would allow, "i am surprised at your asking me such a question and displaying levity when i feel as if i am dying, and we are all going down to the bottom--stee-ured!" "yes, mum," said that worthy from the pantry door, to which he was holding on, surveying the scene of desolation before him with the air of a connoisseur. "bring a basin, please--oh, my!" "yes, mum; coming, mum." "maurice!" "yes, ma." "get up out of that mess there, and come to me at once!" "what, ma?" "come to me here, im-mediately!" "sha'n't!" "i'll--oh, lord; oh, dear! steward, send the stewardess to me, and help me into my cabin. i'm dying, i know i am! oh, gracious goodness, why did i ever come to sea?" "faix, the ould lady has had to give in," said the mate to one of the sailors with him. "i thought she wouldn't hould out much longer!" whereat, of course, there was a general laugh from the men. "the major"--as everybody on board spoke of the lady, almost after a day's acquaintance with her peculiarities and haughty airs--was just then endeavouring to rise from the captain's chair, when the vessel, after a deeper pitch forward than usual, settled down suddenly by the stern, accompanying the movement by a lurch to starboard that carried away the lashings of the chair; and, in an instant she and the steward and stewardess, along with master negus, were rolling to leeward on the floor amongst the dunnage, the whole quartette sputtering and splashing in the sea-water, and vainly endeavouring for some time to rise, for the "major," first clutching one and then the other as they were scrambling to their legs, hampered their efforts without improving her own position in the least. at last, by the aid of mr mccarthy and the sailors, the good lady was pulled up on to her feet and assisted into her cabin, where lying back in her berth, she loudly inveighed against the conduct of everyone, particularly selecting the captain, in her outpour of indignation, for putting to sea when he must have known, as she held, that a storm was coming on; he had only done it, she was certain, in order to annoy her and put her life in peril! in the midst of her diatribe--which was listened to by no one, for the mate and sailors had returned on deck after completing the job that had brought them down in thorough ship-shape fashion, and the steward and stewardess, now that they had got my lady to her bunk, were trying to make matters more comfortable in the saloon--mrs major negus suddenly bethought herself of her young hopeful, of whose existence she had been awhile oblivious while attending to her own woes. "maurice!" cried she, in accents whose shrillness rose above the roar of the waves and the groaning of the ship's timbers, "maurice, come here at once, sir, i order you!" but, lo and behold! no maurice made his, appearance; nor did he respond to his mother's heart-rending appeal. the young scamp had sneaked up the companion, unperceived by the mate, and was now on deck in high glee at his freedom from maternal thraldom, watching the battle of the elements and the struggle of the ship against the supremacy of the wind and waves, that were vying with each other to overwhelm her. the boy stood on the lee side of the poop, and was looking over the side at the wreck of the fore-topgallant mast, which was still attached to the ship by the stay and braces of the yard, the men not yet having time to cut it adrift--all hands being busy in doing what was possible to save the main-topgallant mast, that had begun to show signs of giving way. nobody knew he was there, or that he was on deck at all, till mr meldrum happened suddenly to cast his eye in his direction, when he at once motioned him to come away. but, "the imp" took no notice of the warning, and mr meldrum was hesitating whether he should leave his station by the binnacle, where he had been doing yeoman's service in aiding the helmsman ever since the first squall burst over the ship, when a heavy wave came over the quarter to windward, and, dashing violently against the port bulwarks, carried a large portion away into the sea; and, along with the broken timber-work, away went young master negus! mr meldrum hesitated no longer as to crossing the deck; but another was sooner at the scene of action. frank harness, the "third mate," as he was euphemistically called--a dashing young fellow of nineteen, and just completing his sea-time as midshipman before passing the trinity house examination for his certificate in seamanship--who had been aloft bearing a hand in making the mizzen-topsail snug, the leech of the sail having blown out through the violence of the gale, was just on his way down the rigging again to see where he could be of use elsewhere, when he noticed the boy's peril as quickly as the passenger; and, with one bound, he alighted on the deck. in a rapid eye-glance he took in the situation. raised on the top of a curling wave, the fragments of the broken bulwarks and stanchions had got entangled with the wreck of the fore- topgallant mast, some twenty yards or so to leeward of the ship; and, clinging to the mass, frank could see the boy holding on with a grip of desperation and terror, drenched with his ducking and the surf that washed over him, and with his mouth wide open as if yelling for assistance--although never a sound reached those on board for the roar of a giant could not have been heard against the wind. taking a turn of the signal halliards round his wrist, frank harness at once leaped into the sea and struck out gallantly for the boy; those on the poop cheering him as he cleaved through the foaming billows and quickly neared the wreckage, forgetful for a moment of their own immediate peril in the exciting scene before them, and waiting anxiously for their turn to assist the rescuer and the rescued on board again. in the meantime, mrs major negus--alarmed at the disappearance of her young hopeful from below, neither the steward or stewardess being able to give any account of him after searching the cabins in vain--had managed to scramble up the companion-way, nerved to desperation by the divine power of a mother's love; and by some means or other she contrived to slide back the hatch and step out on to the poop-deck, where, holding on by the rail, she eagerly looked to the right and left in quest of maurice. seeing the group on the lee-side gazing steadfastly at the scene in the water, she staggered towards them, clutching hold of the tarpaulin over the skylight to steady herself. "my boy! my boy!" she exclaimed frantically. "where is he? oh, he's lost," she added with a piercing scream,--"fiends, monsters, are you going to let him drown before your eyes?"--and she made an effort as if to plunge overboard to where she could see the curly head of her darling rising just above the waves. "hold!" cried captain dinks kindly, grasping her arm firmly and drawing her back. "he's being saved, and we'll have him on board again in a minute. there, don't you see, some one has plunged in after him and is just gripping him; we'll have them up together as soon as he has made fast!" "bless him, the brave fellow!" exclaimed the poor lady, whose peculiarities and bad temper were now forgotten by all in sympathy with her natural alarm and anxiety, for she spoke in a voice broken with sobs and tears. "who is he? i'll fall down on my knees and thank him for saving my boy!" "frank harness," said the captain; "but i'm sure the gallant fellow will not want any thanks for doing a brave action! look alive forward there!" he called out to the men in the waist, "and ease off those topgallant braces a bit and let the wreck drift alongside. so--easy there--belay! another minute, and we'll have them." frank had reached the wreckage while maurice's mother had been speaking, and without an instant's delay had looped the end of the signal halliards round the boy's waist as he held on himself to the end of the topgallant yard, to which the lee braces were attached. a quick motion of his arm had then apprised captain dinks what to do, and in another minute or two the wreckage had been floated in under the ship's quarter, and a dozen hands were helping the brave lad and the boy whom he had rescued up the side--maurice, indeed, being hauled up by the bight of the signal halliards first. his mother almost went into hysterics when he was restored to her, as if from the very gates of death; but her joy did not allow her to forget to thank his rescuer, which she did far more enthusiastically than frank liked, with all the men looking on! the gale continued raging with unabated force all that evening; but towards midnight it lulled sufficiently for some sail to be set on the ship, which was then kept more on her proper course. chapter five. a calm. it was a lovely dawn the morning after the storm in the bay of biscay. even mr adams, plain, matter-of-fact, simple, and unsympathetic sailor as he was, without a particle of poetry or imagination about him, could not but gaze with admiration at the glory of god's handiwork, as he noticed the grand panorama of change that marked the progress from darkness to light, from night to day! soon after his watch began, the twinkling stars had gone to rest, putting out their tiny lanterns, as they had arisen, one be one; and now, the violet blue of the firmament paled gradually into sea-green and grey, soft neutral tints mixed on the great palette of nature to receive the roseate hue that presently illumined the whole eastern sky, heralding the approach of the glorious orb of day. next, streaks of light salmon-coloured clouds shot across the horizon, their edges decorated with a fringe of gold that gleamed brighter and more intense each moment, the water glowing beneath the reflection as if wakening into life: and then, the majestic sun stepping up from his ocean bed-- all radiant--"like a bridegroom out of his chamber," and moving with giant strides higher and higher up the heavens, as if "anxious to run his course," and make up for the lost time of the night--shone through the transparent purple mist of the morning like a blush rose behind a glittering veil of dewdrops! by the time the breakfast hour arrived--"eight bells"--the blue sea was dancing merrily in the sunshine, the waves calming down to only a crisping curl of their foam-flecked summits, and the _nancy bell_ was speeding along under a pile of canvas fore and aft from deck to truck, mr adams having made good use of his time while others were sleeping to get up the spare topgallant-mast forward and set all the upper sail he could; so the passengers, roused up to new life by the cheery influence of the bright summer day, coming after all the gloom and misery and storm and tempest of the past, mustered round the cuddy table in full force. mr meldrum and the american were there as a matter of course; but, by the side of her father, on the right of the skipper, appeared now for the first time at the table since the ship had left port, the graceful form of kate meldrum accompanied by the slighter figure of florry, supported on the other side of the table by mrs major negus and her young hopeful; while mr adams faced captain dinks--it being the chief mate's turn of duty on deck--having brave frank harness close alongside. they formed a very joyous coterie altogether, and enjoyed themselves all the more from their natural revulsion of spirits after all the discomfort and misery they had passed through, captain dinks himself setting an example and provoking the merry laughter of the girls with his absurd jokes, although the young ladies seemed brimful of fun, especially miss florry, who the skipper said might make a good match for mischievousness with master negus--whereat a grim smile was seen to steal across the face of "the major," lightening up her sallow countenance and making her "come out in new colours." as for mr zachariah lathrope, he was too busy with the ham and eggs to do much talking; although, like the monkeys, he probably thought the more, for ever and anon he would pass encomiums on the viands and pass up his plate for a fresh helping, the steward having enough to do in supplying his wants quickly enough. after breakfast, a visit was paid to "snowball," the darkey stowaway, who was found much better and progressing so favourably that the captain ordered his removal to the "fokesail," to complete his convalescence; which it may be here added he satisfactorily accomplished in a few days, when he was installed in the galley as cook, in the place of a maltese sailor who was glad to get forward again before the mast. the negro had slept continually from the time he had been released from durance vile in the after-hold, neither the racket below nor the turmoil on deck during the storm having disturbed his slumbers. this, no doubt, had hastened his recovery, for mr mccarthy was positive that three of his ribs at least had been broken. "why is snowball like a worm, miss meldrum?" said captain dinks to kate, after telling her that he intended installing the darkey in the galley as cook; "do you know, eh!" "oh, if that's a conundrum, captain," replied she with a piquant laugh that lit up her whole face, making it quite beautiful, frank harness thought, "i give it up at once. i'm a bad hand at guessing riddles." "well, you see," said captain dinks, with that cheery "ho, ho!" of a laugh of his, which always preceded any of his good things, "the worm or grub develops into the butterfly; but snowball made the butter fly when he tumbled over that cask in the steerage, and now he is going to develop into the grub line and turn cook!" "that's too bad!" said kate laughing. "i never heard a worse sort of pun in my life." "then it's all the better, my dear," replied he; and as everybody else laughed too, they possibly shared the captain's opinion. after this, there was a move on deck--not before it was needed perhaps! at noon, captain dinks, after manipulating his sextant and adjusting the sights, seemed to be much longer taking his observation than usual; and when he went below to his cabin to work out the reckoning he certainly remained a most unconscionable time. by and by, however, he came up the companion again, his face beaming with delight. "what do you think, mr meldrum?" said he, somewhat excitedly, to that gentleman, who, along with the remainder of the saloon party, was standing on the poop leaning over the taffrail to windward, looking over the apparently limit less expanse of water, that stretched away to the horizon, and basking in the sunshine, which was tempered by a mellow breeze that seemed just sufficient to keep the sails of the _nancy bell_ full--and that was all. "i'm sure i can't say," replied mr meldrum good-humouredly. "found another ghost in the cabin, eh?" "no, no; couldn't have two in one voyage," said the skipper. "made another conundrum?" again inquired the other slily, poking fun at the captain's previous attempt in the riddle line. "oh, no," said captain dinks, laughing out at this. "that was too good to be repeated: i've got better news than that, mr meldrum--something really to surprise you!" "i'm all attention," said mr meldrum, "but pray do not keep us long in suspense. don't you see we're all anxious!" "why," exclaimed captain dinks triumphantly, "the _nancy bell_ has made nearly five degrees of latitude since i last took the sun, there!" "oh dear!" said florry ruefully; "i thought you were going to tell us something funny!" and she looked so disappointed that kate laughed at her and master maurice negus grinned; whereupon florry, in a pet, smacked the young gentleman's face, for which she was reproved by her father and ordered below, although the sentence of banishment was remitted later on at mrs major negus's especial request. this little interlude over, the captain proceeded with his explanation. "yes," said he, "we're now in latitude degrees minutes north, and longitude degrees minutes west; so that we've run pretty close on four hundred miles since yesterday at noon. just think of that, now!" "a pretty good distance," said mr meldrum; "but, you must recollect we had the gale to drive us on." "aye, sorr," said mr mccarthy, joining in the conversation, "and didn't it droive us too! begorrah, there was some times that the wind tuck the ship clane out of the wather and carried us along in the air like one of them flying-fish you'll say when we gits down to the line!" "it was fortunate it was in our favour," observed the captain reflectively. "we couldn't have tried to beat against it; and, heavily- laden as we are, it would have been madness to have tried to lay-to!" "you're right," said mr meldrum, "and it was equally fortunate that the gale carried us so far and no further! another twelve hours of it and we would have been high and dry ashore on the spanish coast." "i think you're not far out," replied the captain, scratching his head and pondering over the matter, "for we'll only just shave past cape finisterre now keeping our course; and if we hadn't made so much westing when we got out of the channel i don't know where we should have been!" "faix and it was grumbling at it you were all the toime, cap'en!" said mccarthy with a knowing wink; "though you do now say it was all for the best, as the man said when they buried his wife's grandmother!" "aye, you're right," said captain dinks more seriously, "all is for the best, if we could only know it at the time!" thenceforward, the weather kept fine; and the fates seemed favourable to the _nancy bell_ in her pilgrimage across the sea. there was no lack of incident in the voyage, however. one day, about a week after they had bidden farewell to the bay of biscay with all its terrors and troubled waters, as the ship was approaching that region of calms which lies adjacent to the tropic of cancer, her rate of progression had grown so "small by degrees and beautifully less," that she barely drifted southward with the current, until at length she came to a dead stop, so far as those on board could judge, lying motionless on the surface of the water "like a painted ship upon a painted ocean," as the situation is described in coleridge's _ancient mariner_. round about the vessel, dolphins disported themselves, and "portuguese men-of-war" floated over the sea with their gelatinous sails unfurled, and everything seemed lazy and enjoyable to the passengers--although the captain and crew did not evidently relish the state of inaction which the calm brought about, for they were looking out in all quarters for the wished-for wind. not a ship was in sight--nothing happening to break the peaceful repose of the deep for hours. the captain was "having a stretch" below; the men snoozing away on the deck forwards in all sorts of odd corners; the officer of the watch blinking as he squinted aloft to see if the dog-vane stirred with any passing breath of air; even the steersman was nodding over the helm, as the wheel rotated round to port or starboard as it listed, according as the ship rose or fell on the long heavy rolling swell that undulated over the bosom of the deep; and most of the passengers were in the same somnolent state--when all at once an event occurred that soon broke the monotony of the afternoon, waking up the sleepy ones to fresh vitality, for an object of interest had at last arisen in the uneventful day sufficient for the moment to enchain their attention. the listless lotus eaters had to thank master negus for the excitement, in the first instance. that young gentleman was possessed of a keen desire for knowledge, which his more prosaic seniors were in the habit of misconstruing, deeming it to arise, as they said, from an insatiable and impertinent curiosity combined with an inherent love of mischief. be that as it may, this desire for knowledge on master maurice's part frequently led him into places where, to put it delicately, his presence was undesirable in many ways; his love for investigation taking him especially to certain dangerous localities whither he was peremptorily forbidden to go both by his mother and the captain. among such tabooed spots in the ship was the forecastle; and here, consequently, as a matter of course, master maurice most delighted to steal away when neither the maternal eye of mrs major negus was upon him nor any of the other people aft were watching him. he did not mind the sailors, for they made a point of encouraging him forward and took much pleasure in developing his propensities for mischief. this afternoon, he was enjoying himself after the desire of his heart- climbing about the rigging in a way that would have made his mother faint, when, in one of his scrambles up to the foretop, he saw something in the water which was hidden from the sight of the others on board, through the head-sails of the ship shutting out their line of view. "oh, crickey," shouted out master negus at the top of his voice, at once betraying his whereabouts in his excitement, "there's a fight going on in the water, and two whales are leathering each other like fun!" chapter six. the black fish and the thresher. "good gracious me!" exclaimed mrs major negus, jumping up in a fright from the comfortable nap which she had been taking in a lean-back chair on the poop; "where is that unhappy boy? he'll be the death of me some day!" "i'm here, ma!" shouted out maurice from the forecastle. "do come, everybody. it's such fun! ah, there, the big one has just got such a whack and is in a terrible wax. he's hunting about for the little one, who has dived away from him out of reach!" "fokesall, ahoy!" hailed mr adams, who had charge of the deck; "what's the matter forward!" "only a fight, sir, between a black-fish and a thresher," answered ben boltrope, the carpenter, an old man-o'-war's man, and one of the most efficient hands of the _nancy bell's_ crew. "a fit!" exclaimed mr zachariah lathrope, drawing his long telescopic legs together and rising into a sitting posture on the top of the cabin skylight, where he had been taking his usual afternoon siesta instead of putting himself to the trouble of going below and turning into his bunk, as was his usual wont after luncheon. "a fit! wa-al i guess i'm on. i allers likes to hitch in with a muss!" and, so saying, the lanky american was soon scrambling down the poop-ladder and making his way forward, followed by all the remainder of the passengers--mrs major negus, of course, going to look after her darling boy, while frank harness accompanied kate meldrum, as he said, to "take care of her," although, as her father was not far distant, it might have been supposed that his protecting arm was not so absolutely necessary as he thought! a very strange spectacle was seen, when the party, after diving beneath the slackened sheets of the mainsail, that flapped about an inert mess of canvas above their heads, and picking their way past the galley and windlass, at last climbed up into the bows of the ship, where the majority of the crew had already assembled and taken up vantage points in the rigging, half-way up which was master maurice, waving his hat wildly in a great state of excitement, and the master as it were of the situation. "there they are!" said he pointing to where the water was lashed up and broken into foam, about half a mile ahead of the ship, amidst which a couple of dark bodies could be seen tumbling about--one occasionally jumping up high in the air and coming down on the other with a thud, and a smack that sounded like the crack of a whip, or report of a rifle. "there they are, miss meldrum, i saw them first!" "come down out of that, sir, at once!" screamed out his mother, with a pant and a puff between each word, her breath having been almost taken away by her unusually quick movements in getting forwards. "have i not ordered you never to go up those ropes?" "oh, bother, ma!" exclaimed the young hopeful, paying not the slightest attention to his mother's command. he had been so spoilt, petted at one time and scolded another, that all her authority over him was lost save in name. "there! bravo, little one--oh, my, wasn't that a good one, now?" and so, mrs major negus--abandoning any expectation of making maurice descend from his perch in the shrouds, where, however, she could see that he was in no imminent danger, for he had one of the sailors on either side of him who would catch him should he slip--was obliged perforce to do as all the rest were doing and gaze at the thrilling marine drama that was being acted out with such tragic earnestness on the surface of the deep before their eyes. a black-fish--which, it may be mentioned here, for the benefit of the uninitiated, is a species of cachalot, although differing from the true spermaceti family of whales in having the spout-holes placed on the top of the head, in place of on the snout, and the pectoral fins shorter-- was being assailed by its bitter enemy the thresher or "fox shark." this latter is one of the most peculiar fishes to be seen throughout the length and breadth of the ocean, that world of living wonders; for it has a most extraordinary face, or head, which is more like that of an ape than of one of the piscine tribe; while its tail is divided into two lobes or blades, one of which is small and insignificant, and the other larger than the body of the animal, curling up at the end like the tail- feather of a bird of paradise. there could be no comparison between the two combatants, in respect to size at least; for, while the whale was some fifty feet long--nearly a third of the length of the _nancy bell_--the thresher could not have exceeded thirteen feet; and as for girth, the former was in proportion like a portly, daniel-lambert sort of man put by the side of a starving street urchin of seven. the only advantage the thresher apparently possessed was in its eyes, which, when one could get a glimpse of them, looked like those of a hawk; while the unwieldy cetacean had little tiny optics, not much bigger than those of a common haddock, which were placed in an unwieldy lump of a head, that seemed ever so much bigger than its body, with a tremendous lower jaw containing a row of teeth, each one of which was nearly a foot long. the thresher, seemingly, had only the advantage of his antagonist in the proportionate size of his eyes; but, "just wait till you have seen him use his long feather-like tail!" as maurice negus said, and you will arrive at the conclusion that the combatants were not so very unequally matched after all. the very size of the black-fish militated against his chances for, while it took him more than his own length to turn in the water, the thresher darted, here, there and everywhere, like an eel--just getting out of his reach when the other thought he had got him and had opened his ponderous jaws to crush him. it was at this moment that his agile tormentor, seizing his opportunity, would leap out of the water and give the whale a "whack" on his side behind the fin, one of his tenderest spots, the blow resounding far and wide over the water and probably leaving a weal if not an indentation in the animal's side. mr zachariah lathrope got quite interested, bobbing from one side of the topgallant-forecastle to the other, and trying to obtain the best view he could of the contest. "bully for the little scorpion, marm!" he exclaimed to "the major," as he shoved his hands down into his trouser pockets and seemed to lift himself up in his eagerness. "i'll bet my bottom dollar he'll fix that air whale to rights! by gosh, that wer a sockdolager; i guess the big varmint is kinder gettin' riled!" the whale here spouted and fluked his tail, diving down for a moment beneath the surface; but, he did not long disappear, and when he came up shortly afterwards nearer the ship, the spectators could see that the water around him was dyed with blood. as the black-fish rose, the thresher, who evidently had been waiting for him and knew the precise spot where he would reappear, threw himself up in the air, turning a sort of summersault; and, "whack!" came his whip- like tail round his victim's body, the whale seeming to writhe under the blow as if driven half mad with pain. "look, look!" exclaimed florry meldrum, "the thresher isn't alone; what are those long-nosed fishes swimming about under the whale? they seem to be helping the other one!" "you're right, florry," said her father, "they are swordfish. what you think are their noses are long projecting saw-like blades, and they are the whale's deadliest enemy. i never saw them, however, attacking one in company with a thresher before: they must have formed an alliance for the express purpose, as they have really nothing in common." "it reminds me, mister," said the american, putting a chew of tobacco in his mouth pensively, "of a bull fit i once see in carthagena when i was to spain some years ago. that air thresher is jist like the feller all fixed up with lace and fallals called the piccador, who used to stir up the animile with squibs and crackers and make him fly round like a dawg when he's kinder tickled with a flea under his tail; and the sword-fish, as you calls them outlandish things, are sunthen' like the matador that gives the bull his quietus with his wepping. that air power of blood that you see, i guess, is from them, and not from t'other's cow-hide of a tail!" "golly, massa, you speaks for true," said snowball, who formed one of the party of lookers-on, abandoning his coppers in the galley in order to see the fun. "bress de lord! see how dat long snout chap dere gib him goss now!" it really seemed an organised attack. as soon as the back of the black-fish appeared above the surface, the thresher, springing several yards out of the water, descended with great violence on the object of its rancour and inflicted what sounded like a hearty slap with its tail, the sword-fishes in their turn striking the whale from below; so that, try how he might, the unhappy monster of the deep could not escape his persevering foes. "sure and be jabers it bates donnybrook fair entirely!" said mr mccarthy, who had also come up from below, the news having also reached him of what was taking place. "the poor baste will soon be bate into a cocked hat with all them ragamuffins on to him at once! it's liking to help him i'd be if i saw the chance!" but the doom of the black-fish was evidently by this time sealed and human aid was powerless to assist him: all could see for themselves that the last act in the drama was close at hand! suddenly, the thresher gave another violent bound upwards into the air from the surface of the ensanguined water, leaping almost over the whale; and, as he fell back again into the sea, his tail, which was bent like a bow, delivered a terrible lash, surpassing any of its previous attempts. at the same time, as if by a concerted movement, those on board could see--for the combatants were now so close alongside the ship that the bight of a rope could have been easily hove over them--one of the sword-fish made a dart at the exposed flank of the whale, burying its ugly saw-like weapon almost up to the head and inflicting a wound that must have been mortal. the black-fish instantly emitted a sort of hollow muffled roar; and, sending up a fountain of watery spray mixed with blood from its spout- holes, splashed the sea violently with its formidable flukes, after which it rolled over, rocking from side to side in its last dying flurry or death agony. "i guess he's a gone coon!" said the american, hitching up his trousers again and turning over the quid of tobacco in his mouth. "it seems a terrible pity to waste him though. there's a powerful sight of blubber in that air animile!" and the speaker appeared to gaze sadly at the carcase of the conquered cetacean as it floated by. "it's all over," said mr meldrum, turning from the now pitiful spectacle with disgust. "come away, girls!" but kate had long since left the scene, the sight not having been of a nature to suit her tender heart; and, she was now far away aft with frank harness, sitting in a secluded corner of the poop, where she could see nothing of the sanguinary ending of the contest. florry, on the contrary, had remained to the last, as well as mrs major negus--who, it may be observed, had watched the struggle from its commencement to its close with almost as much interest as her enthusiastic son and heir; and mr meldrum had much difficulty in tearing the little girl away from her rapt contemplation of the dead whale. "stop a minute, papa," she urged when he took hold of her arm to draw her from the rail. "do look! they have all left him now they have killed him. i wonder what they quarrelled about?" "sure, an' just for the same rayson, missy, that christians hate sich other," said mr mccarthy, "just for no cause at all, but bekaze they can't help it, alannah! and now that the little divils have kilt him, sure they've swum off and left the poor crathur to die, just the same as some ov us does to sich other, more's the pity, by the same token!" it was true enough. the thresher and his active allies had all at once disappeared, how, when, or where, none of those looking on could tell; the lifeless body of the black-fish only remaining in evidence of the battle that had taken place. there it was, floating sluggishly on the heavy rolling swell of the ocean, in solitary grandeur; for the dolphins and "portuguese men-of- war" that had been seen earlier in the afternoon had taken themselves off as soon as the light began--evidently preferring calmer scenes and not relishing the proximity of such inveterate enemies of their several species as the late combatants. chapter seven. fire! the calm continued for four days, during which time not a breath of wind came from any point of the compass to waft the ship on her way; although, of course, she could not help drifting a few miles every twenty-four hours southwards, under the influence of the great equatorial current. however, if there was no wind, there was no lack of novelty to those of the passengers who had never been to sea before; for, from their being now within the tropical region, the ocean around, albeit so still and glassy, seemed to swarm with life. thousands of flying-fish were to be seen fluttering on either side of the vessel, while skipjacks and bonetas also showed themselves occasionally; and the dreaded shark, with his close attendant and valet the pilot-fish, was not an absentee, for he was continually cruising about astern on the constant look-out. "how funny those flying-fish look!" said florry meldrum, watching a shoal of them that rose from the water just like a covey of white larks, and which, after skimming past the _nancy bell_, again settled in the sea, quite tired out with their short flight. "you should see them nearer," said frank harness, who was between the two girls, looking out over the gangway aft--"and then you would call them funnier. ah! here is one," he added, catching one of the little fluttering creatures that had become entangled in the mizzen rigging; "you see, it doesn't have wings as you think, but only a membrane between its fins, just like what a bat has." "yes," said i "i see. it is curious, though, that they should look so white at a distance, when their backs are dark and blueish, like a mackerel!" "ah! that is because the under part of their wings is only then visible. look, now, at that lot there that have just risen to escape the boneta. they seem exactly like a fall of snowflakes!" "poor things!" said kate. "the boneta seems to be their inveterate enemy, or rather consumer, as he appears to be in good condition on the diet. it's a pity, though, that he's such a glutton; for he's a nice- looking fish, all purple and gold, and he oughtn't to be so cruel!" "oh! he's not the only enemy of the flying-fish, miss meldrum," answered frank; "you should see the albatross after them down near the cape. the bird hunts them as soon as they rise in the air, and the boneta when they're in the water; so, between the two, they have little chance of escape--just like the fight, the other day, between the black-fish on the one side and the thresher and sword-fish on the other." "ah!" exclaimed kate with a shiver, "i couldn't look at that long! the boneta hunt the flying-fish in a fairer way, and they do look so pretty when they jump out of the water! how disappointed the boneta must then feel when they see them take unto themselves wings and fly away?" "they needn't be disappointed long," said frank harness, laughing, "for, they must know that they're bound to catch them up in the long run. but, look at that cloud there, miss meldrum, slowly creeping up the sky. `i guess,' as our american friend says, that we're going to have some rain." "do you think so?" she answered, smiling at frank's rather good imitation of mr lathrope's nasal intonation of voice; "i thought it looked too bright for that." "we'll have it soon; just you see," said frank. "all right, mr positive, i suppose we must bow to your superior nautical skill." "oh, miss meldrum, don't laugh at me, if i am only a poor sailor," said he reproachfully; "you always seem to taunt me with my profession!" "i!" exclaimed kate in surprise. "why, i would not make fun of you, or hurt your feelings, for the world!" frank seized her hand and pressed it, as if he were about to say something in response; but, just at that moment, the rain, without offering the apology of a warning drop or two to give notice of its approach, came down in a perfect deluge, making them rush for shelter beneath the poop awning. this was just after lunch, early in the afternoon; and the rain lasted until the dinner-bell sounded, coming down in regular sheets of water, as if emptied out suddenly from some enormous reservoir above. all sorts of tubs, buckets, kegs, and open casks, including the scuttle butt, were ranged along the spar-deck, below the break of the poop, to catch the welcome shower, tarpaulins being spread over the open hatchways, where exposed, to prevent the flood from going below: while the ends of the after awning were tied up in a sort of huge bag for the rain to drain off into it, so that none of it might be wasted--the canvas being let down, when the receptacle was pretty full, to empty the contents into the water-puncheons--for the pure liquid was a precious godsend, being an agreeable relief to the brackish supply which the ship carried in her tanks. as might have been imagined, master negus and miss florry watched all these operations with the greatest interest, for they would have been only too glad if their respective guardians had allowed them to take a more active part in the watery campaign than that of merely looking on. mr zachariah lathrope, however, was his own master, and he made himself very busy amongst the dripping sailors, who were hopping about on the wet decks as if enjoying their ducking, much amusement being caused when mr mccarthy, for a joke, let the leach of the awning once go by the run, when, the american passenger being off his guard, some hundred gallons of water came down on him, giving the worthy gentleman an impromptu shower-bath. it was grand fun while the rain lasted, all the men folk paddling about in it to their hearts' content and ducking each other when they had the chance; while the ladies observed the sports from the shelter of the poop, seeming to take equally as much pleasure in the skylarking. it was amazing, too, to notice the amount of dirt and rubbish which the downpour washed away into the scuppers. what with the continual swilling and scrubbing and swabbing that the decks underwent every morning, it ought to have been an impossibility for any dust or debris to exist; but, there it was, to prove the contrary--the rain "exposing the weakness of the land," and making a clean sweep of everything that was dirty which lay about in the odd corners fore and aft the ship. the day after the rain, just when all on board--sick of the calm, the listless monotonous roll of the ship, the flapping of the idle sails against the masts, and the sight of the same cloudless sky and endless expanse of tumid sea, with surface unbroken by the tiniest ripple, save when a dolphin leaped out of the water or a fairy nautilus glided by in his frail shell craft--were longing for the advent of the north-east trades, which captain dinks had expected them to "run into" ever since they lost their first favourable wind, there came a visitor to the _nancy bell_, the most dreaded of all the perils of the deep--fire! eight bells had just been struck in the morning watch; and the passengers were just preparing for breakfast--that is, such as were late risers, like mrs major negus and mr lathrope, neither of whom turned out earlier than was necessary. those who knew what was the healthiest plan, like mr meldrum and his daughters, had been up and out more than an hour before, walking up and down the poop and getting up a vigorous appetite for the first meal of the day. the captain had not long come up the companion; and, after looking aloft and to the northward, scanning the horizon around, had stepped up to the binnacle, where he stood contemplating the compass hopelessly, as if he had given up all idea of the wind coming, while the hands of the watch on duty were listlessly idling about the waist of the ship, dead weary of having nothing to do. the cook, apparently, was the only really busy person on board at the time, for he could be seen popping in and out of his galley forwards, handing dishes to llewellyn, the steward, to bring aft for the cuddy table. the darkey seemed bathed in perspiration, and looked as if he found cooking hot work in latitudes under the constellation of the crab, whither the vessel had drifted. all at once, however, a change came over the scene. as the steward was passing the main hatch in his second journey aft to the saloon, he noticed a thin column of smoke ascending from the main hold, where the principal portion of the cargo was stowed. like a fool, although it might have been pleaded for him that he was constitutionally nervous, he let fall the dishes he was carrying on a tray, in his fright at the sight of this evidence of a conflagration below, instead of going quietly up to the captain and telling him what he had seen; and, to make matters worse, he called out at the same time in terrified accents, as loud as he could bawl--"fire! fire! the ship's on fire!" had a thunderbolt burst on board, or had the vessel struck on a rock in the middle of the ocean, the alarm that was instantly spread on board could not have been greater; and where all had been listless inactivity but a moment before, was now all life, motion, and excitement. "a fire! whar?" exclaimed mr zachariah lathrope poking his head out of the companion-way, judiciously concealing the remainder of his lanky person, as he had not yet quite finished his toilet. "snakes and alligators, cap'en, but i'm terrible skeart at fires! i hope it ain't up to much chucks?" "oh, no!" said captain dinks, reassuringly, expressing what he wished more than what he felt. he had remained aft in order to somewhat allay the alarm which the outcry of the steward had excited; but he was itching to get to the scene of action himself, although he had sent mr mccarthy there already, besides ordering the crew to their respective stations, and having the hose-pump manned.--"oh, no, nothing at all, only one of that ass, llewellyn's, happy discoveries, another sort of ghost in the cabin! here, harness," he added aside to frank, who had just come up from below, dropping his voice to a whisper. "just stop on the poop a minute, and keep these people quiet. i must go down to the hold myself to look after matters; don't say anything more than you can help." so saying, the captain scuttled down the poop ladder on to the spar-deck in a jiffey, and in another second he was descending the main hatch, whence the smoke could be now clearly seen, coming up in clouds. mrs major negus's voice was also heard at this juncture. the good lady had ascended the companion behind the american, who still remained at the spot where he had first made his appearance, and was just then adjusting his braces; and almost at the same instant that her dulcet accents reached the ears of those on deck she burst upon them, as it were by storm, carrying mr lathrope along with her, still _en deshabille_, it is true, as regarded his coat and waistcoat, but fortunately now with his trousers, or as he called them "pants," properly arranged. "goodness gracious, man!" she exclaimed frantically--"do get out of the way. lord a mercy! where's the fire? oh dear, oh my! we shall all be burnt alive? maurice, my darling boy! come to your mother's arms and let us die together. maurice! where's my boy?" "you'd better stop that screechin' and say your prayers, marm," said mr zachariah lathrope, sententiously. "the b'y is all right below, sleepin' in the corner of the sofy, and i'd advise you to go and rouse him up, instead of rushing up har like a mad bull in fly time, a knocking folks down and hollerin'." mrs major negus took his advice; for, without withering up the american with her scorn, as she would probably have done another time, she at once rushed back below to the cuddy as quickly as she had come up, to wake up maurice; while kate meldrum, seizing the opportunity which the diversion afforded, sidled up to frank harness unperceived. "is there any danger really?" she asked the young sailor in a low tone, so that no one else could hear; and her face was pale, but composed and resolute, as she looked into his. "could you bear to be told the truth?" said he hesitatingly. "i could," she replied; and he saw that she meant it. "well, there certainly is danger, although it is best not to alarm everybody, for when people get frightened they interfere and hinder what is being done to save them. i wouldn't like to tell the crew, miss meldrum, what i tell you; but i know you are brave, and see that you can bear to be told the truth. a lot of woollen goods are on fire in the main hold, and must, from the extent of the area already consumed, have been smouldering for days. we are doing all that men can do to quench it, and we may succeed, as there is no wind and nothing to fan the flames; but the only thing that hinders us is our being unable to get to the seat of the mischief, which is in the very centre of the cargo. however, the men are now breaking in the deck above, and as soon as we are able to get the end of the hose down and pass buckets, all may be well. keep a good heart, miss meldrum, there's no absolute danger yet; when there is i will tell you. so, please, prevent that `mrs major' from going into hysterics!" "i will, for i trust you," said kate with a somewhat sad smile on her pale face. "here, florry, come below away from the smoke and sparks; mr harness says the fire will soon be out and that there is no danger, and i don't want you to spoil your new frock!" so courageously speaking, the brave girl then went below with her sister; and by her presence and example assuaged "the major's" fears, thus preventing that lady from going back on deck and spreading consternation amongst the crew by her cries, as would otherwise have been the case. mr zachariah lathrope, too, came down to the cuddy, attracted by the smell of breakfast, which the captain had directed the steward to go on getting as if nothing had happened--thus to punish the poltroon in a sort of way for his cowardly alarm; hence, the coast was left clear for the officers and men to put out the fire without being flurried by the fears and importunities of the passengers. meanwhile, captain dinks with mr meldrum, who was the first to volunteer--their efforts well supported by the exertions of mccarthy and the second mate and frank harness--were working like britons in the _nancy bell's_ hold. the fire had broken out, as frank had stated, almost in the centre of the ship; for two bulkheads had to be battered down and the main deck cut through, before the source of it could be reached. however, by dint of arduously plying the axe and crowbar, an opening was at length made whence the fire could be got at. flames immediately burst forth the moment air was admitted into the hold, but these were pressed down with wet blankets, and, the fire-hose being carried down and the pumps manned by the watch on deck, a copious stream of water was directed throughout that portion of the ship where all the light woollen and textile goods were stowed. the hose, too, was supplemented by a continuous relay of buckets full of water passed rapidly along the lower deck and down the hatchway by the starboard watch--whose turn it was below, but whom the alarm of fire had caused to rouse out again to duty--so that in half an hour from the discovery of the outbreak all danger was over and the last spark quenched. "thank god!" said kate meldrum, with heart-felt earnestness, her lovely eyes full of tears as she looked up into frank's face when he came to tell her the news. "i thought all hope was gone, you were so long in coming!" "but were you not certain i would come?" asked frank anxiously. "yes, i had confidence in your promise." "thank you," was all he replied; but his look spoke volumes. at the same time another mutual "confidence game" was being played in a different part of the ship; but in this the understanding was between mr meldrum and ben boltrope, the ship's carpenter and ex-man-o'-war's- man. "aye, aye, sir," said the latter when the two were parting on the main deck after the termination of their labours in the lower hold. "i recognised your honour the moment you came on deck that morning of the storm in the bay of biscay. i couldn't mistake the cut of your honour's jib, sir, begging your pardon." "well, i'm sure i did not recognise you, or you may be sure i would have spoken to you. still, you need not blurt out my identity to everybody, you know." "sartinly not, your honour. i'll keep mum, sir, never you fear, though i don't forget the old--" "stop," said mr meldrum, changing the subject. "i've no doubt all hands are pretty dry after all the heat we've been in down below, so, with the captain's permission, i'll send something forward for them to splice the main brace with." "aye, aye, your honour," replied ben; "a nod's as good as a wink to a blind horse." and the two parted, the one going forward to the forecastle and the other aft into the saloon. chapter eight. an ocean waif. "wa-al, cap," said mr lathrope after dinner that day, when he was sipping his coffee on top of the skylight, which he had selected for his favourite seat when on the poop, the "location," as he expressed it, having the advantage of possessing plenty of "stowage room" for his long legs--"i guess we've had a long spell o' calms, and a tarnation slitheration of a del-uge, 'sides being now a'most chawed up by a fire; so i kalkerlate its 'bout time we hed sunthen' of a breeze. thunder, mister, it's kinder gettin' played out, i reckon, knocking about in these air latitoods, without nary going ahead even once in a blue moon!" "oh, the wind isn't far off now," replied captain dinks, "you see those porpoises there, passing us now and playing astern? well, they are a certain sign of a breeze soon coming from the quarter towards which they're swimming." "wa-al, i dew hope so," drawled the american, with a sigh and a yawn of weariness, "guess i shall snooze till it comes;" and he proceeded to carry his thought into execution. captain dinks turned out a true prophet. a little later on in the day a breeze sprang up, that subsequently developed into the long-wished-for south-east trade-wind, thus enabling the good ship to bid adieu to the doldrums and cross the equator, which feat she accomplished two days after the fire. from the line--which master negus was able to see distinctly with the aid of one of mr mccarthy's fine red hairs neatly adjusted across the object-glass of his telescope--the ship had a splendid run over to the south american coast, following the usual western course adopted by vessels going round the cape of good hope, in order to have the advantage afterwards of the westerly winds and get well to the south; and, when she had reached the thirty-fourth parallel of longitude and latitude degrees minutes south--that is, about midway between bahia and rio janeiro, her head was turned to the south-east with light winds from the northward and eastward, and she began to make way towards the "cape of storms," after getting to the southward of which she would have a straight run due east to new zealand. the _nancy bell's_ bows, however, were not long pointed in the direction of the rising sun, when another incident occurred to vary the monotony of the voyage--although, fortunately, this time not a second fire, nor any peril from the sea to those on board. it was the second day of her south-easterly course; and from the wind blowing fresh from the north-east, right on her port quarter, with fine bright weather, the ship was running pretty free, all sail being set, at the rate of over twelve knots an hour, leaving a wake behind her like a mill-race. "arrah, sure, and i call, that goin'!" exclaimed the first mate exultantly, as he walked up and down the poop quickly--just as if his doing so helped the vessel along, in the same way as one sees the coxswain of a boat bending backwards and forwards to keep time with the rowers! "yes, like one o'clock!" chimed in captain dinks, showing an equal enthusiasm. "the old girl is walking away with us at a fine rate, mccarthy. i wouldn't be surprised if we logged three hundred by noon." "and fifty more tacked on it, sorr," said the mate. "why, we've done twelve knots ivry hour of my watch; and adams tould me she wor running the same at eight bells. by the piper that played before moses, it's a beauty she is--she'd bate aisy the fastest tay clipper from shanghai!" "aye, that she would!" chorused the captain. "what do you think of the ship now, miss kate?" he added to that young lady, who was leaning against the bulwarks to leeward, looking out over the sea. she was all alone with her thoughts, frank harness being away forwards attending to the cutting out of a new main-topgallant sail to replace the one they had lost in the storm, the one they were now using being old and unable to stand any further rough usage.--"you are not ashamed of the old _nancy_, now, eh?" "oh no, captain dinks," answered kate, "i never was, even in her worst moments when we were becalmed; and i'm sure i couldn't be now, when she is sailing along so beautifully; but, what is that speck out there, captain, away to the right--is it a bird, or what?" "eh, my dear?" said the skipper, looking in the direction the girl had pointed--"a bird? no, by jove, it looks like a sail of a boat well down on the horizon. here, mccarthy, hand me your glass." captain dinks seemed even more excited than he had been a moment before when he spoke of the vessel's progress; for, taking the telescope that the mate handed him, he scrutinised eagerly the object kate had noticed. "good heavens, it is a boat!" he exclaimed presently, "and i think i can see a man in the stern-sheets, though i'm not quite sure: at all events, i'll run down and overhaul it, for it would never do to abandon a poor fellow in distress; no english sailor would think of such a thing! this is all your doing, miss kate, you and your pretty eyes, which have the best sight of any on board. we'll have to put the ship about, mccarthy," he added to the mate; "we can't fetch that boat on this tack." "hands 'bout ship!" roared the mate, in response to the captain's implied wish; and, immediately, there was much running to and fro on the decks, and a yelling out of orders and hoarse "aye ayes" in reply--a striking difference to the quiet that had reigned a moment or two before, when the ship was slipping along through the water with the wind on her quarter, never a sail having to be shifted or a rope pulled, and only the man at the wheel for the time being having anything to do out of the thirty odd hands on board. "helm's a lee!" cried the captain, and the head-sheets were let go; "raise tacks and sheets!" and the fore-tacks and main sheets were cast off; while the weather crossjack braces and the lee main braces were belayed, ready to be let go at a moment's notice, and the opposite braces hauled taut. "mainsail haul!" then sang out the captain when these preparations were completed; when the braces being let go, the yards swung round like a top. the after yards were subsequently braced up and belayed, the main sheet hauled aft, the spanker eased over to leeward, and the watch stood by the head braces. "let go and haul!" was the next word of command; upon which the weather fore-braces were let go and those to leeward hauled in by the men forward under the personal supervision of mr mccarthy, after which the men boarded the fore-tack and hauled down the jib-sheet, clapping a tackle on it as it blew fresh; and the _nancy bell_, braced round on the starboard tack and with the wind a little more aft than when she was running eastwards just now, stood towards the boat that kate had been the first to perceive, drifting a bout upon the wild ocean so far away from land. at this juncture, frank harness sprang up into the fore cross-trees to con the ship, by captain dink's directions; and presently his orders to the steersman could be heard ringing out clear and distinct above the creaking of the cordage and the wash of the sea alongside--those on the poop, listening to all they could hear with intense eagerness, and waiting for the moment when they could see for themselves the object of the ship's quest. "keep her up a bit--steady!" "aye, aye, sir; steady it is!" "port!" "port it is!" "steady!" "steady it is!" "luff!" "aye, aye, sir!" "keep her so!" "there is a man in her, sir!" frank now called out in a different tone of voice; "i can see him distinctly! he is trying to wave a handkerchief or something. he looks almost dead, poor fellow!" the excitement on board at hearing this piece of news became all the more intensified. "are we nearing him?" shouted out captain dinks. "oh yes, sir; the boat bears now broad on the weather beam. keep her steady as she is, and we can round-to close alongside. look out, we're getting pretty close now!" "look out forward there!" cried the captain: but several hands were there already with the first mate at their head, a coil of rope in his hand, on the watch to heave it over the boat as soon as she was approached near enough. "time to come about, sir," hailed frank from the cross-trees; and, "hands 'bout ship!" roared out captain dinks, almost in the same breath. during the bustle that ensued, those on the poop could not see what was going on forward; but when the _nancy bell_ paid off again from the wind on the port tack--thus resuming again what had been her previous course before the boat had been sighted--it was found that the object for which they had gone out of their way was safely alongside. it was a shocking sight! four dead bodies were stretched, in every conceivable attitude of agony, across the thwarts and in the bottom of the boat, which from its shape had evidently belonged to some whaling vessel; while, sitting up in the stern-sheets, close to the helm, which his feeble hands were powerless to grasp, was the living skeleton of another sailor, whose eyes seemed starting out from their deep sockets and whose lips appeared feebly endeavouring to shape the syllables of "wa-ter!" in a second, mr mccarthy had leaped down into the floating coffin as it towed alongside; and, lifting the body of the solitary survivor from amidst the corpses of his dead comrades, handed the light load--for the poor, starved creature did not weigh more than a child of ten, although a man of over six feet in height--up to hands that as carefully received him; and then, leaping back again on board himself, the whale-boat was scuttled by a plank being knocked out of her bottom and cut adrift, to sink with her mortal freight into the common grave of those who die on the deep, the stench from the remains being horrible and permeating the whole ship while the boat was in contact with her. the rescued sailor was placed in a cot and given at first a small quantity of thin soup which snowball was busily concocting for the cabin dinner, and after that, nourishment at intervals. by these restorative measures, in a day or two, he recovered sufficiently to be able to tell who he was and how he came to be in such a sad plight. he was a norwegian sailor, he said, and belonged to an american whaler which had been on her voyage home after a three years' whaling cruise in the south pacific. on rounding cape horn, they had encountered a fearful storm which had nearly dismasted the ship and washed the master and five hands overboard. he and four others had launched the only boat they had left over the side, trying to pick up their shipmates; but, the sea was too heavy for them, and when they endeavoured to return, they found they could not fetch their vessel again, which perhaps was just as well, for soon afterwards they saw her go down stern foremost. after that, they ran before the wind for several days and nights--how long he could not tell--until his four comrades had died from exhaustion, and he himself, he believed, was just on the point of giving up his life when providence sent the _nancy bell_ to succour him. "ach der goot gott!" said the man in his half german, half english way, speaking brokenly and with tears in his eyes. "der lieber gott! i shall nevare vergersen sie nevare!" they had had, he said, a breaker of water in the boat when they quitted the whaler, but this was soon drunk out, and although they had occasionally something to eat, catching several fish, they suffered terribly from thirst. it was that which had killed his comrades mainly. as for him, he bore it better than them, but it must have been eight days since a drop of liquid had passed his lips. "golly, dat am bad," said snowball in the galley that evening, when some of the hands gathered round the caboose to have a comfortable pipe and talk over the events of the day. "dat orful bad, eight day widout grub or liquor! dis niggah not able 'tomach dat for sure!" "lor', snowball, that's nothing when you are used to it," said ben boltrope, the man-o'-war's-man, who was pretty well king of the forecastle by reason of his service in the navy and general smartness as a seaman. "what is eight days in a boat without grub, when you've got to go ten, as i've done, besides wandering about on a sandy shore after swimming for a day and night to save my life? why, that's nothing!" "goramighty, massa boltrope, you no swim ten day widout habin' notin' to eat, nor no water, hey?" said snowball in astonishment. "no, you blessed donkey, i didn't say that," replied the worthy jack tar. "i said as how i had gone without grub or water for ten days after swimming for more than twelve hours." "dat berry rum for sure," said the darkey--"don't know how to belieb dat, no how!" chapter nine. the cape of storms. the steady nor'-east wind that was driving the good ship so gallantly on her way when captain dinks put her about in order to rescue the norwegian sailor, continued for days, accompanied by such magnificent weather, that the _nancy bell_ was enabled to make very rapid progress down to those lower parallels it was necessary for her to reach before she could stretch forward, in a straight line eastward towards her port of destination. "i guess, cap," said mr zachariah lathrope, noticing the quick change of temperature in the air, day by day, as they left the tropics behind-- the mornings and evenings becoming gradually colder--"she air making as straight tracks fur the south as them northern carpet-baggers did after our little onpleasantness, what you folks called the civil war in the states; when they used to rush down from washington arter postmasterships and other sich like offices, which wer to be hed, they kinder thought, fur the asking! she air goin' slick, and that's a fact!" "yes," replied the worthy captain, whose face beamed with good humour and satisfaction at the splendid run the vessel was making; "we are going ahead, working down our southing, and will soon be able to steer for new zealand. she does walk along, and no mistake!" and then he would look aloft, perhaps, and give an order for a brace to be tautened here, or a sheet slackened there--the hours thus flying by in halcyon moments, as far as the wind and sea, and the course of the ship, and all on board were concerned--collectively and individually. the nights in these southern latitudes were simply beautiful beyond compare. the moon had no sooner died out than she revived again, as if gifted with perpetual youth--not an evening passing without her presence, sooner or later, on the scene--and appeared, too, to have more dignity of position and greater size than in the frigid north, ascending right up to the very zenith, instead of merely skirting the heavens, as she sometimes does here, and shining down from thence like a midnight sun in radiant splendour. the scorpion, also, amongst the various constellations, was similarly promoted, occupying a place nearer the centre of the firmament; while the southern cross, quite a new acquaintance, followed by castor and pollux, began to descend towards the sea, becoming more diagonal as the days drew on than when originally observed, and finally vanishing from view head foremost. as for the north star, it had long since entirely disappeared; and only the horses in charles' wain yet remained above the horizon towards that point of the compass. to kate meldrum's eyes, the sunsets were especially grand; for, as soon as the time came for the glorious orb of day to sink to rest in the golden west, a series of light amber-tinted clouds would arrange themselves all round the horizon, as if with a studied pictorial effect, like the stage grouping in what theatrical people term "a set piece;" and then, by degrees, these clouds would become tinged with the loveliest kaleidoscopic colours, all vividly bright--while the far-off heaven that lay between them was of the purest palest rose-hued gold, and the sky immediately above of a faint, ethereal, blueish, transparent green. in the daytime, especially as the ship drew nearer to the meridian of the cape, there was more life in, on, and about the ocean; and on passing the island of tristan da cunha, which the _nancy bell_ sailed by some three hundred miles to the northward, master maurice negus was greeted with the sight of a sperm-whale. this fellow was much smaller than the black-fish which had come to such an untimely end when assailed by the thresher, being scarcely longer than thirty-two feet. maurice was especially credited with the cetacean's discovery, because, when he noticed the spout of spray the animal threw up from his blow-holes in the distance, he surprised everybody by calling out that he could see one of the crystal palace fountains--getting much laughed at, as might have been expected, for the naive announcement. as those on board watched, they could see the whale every now and then heave himself out of the water, half the length of his long dark body, and fall "flop" down again, with a concussion that sent up the water around him in white surf, like breakers. after this little diversion, he amused himself with swimming backwards and forwards past the ship, as if just showing what he could do, at a great rate; exposing only a thin streak of his back and the fin and tail, but making the sea boil up as if a plough were going through it, and leaving a wake behind him like that of a paddle-wheel steamer--finally starting off suddenly due north, as if he had all at once recollected an appointment in that direction, when he soon disappeared from sight. the flying-fish and dolphins, bonetas and sharks, like the "portuguese men-of-war," were long since all left behind; but their places were taken by the albatross, the cape pigeon, the shearwater, and a sea-bird called the "parson," dozens of which flew about the ship every day. the shearwater was a larger species of tern, or sea-swallow; the "parson," so called for his sombre appearance and sedate manner, was a kind of sable gull about the size of an english crow. his colour, however, was not black, but a dusky brownish black, as if the reverend gentleman's coat had got rusty from wear. these birds had a very odd, "undertakerish" air about them, which amused maurice and florry very much, and some having venerable white heads, which appeared as if powdered with flour, like a footman's for a party, were so much more eccentric looking, that even the grave mrs major negus could not help smiling at their appearance and queer ways. "do look, papa!" exclaimed kate--who during the voyage would at one time be in the highest spirits, and the next pensive, as if occupied by a world of thought--"i declare if that one isn't the very image of mr trotter, our curate at allington! he has the same little tuft of hair on top on his head; and, besides, he has the identical same way of popping it on one side when he used to speak, and staring at you with his little round eyes. is he not like mr trotter, father?" and she pointed out one especially jaunty little "parson" to his notice. "well, there is a little resemblance, certainly," said mr meldrum, joining in florry's laughter at the remark. "i don't suppose, though, my dear, we'll ever see poor mr trotter or allington again." "dear old allington!" murmured kate with a sigh; and, in a moment, her memory flew back to the past, with all its sad associations. the cape pigeons were the prettiest of all the birds that visited the ship, being very like the common wood pigeon in the shape of their head and bill, but having webbed feet to suit their aquatic habits. they were much plumper, too, than either the shearwaters or parsons--which latter, by the way, unlike the fat cleric of popular opinion, were of very slender and delicate proportions. in the matter of plumage, the cape pigeons were white and downy, with the head and wings striped with brown like butterflies, a large species of which they strongly resembled when flying away from the ship, with their pinions spread. but, of all the birds they saw, the albatross was the most wonderful to observe. not much larger than a goose in the size of its body, it had enormous thin-edged wings, that enabled it to float about in the air, at will apparently, without any perceptible motion, for hours at a stretch. it seemed to direct its course by the slightest possible turning of its body, so as to alter the inclination of its wings, which, extending out straight and firm, bore the bird up or down, or away many miles off in a second of time, in the most surprising manner. the albatross floats, or skims along the air, but does not fly according to our ideas, although it has an extraordinary power of launching itself from enormous heights down to the level of the sea with the velocity of lightning. "just like a white-winged messenger of light," as kate meldrum observed in the hearing of captain dinks, "sent out from the angelic host above on some divine mission to suffering humanity below!" "ah; that sounds very pretty, missy," said the captain; "but the albatross' mission happens to be fish; and i fancy that spoils the sentiment a bit!" eighteen days after passing the line, some seven weeks from her start, the _nancy bell_ crossed the meridian of greenwich, or longitude zero-- at which precise time her position could not be said to be either east or west--in latitude degrees south, a couple of degrees below the cape; and the wind, which had kept steadily from the north-east and northward ever since the south american coast had been left astern, now got well round to the south-west, enabling every stitch of canvas to draw, from the spanker to the flying jib. seeing this captain dinks caused the upper yards to be squared a bit and the main and fore top- gallant studding-sails set, thus helping the vessel on her way. this sort of weather lasted for five days, the ship being steered east by south, meeting the sun and losing an hour a day by the chronometer and going twelve knots each hour out of the twenty-four; when on reaching the longitude of the cape "a change came o'er the spirit" of the _nancy bell's_ "dream." the wind shifted suddenly from the south-west to the north-east; and the heavy rolling sea, peculiar to the southern ocean, set in, accompanied by showers of rain, and hail, and snow. soon, sail had to be reduced, and the ship, with all her gay canvas stripped off her, had as much as she could do to stagger along under reefed topsails and foresail, the mizzen staysail being set to give her more power aft, her steering becoming very wild after a bit although two men were at the helm. from merely looking squally, the clouds gathering on the horizon grew thicker and thicker, till they got as black as ink. the sea, also, darkened to a dark leaden hue, and the swell increased so rapidly in height that when the vessel sank down into the intermediate valley not a glimpse could be obtained of anything beyond the watery mountains on either side. "i guess we're going to have it pretty rough, cap, eh," said the american to captain dinks; "it looks all-powerful squally, it dew!" "you're right," said the captain. "we're now in the vicinity of the cape of storms, and we've got to look out." so saying, captain dinks showed his determination of "looking out," by having all the lighter spars of the ship sent down from aloft, besides causing everything to be made secure on deck and below for the expected storm. not long after the _nancy bell_ was made snug the tempest burst upon her. the high, smooth rolling waves were torn and wrenched asunder, as it were; and their summits wreathed into masses of foam, which curled over as they advanced against the wind, and, breaking away in fragments, blew off in masses of snowy whiteness to leeward. the ship was meeting this swell nearly head on; and as the rollers caught her fairly on the bows she struck them with a sound as heavy as that with which the weight falls in a pile-driving machine, taking in some of the sea over the forecastle and carrying it aft as far as the break of the poop--washing about everything in its course until the water finally found vent from the deck through the scuppers. one of these waves--a regular mountain of a sea, the water all green, and standing up like a huge pellucid wall before it toppled over--coming in over the bows, made a clean sweep of all that was movable lying forward of the mainmast, carrying over the side all the hen-coops, sheep-pen, water casks, as well as spare spars that had been stowed along the deck, nothing being left to show that they had ever been there! even snowball's galley was upset and rolled about in the waist to leeward, the sea having not been quite strong enough to carry it overboard, while its unhappy occupant, half drowned in the scuppers and not able to extricate himself from his perilous position, was loudly calling for aid. ben boltrope--who had been having a confab with the darkey, and probably a "drop of something hot," his special failing, in the galley when the sea washed over the ship and fetched it away--was promptly at hand to help his sable friend; when the galley was reinstated in its proper place, and so tightly lashed down to the ring-bolts that a sea would have had to carry away the deck itself to have lifted it again. but, sad to relate, the sheep and the poultry had disappeared for ever from human ken, along with their pens and coops, and the saloon passengers would thenceforth have to fare without any such delicacies as roast mutton and boiled fowl--a terrible piece of news for mr lathrope when it was brought to his ears! as the evening closed in and night came on, the force of the wind and sea both seemed to increase, and it appeared incredible that a fabric formed by human hands should have been capable of sustaining the rude shocks and ponderous blows which the ship received again and again as she battled with the waves; but the captain had in the end to let the vessel fall off her course and scud before the gale, going whither the elements listed. "oh, father," said kate to mr meldrum, the two remaining on deck long after the others had gone below, "what confidence sailors must have in the qualities of their ship, not to be overcome with dread at such a scene, especially if they direct a thought to the frail timbers that only separate them from the watery abyss!" "aye, my child," replied he; "but, what greater confidence in god's protecting power!" "true, father," said kate, and after that she remained silent until mr meldrum declared it was time to go below. they did not retire, however, until it was as dark as pitch, when nothing could be seen beyond the wall of water on either side of the taffrail--the tumid mass looking like a black avalanche about to overwhelm them, while the roaring of the wind and rattling of blocks and creaking of cordage, in conjunction with the groaning of the ship's timbers, and crashing sounds of the waves as they broke against the quarter, as if trying to beat the vessel's sides in, made such a discord and concert altogether that it drowned conversation, even had either been inclined to talk in the presence of such a display of the mighty power of him who rules the waves. down in the cuddy, the scene was certainly more cheerful; and, what with the bright light of the swinging lamps, and the well-spread table comfortably arranged for tea, with the cups and saucers placed between "fiddles" to prevent them from slipping adrift when the vessel pitched or rolled, it afforded a strong contrast to the barren bareness and gloomy discomfort of the deck, especially on such a cold night, with suspicions of hail, and sleet, and snow at intervals. but, still, here also everything was not quite so rose-coloured as might have at first appeared; for stormy weather at sea discounts what might be called the market value of the comforts and conveniences of everyday life to a most surprising extent! the cups and saucers were all right, or so they seemed at first sight in their abnormal position; but, the moment those who sat down at the table began to use them, they took to flying about like shuttles in a carpet- loom. bread-baskets and cake-dishes discharged their contents like catapults against the panelling of the cabin doors, while jugs of condensed milk--which was used not from any special liking for the article, but through default of there being a cow on board--were emptied most impartially on to the shirt-fronts and dresses of the gentlemen and ladies who unfortunately sat opposite to them. "durn my boots!" ejaculated the american once; "but if them air sheep hadn't gone overboard to feed the fishes, i guess we'd hev hed capers enuff goin' on down har to sarve for sass to the biled mutton!" all put up, however, with these petty annoyances gleefully enough, only too glad to be able to joke and make capital out of them and pleased that their present calamities were not too serious for laughter; and when they separated at bedtime, it was with the cheerful wish that the weather might be a trifle brighter on the morrow. no one seemed to think for a moment of danger, or took heed of the bustle on deck, or of the quivering and shaking of everything in the saloon, which seemed suffering from what mr lathrope styled a "seaquake"--in contradistinction to earthquake. but, hardly had six bells been struck in the first watch when the order "out lights" was given and the welcome gleam of the cuddy lamp disappeared summarily, plunging all in darkness--than a sudden stupendous shock assailed the ship startling the sleepers. there came first a stunning blow, apparently from a wave, right amidships; and then, the vessel seemed to go down to the very water's edge on one side, heeling over as rapidly immediately afterwards to the other. away went everything that was movable below, flung backwards and then forwards right across the ship--the thumping noise made by the heavy boxes falling in the cabins and state-rooms, combined with the crashing and smashing of glass and crockeryware in the cuddy, where the table and settle-seats had been carried away by the run, and the outcry of the sailors yelling and stamping above, not to speak of the grinding and groaning of the bulkheads and shuddering of the ship's timbers between decks, all making up a babel of sound and confusion that was worse by a thousand fold than what had previously occurred during the first storm which the vessel, experienced in the bay of biscay. naturally, the majority of those below thought that all was over, and piercing cries of terror and appeal for help resounded through the ship. chapter ten. caught in a cyclone. a storm at sea is bad enough in the daytime, but at night it is terrible; for then, the peril unseen is so magnified by the terror- stricken mind as to become far more appalling than a much greater danger seen face to face and realised:-- the latter can be grappled with, but the former, by its very intangibility and "unreachableness," daunts the bravest heart and paralyses the strongest arm! llewellyn, the steward, managed to procure a light, which he did only after much delay--the racket and uproar having apparently sent his little wits wool-gathering--the cuddy looked the very picture of desolation, almost leading to the belief that the sea had made a clean breach through the sides of the ship in one of its rude onslaughts dashing everything to pieces. fortunately, however, this was not the case, although the saloon skylight had been carried away, gratings and all, and a considerable amount of water had come down through the opening, which loomed now above the semi-lighted space like a large hole broken in the deck; but, by reason of the carrying away of the table and seats from their lashings and ring-bolt fastenings and now being washed in a jumbled heap to one side of the cuddy, the cabins to leeward were so completely barricaded that their occupants were prevented from issuing forth. it was from this quarter that the cries for help proceeded--the voice of mrs major negus, it need hardly be mentioned, predominating, although the american passenger, who had a berth alongside that distinguished lady, also sang out pretty loudly. "hullo, steward!" called out mr meldrum on seeing the light, having already opened the door of his state-room, which had a sliding panel and was undamaged as far as he could notice. "why, what's the matter!" "only shipped a sea, sir," answered llewellyn rather gruffly, for he was annoyed at being roused from his sleep, "though from the row they're a- making one would think we were all going to the bottom!" "much mischief done, eh?" asked mr meldrum, taking in at a glance the havoc in the cuddy--"i mean on deck," he added. "can't say, sir," replied the other; "ain't had time to look about here yet, much less to go up and see! it's a bad berth that o' steward to a lot of bawling females on a passenger ship; i'd liefer--" but, his grumblings were stopped for the moment by the renewed loud screams of mrs major negus--who was his pet aversion on board on account of her giving him more trouble than all the rest combined, while master maurice really was the plague of his life. "steward--stew-ard!" she cried, "come here at once and get me out! i'm all smothered and drowned, and nobody will help me! stew-ard! i'm dying--i'll tell the captain with my last breath. stew-ard!" "sure i'm coming, mum, as fast as i can," sang out llewellyn aloud, adding _sotto voce_ for his own satisfaction, "hang that major madam! i'd never have shipped in the _nancy bell_ if i had a-knowed she was coming aboard! bless you, mum, i'm coming--everything is all right and there isn't no cause for alarm!" "isn't there?" indignantly demanded the lady in a queer sort of half suffocated voice from behind the barred door of her cabin. "if you were jumbled in a pool of water, with all your luggage on top of you, i don't think you'd think everything right. help, man! release me at once, or i'll be drowned and flattened into a pancake!" "say, you mister steward, you jest hurry up and git the lady out of her muss, and come and fix me up," chimed in the voice of mr zachariah lathrope. "i guess i've had my innards a'most squoze out agin the durned bunk, an' feel like a dough-nut in a frying-pan. if you leave me much longer i kalkerlate this old boss'll be cold meat, you bet, and you'll have the funeral to pay!" mr meldrum coming to llewellyn's aid, the steward managed at length to clear away the wreckage from before the door of mrs major negus' cabin, and then from that of the american, when both the occupants were found more seriously hurt than either of their rescuers had imagined, they thinking that their outcries had proceeded more from alarm than any real injury. the wife of the deputy-assistant comptroller-general of waikatoo was lying, all purple in the face, with a heavy portmanteau on the top of her, on the deck of her cabin in nearly a foot of water; and by the time they got her up from her perilous position she fainted dead away in the steward's arms. "here, mary!" called out llewellyn to his wife, the stewardess, who quickly appeared on the scene half-dressed. "attend to this lady, while we go and see after mister lathrope." the american was in a much worse plight; for, whereas mrs major negus had only swallowed a lot of sea-water and had been only nearly frightened to death, mr lathrope's sallow face was so unearthly pale that mr meldrum was certain he had received some severe injury; as he was tightly jammed between his bunk and the washing-stand, while a heavy packing-case had tumbled out of the top berth on to one of his shoulders, preventing him from moving. "i guess, mister, you jest come in time," said the poor fellow with a sickly smile, as they pulled away the case and wash-stand, and helped him into a sitting position on the bunk, "another minnit and it would have been all up with z lathrope, esquire!" and he gasped for breath, putting his hand to his left side, as if feeling pain there. "oh, papa, are you there?" said kate, coming out, in a charming state of dishabille, from the state-room she shared with her sister on the opposite side of the saloon, alongside to that of mr meldrum. "is anybody hurt?" "yes, my dear," answered her father, "you'd better bring some sal volatile or something. mrs negus has fainted; and i'm afraid poor mr lathrope is in a bad way." the plucky girl did not delay, or exhibit any of that feminine weakness or nervousness which might have been expected under the circumstances. retiring for a moment, to throw a shawl round herself and get what was required in the emergency, she quickly reappeared again at the door of the state-room,--which she closed behind her to prevent miss florry, inquisitive as usual, from coming forth; and then proceeded to cross the floor of the cuddy as well as she was able--a somewhat difficult task considering the rolling and pitching of the vessel, and the fact that the table and seats, which generally formed points of vantage for holding on, had been swept away, so that there was nothing for her to cling to. half running, half sliding, she, however, reached the opposite side and was quickly engaged in the samaritan task of bathing mr lathrope's temples with eau de cologne. "don't you bother, miss," said the american faintly, "i guess i ain't so much hurt arter all!" but he couldn't help groaning as he spoke, whereupon mr meldrum laid him down gently and sent the steward for some brandy, which revived him somewhat. "i got a pretty considerable gouge in the ribs from that air wash- stand," said he, pointing out the objectionable piece of furniture as he uttered the words; "but i guess i'll be all right presently. how's madam negus!" "oh, she was more frightened than hurt," said mr meldrum laughing; "she was in a nice pickle on the floor of her cabin. you should just have seen her. i really don't think she could ever be dignified to me any more!" "for shame, papa, to laugh at misfortune!" said kate; "and now, as mr lathrope seems better, i'll go and look after his fellow-sufferer." so saying, the girl clambered along by the side of the saloon to where mrs major negus was ensconced in state, in the adjoining cabin--now revived from her fainting fit and with mary llewellyn ministering to her wants, although "the major" could not help scolding the latter at intervals, as if she were the cause of the disaster. in the midst of all this, down came mr mccarthy, the first mate, from the poop. "be jabers and it's a foine time you are having of it, any way!" said he by way of greeting, looking round with a quizzical cock of his eye at the dismantled cuddy. "i only thought you'd have had a drop of wather or two whin the skoilight got adrift, and we've rigged up tarpaulins over it and battened it down comfortably, so that ye'll not be throubled any more by the say washing down. but, how did the table git carried away! it was fixed down so strong it's a puzzle to me entirely!" "goodness only knows," said mr meldrum; "there came a tremendous crash amidships soon after midnight, and away it went!" "ah that was whin that gossoon adams had howlt of the helm. the omahdawn, he was looking up at the spars and tellin' the cap'en about taking the topsails off her, as she was carrying too much sail, instead of mindin' his own business and lookin' to the steering; and, faix, he let the ship broach to, bad cess to him!" "and how are you getting on now, on deck?" asked mr meldrum. "will, sorr," said the mate, speaking more earnestly than was his usual wont, and dropping his voice so that no one else could hear him. "to spake the truth and shame the divil--faix it's no lie i'm telling--we're right in the centre of a cyclone, and the lord only knows if we'll iver git out of it!" "i thought so," murmured mr meldrum; "my poor children!" "sure and be a man now!" whispered the mate as kate came out of mrs major negus' cabin. "i wouldn't have tould you if i had thought contrariwise!" "i was not thinking of myself," said mr meldrum sternly; "what sail are you carrying?" "sail!" exclaimed mr mccarthy; "faix and its joking ye are! ivery stitch of canvas, sure, was blown to smithereens when the ship broached to, and the foretop-mast was thin took out of her, too, by the same token! the divil a hap'orth are we carrying, save a piece of tarpaulin lashed in the weather rigging to kape her hid to the say, and that's all we can do till daylight comes, if we iver say it, please god, for it's as dark now as a blue dog in a black entry, and you couldn't say your hand before your face to set any sail, if ever a man could git up the rigging--but whist now about that! steward," he added in a louder key, "come, look alive here and git the cuddy to rights in shipshape fashion! by the powers, but the skipper'd be in a foine rage if he saw it all mops and brooms like this! bear a hand, man, and be smart, and i'll send the carpenter to help you as soon as the watch is relayed." with these words he bustled on deck again, after changing his oilskin, which was all knocked to pieces, for a rough pea-jacket, and saying to mr meldrum that he thought the latter would be more handy, for it was blowing enough to take one's hair off! "papa," said kate as soon as the mate had ascended the companion, "what was that mr mccarthy was saying when he spoke so low to you?" "eh, my dear?" answered her father a little confusedly, with some hesitation in his voice. "oh, only that the storm was raging violently and did not seem to lull at all yet." "did he say that there was any danger?" "danger, eh? no, i--i can't say. i think i'll just step up and see for myself;" and, anxious to escape this cross-examination, as well as really to judge whether the position of the ship was as precarious as the chief mate had indicated, mr meldrum likewise went up on to the poop, finding some trouble when he reached the top of the companion stairs, in opening the hatch. for a moment, after emerging on to the deck, all was terribly dark--as black as ink, as mr mccarthy had said; but, the next instant, the whole awful scene was lit up by the most intense and vivid flash of lightning mr meldrum had ever beheld--the electric fluid being quite unaccompanied by any peal of thunder, although that might have been drowned by the continuous roar and shriek of the howling wind which appeared to have gone mad with the unbridled fury of a demon. during the brief space of time in which the zigazag stream of fire from the vault of heaven momentarily lit up the surroundings of the ship, which it did with a brightness that eclipsed the light of day, mr meldrum could see the vessel tumbling about amid a chaotic mass of waves, which it was no exaggeration to term mountains high, as if she were in the vortex of a whirlpool; while dense opaque black clouds hovered over her, vomiting forth wind, apparently from every quarter of the horizon, the gusts tearing at the ship with harpy-like clutches, as if they would rend her to pieces--she, like a poor human thing racked with pain, labouring and groaning, and bending this way and that to escape the relentless wind, so well aided by the clutching billows from below that leaped up to engulf the vessel when they themselves were not absolutely flattened to the surface of the water, as they were sometimes, by the force of the hurricane. the scene was literally awful! the next moment all was darkness again; with the night black as erebus, and mr meldrum unable, as the mate had said, to see his hand before his face. captain dinks, however, had noted his arrival on deck; and approached him without being seen. "i advise you to go below, mr meldrum," said he, "you can do no good here, nor any of us, indeed, until morning, when i hope we'll have better weather. it's a terrible night, the worst i have ever seen at sea in all my time!" "aye, terrible," replied the other, shouting in the ear of the captain, but, as he was facing the wind, his voice seemed to the latter only like a whisper. "i'll take your advice, as i see i could be of no use; still, if i can be of any service, mind you call me!" "aye, aye," said captain dinks, "you go down and go to sleep. we are all in god's hands now, though i'll do all that man can--good night!" "good night," said mr meldrum; and he then went below again to give what report he could to kate, who was waiting anxiously for his expected reappearance, as he had said he should not be gone long when he left her. she had been certain the ship was in great danger; and she now read the confirmation of her worst fears in her father's face. "oh, papa!" she exclaimed, throwing her arms round his neck as soon as he came down the companion, without waiting to hear a word from him. "i thought so, i thought so!" "hush, my child!" said he soothingly, leading her towards her state-room and opening the door, "go in to your cabin and pray!" and thus the weary night passed away. chapter eleven. in unknown latitudes. when daylight came, through the exertions of ben boltrope, the carpenter, and a couple of the crew sent to aid him, the cuddy offered a more presentable appearance than it had done just immediately after the midnight scare; for, the table and seats were fixed back in their original positions, the debris cleared away, and a portion of the skylight restored--all of which so brightened up the interior that what had passed but a few hours before seemed but a dream, at first, to those of the passengers who turned out early. the continuous sustained roar of the wind and waves had so drowned the noise of the men hammering and moving about that the repairs appeared to have been accomplished by magic. as soon as mr meldrum went on deck, however, he could see little alteration for the better there. the great rolling billows, as maury has described them, were running high and fast, tossing their white caps in the air, looking like the green hills of a western prairie capped with snow, and chasing each other in sport; while the wind was still blowing a hurricane, and the ship, resembling a crippled bird with her foretop-mast gone, was running now before the gale under a single storm-staysail, that looked no bigger than an ordinary sized pocket-handkerchief, at a greater rate of speed than she would have done in a stiff breeze with all her canvas spread. the outlook around, too, was by no means cheering. the horizon was piled up with masses of blue-black clouds, whose ragged edges meant mischief, and scraps of greyish white scud were flying across the sky in all directions--now towards the same point as the wind, now against it, as if there were contending currents aloft and they could not decide what precise course to travel. captain dinks, who, with the other officers, had been on deck all night, looked haggard and care-worn. the men, too, seemed worn-out, which could not be wondered at, as no sooner had the watch whose turn it was to be relieved, got below than they were roused up again at the call of "all hands"--when, of course, they had to tumble on deck again, without a moment's time for the rest and repose they needed after the exposure they were subjected to in battling up and down the rigging in the tempest of wind and rain and hail that had lasted through the livelong night. "not a very bright look-out!" said the captain, trying to speak cheerily, but failing miserably in the attempt. "old boreas, too, i'm afraid, is going to put on a fresh hand to the bellows, for the barometer has fallen again." "indeed?" answered mr meldrum. "yes," continued captain dinks; "it stood at . at three o'clock this morning, and when i looked just now it was at . ." "that's bad," said the other; "it shows we've not got the worst of the cyclone yet." "no," replied the captain; "we've got that all to come! luckily, i sent down the topgallant-masts yesterday evening, or we'd have had every stick out of her by now:-- they would have been safe to go when the foretop-mast went, if not before. however, there they are, all lashed together by the longboat, not gone yet; and i hope we shall have some use for them yet bye and bye." "i only hope so," said mr meldrum sadly, the despondent way in which captain dinks spoke affecting him too. the ship seemed easier running before the wind than when lying-to, although there was the risk of the heavy following seas pooping her, a contingency that had already happened when a portion of the bulwarks were carried away at the time the saloon skylight was smashed, leaving an ugly gash in the ship's side; but a spare hawser had been triced up and secured fore and aft to prevent the men being washed overboard through the aperture, and life lines were rove and passed along the deck for the same purpose. "it's safer to carry on," observed captain dinks, seeing the anxious glance mr meldrum bent to windward. "i've heard of a ship outrunning a hurricane before; and so might we again." "so have i," said mr meldrum; "but not a cyclone! look there, ahead, at that bank of storm-clouds; perhaps we're running into a worse gale than the one we've got." "well, we can only act for the best," replied the captain curtly, apparently not relishing this criticism of his seamanship from a landsman--as he thought--who knew nothing about the matter; and he then moved back to his post by the binnacle, leaving mr meldrum standing by the head of the companion, where he was presently joined by frank harness, the first and second mates being both forward, superintending the bending of preventer stays to secure the masts, which seemed to be ready to jump out of the ship from the leverage exercised even by the little sail she was carrying. by noon, when it was utterly impossible to take an observation, the heavens being black all round, with showers of hail and snow coming down at intervals, and the wind, blowing over the antarctic ice-fields, seemed to cut the face as with a knife--the temperature of the air had become bitterly cold, while the barometer fell to inches. the very spirit of destruction appeared to brood over the ill-fated _nancy bell_. mr meldrum, after a brief visit below to look after his daughters and see how the american passenger was progressing since his accident, had returned on deck, accompanied by kate, who pleaded so earnestly to be allowed to come that he could not resist her entreaties. she now stood, sheltered behind him, in the mouth of the companionway, watching the brewing of the fresh storm with which the vessel was about to be assailed--frank harness close to her side as if for additional protection, although the captain had told him he might go below and have a spell off after being up all night. the young sailor, as soon as she came up, had taken off his own monkey-jacket and fastened it round her shoulders to protect her from the wind and hail, despite all kate's protests, to which he was obliged to turn a deaf ear by reason of the force of the gale. suddenly, the dark looming mass of clouds in front of the ship appeared to split asunder, showing gaping ragged edges fringed with white, just like a shark's mouth. mr meldrum at once rushed to where captain dinks was standing close to the wheel-house, where two men had all they could do to control the helm, although they were the strongest hands on board, the one being ben boltrope, the ex-man-o'-war's-man, and the other karl ericksen, the norwegian sailor who had been rescued from the boat, and who was a perfect giant now that he was restored to health and strength--standing over six feet, and with long brawny arms that seemed as powerful as those of a windmill when he threw them about. "for god's sake, captain," exclaimed mr meldrum, "round the ship to, if you can! if that squall that's coming right forward catches her in the teeth, she will go down stern foremost in a second!" "nonsense, mr meldrum!" answered captain dinks hotly. "who are you? a landsman, to give orders to a trained seaman! i don't allow passengers to interfere with me in working my own ship." "considering i have been in the royal navy all my life, and left the service with the rank of commander," said mr meldrum quietly, not a whit angered by the captain's somewhat reasonable indignation, "i think i am something of an authority on the point. but, don't let us argue that matter now, captain dinks. i apologise for interfering; but i have seen and been through a good many cyclones in the china seas, when i was in command of a gunboat there, and i advise you to do as i've said." "trust his honour, capting, sir," chimed in ben boltrope, for once forgetting his sense of discipline, and speaking to his superior officer without leave; "i've sarved with commander meldrum, and knows what he is." "i'm sure, sir, mr meldrum, i hardly know how to address you," said captain dinks, his old polite sell again, and smiling as if there was no storm near. "i beg your pardon for not recognising that you were of the same craft; but what could i think, or how could i judge?" "oh, never mind that now," said mr meldrum eagerly. "put her about at once, as you value all our lives." "all right!" replied captain dinks; "down with the helm there, sharp!" the men strained every sinew to get the wheel round, the muscles on the norwegian's arms standing out in relief like wire ropes, and ben boltrope using his utmost strength and assisting him with a will. "look out forward!" shouted the captain in the meantime, to warn mccarthy and the men what was going to be done so that they might hold on; "were going to 'bout ship." and although they could not hear a word he said, they judged what he meant by his motions and prepared themselves accordingly. the manoeuvre was executed at last, but very nearly a moment too late. as the ship came round, she met the sea full butt, and was for the instant almost buried--the water coming in high over the forecastle and falling like a cataract into the waist, engulfing the men there in a well of green wave and foam; while, at the same moment, the squall ahead struck her on the port bow, the vessel, between the two opposing forces, being like a piece of iron 'twixt hammer and anvil. the concussion was tremendous, knocking everybody off their feet just as if the ship had struck on a rock. crash went the remains of the foremast over the side, carrying with it the maintop-mast and the solitary scrap of sail that was set; and for a moment the ship broached to, heeling over as if she were going to founder. however, the same expedient that had been tried in the night, that of a tarpaulin in the weather-rigging, was again resorted to; and the helm being kept down, the vessel's head was got to the sea, the wreck of the foremast, which had swung clear of the ship although still kept attached by the gear forwards, acting as a sort of breakwater, and tempering down the strength of the waves, so that after a time she rode somewhat easy. meanwhile, kate had a terrible fright. as the shock came when the _nancy bell_ was put about, frank harness threw his arm round kate's waist to prevent her from being thrown down, holding on himself at the same time like grim death to the rail of the companion; and on the ship steadying, he released the girl and let go his hold. at that moment, however, a wave came over the poop, and he, being taken off his guard, was rolled over on the deck and washed towards the opening in the broken bulwarks. kate instantly, without hesitating for a second, made a snatch at his collar; and, clutching hold of it, in the very nick of time, saved him by a miracle--had he been carried overboard, no earthly power could have rescued him! "oh, frank!" she exclaimed, "i thought i had lost you!" and, as he scrambled to his feet, pale with the suddenness of his peril and her effort to rescue him, the brave girl sank down, apparently lifeless, on the deck--all of a heap. "good heavens, she is dead!" cried frank. "she has been killed in trying to save me!" and in the desperation of grief he looked as if he were going to throw himself into the sea. "no, no, my boy," said mr meldrum, who had witnessed the incident from the wheel-house, and had now come to his aid; "she has only fainted from revulsion of feeling and the strain on her nerves. help me to carry her below." and, as the two descended the companion-way with their apparently inanimate burden, the young sailor could not help furtively kissing the floating tresses of dark brown hair that swept across his face as he tenderly supported kate's head on his shoulder, guarding it jealously in the passage below. his anxiety was soon afterwards relieved by mr meldrum coming out from the cabin where they had deposited poor kate, and telling him that she was getting better. it was a bad case with the ship, however; worse than anyone thought. soon after frank and mr meldrum had left the deck, ben boltrope, who was still in the wheel-house with the norwegian, called out to captain dinks:-- "i think there's something wrong with the rudder, sir," he said. "wrong with the rudder!" repeated the captain. "what do you mean?" and he came nearer to look himself at the steering gear. "why; the wheel goes round either way, just as you please, without any strain at all, as if the ropes were parted, or the rudder gone adrift!" "mercy on us! that would be a calamity!" exclaimed captain dinks; and, watching his opportunity, when the stern of the ship rose up in the air, he looked over the rail below. "it is really the case!" he said, in grave accents. "the rudder and rudder-post have both been carried away. what a blessing that they did not go before we got her about; if they had, nothing could have saved us." "true for you, sir," responded ben in acquiescence; while the norwegian nodded his head and said, "ja! ja!" "come away from there, my men," presently said the captain after a long silence, as if he were thinking to himself what should be done; "it's no use your stopping there any longer. but, stay, it is best not to alarm the crew too soon. you stop, norwegee," calling that sailor by the name the men had dubbed him; "and you, carpenter, go and sound the well to see what water we have taken in. mind and do it quietly, now, so as not to be seen; and you need not tell any of the hands about the loss of the rudder, you know." "aye, aye, sir, i twig," said ben, going forwards and then down the main hatchway, slipping off the cover for the purpose. presently he returned aft, looking very serious. "there's four feet water in the hold, sir," said he. "only four feet?" replied captain dinks, pretending to treat the matter with great unconcern; "why, i thought she would have had ever so much more in her, with all the straining she has gone through in the last twenty-four hours, besides the lot of seas she took in before we had the hatches battened. still we'd better get rid of it, carpenter, as there's no use our carrying more cargo than we are obliged, eh?" "no, sir," said ben somewhat dubiously, not taken in by the captain's manner. "just what i think," said captain dinks. "here, mccarthy," he cried out to the first mate, who, ever intent on duty, was busily engaged in trimming matters amidships, having the lashings of the longboat and spare spars overhauled in readiness for the next sea that might flood the decks--for nothing could be done about the wreck of the foremast till the gale moderated, as to loose it now would be to lose their sheet-anchor. "mccarthy, just have the chain-pumps rigged and pump out the hold to get rid of all that water we have taken on board." "aye, aye, sorr," was the hearty response, and the "cling, clang" of the pumps was soon heard resounding with a will through the ship, the men encouraged by the mate to do their best. still, it was a bad look-out. the ship had first been scudding due east, and then to the northward, goodness only knew how many miles off her course; and now, here she was, drifting southwards, dismasted and rudderless, a hopeless wreck in unknown waters, at the mercy of the elements! chapter twelve. ice ahead! although the wind and sea had being doing their utmost, without, to transform the previously trim ship, that had sailed from plymouth so gallantly, into the veritable semblance of a battered hulk, no further damage had been done below: so that, in the cuddy, all was comparative comfort--in contrast to the scene on deck. mr zachariah lathrope, who made light of his injuries, albeit his left arm was in a sling--confessing, too, that his side "felt kinder painful, as if some coon had given him a sockdolager in the ribs, or a grizzly bar put his hug on"--was seated at the replaced table, pitching into a sort of heavy lunch, to make amends for his missed breakfast, while the steward was cutting up a plentiful supply of ham for him on his plate, so that he could use his solitary hand with a fork and so feed himself. mrs major negus was busily engaged in her cabin, and with the assistance of mary llewellyn, the stewardess, was rearranging all her numerous goods and chattels that had been so ruthlessly banged about in the night; and master maurice, whom the turmoil had not disturbed in the least, was still sleeping in the top bunk as composedly as he had continued doing all through the period of his mother's struggles on the floor and narrow escape from suffocation, unawakened either by the noise or her loud calls for help--the worthy lady as soon as she came to herself having earnestly cautioned kate and the stewardess not to arouse her darling boy, for "he would be so frightened, you know, if he saw me like this!" kate herself, recovered from her faint, but yet feeling weak and languid from the effects of all she had gone through, was mechanically assisting florry to dress, wondering the while, in a dull apathetic way, whether she would ever again have to tender the same offices to her little sister, for she was prepared for the worst and believed that the ship was in imminent danger--although she hoped still, with the ardent nature of youth, that they might be delivered, trusting to the loving mercy and watchful care of that god to whom she had prayed during the night, even before her earthly father's counsel, and before whose footstool she had already that morning bent the knee more than once. as for mr meldrum--who had remained below from the consciousness that he could not be of any service in the immediate present on deck and from an unwillingness to having the appearance even of shoving himself forward and interfering with the management of the ship after what captain dinks had said--he had tumbled out a portmanteau in his state- room in order to overhaul some old papers; and he presently came out into the cuddy with a chart in his hand. "hillo, mister," said the american as soon as he noticed him, "jest roused up, hey? i thought you wer havin' a bit of snooze, and wondered when you were goin' to turn out!" "ah," said mr meldrum gravely, "it's no time for sleeping now for any one on board. the ship is in far too perilous a position for that!" "is she?" asked mr lathrope, most unconcernedly apparently. "she really is," replied mr meldrum. "wa-al, if she is," returned the other, lifting a huge morsel of ham on the end of his fork, and surveying it critically with much relish of eye before placing it in his capacious mouth, "why, it's a bad business, that's all i ken say; and i'm right down sorry fur it, i am--things was going on so slick and pleasant! but if we can't help it, mister, what's the sorter use in grievin'? i don't see the good in cryin' over a spilt petroleum can, i don't! now, dew, mister, draw up har and make yourself comf'able; you'll find this bacon prime, for i knows it's the gen-u-ine chicago brand and came out of the states." "no, thanks," said mr meldrum, smiling at the other's imperturbable philosophy and epicureanism that seemed proof against everything, even the sense of mortal peril, "i had something to eat earlier, and do not care about anything now." at that moment, captain dinks came down the companion and looked into the saloon, when, seeing mr meldrum, he beckoned to him. "would you mind coming on deck for a few moments," said he hurriedly, "i want to speak to you about something?" "certainly," said mr meldrum, at once getting up from the table, on which he had spread out the chart he had brought from his cabin and was engaged with a pair of compasses in picking out the ship's possible position. "say, mister--" commenced the american. "pray, excuse me," interrupted mr meldrum, "i'll speak to you when i come down again; i must join the captain now, as you see;" and he hurried to the companion-way, captain dinks standing aside and motioning to him to go up first. "say, cap--" called out mr lathrope, not to be baffled. "can't stop now," curtly replied captain dinks; and he, too, disappeared in the rear of mr meldrum. "now, i do jest wonder what them two coons hev on hand?" said the american, when they had thus left him with his curiosity unslackened; "i'm durned if i don't go up myself and see: people must rise pretty airly o' mornin's to take a rise out of this old hoss!" a roll of the ship, however, coming as soon as he had risen from his seat, settled his inquisitiveness. "i guess i'd better bide har," he murmured to himself, uttering his thoughts aloud. "this air vessel's a durned sight too skittish on her footing to please me, an' that air ramshackly arm o' mine might git squoze agin if i went on deck! no, i guess i'll bide har in the land of gilead--steward!" he added, raising his voice. "yes, sir," answered llewellyn, coming out of his pantry. "hev you got any coffee or tea fixins?" "no, sir, that lazy nigger snowball says he can't light the galley fire." "does he? i'd make him smell fire if i'd got him out on the plantation whar i was riz! then, bring me a glass of brandy and water, and make it stiff: i allers go in fur temperance drinks when i can get them, that is before sundown; but if i'm obleeged to take pizen, why, i likes it strong!" when mr meldrum gained the deck, in company with the captain, he found the wind still blowing with terrific force and a dangerous sea on, although as the gale had not shifted during the last hour from the north-west, to which quarter it had finally veered, there was some hope that they had escaped from the worst of the cyclone and were now being hurried along its outside edge. in one of the last onslaughts of the wind, however, the mainyard truss had been carried away, and the yard swung so violently to and fro after snapping the braces like pack-thread that it seemed as if the main-mast would go; but, fortunately, in one of its mad gyrations, as it moved about like the arms of a semaphore, the yard-arm had caught in the standing rigging on the starboard side, where, through the gallant exertions of frank harness and the norwegian sailor, who performed the task at the peril of their lives, it was firmly lashed and secured from doing further mischief. this operation eased the ship considerably, and certainly saved the masts. the worst piece of news that the captain had to tell mr meldrum was with reference to the manner in which the ship was leaking. "we had four feet water in her when the carpenter sounded the well at six bells," said captain dinks; "and after rigging the pumps we reduced it considerably; but since then, she has made nearly two feet again--all clear and clean without any bilge in it--which shows she's taking it in fresh and fast." "there must be a big leak somewhere," said mr meldrum, "and the sooner we see about stopping it the better." "yes," said the captain, "we might keep it down certainly by an hour's spell in each watch; but it tires out the men so. i think it is coming in somewhere astern; the rudder-post must have started some of the timbers when it got wrenched off." "very probably," said the other; "but then, the ship has had a good deal of straining the last day or two, besides from the storm in the bay of biscay." "ah! she felt that," replied captain dinks. "that's what, no doubt, weakened the rudder and made it go so easily this morning; but i'll call the carpenter." the port watch had gone below with mr adams, to have a little rest, for there was no need of all the crew being on deck, the ship riding out the gale to leeward of the floating anchor which providence had sent them in the shape of the broken foremast, and there being nothing to do; so, on a hail from the captain, mr mccarthy passed the word forwards for ben boltrope, who soon made his appearance out of the fo'c'sle--scrambling aft as well as he could by holding on to every rope in his way, for the vessel rolled and pitched most uneasily, rendering upright walking along the deck an utter impossibility. "sarvent, sir," said he, touching his hat to mr meldrum on coming up the poop ladder; "glad to see you on deck." "what about this leak, carpenter?" said captain dinks. "please tell mr meldrum all you know." "well, your honour," said ben, "all that can be said lies in a nut- shell! she's making water as fast as it can pour in; and if we don't find the leak and stop it, she'll founder pretty soon." "have you any idea where it is coming in?" inquired mr meldrum. "well, sir, the cap'en say it's by the rudder-post; but i myself thinks it's amidships or else forrud: i'd have looked, but i couldn't shift the cargo without help." "this must be seen to at once, captain dinks," said mr meldrum. "as you have asked my aid, i would advise your calling the watch below; and i'll go down with the carpenter and see whether we can spy out the leak." "oh, by all means, if you think that will do any good, although i'm of the opinion that the leak is in the stern. mccarthy, call the port watch up to go below and break cargo!" "all hands, ahoy!" this cry soon brought up the weary sailors, who had only just retired after more than twenty hours of duty, before they had had time to close their eyes in their first sleep, but they came out of the forecastle willingly enough, well knowing the peril the ship was in; and, down below the main-hatch they bumbled after mr meldrum and the carpenter, glad that it was not for another spell of pumping for which they had been called up. ben boltrope was found to be right. after tossing to one side the bales and boxes and heavy masses of iron that filled the midship section of the hold, they found a great gap between the timbers through which the water was spouting in at the rate of some hundred gallons an hour--the cause of the hole being apparent enough in a long iron girder which had got jammed against the side of the ship, end outwards, and in the working of the ship had made its way clean through the strakes and planking--just as if it had been an auger, the hole had been bored so round and neat! this orifice was now carefully plugged and battened over; and when the pumps were again rigged and the vessel cleared it was found that she had ceased to make water to any appreciable extent. "thank god for that!" said captain dinks heartily. "i own i was wrong, for i was certain that the rudder-post was the seat of mischief:-- the ship was bound to leak there!" "it was a very natural thought of yours," said mr meldrum, to soothe his sense of defeat. "i would have held to the same but for the carpenter." "ah! he's a roight good man, sorr," chimed in mr mccarthy, "and a cridit to the sarvice that brought him up. sure, an' he's a sailor ivry inch ov him, from the crown of his hid to the sole of his fut!" the sky was still obscured by clouds and the stormy billows were tossing about, striving to bear down the ship and beat her to pieces; but she bravely held her own, head to sea, and rode out the gale all that day and night, as if she had been at anchor, although drifting steadily the while in a south-easterly direction, the impulse of the waves and the force of the wind on her hull carrying her thither. it was the same the next day; but, on the third morning, the gale somewhat moderated, although still blowing with considerable force from the northward and westward, and under mr meldrum's advice, which captain dinks now eagerly sought on every occasion, sail was got upon the ship and she was allowed to run before the wind, hoping that the vessel might reach smoother latitudes and fine weather, when they would be able to repair damages and continue their voyage. it was but a poor pretence of making sail, however! all they could set was a close-reefed mizzentop-sail and a fore staysail, which latter was hoisted on a jury-mast rigged forwards in place of the foremast; while the missing rudder was replaced by an ingenious makeshift, the joint handiwork of mr meldrum and the carpenter, composed of lengths of a spare hawser and some of the smaller spars, sawn up, lashed together, and then planked over, so as to offer a yielding surface to the sea, and secured under the stern by guys and tackles leading from the quarter galleries, the steering gear being then attached. this contrivance was found to work admirably in guiding the ship before the wind, although if they had tried to wear her or put her about by it, there might have been some difficulty and danger in the operation. towards the evening of this day, while the crippled _nancy bell_, so ruthlessly shorn of her fair proportions, was going along pretty bravely, nevertheless, at some six knots an hour or more under the little sail she was carrying, with the sea still rough and wintry and the sky all clouded over, the thermometer was noticed to go down again several degrees; and mr meldrum, who alone had made the discovery for the wind having been bitterly cold for days past the feeling in the air would not have specially attracted attention--at once warned captain dinks that they had run so far southwards that he was certain they were near ice, and consequently it would be best to keep a strict look-out. "ice?" exclaimed the captain aghast. "why, we aren't much below the latitude of the cape, i take it!" "you'll find you are wrong when we're able to get an observation," replied mr meldrum. "i wouldn't be surprised to find that we were far below `the forties,' with all that drift and leeway we've had! however, wherever we are, we're not far from ice, take my word for it, whether it be a wandering berg out of its latitude or the drift from the antarctic ice-fields." "all right, sir," said captain dinks laughing, "i'll take your word for it; though an iceberg hereabouts, to my thinking, is a rather rum visitor this time of year, and i'll believe it when i see it!" however, the captain was wrong again. just before dark, the look-out in the maintop reported something ahead, which presently turned out to be an enormous iceberg, fortunately far away to leeward out of the course of the ship. it was an immense irregular mass several miles long and of great height, appearing to reach up into the clouds above as it heaved up and down on the heavy rolling sea; and its top and points, covered with snow, stood out distinctly against the dark horizon. "ah, we are well away from that fellow!" said mr meldrum rubbing his hands; but his congratulations were cut short in a moment by the look- out man forward--the norwegian sailor, who as an old whaler was accustomed to antarctic sights and sounds--shouting out that there was field-ice ahead, and that from the crashing of the floes he thought the ship must be near the pack. "take in sail at once," said mr meldrum, "and keep a sharper look-out than ever. if the vessel runs against the ice woe betide us all!" chapter thirteen. "land ho!" "let go the mizzentop-sail halliards, and man the fore staysail down- haul!" shouted out captain dinks the moment mr meldrum had spoken; and, the helm being put down at the same time, the ship was again brought head to wind, almost sooner than it has taken to describe the operation. however, as it was observed after a little while that the vessel drifted so rapidly to leeward, through the mere force of the wind on her exposed hull and remaining spars, not to speak of the wash of the sea, and thus ran in quite as great danger of colliding with the ice as if she had been going ahead, the fore staysail, reefed into the most attenuated proportions, was set again--so that the ship might be under steerage way and be able to avoid, under judicious control, the numerous small bergs that now hove in sight like miniature islands in every direction, making the navigation perilous in the extreme. as night came on, too, the dangers surrounding the _nancy bell_ increased tenfold; for, the wind not only blew with greater strength, but it was accompanied by blinding showers of hail and snow, while a thick fog rose from the freezing water, more like steam than anything else, obscuring everything and preventing the floating ice from being seen until it was immediately under the bows. it was just about the beginning of the second dog-watch at four bells-- six o'clock in the evening--that the mist came; so, after a brief consultation with mr meldrum, captain dinks told the chief mate to call the hands aft. "we are in as tight a hole, mccarthy," said he, "as the poor old ship was ever placed in, and it will take us all our time to get out of it; so, it's best to let all the hands know it, that each may do his best for the good of all." "aye, aye, sorr," answered mr mccarthy; "it's no sight o' use beating about the bush when danger's under weigh. till 'em the truth, cap'en, and shame the divil!" soon afterwards, his ringing voice calling, "all hands ahoy!" was heard forwards. the crew were not long tumbling aft; and, when they had assembled on the main deck, captain dinks addressed them from the break of the poop. "men," said he, "i'm sorry to say the _nancy bell_ is in a position of the greatest peril. we are now, after fighting with a cyclone for five days, being carried along by a rising gale into the midst of scattered icebergs, any one of which may knock a hole in the ship; while if we should run upon one of the bigger ones we must go to pieces at once. you know how, throughout the bad weather we've had, i have tried, to spare you as much as i could, conveniently with the proper working of the ship, and i've always allowed the watches their regular spell below; but to-night, and as long as we are surrounded by the ice, i can't allow a man off duty! none of us can tell whether the _nancy bell_ will be afloat and we alive by morning; so, no single hand must leave the deck without special permission. you may be certain i sha'n't set the example, and you can now go forwards. i am about to set fresh look- outs, and each man will have his station." the majority of the crew gave a cheer at this, ben boltrope's lusty voice being conspicuously to the fore; but some, amongst whom was a lazy lout named bill moody, who was the chief grumbler in the forecastle, expressed their discontent audibly; saying that they "hadn't signed articles to be worked like dogs!" captain dinks' ears were pretty sharp, and he heard what was said; so he called the men back. "i know who spoke," said he, "and i wouldn't disgrace the rest of the crew by supposing that they share his feelings; but i'll add this for his benefit, that anybody who may be discontented will find me easy- going enough when i am stroked the right way, but a pretty tough customer when anybody falls athwart my hawse!" while this little incident was taking place, of course, the usual look- out was not neglected, the norwegian being still aloft in the maintop, with frank harness and mr adams on the forecastle; but now, extra men were detailed for the duty. karl ericksen, called down from the maintop where his range of view had become limited through the increasing darkness and snowstorm, was placed between the knight-heads; a man on each bow; frank harness on the fore scuttle; mr mccarthy and adams on the port and starboard quarters; and ben boltrope at the wheel--captain dinks being here, there, and everywhere to see that everybody was on the _qui vive_, even ascending the mizzen rigging sometimes into the top, to have an outlook from there and try whether his eyes could pierce the misty vapour that hung over the sea by dint of looking down into it. thenceforward, throughout the weary night, there was little to do save looking out and conning the ship. when a large cake of ice or berg was seen drifting perilously near, or bearing down upon the vessel, the word was passed along the deck from forward to aft and her head turned one way or the other, the yards of the mizzen-mast--now the only ones left on the ship, with the exception of the fouled main-yard--being squared or braced up to help her inclination to either side, which was also assisted by the loose mizzentop sail. this latter had only been hauled up by the clewlines and buntlines when sail was shortened, so as to be available to be dropped and sheeted home at a moment's notice in any sudden emergency when it might be necessary to get way on the ship to prevent her running foul of some giant iceberg that was trying to overtake her. from midnight the only break in the monotony of the silent watch, throughout the anxious hours that elapsed before daylight, was the warning cry of the look-outs' forward "ice ahead!" or "ice on the lee bow!" with the sailing directions of the captain to the steersman, quickly following the words of warning, "hard up with the helm!" or else, "keep her off a little, my man!" or the single word,--sometimes the most important order of all,--"steady!" in the cuddy, naturally, it was an equally anxious time throughout the trying night; indeed, more so, considering the state of mind of those concerned. mr meldrum, on going below, had told of the course of things above, explaining the perilous position of the ship without unduly alarming the nervous susceptibilities of the women folk, and after his periodical visits to the deck he brought back the cheering news that all was as yet going on well; but still, the very fact of being unable to do anything save watch and pray, was even more exhausting and wearying than in being exposed to the bitter weather like the crew and officers of the ship were--for the sense of duty and something constantly calling on their attention prevented the latter from thinking, as those could only do who had no cause or call for action. the american passenger did not, however, appear in the least put out or more than ordinarily impressed with the gravity of the situation, taking it, as it were, as a matter of course. "it's no use making a muss over what can't be helped," he said with the utmost sang-froid. "the ship's in good hands, and as i can't do anything, why i guess i'll let things ride and be as comf'able as i ken." so he ate and drank with just as good an appetite as ever when dinnertime came--though it was later than usual, through snowball not having been able to light the galley fire till nearly dark; and, on the arrival, according to mr zachariah lathrope's reckoning, of bedtime, he curled himself up in his bunk, going to sleep as composedly as if he had been safe and sound ashore, with the comforting assurance to the others, as he said "good-night," that "if things should kinder turn out onpleasant, why, i guess they'll rouse me up!" florry meldrum, too, and master maurice negus were not one whit the more alarmed by the critical condition of the _nancy bell_ either; but, neither maurice's mother nor kate closed their eyes for a moment the livelong night. when some feeble rays of light at length strayed down through the skylight, causing the lamps over the cuddy table to burn more dimly, when the scuttles in the cabins, seen through the half-opened doors, became illumined by some reflection from without, showing that the long- wished-for morning had broken at last, kate, unable to endure the suspense any longer, put on her cloak and went on deck. the scene and all its surroundings had very much altered since she had last been up the companion-way; so that when she got on the poop now, so great a transformation had occurred that it seemed to her as if she were in a species of nautical fairyland. the ship herself was cased in ice--hull, spars, and standing rigging, and all--with long pendulous icicles hanging from the main and mizzen yards. the fog or mist having also cleared away and the clouds vanished from the sky, every object glittered like jewels in the golden rays of the rising sun. but the _nancy bell_ was not the only object of attraction and interest. she was surrounded by icebergs in every direction--to the right, to the left, right in front, and astern--some little mites not bigger than cockle-shells in comparison with the larger ones, baby bergs, so to speak, and others as lofty as mountains, extending as far as the eye could reach to the horizon; the ship racing by them and threaded her way in and out between the moving masses with the dexterity of a highlander executing the sword-dance. the wind was still blowing more than half a gale from the northward and westward, and the vessel was running before it under the fore staysail and mizzentop-sail, which had been dropped again with the reef points shaken out, making eight knots good, too, at that. where there was no ice, the rolling sea was of an intense ultramarine blue, reflecting the colour of the distant sky; while, as the sun came up higher, different tints were displayed by the icebergs, whose shape was as various as their sizes--bergs that in their gorgeous architecture and fairy magnificence, with fantastic peaks and airy pinnacles, which glittered now in the full light of day with all the varied colours of the rainbow, flashing out scintillations and radiances of violet and iris, purple and turquoise, and sapphire blue, emerald green and orange, blush rose and pink and red--all mingled with soft shades of crimson and carmine, and interspersed with gleams of gold and silver and a frosting over all of bright white light. "ah!" ejaculated kate, uttering her thoughts aloud, so carried away was she by the vivid beauty of the scene, "those who haven't seen an iceberg at sea at sunrise, have no idea of the grand loveliness of god's handiwork in nature!" "they look beautiful enough now, missy," said captain dinks, who had come to her side unnoticed, and seemed much jollier than he had done the night before, when he thought the ship in her last extremity; "but we didn't think them so a little while ago, when it looked as if the poor old _nancy bell_ would lay her old bones amongst them!" "ah! captain dinks," replied she, "there was one above looking after us then, as he is now!" "you are right," said he earnestly; "or we should never have escaped as we did; once or twice, when we grazed a berg, i thought it was all up with us." "oh!" exclaimed kate with a shudder, "it was a terrible night; and you and the poor fellows on deck must have found it bitterly cold." "not a doubt of that," said captain dinks laughing. "i was almost half- frozen in the mizzen rigging; and as for poor frank harness, when he came off the fore-scuttle, where he was stationed all night to pass the word from the look-outs forward, he could hardly move his limbs! if it hadn't been for the hot coffee our friend snowball served out every two hours to warm us up, i don't believe any of us would have been alive this morning. but here comes your father. how sly your were all to keep it so carefully concealed that he was in the navy; and i taking him all the time for a lubberly landsman! i'll never forgive myself; for you must all have laughed at me, especially you, miss kate, and your roguish little sister. ah! good morning, mr meldrum," added the captain turning to that gentleman; "i was just thinking about you. i wanted to have a consultation about our course. my dead reckoning is all at sea, and i hardly can guess where we are now; but i trust we shall be able to get an observation of the sun at noon, and then we will be able to prick off our position on the chart." "i sincerely hope so," said mr meldrum; "for i think we're going far too much to the southward." "do you, still, eh?" replied captain dinks. "i don't quite agree with you. i thought it best to keep the ship before the wind, not only because it eases her but on account of the gale being bound to slacken down soon; and if we run down to a lower latitude, as i have frequently done in this part of the ocean before, we will probably get fine weather and be able to tinker up the old craft and make her look all a taunto again." "ah!" said mr meldrum, "you are just as likely to run on to something else, not quite so pleasant as fine weather! mark my words, captain dinks, i am as certain, and more so now than i was three days ago, as i told you then, that we are far down in the forties; and what with the easting we have made since passing the meridian of the cape and the leeway we have drifted, we must be pretty close to the crozet islands or kerguelen land." "kerguelen land!" ejaculated the captain; "nonsense, man; why we are hundreds of miles to the westward of it." "are we?" replied mr meldrum. "well, just wait till twelve o'clock and we'll see who is right, you or i!" hardly, however, had the words escaped his lips than the look-out man in the maintop--who had been replaced as soon as day broke, when the prospect around the ship became more extended, thus rendering his services useful--shouted out a cry that had almost been forgotten, and which made every heart on board leap with mingled feelings of overpowering joy, consternation, surprise, dismay! every pulse stopped for a second spellbound! the cry was--"land ho!" chapter fourteen. scylla and charybdis. "land!" called out the captain. "where away?" "on the weather-beam," answered the man aloft, who still spoke in a voice which sounded as if he had been greatly startled. "it's rising rapidly every moment, sir, out of the water." "the fellow must be blind!" exclaimed captain dinks. "there is no land there in that direction, if i know it. he must be taking one of those big icebergs for an island; that's about the matter. hanged if i don't go up and see for myself!" running down the poop ladder, the captain soon started up the shrouds on the port side towards the maintop where the lookout man was stationed. it was not karl ericksen this time, whose word he would have implicitly taken, but bill moody, one of the worst of the crew, and who, it may be remembered, had already evinced an unsailorlike spirit by his insubordination on an occasion when the pluck and endurance of everyone required to be tested. from this fact alone, captain dinks was the less inclined to trust him. the captain, however, found mounting the ratlines not so easy a task as he might have imagined, for the rigging was all frozen hard and as unbending as iron; but he persevered unflinchingly, and disdaining to creep through the "lubber's hole," climbed over the top in the usual sailor's way, although he puffed and panted a good deal when he got there, which proved to him that the flesh he had gained on his plump little person, since he had been a youngster and first shinned up the rigging, had not improved his climbing powers. "now, where's this wonderful land of your's!" he asked, as soon as he got alongside of bill moody, taking his glass out of his pocket and adjusting the focus ready for action. "there," answered the man surlily, pointing towards the north-east, where a faint blue bank seemed to rise out of the ocean above and beyond the ice-fields. it could be seen with the naked eye to be of a different colour to even the most distant bergs, the distinction being quite marked. "by jove, the man's right!" ejaculated captain dinks with surprise. "i knew i were," said bill moody in a bragging sort of way. "i think i can see a hole in a ladder as well as most people; and if that ain't land, why, i'll eat it." "there, that will do," interposed the captain to stop any further remarks, while he proceeded to inspect the hazy object with keen attention for some minutes, after which he replaced his glass in his pocket and prepared to descend to the deck again. "keep a sharp look-out," he said to moody as he disappeared over the side of the top, "and sing out, as soon as we get any nearer, whether you can see a line of breakers at the foot of the island; for island it is, sure enough!" "aye, aye," grunted out the man; and captain dinks went down the rigging even more carefully than he had ascended, finding great difficulty in preventing his unaccustomed feet from slipping off the ratlines, which were like rungs of the smoothest and most polished ice. "you were right, and i was wrong," he said to mr meldrum, as soon as he had regained the poop. "there is land in sight, sure enough, although i can at present only see it faintly towards the north-east. it must be, as you say, either the crozet islands or kerguelen land, for there's nothing else between us and the australian continent, as we haven't yet got quite so far south as the antarctic regions." "it's probably kerguelen land," observed mr meldrum, "for you couldn't see the crozets nearly so far off; but i hope there's not going to be another change of the weather. it seems clouding over again." "not before we get an observation, i trust," replied the captain; "i don't like knocking about any longer without knowing where i am." "nor i, sorr," put in the first mate heartily. "sure it's like goin' in the dark to bandon fair, for all the worruld over." "it's not what we like," interposed mr meldrum somewhat dryly. "we have got to put up with what we can get." "true for you, sorr," said mr mccarthy, not to be beaten; "sure, but isn't it best to make the best on it." "that's incontestable," replied mr meldrum with a laugh; and there the conversation ended, kate and her father going below to breakfast. the weather got thicker, with the wind coming in gusts and now and then shifting a bit, so that the solitary mizzen-topsail of the _nancy bell_ had now again to be close reefed, and her course directed more towards the land, which they did not seem to near so rapidly as they had thought they would--owing probably to some current that was all the time carrying them southwards while they were steering towards the east. they were actuated, however, by no vulgar curiosity to inspect this ocean land in thus seeking to approach it. on an ordinary occasion they would most certainly have given it a pretty wide berth; but now, should the sky cloud over so much as to prevent their getting an observation of the sun by which to correct their latitude and longitude, the identification of the land would at once prove their position on the chart without further trouble. this was why they wanted to near it. after breakfast, when mr meldrum came on deck again, the wind had freshened considerably, although still blowing from the north-west, while the outlook was generally squally; but the sky above still kept clear, with the sun shining down at intervals, when the scud, which was beginning to fly about again, did not interpose to hide its beams. the land, the while, was steadily rising to the northward and eastward. "it's kerguelen land, sure enough," said mr meldrum, when, after imitating captain dinks and paying a visit to the maintop to reconnoitre, he returned to the poop. "i can see the outlying rocks towards its north-west extremity called `the cloudy isles,' and away to the east i noticed the snow-white peak of mount ross, which stands in the centre of the island and is over six thousand feet high." "well, you've good eyesight to see that at the distance," observed captain dinks in a chaffing way. "i wish my optics were as clear." "i can see pretty well," replied the other; "and if you had had to look out as sharply as i've had to do for pirate junks up the gulf of tonquin, i fancy you would have had your eyesight improved!" "all right, mr meldrum," said captain dinks frankly. "i'm sure i did not doubt your word for a moment. i've never been so far south before, and feel a little out in my reckoning. however, it will soon be time to take the sun, and that will decide the point." a few stray snowflakes came fluttering down on the deck just then, and both he and mr meldrum looked aloft. no cloud was to be seen exactly overhead, but a heavy bank of haze was creeping up from the south towards the zenith that looked ominous. "we shall have a repetition of yesterday again, i'm afraid," said mr meldrum presently with much concern, after a long interval of silence between the two. "i'm afraid so," was captain dinks' reply; "but i hope it won't come for another hour at least." he then hailed the steward down the companion- way, telling him to bring up his sextant from the cabin. fortunately, it just kept clear enough for an observation to be taken; and when captain dinks had worked it out, both he and mr meldrum acting independently so as to test the accuracy of the reckoning, it was found that the ship was in degrees minutes south latitude, and degrees minutes east longitude. consequently, the land they were approaching could be none other than kerguelen land. "as we now know where we are," said mr meldrum, when the fact was established, "we must give the island as wide a berth as we can, for the coast is most dangerous; and in winter-time, as it is now, july being the december of the antipodes, the most fearful storms are said to spring up at a moment's notice in its vicinity. as the wind is still from the north-west, and we are well up to the northward, i should try to weather it if possible; and, if we can't do that, we must pass to the south of the land." "very good," replied the captain. "only, you know the poor old _nancy_ cannot sail as well now, as she could when in full trim. i don't at all like the look of the weather, though, mr meldrum. it seems to me that ono of those coast storms you were speaking of is brewing up. the ice, too, is getting thick round us again; and if a fog comes on again we'll be in a worse position than yesterday, for then we'd plenty of sea-room at any rate, while now, we have that blessed island almost dead to leeward." "we must trust in providence," said mr meldrum, "and keep a sharp look- out if the fog thickens; but try to beat to windward we must, if possible!" during the bright morning, the hands, working diligently under the supervision and help of the first mate and adams, the second, had been trying to make the _nancy bell_ a little more shipshape, and, although they had been greatly hampered through the ropes and running gear being frozen so stiff that it was almost impossible to unbend or run them, they succeeded finally in trussing the mainyard again and splicing the braces, so that they now were able to set the mainsail reefed, a welcome addition to the limited sailing power of the ship in working to windward. all things were proceeding very satisfactorily in the afternoon, by which time they had got the land to bear well on the lee-beam, and it looked as if they could weather it; when, suddenly, there came on a thick snowstorm, mingled with showers of hail, and the same kind of mist which had risen almost at a precisely similar hour on the previous day again enveloped them in its folds, shutting out all view of the water at even a short distance from the vessel's side. the _nancy bell_ was then steering nor'-nor'-east and some ten miles off the land, with the wind coming from the northward and westward in squalls. presently, it blew so fresh that the lately set mainsail had to be taken in again, and next the mizzen, for the ship heeled over so much that it was thought at one time she would not recover her stability; but, even under the reefed fore staysail, which was still retained to enable her to weather the land, she tore through the water at such a rate, that, in spite of the continual watch, it was most difficult to avoid the heavy masses of floating ice that seemed to spring up on all sides again, and which she had appeared to have been leaving behind her in the morning. "sure and it's a worse look-out than last night, sorr," said the first mate to mr meldrum, who was peering out anxiously to windward, the gale veering round just at the most critical time to the northward. "faix, and i don't think we can weather them islands now, with all this ice about too." "nor do i," replied mr meldrum. "captain dinks, we'll have to run for it. do you think you can wear her?" "if your rudder holds out," said the captain. "i'll guarantee the rudder," answered mr meldrum. "the only thing is, i fear the spars will go." "we must risk those, my friend. it's a case of neck or nothing now. listen! can you hear anything?" and the captain bent his ear to leeward. yes, mr meldrum could hear something. they all could hear something above the shrieking of the wind, and the roar of the waves, and the crash of the cakes and bergs of ice tumbling against each other. it was something that sounded like the death-knell of the _nancy bell_, and made their faces blanch with fear. it was the noise of breakers, distant yet, but still as plainly distinguishable as if quite near-- breakers breaking on a lee-shore, the most terrible sound of all sounds to a sailor's ear! "stand by to wear ship!" shouted captain dinks, and he himself took hold of the spokes of the wheel as he uttered the words, easing it round, while the mate rushed forwards, calling the hands. "tumble up, men, tumble up!" cried mr mccarthy; "don't stop for your clothes. all hands wear ship." frank harness and mr adams had already darted towards the braces; and, the men soon joining them, the yards were braced round, the mizzen and mainsail being again dropped and sheeted home to enable her to pay off from the shore, which the vessel soon did on the other tack, although the canvas made her bury her bows in the sea and almost heel over till the mainyard dipped. "let her carry on, she'll bear it," said the captain. "we cannot do too much to get away from those confounded breakers; i'd sooner hear anything than them!" "so would i," responded mr meldrum, still looking pale, for the _nancy bell_ had had a narrow squeak of going to the bottom when wearing; "but we are rushing into almost as terrible a danger as the lee-shore. if we come in contact with one of these icebergs, going at the speed we now do, the shock will sink us to a certainty." "well," said the captain, "of the two dangers that is the least. by keeping a good look-out we may avoid the ice, which we could never do with the lee-shore, save by getting away from it, as we are doing now. by jove, isn't she walking along--the beauty, crippled as she is--just as if she knew the peril she was in!" "better not holler till yer out of the wood," observed mr mccarthy; "as for myself, i wish it was mornin' agin, sure!" he'd no sooner uttered the words, however, than the look-out man forward suddenly gave vent to a frightened exclamation, drawn from him by the sight of something unexpected and terrible. "ice on the lee bow!" shouted he. "port your helm hard!" but the warning came too late. almost at the same instant as the cry reached the ears of those aft, the _nancy bell_ struck full butt against a dark object that loomed up out of the fog right ahead of the ship, and which had been unperceived a moment before. there was a grinding rending crash and sound of breaking timbers, the vessel quivering from stem to stern; and then, the main and mizzen masts, with all their yards and the sails which had so lately been urging the ship on to her destruction toppled over the sides, whilst a wave, washing back from the base of the iceberg and coming in over the bows, swept the decks fore and aft. chapter fifteen. making the best of it. all hands were on deck at the time of the collision; and, with one concentrated cry of alarm which was more a yell than anything else, the men rushed in a body amidships to where the long-boat was stowed. captain dinks, however hesitating and undecided as he had shown himself frequently of late in the navigation of the ship, now all at once brought out in this emergency that courage and capacity for command which he had really at bottom but which had been before dormant. "back for your lives, men, to your stations!" he shouted. "although the bows are stove in, the bulkhead forward will prevent the water from flooding us beyond the fore compartment and give us time to run the ship ashore, when we can all escape. no boat could live in the sea that's now on; and if it did, it would run a worse chance of being stove in by the ice than our poor vessel had!" his words made the men hang back, all save bill moody and a couple of others, who began casting off the lashings of the longboat; but mr mccarthy rushing down on the main deck and seizing a capstan bar with which he threatened to brain the first man who resisted the captain's authority, the unruly ones desisted for the time, slinking forwards grumblingly. "carpenter," called out captain dinks, "sound the well and see what damage has been done; and, mr adams, send the port watch aft to clear away this top hamper. it is thumping away alongside and may make another breach in our timbers!" the captain's apparent calmness, combined with the sense of duty paramount on ship-board, made the men set to work with a will; besides which, they well knew that by acting together in harmony they had a better chance of escape than by any mere individual effort. mr mccarthy, too, and adams showed themselves equally as capable as captain dinks in lending a hand and encouraging the crew--frank harness being not one whit behindhand either; so that, within a very few minutes after the consternation which the catastrophe had caused on its first happening had passed away, all, recovering that equanimity habitual to sailors in almost any predicament or calamity, were engaged in carrying out the orders given them, as coolly as if the _nancy bell_ were snug at anchor in some safe harbour. but, in what a sadly different position was she now! battered as she had been by the storm in the bay of biscay and crippled by the terrible cyclone off the cape, which had left her tossing rudderless and almost dismasted on the deep, her then condition was favourable in comparison with her present state--that of a complete wreck, with her bows stove in, her masts all carried by the board, and her decks swept fore and aft of everything! fortunately, as the mainmast had fallen over the side, it had jammed against the iceberg with which they had collided, so fending off the vessel's head that she had sheered to starboard and thus passed by the floating mountain; otherwise, probably, the poor _nancy bell_ would have been ground down by the pressure of the ice below the surface of the sea. ben boltrope, too, returning from forward after a survey of the damage, in accordance with the captain's command, reported another piece of good news. the bows had been stove in, it was true, and the bulkhead smashed, filling the fore compartment and bringing the ship's head so much down that it would be almost impossible to sail her even in a smooth sea; but the jury-mast, which had been rigged forward in place of the lost foremast, had gone over on the port bow, instead of falling to the starboard side of the ship like the other masts, and the fore staysail attached to it, dragging overboard, had got sucked into the hole which the iceberg had made, thus stopping the inrun of water to any appreciable extent ben said that he believed they would be able so to patch up the damaged place in the bows after a time, thanks to this circumstance, that they might hope to make a shift of rigging up a sail again to run the ship ashore with. "bravo!" said captain dinks on hearing this. "take what men you like and commence the repairs at once, for there's no time to be lost mr meldrum, what say you to this?" but, mr meldrum had gone below to his daughters, well imagining the state of alarm they would be in and rather surprised that kate had not already made her appearance on deck. when he reached the cuddy, the reason of her absence was explained. poor florry had met with an accident, the concussion when the ship had struck the iceberg having thrown her out of her berth, cutting her head against the cabin door; and kate, assisted by mr lathrope, was binding up the wound and comforting the sufferer. "i guess, mister," said the american, looking up as mr meldrum entered the main saloon, "i've had to act the good samaritan, same as your gal did to me when i got jammed together t'other day in my innards agin the wash-stand! we're fixin' up the little miss finely. 'tain't much of an injoory, i kalkerlate, missy, though thar be a sight of blood, and it'll soon git closed up agin!" "thanks for your kind services," said mr meldrum. "i would have been down before, but was too busy on deck." "i know," replied the other, nodding his head--"helping the captain out of the muss, eh? that wer an allfired smash, though! done much hurt?" "yes," said mr meldrum guardedly, with a glance at the girls; "but the mischief's over now for the present, though." "i see, i see," whispered mr lathrope; "i don't need nary nother explanation, mister. i hev shed my eye-teeth, i hev, and thar's no use in skearin' folks. that madam the meejur, now, has been going on tree- men-jus, an' it has ben as much as your gal could kinder dew to get her to quiet down. jee-rusalem! but she wer goin' to have the cap'en up on court-martial, an' the steward tarred and feathered, an' the lord knows what! then, too, ther wer that b'y of hern, squalling like a frog in a fit, the durned young imp, i'd lief have skinned him! if it hadn't been for your gal, they'd have raised thunder aboard, they would: you oughter be kinder proud, mister, to hev sich a sensible young woman fur yer darter! she warn't a bit skeart when the shock came; but braced herself up as cool as a cowcumber, and thar she's ben, keeping them noisy folks quiet, and tendin' her little siss like a christian!" "indeed i am proud of her," said mr meldrum, gazing at kate fondly; "but you say nothing about yourself. you've been making yourself of use too." "snakes and alligators, mister, i ain't worth a corn-chuck alongside of your gal! in course, i wer a bit flabbergasted when we collided just now--with one of them hammocks of ice, i guess, hey!" "yes," said mr meldrum, "we ran against an iceberg, and a pretty big one too." "i thought so," continued the other. "but you knows me by this time. i never gets upsot by no matter what happens, so i jest fixes on one of them life-belts i always has handy whenever i travels on them high- pressure steamboats we hev on the mississippi--whar you run the chance of getting busted up regular every trip--and thar i turned out of my cabin slick for anything, so i wer able to help miss, har, in shaking down that dreadful old screech-owl yander, and plaster up little missy arterwards." "how's your arm now?" asked mr meldrum kindly. "oh, the durned thing's all right, only a bit stiff. madam gave it a squoze jist now when i histed her off the floor, whar she got throwed down and wer bellowin' like a mad bull in fly time. that made the pain grip me agin; but i dessay it's all right now for a scrimmage if needs be." "and where's mrs negus, eh?" "thar she is, with that young imp clasped in her arms, sobbin' her heart out in her cabin; and if you go fur to comfort her, as i did just now, why, she bites your nose off like a crocodile, she dew! she sez we'll all go to the bottom; and that the cap'en and everybody else have runned the ship ashore just to spite her--she knows, she sez, it's ben only done fur that!" and the american laughed with a keen relish of the joke, which no sense of his own peril could subdue. "she isn't far out in thinking the ship going down," said mr meldrum gravely. "the vessel has a hole knocked in her bows, through which you might drive an omnibus, and her fore compartment is full of water. we'll soon have to abandon her, although, i've no doubt, she'll keep afloat for some hours yet. i advise you, mr lathrope, to put on the warmest suit of clothes you've got, and get together any few little things that may be of use in a boat, as i'm going to do. kate, my dear," he added, addressing his daughter, who had been listening attentively while he had been talking to the american, at the same time that she hushed and soothed florry, who was moaning with pain from her injured head, "you'd better do likewise; and see also to poor mrs negus, who appears utterly helpless and unable to look after herself. where are the steward and stewardess?" "the stewardess went on deck some time ago, papa, to try and get a cup of tea for mrs negus from the galley, and she has not yet returned," answered kate; "i think the steward is asleep in his pantry." "i thought him too big a coward to keep so quiet when the ship was in any danger," said her father. "however, he'll have to rouse up now, whether he likes it or not." "hi, llewellyn!" shouted he, going up to the door of the pantry, which was closed, and rapping outside with his fist loudly several times. but there was no answer; so, turning the handle of the lock unceremoniously, he looked within and saw to his astonishment the object of his quest coiled up in a corner of a locker that ran across one side of the pantry, with a heap of blankets drawn tightly over his head. mr meldrum entered and proceeded to shake the human bundle, calling the man again by name; when, after a little while, he disinterred his terrified face from amidst the folds of his coverings, looking as pale as a niobe in marble. "wha-wha-what do you want?" llewellyn stammered out, with his usual stutter when spoken to sharply. "rouse up, man, and turn out at once," said mr meldrum. "what do you mean by hiding yourself here, cowering in a corner like a frightened hound, when the ship's in danger and there's work for all hands to do." "i thought she was going down, sir, and--and--" "and you hadn't the pluck to face your fate like a man, eh!" continued mr meldrum, finishing his sentence for him. "but you must know that brave men don't allow cowards to hamper their movements! get up at once, sir, and see about raising up all the tinned meats and cabin stores you can fetch out of the steerage. now, look sharp!" "ye-e-es, sir," replied llewellyn, crawling unwillingly out of his corner; "but, cap'en dinks said--" "no matter what captain dinks said," interrupted mr meldrum, "i've got his authority for what i am doing, and order you at once to set about getting the provisions up for the boats. we'll shortly have to abandon the ship; and, if you don't obey my orders, you shall be left behind." "i'll do it at once, sir," answered the steward with alacrity, the threat of being abandoned in the sinking vessel being quite sufficient to expedite his movements; and he at once made for the after hatch to get down into the hold, mr meldrum satisfying himself that he had set about the task before leaving him, and then, with a kindly word or two to kate and mr lathrope, going on deck again. on gaining the poop, mr meldrum found that the snow had ceased to fall, the gale having gone down a bit. there was also a clear sky overhead, and a few stars were shining out; but the heavy misty fog still hung over the water, like a curtain, preventing the view of anything beyond a limited range from the sides of the ship, while the sea was extremely rough, the waves being nasty and choppy, as if some current or tideway was working against the wind, causing the rollers to break over the battered bows every now and then in sheets of foam. however, the outlook was better than he expected; and, besides, he could see, on looking round, that no time had been lost by captain dinks and the crew since he had been below. the wreck of the main-mast and mizzen-mast, with the yards and sails attached, which had been knocking about in the water alongside the ship--bumping against the timbers and threatening a danger almost as bad as the collision--had been cut adrift, the smaller spars being first cast loose and hoisted on board in case of need for jury-masts. the carpenter and some of the hands, meanwhile, had braced up the broken bulkhead with stout beams placed across, so as to prevent it from giving way under the strain and allowing the contents of the fore compartment to flood the main hold; for, it was utterly impossible for the present to clear it of water, although the pumps, which had been kept constantly going, sufficed to keep the rest of the ship pretty free and avert the danger of sinking for a time. it was only a question of time! the captain was just then overhauling the longboat, which, with the jolly-boat, that had been stowed inside of the former for safety and convenience, were the only two boats that had been left, the others having been washed off the beams at the time that the cook's caboose had been carried away during the cyclone; and mr meldrum, going down on to the main-deck, approached the skipper. "we'll have to take to the boats soon," said the captain, turning round as he came up, "that is, when the sea moderates a bit. i don't see anything else that can be done--do you?" "if i were you," suggested mr meldrum, "i would try and run her ashore first and beach her. we're not far from kerguelen land, and though it is now winter time on the island and desolate enough, it would be better our stopping there than wandering about the ocean in the boats, trying to get into the track of the australian liners, or else making for the cape, the only place we could steer for." "it's a bad look-out any way," said the captain despondently. "yes, i grant that," replied the other; "but, if we land there and manage to hold out till september or october, only three months at the outside, a lot of whaling craft generally put into kerguelen for the seal-fishery about that time, and i daresay we could get one of these to take us to the cape." "perhaps that would be the best," said captain dinks, reflecting a moment--"but what would you advise now--how are we to get ashore, eh!" "why, rig up a jury-mast or two at once and make for the land!" answered mr meldrum promptly. "the island must be close to us now to leeward; and with this wind we ought to be able to reach the shore by daybreak, when we would be able to look about us better. it is certainly not the slightest good our remaining here doing nothing till then, for the carpenter tells me, it is only just as much as the men can do to keep down the water by constant pumping, so by the morning they'll be pretty nigh exhausted and we be no better off. besides, as you can observe for yourself, it would be madness while that sea is on to try to launch the boats, unless we are absolutely compelled to do so in order to save our lives; whereas, if we run the old craft ashore, we will have the boats for a last chance." "i suppose you're right," said captain dinks, "though i can't say that i like to leave the poor old thing's bones to bleach on this outlandish coast. what say you, mr mccarthy, eh?" "i agree, sure, with mr meldrum, son. he spakes like a sailor; and as he's a naval officer he ought to know best," answered the chief mate. mr adams and frank harness, who were both also admitted to the "council of war," having given a similar opinion, mr meldrum's advice was immediately acted upon. without delay, a small jury-mast was rigged up aft, attached to the stump of the mizzen-mast, and one on the main-deck, close to where the main-mast bitts yet remained, as it was thought better not to step the jury-masts too far forward, for fear of the vessel plunging her bows under. after this, the mizzen-topsail and topgallant-sail, which had been cut off from the yards and saved from the wreck, were hoisted on roughly improvised yards; when, the _nancy bell_ being brought round with the wind abeam, was cast loose from the wreckage and headed due east towards the land--in the very direction whence had been heard the sound of breakers, and which all on board had been so anxious to give a wide berth to but so few short hours before. what had been her dire peril was now looked on as a haven of safety! chapter sixteen. almost a mutiny. towards midnight, the slight surface fog, which had up to that time hung over the sea, lifted, when it could be seen that the ice had almost all disappeared--drifting towards the south, where some towering bergs, amongst which probably was the one that had done all the mischief to the ill-fated vessel, were conspicuous in the distance. the wind, also, had diminished considerably in force, blowing now from a point to the westward of north, although the waves were still rolling heavily, as they always do for some time after a storm in the southern ocean, setting in towards the land that was just faintly visible right ahead of the _nancy bell_, and whither she was now proceeding steadily, but, of course, making but very slow progress through being waterlogged forwards and possessing such small sail-power. there was no moon, to complete the description; but the heavens above were twinkling with bright stars that gave sufficient light to illumine the horizon for miles round, for they touched up the crests of the waves with coruscations of silver, and made the broken spray gleam like jets of flame above the dark expanse of water. everything, in a word, looked favourable for their enjoying a quiet interval on board after all the anxiety and hard work of the preceding day and night. seeing that no pressing danger was imminent, and that nothing more could be done for the present, mr meldrum tried to induce captain dinks, who had been on deck for over forty-eight hours, to go below and have some rest, as he had a good deal yet before him to go through, and looked fagged and worn-out. but the captain would not hear of the suggestion for a moment. "no," said he; "i mistrust that mutinous chap, bill moody, and the lot who sided with him in making a rush for the boats when we struck. i know they would be up to some mischief or other as soon as my back is turned." "but there is mccarthy your chief mate," replied mr meldrum, "surely he can take command of the vessel, as he has so often done before, while you have a spell off?" "ah, mccarthy, though as good an officer as ever stepped a plank, isn't myself, mr meldrum; and as for adams, he wants backbone, while frank harness is too young a lad for the men to obey him if any difficulty arose. besides, there are a lot of things to see to that want my supervision, which must be given while i have this breathing time--the boats have to be prepared and provisioned, for instance." "talking of that," interrupted the other, "i have roused up that lazy steward of yours and set him to work collecting all the tinned meats and cabin stores he can find, and getting them up out of the steerage." "that's right," said the captain. "it was very thoughtful, and just what i had intended doing myself, only i forgo it! i have got our old friend snowball, the cook, busy here in the same way, boiling as much salt beef and pork as he can cram into his coppers, so that it may be ready-cooked when wanted and save time. the darkey has got the galley fire in full blast now." "a good precaution," said mr meldrum; "but i do wish i could get you to go below. if you like i'll remain on deck in your stead?" but, no! captain dinks would not hear of leaving the deck until the fate of the poor _nancy bell_ was settled for good or ill; and there he remained amidships--the mates sticking by him and lending a willing hand so as to inspire the crew with an equal energy--superintending the constant pumping operations which were necessary to keep the water from gaining, one watch at a time being engaged solely on the task. others were preparing the longboat and jolly-boat for service, which was a tedious job, for the gunwales and bottom planking of both had been damaged greatly by the knocking about they had sustained since leaving england, even if they had been properly seaworthy then--a very problematical point, for many of the boats of merchant ships which carry passengers on distant voyages are never taken off the chocks or tested from year's end to year's end, in spite of all marine codes and passenger acts or board of trade ordinances to the contrary, and mr plimsoll's effort notwithstanding! when mr meldrum got below again he found that matters had quieted down in the cuddy. mrs negus, persuaded at last that the ship was not immediately going to engulf herself and her darling boy, had been induced to take some refreshment--snowball sending in a splendid hot supper by the direction of the captain, as the regular routine of the meals in the cuddy had been somewhat revolutionised through the calamities of the vessel. if she had any scruples, mr lathrope set the good lady a praiseworthy example in looking after the necessities of the inner man. "s'pose we air gwine down to davy jones's locker," said the american, with a comical twinkle in his cunning grey eyes; "thar's no reason why we shouldn't go with a full stummick as well as one like an empty meal sack, hey? look at me, marm. i treats it philosopherically, i dew, fur i find thars nothin' like feedin' to keep up a coon's grit." mrs major negus murmured something about "somebody" being "shockingly vulgar," but, whether inspired by mr lathrope's "philosopherical" remark or not, she could not resist a second helping of some capital "lobscouse" which the darkey cook had dished up most appetisingly; after which the good lady retired to her cabin for the night in much more cheerful spirits. florry's cut head was easier, too, and by mr meldrum's directions she and kate turned in comparatively early. they really both wanted a good night's rest, and their father was not long in following out his own precept, advising mr lathrope to do likewise, to which he was nothing loth; so that, soon after eight bells had struck, all the occupants of the saloon were buried in repose and the ship quiet--with the exception of an occasional tinkering sound from the main-deck, coupled with the "clink-clank" of the chain-pumps and the wash of the waves past the sides, all of which were almost inaudible aft. about four bells in the morning watch, mr meldrum awoke; and, without disturbing any of the others, he rose and went on deck. he seemed to have a presentiment of something happening. it was quite dark now, the stars having gone in and the sky become clouded over; while the wind had changed and was blowing in short sharp gusts from the southward, which, with the chopping sea, made the ship labour a good deal, taking in lots of water forward. she seemed to bury her head in every wave, her bows being so depressed from the fore compartment being full; and this compelled the crew in consequence to work double spells at the pumps, which caused much grumbling, for the men were almost dead beat, although captain dinks still kept them hard at it. the disaffection had almost reached a head before mr meldrum came up, on account of the captain keeping the port watch, in which was moody and two of his special chums--at the unpleasant task, without allowing them a turn off below, as he had done the other watch, the members of which, however, had had their spell of duty before "all hands" had been called, and thus were fully entitled to the relief. but, the grumblers, in considering their own grievance, did not recollect this, and the appearance of the passenger, whom some of them were already inclined to dislike from something ben boltrope had dropped of his being a naval man, and the fact of his now ranging himself alongside of the captain, as if to support his authority, brought matters to a crisis. "spell ho!" shouted bill moody defiantly, dropping his arms and striking work. "i'm hanged if i pump another stroke! the blessed old hulk can go to the bottom as soon as she likes." "nor i," exclaimed another, likewise leaving off. "nor i!" chorused half a dozen more; and, in a second, the pumps were at a standstill. adams, the second mate, who was in charge of the men on the main deck-- mr mccarthy and frank harness having been sent below by captain dinks along with the starboard watch--stood meanwhile, staring aghast at the delinquents and not knowing what to do, "like a stock fish," as mr meldrum thought, looking on the scene. it was a critical moment. captain dinks, of course, hearing the steady "clink, clank" of the pumps stop, knew that something had occurred, and guessed the cause; but he waited to hear what the second mate would say before he interfered, nudging mr meldrum to call his attention, although the latter was already listening with keen interest. "do, my men," they could hear adams entreat the rebellious gang, "do put your hearts into it and start work again! it won't be for long, you know." "a cursed sight too long for me!" said moody, interrupting him with a coarse laugh. "you aren't a going to come over us with your soft sawder, nor the skipper neither! i, for one, ain't agoing to have any more o' this slave-driving work! why should we sweat our hearts out trying to keep the old tub afloat and drive her to shore, when we can reach there quite as well in the boats, without half the trouble? i votes for quitting her at once--what say you, mates?" and he turned round to the others, seeking their support. "aye, aye!" shouted several voices together with acclamation. "let us have no more pumping or slaving; but quit the ship at once and leave the cussed thing to sink. to the boats! to the boats!" captain dinks thought he had allowed the matter to go far enough. the time for action had arrived, and he was ready. "hold!" cried he, in clear ringing tones that penetrated fore and aft the vessel and which could be heard above every other sound, advancing to the top of the poop ladder and drawing a revolver from his pocket as he spoke. "the first man who touches either of those boats without my orders, i'll shoot like a dog!" at the first sound of his voice the men had stopped speaking, and now there was a dead silence in which you could have heard a pin drop. not a movement was made by any of the men--all standing still as if turned to stone. "do you know that what you are doing, men, is rank mutiny?" continued the captain, taking advantage of the occasion. "return to your duty at once, however, and i'll think no more about it. what i am making you do is for the good of us all, and i wouldn't give you a moment's unnecessary work if i could avoid it!" "but," interposed bill moody. "ah, i thought it was you, you scamp, ever trying to foment discord amongst the crew--a lazy hound, always grumbling and skulking, you're not worthy the name of a sailor--you are only a thing aboard a ship! i'll soon settle your reckoning, my hearty!" and, little man as he was, captain dinks sprang down the poop ladder in one bound; and, dashing up to where moody was standing, knocked him senseless to the deck with a blow from the butt end of the pistol which he held in his hand right across his temples. "there!" exclaimed he, when the ringleader of the gang was thus disposed of, kicking his body on one side and spurning it with his foot. "that's the way i deal with mutineers! now, man the pumps again, my lads, and set to work with a will. as mr adams told you just now, it will not be for long that you'll have to stick at it, for we'll soon be able to beach the vessel, and then your task will cease!" cowed by his summary treatment of moody, rather than encouraged by his words, the men started pumping again, although without any heartiness, clink-clanking till daylight, when they were relieved by the other watch and went below, taking moody with them--that worthy having regained his consciousness after a time, in consequence of the water in the lee scuppers, where he was lying, washing over him and acting more efficaciously than the application of smelling-salts or sal volatile would have done under other circumstances. before the mutineer went below, however, he turned his scowling face towards the poop, the blood all streaming down from a rather ugly cut on the left temple, and shook his fist in the direction of captain dinks, although the latter did not see the gesture, for his face was turned at the moment to the binnacle. but, mr meldrum saw it. "you'll have some more trouble yet from that fellow!" said he to the captain, relating what he had seen and telling how moody looked. "pooh!" exclaimed the captain. "he's only a bully and a lazy grumbler; and all bullies and grumblers are curs at heart!" "ah," said the other, "but those sort of sneaking chaps are just as likely to knife you as not when your back's turned, though they would be afraid to face you pluckily, like a man." "let him knife away," replied captain dinks. "that is, if i give him the chance! i fancy he'll remember that little tap i gave him just now; and if he gives me any occasion for it he shall have another!" the skipper then went away laughing, but mr meldrum, from the vindictive look he had seen on the man's face did not think it a laughing matter at all. chapter seventeen. the barrier reef. as the light increased, the land in front could be seen more distinctly rising steadily out of the seal with the high elevated peak in the centre which mr meldrum had identified the day before as the mount ross marked on the chart. the mountain, however, showed now on the port bow; so, the ship must necessarily have run down a considerable portion of the western coast, after they had abandoned the idea of weathering the island on the port tack--which they had done as soon as they were alarmed by the sound of breakers, letting her drive to leeward--before the collision with the berg. this was a discovery which did not appear to give mr meldrum much satisfaction. "it's a great pity," he said to the captain, "that we could not get round that northerly cape i pointed out to you, before the snowstorm and sea-fog set in! there were one or two good bays there marked on the chart, such as christmas harbour and cumberland bay, which have been properly sounded and have the points laid down; but of this western coast little appears known, and it has been only from surmise that the outlines of the map have been sketched in. i really don't think any exploring party has ever visited it since monsieur lieutenant de kerguelen-tremarec briefly surveyed it in --more than a hundred years ago." "and it might have changed a lot since then," observed captain dinks. "yes," continued mr meldrum; "for the french discoverer narrated all sorts of wonders about a raging volcano, with geysers and hot springs like those of iceland; and if volcanic agency has been at work since then, no doubt the place is very much altered." "if there is a live crater there, it can't be so very cold then, eh?" "i don't know about that," replied mr meldrum. "away in the north, i have seen boiling water freeze as soon as it was exposed to the outside air; so i don't suppose it will be much warmer here than we can expect from all accounts." but, warm or cold, it was the only haven of refuge for the sinking ship, which slowly, and more slowly still, by reason of the stormy sea and shifting wind, the latter of which grew gustier as the morning advanced, made her laboured way towards the land in crab-like fashion--half sailing, half drifting, and burying her bows deeply every now and then in the heavy rollers she was powerless now to ride over, and rising again from the water so sluggishly that it sometimes seemed impossible that she would recover herself, but must founder, whenever she took a deeper plunge than usual. bye and bye, mr lathrope came on deck escorting kate meldrum; although our heroine looked more like escorting him, for he was very pale and appeared much thinner than before--if that were possible to one belonging to the order of "pharaoh's lean kine!" it was the first appearance of the american outside the cuddy since the accident that had crippled him, and he could not help noticing the altered state of the ship--having last seen her just before she encountered the cyclone. "snakes and alligators, cap, but you hev hed it rough, and no mistake!" said he to captain dinks, gazing with surprise at the broken bulwarks, which had been torn away when the masts went by the board, the wrecked forecastle, and the unsightly stumps to which the jury-masts had been attached, which now occupied the place of the tall graceful spars and neatly-braced yards, with the canvas smoothly stowed away in shipshape fashion, that he had left so trim when he went below that stormy night. "why, you're busted up entirely, i guess!" "not quite yet, i hope," replied captain dinks, smiling mournfully as he, too, looked around; "but, the old _nancy_ has been sadly battered about. ah, mr lathrope, if she hadn't been a stout built one, she'd have gone to the bottom before this!" "you bet!" said the american, humouring this little remaining bit of pride the old seaman had in the ship he had commanded for so many years, a pride that was mingled with a sorrow at her approaching end, which he could foresee and mourn over, as if the vessel had been a living thing--"she's been a clipper in her time, and made a smart fit for it; but, the winds and the waves have licked her at last, same as they done me, when they squoze in my durned ribs t'other day." but, the captain could not laugh at what the other had said as a joke about himself, just in order to banish the poor skipper's gloom. it seemed to him a sort of sacrilege towards the _nancy bell_ to liken her mortal injuries to the mere temporary ones of the american; so he turned the conversation. "i hope you feel better now?" he said. "wa-al, i ain't downright slick and hearty agin, that's a fact; fur my innards got a'most druv into smash! but i'm picking up, i guess, and feed reg'ler; so i s'pose i'll do, cap, for an old hoss, eh? durned if i don't feel kinder peckish now. hullo, my lily-white friend," added he, catching sight of snowball, who was bustling about the galley close to him, for mr lathrope had gone down on the main-deck along with captain dinks, to inspect the damage to the ship more narrowly than he was able to do on the poop. "ain't it near breakfast-time? i hope you've got something for us as good as that lobscouse last night: it wer prime, and no mistake!" "golly, massa, no time for um 'scouse dis mornin'--too busy bilin' beef; but breakfast in um brace of shakes," replied the darkey, grinning from ear to ear and showing his white teeth and full lips to great advantage. "i'm durned glad to hear it," said mr lathrope. "look alive, ivories, fur i feels a kinder sinkin' in my stummick that tells me it's time to stow in grub. you're a prime cook, let me tell you, darkey, and hev done me a heap of good since i've ben aboard!" "glad massa like um cookin'," replied snowball; and he bustled back into his galley with the intention of continuing to deserve the high encomium he had received from such an authority on eating as the steward had reported the american to be, while the latter proceeded to remount the poop ladder and join kate. she, however, was not now alone, frank harness having seized the opportunity of seeing her on deck to come up and speak to her; and the two parted with some little embarrassment as soon as mr lathrope approached. towards mid-day, the _nancy bell_ had closed with the land so much that its features could be distinguished. a bare, inhospitable coast it looked! it seemed nothing but a series of abrupt cliffs and headlands, six to eight hundred feet high--as well as could be judged from the distance they were off--at the base of which the waves thundered, sending up columns of spray, without any bay or opening into which they could run the ship with any chance of getting ashore in safety. there was, certainly, a projecting cape stretching far into the sea, like an arm, to the southward, to which point the coast-line trended, and beyond that there might probably be a harbour of some sort for it was to the lee of the island; but then, the wind was now blowing from the southward and westward--the very direction almost they ought to take to give the point a wide berth--and thus, unless it chopped round, it would be utterly impossible for the crippled vessel to round the headland, save by a miracle. captain dinks and mr meldrum looked at each other in blank dismay; for, the gale seemed to be rising again, while the sea got rougher and rougher every moment, and dark masses of cloud began to pile themselves up along the horizon to seaward. if they were unable to beach the ship soon it was but only too apparent that she would sink from under them in deep water, when--god help those on board! suddenly, however, when hope abandoned them both, there was a break in the dark sky just overhead and a bit of blue was to be seen, followed presently by a gleam of sunshine which sent a ray of comfort into their hearts and bid them not utterly despair. this caused one, at least, to pluck up his courage again. "it is close on noon now," said mr meldrum, speaking cheerfully, "we had better take an observation, so as to see where we precisely are." "and what good will that do us?" asked the captain disconsolately; "no amount of observations are of any use to us now." but he fetched out his sextant all the same, as well for the mere sake of doing "something" as to oblige mr meldrum; and taking advantage of a favourable opportunity, he "took" the sun. "we're in degrees minutes south latitude," he observed after a short interval during which he had been calculating his reckoning, "and degrees minutes east longitude--if that information can help us!" "i'll soon tell you," answered mr meldrum stretching out on the binnacle a chart of kerguelen land which he had brought up from the cabin, and marking on it the position of the ship with a pencil. "yes, it's exactly as i thought just now. you see that headland, there to starboard? that is the promontory put down here as cape saint louis; and if we can get round it, there, as you see in the chart, we'll find ourselves in a large sheltered bay, safe from the ocean swell, where we can run her ashore with ease. why, it is the very thing! how providential it was that i put in this chart by accident along with some others of the pacific i had amongst my papers! i didn't know i had it till the other day." "ah," said captain dinks, returning to the main question, "but how are we going to weather the point, eh? that's the difficulty." "we may do it yet," replied mr meldrum, whose hopes appeared to rise the more the captain seemed determined to look gloomily on the outlook. "you can see for yourself that we are drifting equally as much to the south as we are sailing towards the coast, and making about the same progress each way. from this circumstance i have little doubt that there is a considerable current running southwards; and if so, it may carry us round the cape--especially should the wind shift to the northward." "aye, if it should!" said captain dinks sarcastically. "i do not really see why it should not," persisted mr meldrum, "it has already veered about a good deal this morning; and, if you remember, both yesterday afternoon and on the previous day it shifted shortly after sunset to that very direction." "yes, i recollect," said the other with grim humour, "and the shift brought a snowstorm and a fog with it on each occasion! i hope, really, with all my heart, mr meldrum," he added more heartily, "that the weather may be as accommodating as you seem to fancy; but, as a matter of precaution, i will go and see that the boats may be ready, in case we have to abandon the ship soon, which i think will be the end of it all. they are both patched up now, so as to be pretty serviceable; and fortunately, there'll be no difficulty in getting them over the side, as the bulwarks have been swept away, and all we'll have to do will be to launch them into the water. i am just going to superintend the stowage of the provisions and water casks. they are piled on the main-deck quite handy; and i will see, too, that the oars and sails are not forgotten." "very good," answered mr meldrum. "but i hope we sha'n't want them after all; and, while you are down there, i'll remain here and look after the pilotage of the ship--that is, if you'll send some one below in my place to see to my daughters and their arrangements. i have told kate already that she must only take the barest necessaries with her, in case we have to embark in the boats, and above all, not to forget warm clothing for herself and florry; so you'd better advise whoever you send down, to see that mrs major negus does the same. mr lathrope is smart enough to look after himself." "aye, aye," said captain dinks, as he turned to descend to the main- deck, "i think i'll send down frank harness. he's the most of a ladies' man on board the ship, and i imagine that he and miss kate will get on pretty well together, eh, mr meldrum?" but the other made no reply to this remark. he was too busily engaged just then in looking out across the rolling sea astern, and watching a haze which appeared to be creeping up over the water to the northward, with a dark line of cloud hovering over it, both coming rapidly towards the ship. "hurrah!" he exclaimed at last in an ecstasy of joy, when his faint hope became confirmed into a certainty; "the wind's shifting, and chopping round to the north in our favour!" "you don't say so?" said captain dinks equally excited, abandoning the provisioning of the boats and skipping up the poop-ladder like a young two-year-old; "why, yes, really! it's the best piece of news i ever heard! put the helm amidships!" he added to the man at the wheel. "we'll have to ease her round and run before it a bit for the last time; and if the wind only holds to the northward for a short spell, we'll get round the point yet and lay her old bones ashore decently. steady, boltrope, steady!" "steady it is!" laconically answered the carpenter, whose trick it was at the wheel, obeying the captain's directions implicitly. "look alive, mccarthy, and square the yards," was the captain's next command; "but do it gingerly, my man, do it gingerly! if we lose the jury-masts now it will be all up with us." "aye, aye, sorr," was the response of the chief mate, as he aided himself in carrying out the order; and the vessel's head coming round south by west, under the impulse of the helm and the shifting of the sails, she began to exhibit some of her old powers and claw off the land, bringing the cape now to bear upon her port bow well to leeward. in addition to this, it was perceived that she made much better way through the water than when she had been steering direct for the shore, as, from the breeze being now well abeam, it made her heel over on her side, thus elevating her broken bows somewhat and preventing her from dipping her head so frequently in the waves. it was a moment of intense interest and suspense, everybody being on deck to witness the struggle the ship was making against the odds opposed to her. if she got round the point, they would be comparatively safe--at least they thought so; whereas, if the wind failed, or a brace started, or the rudder proved powerless to guide her at a critical period, the vessel would be driven against the iron-bound cliff they were approaching in an oblique line--against whose base the heavy rollers were now thundering with a crashing roar that each instant became louder as they neared the point, throwing their spray high up its precipitous face; and then--why, they were lost! frank harness was at this time standing by the side of kate and florry on the poop; but nearer to the former, who had just asked him to save her little sister should the ship strike. "i will," said he in a whisper close to her ear, "god helping me! and you, too; but call me `frank' again, miss meldrum. you did so once, you know, when you caught me that time i was nearly washed overboard, and saved me!" "do you remember that?" asked kate. "i do," said he; "how could i forget it? do not fear, i'll save you and florry too!" "thank you, `frank,' then for your promise," whispered she--in accents so low that they were almost drowned by the noise of the waves dashing against the cliff; but he heard her, and his face lightened up as brightly as if he had been redeemed from all peril and saw heaven before him. onward the ship sped, ever drawing closer to that terrible wall of rock and yet gaining at the same time inch by inch on the promontory, that jutted out into the sea like an arm stretched forth to stay her progress; while, as the anxious moments flew by, the northerly wind which had come so opportunely to their rescue gradually rose into a gale, threatening to destroy them--the _nancy bell_ approaching the cliff so closely, as she skirted by, that it seemed to those on board that they might have touched it by merely stretching out their hands over the side. the sky, too, was growing darker and darker every moment. they were now quite near the southerly point of the cape, and within half a cable's length of its precipitous face: five minutes--three minutes--one minute--would settle the question. "luff, man, luff!" shouted the captain, as all held their breath with excitement. it was a case of touch and go! "hurrah! down with the helm! she's done it!" called out captain dinks again, as the vessel glided by the last spur of the promontory, and, rounding to on the other side, she seemed to get into smoother water--a fine beach stretching out in the distance a few miles away and no rocks being apparent--"the old ship has conquered, and won the race after all." his triumph, however, was as short-lived as it was premature. hardly had the _nancy bell_ rounded the cape, than the air grew dense around them, and snow began to fall heavily; while a thick fog rising, shut out the shore and every object from view. then, as captain dinks and mr meldrum were deliberating whether it would be better under the circumstances to run the ship straight for the beach--which they had calculated to be some five miles in front of them to the south-east or the cape they had just passed--or else to continue pumping until the weather got lighter and they could see better where they were going, the matter was settled for them, in a very unexpected manner, by the ship running on to a sunken ridge of rock immediately under her forefoot; and, in a moment, there she stuck hard and fast, bumping and scraping her bottom, with a harsh, grating sound and a quivering and rending of her timbers, as if every plank below the water-line was being torn out of her piecemeal. the _nancy bell_ had struck on some barrier reef, which guarded at a distance the desolate and inhospitable shore, just at the very moment everything was deemed secure and all danger past! and, as she stranded, the thick-falling white snow which had already covered the decks seemed to be busy wreathing a shroud for the ill-fated ship, while the surges sang her requiem in their dull, heart-breaking roar--the sea-fog hanging over the scene of the calamity the while like a sombre pall. chapter eighteen. a foul blow! every one was on deck at the time--the crew, the officers, the passengers; but, with the exception of a slight scream from mrs major negus, which passed unnoticed, not a single exclamation of terror or alarm was uttered. all seemed completely stupefied by the unexpected shock, their consternation being too great for words--they stood as if spell-bound! captain dinks was the first to break the silence. "god forgive me!" he cried out to everybody's surprise. "it is all my fault!" "your fault!" repeated mr meldrum; "how--why?" "i should have had a man forward, sounding with the lead, but i quite forgot it--quite forgot it; and this has happened." "nonsense, man!" said the other to cheer him up--the captain appearing to be more concerned at his own neglect, as he regarded it, than he was at the actual fact of the ship's striking on the reef--"such a precaution would have been utterly useless! we were probably in deep water a minute before; and even if a man had been stationed in the chains, he could scarcely have had time to have swung the lead and sang out the marks, before she was on the rocks! it is one of those unforeseen calamities that are inevitable and which can never be prevented by any human foresight. i for one, and i've no doubt every one else here agrees with me, entirely exonerate you from all blame." the captain was endeavouring to make some broken reply, as far as his deep emotion would allow, when mrs major negus interrupted him. "speak for yourself, please, mr meldrum," she exclaimed, elbowing herself forwards in front of the group, her shrill high-pitched voice sounding almost like another scream, as she waved her arms wildly about and addressed mr meldrum and captain dinks alternately. "speak for yourself, please, for i don't agree with you at all! i say it is the captain's fault; and he knows it, though it's rather late in the day for him to acknowledge it! and i'd like to know, sir, how i and my darling boy are going to get on shore now in this blinding snowstorm--in such a bleak and dreary outlandish place, too! a nice captain you are; and you bargained to take us safe to new zealand when you took our passage- money. my poor maurice, oh my dear boy, you'll never, never see your father now, for we'll all be drowned, and captain dinks is the cause of it!" so shrieking, she proceeded to weep and wail in a way that made mr meldrum lose all patience with her. "peace, woman!" cried he indignantly. "this is no time for hysterics and such violent displays: you'd better keep them till the fine weather comes, and remain quiet now! the best thing you can do if you hope to escape, is to allow the captain to see about getting the boats ready to take us off, for the ship will probably break up soon." his latter remark, while it reduced "the major" to a state of limp collapse that made her silent and subdued, had the effect he intended, of rousing the captain to action--thus causing him to forget for a time his grief at the _nancy bell's_ disaster in having to exert himself so as to provide for the safety of those on board. "main-deck ahoy there!" he shouted. "aye, aye, sorr," answered the first mate, who had remained there, looking to the trimming of the sails while the ship was working up to the cape. "have the men finished storing those things in the boats yet?" "they're jist at it now, sorr. we were all a bit flabbergasted when the poor crathur struck; but we're working hard now, sorr, and the boats will soon be ready to launch into the wather." "that's right, mccarthy, we've no time to lose. send one of the hands forwards to see how her head lies." "aye, aye, sorr. mr adams has gone already sure: an' i've sint the carpenter, boltrope, to sound the well." "he'd better by far sound alongside, to see what depth of water we're in and which would be the best side for launching the boats off!" replied captain dinks. "but stay, harness," he added, "you can do that. heave the lead aft here, and then amidships, telling me what soundings you get." on returning from his mission forwards, mr adams reported that the vessel's bows were fixed hard and fast between two conical points of rock, which were covered by about four fathoms of water; while frank harness, who had been sounding round the ship as the captain directed, stated that there were twenty fathoms of water aft and the same on the port side amidships, but on the starboard, or right-hand side, the lead only gave the same depth the second mate had found forward-- consequently, the ship's stern, being so much lighter than the flooded fore-compartment, had slewed round with the sea towards the reef, on which therefore the _nancy bell_ must have projected herself more than half her length. probably, had her bows not been so depressed, she would have gone over it altogether with a scrape, merely taking off her false keel and dead-wood without doing any material damage. as it was, however, there she was; and the question now was whether the tide was at the ebb or flow at the time she struck. if the former, the likelihood was that as soon as the tide began to rise, the vessel would float off and founder, boltrope having reported that there were eight feet of water in the hold and that it was gaining fast--the pumping operations, of course, having long since been stopped, but, should she have run on the reef at high water, there she was immovably fixed as long as she held together; and in that case they would be able to get ashore to the mainland in comfort, almost at their own convenience, should the weather remain calm, in addition to saving many articles from the wreck that would be of use to them, and a much larger proportion of the ship's provisions and stores. after the first bumping and scraping that had immediately succeeded her stranding, the _nancy bell_ had remained quiet, as if the old ship was glad to be at rest after all the buffeting about and bruisings she had received from the boisterous billows. hence, the natural alarm that had been excited by the ship's striking had calmed down, there being nothing in her present situation to heighten the sense of danger; for the vessel was sheltered from the wind under the lee of the cape, and the sea, in comparison with the rough water she had recently passed through and the stormy waves she had battled with when beating round the point, was almost calm. everybody, therefore, inspired by the example set them by mr meldrum and the captain, remained perfectly cool and collected, the crew obeying the orders given them with alacrity and working as heartily as if the poor old _nancy bell_ were still the staunch clipper of yore, careering over the ocean in the full panoply of her canvas plumage and prosecuting her voyage, instead of lying, a broke and battered hulk, hard and fast ashore on an outlying reef of rocks at kerguelen land, the "desolation island"--name of ominous import--of antarctic whaling ships! even bill moody, mutinous as he had shown himself before and lazy to a degree, now appeared metaphorically to "put his shoulder to the wheel," as if to make amends for the past, lending a willing hand to the preparations that were being made by mr mccarthy for equipping the boats and laying down ways for launching them from the main-deck--there being no davits now, nor any means for rigging a derrick to lift them over the side. indeed, when mr adams ordered a gang to man the pumps again on the carpenter's reporting that the water was gaining in the hold, the whilom mutineer was one of the first to step forwards for the duty, although captain dinks at once countermanded the order, seeing its inutility, and saying that there was no use in working a willing horse to death! "they could never clear her now, adams," said he, "pump as hard as they could; and if they did it would be useless, for she'll never float again. however, if you want to give the men something to do, you can set to work breaking cargo and lightening her amidships, for then we'll swing further up on the reef and get fixed more firmly." "very good, sir," replied the second mate; and the hands were therefore at once started to open the hatches, getting out some of the heavy goods from the hold below, especially the dead-weight from just abaft the main-mast, that had so deducted from the ship's buoyancy when sailing on a wind during the earlier part of her voyage. moody's change of demeanour had not escaped the notice of the captain; and he commented on it to mr meldrum, saying that he thought the lesson he had given him had had a very satisfactory result. "there is nothing," said he, "so persuasive as a knock-down argument!" the other, however, did not believe in the rapid conversion. "i've heard of shamming abraham before," said he. "the rascal may have something to gain, and wishes to put you off your guard by his apparent alacrity and willingness to work. if you had seen the scowl he gave you when your back was turned that time after you knocked him down, you wouldn't trust him further than you could help! i believe all this good behaviour of his is put on, and that you'll see the real animal come out by and by." "all right!" said captain dinks as cheerfully as if the matter were of no moment to him; "we'll see! but we must first observe the tide and the ship's position on the rocks; i think we'll be able to decide those points before the other matter can be settled, by a long way!" when the _nancy bell_ struck, it had been close upon six bells in the second dog-watch--seven o'clock in the evening--the entire afternoon having passed away so rapidly while those on board were anxiously watching the struggle of the vessel against the wind and sea in her endeavours to weather the cape, that, in their intense excitement as they awaited the denouement which would solve all their hopes and fears, they took no heed of the flight of time. it seemed really but a few brief minutes, instead of hours, from the period when captain dinks had taken the sun at noon to the terrible moment of the catastrophe. now, it was midnight, or approaching to it, the intervening period having glided by much more speedily through the fact of everybody having been engaged in doing something towards the common safety of all. not even the lady passengers had been exempted from the task, mr meldrum having told kate to go below and collect whatever she saw in the cabins that might be of use to them on the island; while mrs negus, dropping her dignity for once, cordially assisted. as for florry and maurice they participated in the work with the greatest glee, looking upon the wreck as if it had been specially brought about for their enjoyment, like an impromptu picnic--it was the realisation of their wildest childish dreams. all this while the ship lay quiet, as has been stated, save that after a time she took a slight list to starboard, as if settling down on the rocks, a fact which confirmed the captain in his belief that it had been high water when she went on the reef. this increased his satisfaction. "she won't move now," said he to mr meldrum. "she's wedged as securely forwards as if she were on her cradle; and, unless a storm comes, she'll last for a week." "how about when the tide flows again?" asked the other. "oh, she can't float off. that weight of water in the fore compartment has regularly nailed her on the rocks, thus preventing the only danger i feared--that of her slipping off into deep water as the tide ebbed. as she struck when it was flood and jammed herself firmly then on the reef, there she'll remain when it flows again; so, we have plenty of time before us to transport the whole cargo ashore if we like!" "i hope so, i'm sure," replied mr meldrum; "but you should recollect that, from the experience we've already had, the weather is not to be trusted for very long hereabouts. if it comes on to blow again from the south and the sea should get up, we'll be in a nasty position." "don't croak," said captain dinks, who seemed to have quite recovered his spirits as the others around him became despondent. "look, the snowstorm has ceased already and the sea-fog is rising and drifting away. why, we'll have a fine bright night after all!" it was as the captain had stated. the fog had lifted up and the snow stopped falling; but, his hopes of a fine night were doomed to be disappointed, for, although the sky above cleared for a short spell and allowed a few stray stars to peep out, while an occasional gleam of moonshine lit up the ship's surroundings, the heavens were soon obscured again with thick driving clouds, the wind shifting to the southward and westward and blowing right into the bay behind cape saint louis, where the _nancy bell_ was aground. presently, a heavy rolling sea began to sweep in upon her from the offing; and as the tide rose again, her stern swung more to the starboard side, being driven up higher on the rocks, while her whole frame became uneasy, rocking to and fro and quivering from abaft the main hatch, the fore part of her grinding and working about in a way that threatened to tear her soon to pieces. "i'm afraid she won't last till morning," said mr meldrum, who had never left the deck, but was watching the course of events. "we'd better take to the boats while we can. by and by it may be too late!" "oh no," replied captain dinks, "she'll hold out all right, and it's best for us to land by daylight. besides, i've allowed the hands to turn in, save two or three who are keeping a sort of anchor watch, and i'm not going to rouse them out again unnecessarily--poor fellows, they've had a hard time of it the last few days!" "not many of them have taken advantage of your permission," said mr meldrum drily. "i fancy they feel like myself, too uneasy to sleep, with this fresh gale springing up again and the ship rocking about so!" as he spoke, he pointed to a group amidships, where at least half the crew were gathered about the boats, while some others were standing by snowdrop's galley and having a warm, for the night was intensely cold. "they can please themselves," replied the captain sententiously. "if they don't choose to turn in, they needn't; but i'm not going to launch the boats yet and leave the ship while it is safe. i'm considering what is best for us all, mr meldrum; and, excuse me, but as long as the vessel holds together i'm captain of her, and don't intend to give over my duty to anybody else." this was speaking pretty plainly, so mr meldrum had perforce to remain silent and nurse his uneasiness; the two pacing up and down the poop on opposite sides, without ever a word passing between them for some time, just as if each ignored the other's presence. at two o'clock in the morning, however, the wind increased and the heavy waves began to break against the windward side of the ship, dashing over her amidships in columns of spray. she also lurched more to starboard, as if thrown on her bilge, the deck inclining to an angle of forty-five degrees. at the same time, too, the group of men forward could be dimly seen in the half light moving about excitedly. they were evidently tired of their forced inaction; for, their voices could be heard occasionally between the lulls of the breaking waves and sound of the wind whistling by. they were grumbling in tones of dissatisfaction. the climax was put to the matter by the sudden rushing up on deck of mr mccarthy, whom captain dinks had told to go below until the morning watch. "be jabers, cap'en," he exclaimed, "she's druv in her starboard streeks against the rocks, and the wather is pouring in like winking. faix, it is breaking up she'll be before were out of her, sure!" thus urged, the captain at length gave the order to launch the boats. this was, now, a very difficult task, for the water was boiling in eddies round the ship to leeward even on her sheltered side, although a couple of hours before it had been as calm there as a mill-pond, so that a thames outrigger might have been floated off in safety. as soon as the men heard the tardy word of command, there was a tussle and a rush towards the long-boat, seeing which captain dinks, who was standing just over the break of the poop, ran down the ladder-way and stood amongst the excited group, with his arm uplifted to enforce his orders. "avast there!" cried he; "get away from that long-boat, and prepare to run in the jolly-boat. i want that launched first for the ladies and passengers, and i must see them all safely out of the ship before a man jack amongst you leaves her! go down, mccarthy," he added to the first mate, "and ask the ladies to come on deck, sharp; we'll have the boat prepared by the time you come up with them." the crew still hustled round the long-boat, however, and showed signs of insubordination, whilst a voice called out, "let the passengers be! i say every man for himself now!" "what is that i hear?" exclaimed the captain. "are you men--are you british seamen--to abandon women and children in time of peril and seek your own safety?" "my life's as good as anyone else's, passenger or no passenger," cried out bill moody defiantly, pressing closer to captain dinks. "ah!" ejaculated the latter, "i thought it was you--what! you haven't learnt your lesson yet, eh?" and he made a grab at the man's neck as if to grasp it. but, bill moody was prepared this time. the captain did not catch him unawares, as he had done on the previous occasion when he had knocked him down with the butt-end of his pistol. raising a sheath-knife, which he must have had ready drawn for the purpose in his hand, the man plunged it with all his force into the breast of the captain as he approached him. captain dinks was borne back and half turned round by the strength with which the blow was delivered. then, staggering first on to his knees, and exclaiming, "murder! i'm a dead man! the villain has stabbed me!" he fell forwards on the deck in a pool of blood. chapter nineteen. deserted! there was a cry of consternation from the men on seeing the captain fall, for, although the majority of them evidently supported moody in the rush for the boats, none had dreamt of going to the lengths he did; still, not a man stepped forward to seize the assassin, who, coolly throwing overboard the bloody blade with which the foul blow had been dealt, proceeded to carry out his original intention of casting loose the lashings of the long-boat and launching it over the side, several assisting him as he began the task. however, mr meldrum had seen what had happened from the poop, not having followed captain dinks too closely, for fear of being again accused of interfering with the duties of the ship. now, single-handed as he was, he at once dropped on to the lower deck, rushing to where moody was standing, but the other men got in between and hustled him away; so, seeing that he could do nothing towards arresting the miscreant for the present, he bent over the poor captain and lifted him on his knee to see whether life was quite extinct. happily he still lived! moaning faintly as mr meldrum raised him in his arms; consequently, as it was too dark--for it was just under the break of the poop where the wounded man was lying--for him to see what was the extent of the injury he had received, mr meldrum called out loudly for assistance, that he might be able to carry him below to the saloon and bind up the wound properly. it was vitally necessary to staunch the blood speedily, as it was flowing copiously and had already saturated the coat-sleeve of mr meldrum's supporting arm. "what are you calling out for?" shouted out the miscreant moody in derision. "none of them will hear you through the bulkhead. let the cursed brute bleed to death and be hanged to him! i'm sorry i didn't settle him, right out, as i intended!" somebody did hear, however; for at that moment, frank harness--who had been told to go below along with mccarthy and adams at midnight by the unfortunate captain, who said he would take the sole duty of the ship on himself until the morning watch was called--rushed up the companion way on to the poop. "did you call, captain dinks--mr meldrum!" he cried, looking about and seeing nobody there. "i thought i heard someone call out for help!" "i'm here below on the main-deck," shouted mr meldrum. "call for assistance and come and help me at once. poor captain dinks has been stabbed by one of the crew, and i fear he's dying!" "good heavens!" exclaimed frank in startled surprise, staggered for the moment; but he did not stop long to think or act. "mr mccarthy!--mr lathrope!" he called loudly down the companion. "come up here at once and leave the ladies for the present. something dreadful has happened!" then, without uttering another word, he jumped down alongside of mr meldrum on the lower deck; where, catching up a marlinspike that was handy, he rapped vehemently against the coamings of the hatchway, some of the hands having gone to bunk down there since the cargo had been partly removed, on account of the forecastle being quite untenable from the water that had accumulated there, besides which the waves were now washing over it freely. "all hands ahoy!" sang out frank. "tumble up, men! tumble up just as you are! there's murder afloat!" "stow that yelling!" cried the group around moody, who did not wish to be interrupted yet awhile with their plans; but frank took no notice of their observations, save that a contemptuous smile passed over his face as he compressed his lips. "who did it?" asked he of mr meldrum, looking down at the latter as he bent over the poor captain, supporting his head and shoulders still on his knee so that he might breathe more freely. "that man there," was the answer, mr meldrum pointing to where moody was standing in the centre of some ten others of the same kidney. "the same man whom captain dinks knocked down the other day for insubordination, and whom i saw threaten him afterwards, as i can swear. if the captain dies, he will be tried for wilful murder, and hung, for it was no accidental blow, but a deliberately premeditated deed!" "oh, bill moody? i thought it was that scoundrel!" exclaimed frank; and in a moment he had leaped fearlessly amidst the throng--with the marlinspike fortunately still in his hand, for he was otherwise weaponless. "stand back!" shouted one of the men warningly, pushing him away--not in any rough fashion, but as if to keep him out of harm's way. "we don't wish to do you any hurt, mr harness, but i'd advise you to leave moody alone! he's desperate now and might cause you an injury; besides which, he's one of us, and we don't intend to give him up!" "don't you?" exclaimed frank, flaming up and struggling with the man who held him back; while the would-be murderer, drawing another knife from his belt, stood apparently at bay waiting for him to come on. "hillo! what's all this yere muss about?" called out mr lathrope, appearing on the poop at this juncture; "whar's everybody!" "here, help!" said frank. "the crew have mutinied and the captain has been stabbed. i'm trying to get hold of the murderer; but they're too many for me. help, mr lathrope, help!" "you will have it then, you young devil!" screamed out moody savagely, making a plunge at frank with the formidable knife that he had now drawn, which had a much longer blade than that with which he had stricken down the captain. "i'll soon stop your cursed yelling, my joker, and give you something better to cry for!" "i guess not, sez con," drawled out the american, the crack of his six- shooter echoing through the air at the same time that the knife fell to the deck from the miscreant's hand, which had been neatly perforated by a bullet. the instant he raised it above his head to strike frank, mr lathrope catching sight of it, had "drawn a bead on it," as he would have expressed it, without delay. "no, sirree, i guess not, as long as old zach hain't forgot to handle the shootin'-irons!" he continued. "i fancy, mister, i've spiled your murdering little game; an' now we'll go in for a rough and tumble, i opine!" so saying, the american, not shooting again for fear of wounding frank, was down on the main-deck in a jiffey and by the side of the brave young sailor who was tackling the mutineers so gallantly--mr meldrum also joining in the struggle, first laying down the now nearly lifeless body of the captain again on the deck, however, and drawing off his coat to place it under his head so as to raise it up. the trio were shortly afterwards reinforced by the arrival of mr mccarthy, panting and out of breath, with the side of his monkey-jacket half torn off by major negus, who had caught hold of it in trying to prevent his rushing up the companion ladder on hearing frank's cry for help, the good lady imploring him not to leave her to be murdered! the first mate's brawny fists, hitting out right and left, did yeoman's service in the melee that ensued, and so did mr lathrope, while frank and mr meldrum also fought well; but the four were powerless against moody's gang, who numbered a round dozen and had, by battening down the main-hatch, prevented the loyal portion of the crew from coming to their assistance--when, of course, the tables would have been turned. fortunately, there was no knife used in the fray, beyond the one which moody had so unceremoniously dropped, and thus further bloodshed was prevented; but some hard knocks were given and received, and the party from the poop did not come off scathless, mr lathrope having his rather long nose somewhat flattened and almost turned to one side by a blow from the sledge-hammer fist of one of the mutineers. mr meldrum had also been considerably mauled about, and frank had a splendid black eye. as for the first mate, who had gone into the very thick of it, he "hadn't a sound bone in the howl of his body from the crown of his head to the sole of his fut"--that is, according to his version of it! the struggle did not last very long, the opposing forces being so unequally matched; so, as soon as frank and his coadjutors had been borne down by the sheer weight of numbers, their conquerors hustled them into the corner of the deck under the break of the poop, where the captain was still lying, throwing them down beside him and telling them they had better keep quiet now they had had the worst of it, that is if they valued their lives. it was no empty threat, either; for, the mutineers emphasised the order by leaving two of their number on guard over them, with belaying pins in their hands, with which they were told to "knock them on the head" should they stir or call out--a command which they looked quite capable of executing. the gang then proceeded to drag the long-boat to the opening in the broken bulwarks on the starboard side of the ship and launch her into the water, for it was a little smoother there on account of being inclosed like a sort of lagoon between the vessel and the reef. it was a ticklish job, for an occasional roller swelled into the boat from round the stern of the ship; while as the waves that broke over the forecastle and weather quarter of the _nancy bell_ washed through the vessel, they poured like a cascade from the inclined deck, threatened to swamp the little raft as she lay tossing uneasily alongside until the mutineers could complete their arrangements for embarkation. there was not much to do, for, thanks to captain dinks' precautions, provisions and small water casks, or barricoes, had already been stowed in the bows and along the sternsheets of the long-boat; so, after chucking in one or two articles which they had brought up from below beforehand on the sly, amongst which was a good-sized barrel of rum, they proceeded to drop down into the boat one by one, moody going first and the others following until the whole number, a round dozen in all, had got in--the two who had remained as sentries over the poop party being the last. then the little craft, which appeared loaded down to the gunwales, was shoved off with a cheer of bravado from the side of the ship, and was soon lost to the sight of those left behind. the latter, however, eagerly looked after the boat as it was rapidly borne towards the shore between the heavy rolling waves that raced after it, until it finally disappeared in the night gloom. "sure an' it's a good riddance they are!" exclaimed mr mccarthy, rising to his feet and shaking out his legs to see how far they were capable of movement after the mauling he had received. "may joy go wid them!" "i hope the hull durned crowd will git swallowed up in davy jones' locker afore they git ashore, i dew!" said the american fervently, stroking his nose tenderly and speaking more nasally than ever through the injury the organ had received. "of all the tarnation mean skunks i ever kim across from maine to california, i guess they're 'bout the right down slick meanest--not nary a heathen chinese would ha' done what they hev! i'd tar and feather them, i would sure, if i hed the chance, right away!" "never mind them," interposed mr meldrum, whose first care after the mutineers had released him and gone over the side, was to raise up poor captain dinks' head again and feel his pulse. "i have no doubt they will meet with their proper deserts! let us see to the captain now. i think he had better be moved into the cabin, for this night air is doing him no good; and, besides, we'll there be able to see to his wound better. however i shall want some assistance." "i'll hilp you in a minit, sorr," ejaculated mr mccarthy, who, as soon as he had satisfied himself that his limbs were pretty sound, had devoted his energies to opening the hatchway--"that is as soon as i've unkivered this limbo and let the other hands come up. faix, an' if them divils had not battened it down and boltrope and the norwegee could a got at thim, it's too many for tbim we'd ha' been, i'm thinking!" "i didn't see what they were after," said frank, "or i would have slipped the cover before they secured it; but i wonder where mr adams is all this time? surely he must have heard the row! he ought to have come to our aid." "by the powers," exclaimed the first mate, "i niver thought of him till this blessid minnit! where, in the name of moses, can he be? i believe he wint down and turned into his cot when i did." "he ain't jined them copperheads and left us in the lurch, hey?" inquired the american. "i didn't kinder think it on him, though he wer sorter quiet and sly-like." "no, sorr," replied mr mccarthy, "adams is a first-rate seaman and a good officer too! he would be the last man to join a mutiny. something must have happened to him, i'm thinking." "i wonder, too," said mr meldrum, "that my daughter kate has not come up before from the saloon! she must have known that something unusual was taking place on deck from our calls for help and the report of your pistol, mr lathrope?" "i'm durned if i know! i'm all in a tangle, i guess," answered the american; "but i'll go down and see, mister." all this while, mr mccarthy had been fumbling at the fastenings of the hatchway, where the remainder of the crew were supposed to be imprisoned; but when he and frank harness, who lent his assistance, had at last got off the cover by a violent effort, not a soul appeared, rushing up as they expected, nor was there any response to their summons--"all hands on deck!" what could have become of them all? the mysterious silence below was a proof that something unforeseen had happened! chapter twenty. notice to quit! the mystery, however, was soon solved. hardly had the strange disappearance of the crew from below been discovered, than the whole of the missing men, with mr adams at their head and kate meldrum bringing up the rear, rushed up the companion- ladder on to the poop with a loud "hurrah," as if with the intention of taking part in the contest with the band of mutineers:-- their mortification may be imagined when they found that, as the first mate expressed it in his happy irish way, "they were jist in toime to be too late, sure!" but, had the mutineers not so rapidly abandoned the ship, the arrival of his rescue party on the scene of action would no doubt have tended to considerably alter the complexion of events; and the credit of organising the force and bringing the men from such an unexpected quarter with so great a dramatic effect had to be shared equally between miss kate meldrum and snowball, the cook--mr adams being only admitted as a partner in the scheme at the last moment. it seems that snowball, while in the galley about midnight, had heard moody talking to two or three of his especial "pals" in the port-watch; and, thinking from his knowledge of the man that he was up to some mischief, the darkey had listened--thereby indulging a propensity which was master snowball's weak point, that of being inordinately curious about other people's business! he listened, however, to some purpose on this occasion, for he heard enough to learn that a large proportion of the crew intended, as soon as they saw a favourable opportunity, to seize the long-boat--which contained nearly all the provisions that had been got up from the hold-- and desert the ship before morning. what was their intention in doing this the cook could not guess, but he imagined that they must have thought that they would perhaps have to work to save the cargo if they remained on board, whereas if they went off, as they planned, they would escape all supervision from the officers and be under their own control. besides, he knew that moody was anxious to pay off the grudge he had against the captain, for he heard him specially chuckle over the fact that if they took away the long-boat, the "old man" would never be able to leave the ship with all the remaining hands and the passengers, and the rest of them would all thus "sink together, and a good job too," as the bloodthirsty ruffian said. primed with this news, snowball at first hardly knew how to make use of it for the benefit of those the mutineers intended to abandon; for, the men were all hanging about the galley, where he pretended to be asleep, and if he attempted to go aft then, where nothing was stirring and when no one called him there, it would have at once aroused their suspicions and, probably, precipitated matters. snowball was in a quandary. he could see no way of warning the unsuspecting captain; and yet, even while he waited, the cowardly gang who thus purposed to desert their shipmates might carry out their intention! presently, he heard captain dinks tell the mates and starboard watch that they might go below, and mr mccarthy and the others went to their cabins aft while the "star-bowlines" tumbled down the main hatchway, all glad to have a spell of rest and be out of the bitter cold night wind which almost seemed to freeze their bones and pierce them through and through. "its just like the grinding old tyrant," he heard moody mutter at this to another of his gang, "to keep us here on deck when there ain't no need for it!" but snowball was quick to notice that, when the captain subsequently called out that all the rest of the hands might turn in if they liked, save two or three to keep an anchor-watch, not one of them, in spite of all their grumbling at the hardship of having to stop on deck previously, now stirred to go below. he also saw moody and some of the others, when the captain was not looking at them, stealthily shift round the bows of the long-boat on to the top of the hatchway, in addition to battening it down on the quiet, so that those who had gone below could not easily get up again, and they would thus have things all in their own hands. moody's gang evidently intended to carry out their nefarious plan; but how was he to prevent it? at last, while the mutineers were watching for their opportunity, he saw his; and at once took advantage of it. during the excitement that ensued when mr mccarthy rushed on deck, declaring that the vessel had bilged in to starboard--at which time captain dinks at length gave his tardy order to launch the boats-- snowball crept out of the galley; and making his way aft, entered the saloon. he was so frightened and confused, and full of what he had heard, that he did not know what to do at first, and this had prevented his speaking to the captain as he should have done; while, when he grew collected again, there was frank harness shouting down the companion and mr mccarthy and the american passenger bolting up on to the poop, and no one to speak to, that he could see, who could do any good. he called out for the steward, but he had disappeared; and the darkey feared that his plan for defeating the schemes of the mutineers would turn out fruitless from his failing to find any one to help him in undertaking it, when all at once he saw kate meldrum, for whom he had a profound respect on account of her plucky behaviour during the storm and her kindness to him when he was discovered as a stowaway and so injured in the hold. "lor, missy," exclaimed he, "help me sabe ship and capting, and all; or dey all go way and leab us drown on board!" "why, what do you mean?" said kate, who was pale and excited, for she could not help hearing frank's call for assistance; and was just about proceeding to ascend the companion ladder to see for herself what was going on and if she could be of any aid, when snowball thus ran against her. "what is the matter on deck; and why do you come here?" "dat debbel bill moody, an' all him gang in port watch, say dey is goin' murder capting and go way in long-boat, and leab us drown on board!" "but won't the other men prevent them?" asked kate anxiously. "dey can't, missy! dey is down in main-hold; an' moody shut um under hatchway so dat dey can't get up." just then the report of mr lathrope's revolver sounded above, and kate almost screamed; but she controlled herself by a strong effort. "and what can you or i do to help the captain and the others?" she said as calmly as she could, longing all the while to go above, although her presence there would be useless. "dat jus why i come here," replied snowball eagerly. "we can get down steerage, whar i'se stow away dat time--i knows de place well--clear way traps in de way, and knock down bulkhead; starboard watch come troo de openin' and up on poop; den moody's gang knock all of a heap, catch it hot, missy! but, really, poah snowball not able do it all alone down dere!" such were the darkey's spasmodic utterances, as they came out in gasps, amidst the sound of the struggle going on on the main-deck and the hoarse cries of those engaged, which could be plainly heard in the cuddy. kate at once comprehended the situation. "i see," said she, as eagerly now as snowball. "there's mr adams in his cabin asleep. he was so worn out, i suppose, that he couldn't hear frank--i mean," she corrected herself blushing unconsciously--"mr harness call! rouse him up at once, and i'll get a light for you to go below." the darkey did as she told him, although he found it a difficult task to awaken the second mate, who was so fast asleep that he had to be pulled out of his cot before he opened his eyes. he was already dressed, however, and would have rushed up on deck the moment kate told him what had occurred had she not laid her hand on his arm and prevented him, pointing out how much better snowball's plan would result in bringing material assistance to the little party who were still struggling with the mutineers, and fighting desperately, as they could hear. "do be quick and go down at once," she pleaded. "a moment's delay may sacrifice a valuable life; and then, it will be all your fault!" so urged, mr adams consented against his will almost; and, following snowball down into the after hold with the lantern kate had procured from the steward's pantry, which she found tenantless, llewellyn having mysteriously vanished out of the saloon, the two proceeded as rapidly as they could to work their way through the packing-cases and casks that were stowed right under the cuddy floor, towards the bulkhead that divided this portion of the ship from the main hold. arrived here, snowball soon recognised the advantage of having mr adams along with him; for, in addition to the fact that the second mate, as is usual in merchant vessels, knew where each and every article of the cargo was stowed, he also was acquainted with the circumstance of there being a sliding door in the bulkhead, which the darkey was unaware of and had thought they would have to break it down, which would have been a rather long job. consequently, in far less time than either he or kate had imagined, the imprisoned crew, who had been long aroused by the trampling on deck and the noise of the struggle immediately over their heads, and had been knocking madly at the hatchway cover and trying vainly to lift it up, were released. eager for the fray, from which they had so long been debarred from taking part, they rushed up through the cuddy and up the companion to the poop, prepared to take summary vengeance on those who had incarcerated them but with what result has been already described. while kate was giving this explanation to her father of the course of events below and how the affair was planned--frank harness listening to her the while with glistening eyes, and squeezing her hand furtively as he pressed to her side--it was amusing to watch the demeanour of the darkey cook. his mouth was spread open from ear to ear in one huge grin at the recital of his well-planned scheme for the defeat of the mutineers' machinations and release of the imprisoned crew. his chest expanded, too, with pride at the praise bestowed on him for his pluck and perspicacity; and when, finally, ben boltrope, who, of course, with karl ericksen, had remained loyal and been locked down below with the rest of the starboard watch, proposed "three cheers for snowball," the cook could contain himself no longer, but burst into a loud guffaw, thus taking a prominent part in the demonstration in his own honour. in the meantime nobody had been idle. poor captain dinks had been carefully lifted into the saloon, where, on removing his clothes, it was discovered that moody's stab, although inflicting a dangerous cut across the chest, had touched no vital part, the sufferer's exhaustion proceeding more from loss of blood than from any imminent risk. he was therefore placed in his own cot and the wound strapped up, after which he sank into a feverish sleep, with kate watching by his side. mr meldrum, who had been urgently asked by mr mccarthy and adams to take command of the ship while the captain was incapacitated, a request that the crew heartily endorsed and which captain dinks himself confirmed as soon as he recovered consciousness proceeded in the interim to devise the best means he could for saving all on board; and, in the first place, he ordered the men to renew the lashings of the jolly-boat. this was their sole remaining means of escape, and was now in danger of being washed overboard by the heavy seas that were breaking over the ship in cataracts of foam. immediately the mutineers had got away in the long-boat it had come on to blow harder; and, shortly after they were out of sight in the haze that hung over the land, a tremendous squall had swept over the water in the direction they were last seen, the billows mounting so high as they raced by the stranded vessel that it was very problematical whether the boat would ever reach the shore. mr meldrum could not help observing that those left on board had much greater chance of saving their lives, in spite of the waves breaking over the ship, which trembled through her frame with the repeated shocks she was subjected to as she was jolted on the rocks as if coming to pieces every minute. "the poor captain was right after all," said he to mr mccarthy. "those scamps in the long-boat had better have waited till morning, as he said. i don't think they'll ever get to land." "nor i, sorr," replied the first mate; "but it sarves them right, bad cess to 'em!" "well," said the other, "if they have gone down, they've gone with all their sins on their heads, for they certainly believed that they left us to perish, and did so purposely, too!" "jist so, the murtherin' villins!" ejaculated mr mccarthy. mr lathrope at that moment came up from the cuddy. "whar's that sanctimonious cuss of a steward!" inquired he. "i've shouted clean through the hull ship, and i'm durned ef i ken find him to git some grub; for i feels kinder peckish arter that there muss. i guess the critter has sloped with them t'other skunks!" "we'll muster the hands and see," said mr meldrum. this was soon done; but the steward did not answer to his name--nor could he be found anywhere on board, although parties of the men hunted through every portion of the ship fore and aft for him. "snakes and alligators, mister," said the american, "i guess it's jest as i sed, and the slippery coon has skedaddled with the rest of the varmint!" "perhaps so," answered mr meldrum; "but i think it far more probable that he has accidentally tumbled over the side!" in this belief, it may be added, the stewardess shared, bewailing her loss accordingly, although she was not quite so much overwhelmed with sorrow as might have been imagined to be proper on the loss of a helpmate by those unacquainted with the domestic relations of the pair. in addition to securing the safety of the jolly-boat, mr meldrum ordered preparations to be made for constructing a large raft, upon which an additional stock of provisions, which were brought up from below to replace those taken away by the mutineers in the long-boat, were stowed; but no attempt was made as yet to leave the ship, all hoping that the sea would go down as the tide fell, besides which, they thought that when daylight came they would be able, as captain dinks had told them, to "see their way better." and so they waited in hope till morning should come. just before four bells, however, and when the faint light of day was beginning to streak the eastern sky, bringing out in relief the snow- white peaks of some mountains on the mainland, which were a little distance to the left of where the vessel was lying on the reef, a larger wave than any of the rollers that had yet assailed her struck the ship right amidships; and the timbers dividing under the strain, the poor old _nancy bell_ broke in two. still, the two sections of the hull did not immediately separate, the seas apparently losing their force and reserving their powers after delivering such a telling blow. "i guess, mister," said mr lathrope, who took the catastrophe as coolly as he did every other incident of his life apparently, "this air smash is a kinder sort o' notice to quit, hey?" but mr meldrum made no reply. he saw that the end was coming. chapter twenty one. getting ashore. fortunately, the jolly-boat had been safely secured abaft the main hatchway, the very point at which the ship parted amidships; and, being lashed to ring-bolts athwart the deck, close to the break of the poop, the little craft remained uninjured in the general rending of timbers and splintering of planks that ensued when the beams gave way under the strain upon them. the poor _nancy bell_, indeed, seemed to fall to pieces in a moment; for, as soon as the keel broke in two and the lower works of the vessel began to separate, the hold opened out like a yawning gulf, dividing the bows and foremost sections from the stern by a wide gap. through this the sea made a clean breach, washing out the cargo--the waves bearing away such articles as were floatable to leeward, whilst the heavier portion of the freight, after being tossed about and battered out of shape, quickly sank down to the bottom out of sight. some of the men had been on the forecastle immediately before this happened; but roused by mr meldrum's cry of warning they had just time to escape the inrush of the sea and scramble aft to where the others were grouped together on the poop, which was now considerably elevated above the level of the water, the stern having been gradually forced up more on the rocks as the fore part sank down, until it was now nearly high and dry. this circumstance enabled all hands to proceed all the more expeditiously with the construction of the raft that had been already commenced, and which they had luckily begun here, instead of on the main-deck that had just been broken up, where they would have lashed it together but for the accidental fact of the mizzen jury-mast forming the base of the raft, and their being unable to drag it forward before the keel of the vessel began to give way. the extra quantity of provisions, too, which had been got out of the hold had also remained on the poop; and thus everything providentially was in their favour. certainly, their chances of escape now seemed more hopeful! no time, however, was to be lost; for, although their haven of refuge, the stern section of the ship, was high up on the reef and almost out of reach of the remorseless waves that had already done such damage, still there was no knowing what another tide would effect if the wind should again get up. it behoved them all therefore to take advantage of the opportunity afforded them and make their preparations for getting ashore before it should be too late. thus urged, the seamen, working with a will under the supervision of mr mccarthy and adams, had completed a substantial raft by eight o'clock, at which hour a spell was cried and all hands piped to breakfast. meanwhile, the morning had advanced; and the sky being pretty free from clouds, mr meldrum was able to obtain a good view of the land that surrounded the bay in which the _nancy bell_ had come to grief. the ship had, evidently, not merely been carried to leeward of the cape by the strong current before striking, but had also been taken some distance inshore as well; for the reef on which she was lying seemed more than two miles to the eastward of the projecting point which she had so much difficulty in rounding, close in to a range of rock-bound coast similar to that which they had passed to the northward and extending almost due east for from eight to ten miles--as nearly as mr meldrum could judge--the line of the shore then trending off to the south-west at an acute angle, as far as the eye could reach. high above this latter stretch of coast rose a series of snow-crowned hills, arranged in terraces the one above another, gradually increasing in height until their peaks culminated in one that towered far beyond all, like a giant amongst pigmies; while, to the right of this mountain, and apparently much nearer, on a spur of the chain projecting into the sea nearly south of the vessel's position, was one solitary peak, which occasionally emitted thin columns of smoke and which, from the fact of its summit being denuded of snow, most likely marked the site of some volcanic crater in active operation. altogether, the prospect was sad and dispiriting in the extreme, for, nothing was to be seen in the immediate foreground but the bare black basaltic cliffs, against whose base the angry billows broke in endless repetition, throwing up clouds of spray and tracing out their indentations with lines of creamy foam; and, beyond the cliffs, were high table-lands and hills all clad in the spectral garb of winter--with never a tree or a single prominent feature to vary the monotony of the landscape! "we must endeavour to make for that curve in the bay to the north-east, where the shore breaks off and leads southward," said mr meldrum to the first mate, who, having seen the raft completed, had now come to his side for further instructions. "it is only there, as far as i can see, that there is likely to be any sort of harbour where we can land in safety." "be jabers, i can't say, sorr," returned mccarthy; "sure an' it's yoursilf that knows bist. i belave, however, it'll be the wisest coorse; for the divil a harbour can anyone say ilsewhere; and, by the same token, sorr, the current is setting shoreward in that very direction. look at thim planks there, sorr, sure an' if that's the case it'll hilp the rhaft along foinely!" "you're right," said mr meldrum, glancing in the direction to which mr mccarthy pointed, where some of the broken timbers of the ship, after being carried away to leeward, were now steadily drifting past her again--although now in an easterly direction and in a parallel line with the cliffs to the left. "the sooner, too, that we take advantage of that same current the better, as it will be hard work for the jolly-boat to have to tow us all the way. let us see about getting the raft over the side at once, mr mccarthy. the sea is much calmer now, and i think we'll be able to launch and load it without much difficulty. the jolly- boat won't give us half the trouble to float that the raft will, for the deck forms an inclined plane with the water and we can run her in when we please." "aye, aye, sorr," answered mr mccarthy, and breakfast being now finished--a cold one for all parties, snowball and his galley having parted company, and the waves now rolling between the two sections of the ship--the tough job of floating the raft alongside was proceeded with; purchases being rigged so as to lower it down easily, and prevent it afterwards from breaking away when it had reached the surface of the sea, which was still rough and boisterous. the weather keeping calm and bright, and the wind lulling instead of increasing in force as the sun rose in the heavens, the task was at length satisfactorily accomplished. it was not done, however, until after two hours of continuous labour, in which all hands were engaged, even mr lathrope assisting as well as his still injured arm would permit. by six bells in the forenoon watch, too, the jolly-boat had also been lowered into the water safely. now, nothing remained but to get the provisions and whatever else they could carry that was necessary on board; for, mr meldrum sternly negatived any attempt at taking private property, thereby incurring mrs major negus's enmity, for he refused passage to three large trunks of hers which she had declared were absolutely indispensable, but which, on being opened, were found to contain only a lot of tawdry finery which might possibly have helped to astonish the natives of waikatoo, but was perfectly useless, even to herself, on the inhospitable shores where the passengers of the _nancy bell_ were about to seek refuge from the sinking ship. kate meldrum was far more sensible, taking only those articles of warm clothing which her father recommended for the use of herself and florry; and, indeed, leaving behind many things that he would probably have permitted as necessaries, in order that she should not overburthen the raft with what would not be serviceable to all. unlike the "major," kate thought that it would be selfish on her part merely to consider her own and her sister's wants! as for mr zachariah lathrope, his luggage consisted chiefly of an old fur cloak, in addition to the clothes he stood up in, besides his inseparable "six shooter" and a rifle--which latter he stated had been given to his grandfather by the celebrated colonel crockett of "coon" notoriety, and was "a powerful shootin' iron." the rest of the men folk took with them almost as little; but mr meldrum did not forget charts and nautical instruments, besides a compass and the ship's log-book and papers. these latter he removed from captain dinks' cabin, at his especial request, that, should he ever see england again, he might be able to give a circumstantial account as to how the vessel was lost, and satisfy both his owners and lloyd's. in reference to the general provisioning of the raft, it may be briefly mentioned that all the bread and flour that had not been washed out of the after-hold had been collected, in addition to several casks of salt beef and pork, and such of the tinned meats and other cabin stores that had not been stowed in the long-boat--for the benefit, as it subsequently turned out, of the mutineers. some casks of water were also embarked; but not many, for, in the event of a fresh supply not being found on landing they could easily melt down the snow and thus manufacture what they required from time to time. while considering the important question of a proper supply of food, the pertinent fact was not lost sight of, that they would be exposed to a climate of almost arctic severity for, probably, many months to come; and, consequently all the blankets in the ship were collected and put on board the raft, besides spare bedding and some hammocks. snowball also, true to his culinary calling, took care to secure his cooking utensils, clambering back into the dilapidated forecastle for the purpose, almost at the peril of his life--the darkey subsequently bewailing much his inability to remove the ship's coppers, which were too firmly fixed in the galley for him to detach them from that structure. finally, one or two small spars and sails were added to the general pile of heterogeneous articles that had been heaped up in the centre of the raft, whose buoyancy had been much increased, since it was first made and launched overboard, by the accidental discovery in the steerage of some empty puncheons, which were carefully bunged-up so that no water could get into them and lashed underneath the floating platform; the catalogue of stores being then completed by heaving on the heap all the cordage that could be got at and cut away, in addition to some blocks and a few odds and ends--the tarpaulin from off the broken cabin skylight, which was certain to be of the greatest use, being, like other equally serviceable articles, only thought of at the last moment. by the time all these things were stowed on board, and the raft immersed as deeply as it was considered advisable with safety--as few things as possible being put in the jolly-boat, which was kept light in order that she might be more usefully employed in towing the other--it was close on twelve o'clock. this was the hour mr meldrum had fixed for abandoning the ship, as then the tide would be at the half flood, and they would be able to utilise not only that but the current as well, which would about that time set inshore--at least, judging by its influence on the previous day in carrying the _nancy bell_ in that direction of the reef. by these various means mr meldrum thought the raft might be floated onward towards the curve in the coast-line which he had pointed out to the first mate as a probable place where they might expect to discover some small bay or harbour to land at. besides this, mr meldrum believed that by starting on the half tide, in the event of the stream turning before they were able to reach an available beach in some sheltered cave--for the current which he had noticed took a southerly direction with the ebb--the retiring tide could not possibly drift them out to sea. at the very worst, it would only sweep the raft down the coast in the direction of the volcanic peak that had been observed to cap the spur of the mountain chain which stretched out right into the water at an angle with the land; and, here, there was every probability of their finally finding an opening in the breastwork of adamantine rocks that ranged along the coast-line as if to prevent any intrusive strangers like themselves from getting on shore! before mr meldrum gave the order for embarkation, however, he had one last duty to perform on board the _nancy bell_. it was just noon; and, the sun being for a wonder unobscured, he determined to take a final observation to fix their position, or rather that of the reef on which the ill-fated vessel was doomed to leave her bones. this was an eventuality which evidently could not take long in its accomplishment, for the forward portion of the ship was being rapidly broken to pieces, and it would not be any great time before the stern followed suit, some of the cabin furniture below having already been shaken down, while the poop did not offer a very firm foothold, trembling every now and then from the washing in and out of the waves below, as if, the poor thing were seized with a submarine ague fit! after a brief calculation, as briefly worked out, mr meldrum found that the ridge of rocks, which bore north-west by south-east, was in longitude degrees minutes east, and latitude degrees minutes south. these facts indisputably settled the point of their being to the southwards of cape saint louis, put down on the chart as the westernmost point of kerguelen land, and that the highest of the snow-covered mountain peaks to the south-east was mount ross. the information, he thought, might possibly be of much assistance to them hereafter in directing their course, should such a step become necessary, to those better known portions of the island on the eastern side which whalers and seal-hunting craft were reported to be in the habit of frequenting during the short summer season of that dreary region. this period, however, would not come round for the next three or four months, as it was now only the first week in august, the midwinter of antarctic climes. the last observation made, and the ship's ensign hoisted, upside down, on the stump of the mizzen-mast--not so much for the very unlikely chance of any passing vessel observing it, as from the special request of mr mccarthy, that, as he expressed it, the poor _nancy bell_ should "have a dacent burial"--mr meldrum at length gave the word for all hands to embark, an operation which occupied even less time than that of his "taking the sun." first, in due order of precedence, the ladies were lowered down in a chair by a whip from a boom rigged out over the stern right on to the raft, where a comfortable place had been arranged in the centre and barricaded round with chests and barrels. next, captain dinks was lowered down in his cot, which had been removed bodily from its slings in his cabin below, so that he might be shifted without disturbing him; then, mary llewellyn, the now husbandless stewardess, followed suit; and, after her, mr lathrope and the children. eight of the remaining sixteen men of the crew were then directed to take their places around the ladies' inclosure, along with mr adams and frank harness, while the other eight hands, under the command of mr mccarthy, were told off to the jolly-boat, which was provided with double-banked oars and attached to the raft by a stout tow-rope--it being the intention of mr meldrum, who remained on the raft as deputy commander-in-chief of the whole party in poor captain dinks' place, to relieve the rowers every alternate hour, so that all should have an equal share in the arduous task of towing, a job which would tax all their strength. everything being ready, the signal was given to start, when, away went the jolly-boat, smartly at first, but more slowly afterwards as soon as the strain of the tow-rope was felt, moving gradually from the wreck of the old ship, and tugging after her the unwieldy raft, which seemed somewhat loath to go. but, not an exclamation was uttered, not a word spoken, as the survivors of the wreck glided off through the water towards the shore, leaving behind them the wave-scarred craft that had so long been their ocean home. it was like a funeral procession. the thoughts of all were too deep for words. even the children were awed into silence by the seriousness of their elders;--a seriousness that was as much owing to the uncertainty of their own fate as to their regret at parting the last link that bound them to their english home and civilisation, from which they seemed to have been cut adrift for ever in casting off from the poor, old, ill- fated _nancy bell_! chapter twenty two. desolation island. kate meldrum was the first to break the melancholy silence that reigned as they rowed away from the old ship, all looking back sadly at her battered hull, whose crippled condition could now be better seen--the bows all rent and torn by the violence of the waves, the gaping sides, the gutted hold washed out by the water, and the sea around covered with pieces of shattered planking from the 'tween-decks, besides the curved knees and other larger parts of the timber work, that had been wrenched off during the vessel's battle with the elements, and numbers of packing-cases and empty casks and barrels that were floating about, the flotsam and jetsam of the cargo. "papa," said she, speaking low in order that none of the others could hear her, "did you see anything of the long-boat, or of the men who went away in her, when you were looking round the coast this morning--i forgot to ask you before." "no, my dear," he answered. "there was not a trace of them, as far as i could see with the glass; either along the shore in the direction in which we are going now, or down to the southwards off there to the right!" "do you think they have landed in safety, papa?" "hardly, kate. there was a terrible squall which came on shortly after they deserted us, and i believe they must have gone down in it. but, why do you ask the question, my dear? i don't suppose you have much sympathy with the treacherous scoundrels!" "no, papa," said she; "but i thought that if we got on shore at the same place that they did there might be a quarrel, or that something dreadful would happen; and i'm sure we had enough of horrors on board the poor old ship!" and kate shuddered, as she spoke, at the recollection. "you need not be afraid of that, my dear," replied her father kindly. "if the mutineers have managed to run in the boat anywhere during the frightful sea that was on at the time they deserted us, it must have been miles away from any spot near here, for the wind was blowing in quite the contrary direction. besides, my child, only a few could have saved their lives; so that, in case we should ever come across them, they would be quite powerless against the strong force we have now to oppose them, in the very impossible event of their trying to molest us. i hope, however, that we may not meet." "isn't it shocking," observed kate presently, as if reflecting over what had happened, "to think that, companions in misfortune as we are, we should be so anxious now to avoid them!" "yes," replied her father; "but the fact only exhibits a common phase of human nature, and thus affords but another proof of the inherent selfishness of the animal man. wickedness, my child, ever begets wickedness!" mr meldrum then lapsed again into silence. the raft proceeded but very slowly, in spite of the exertions of the towing party in the jolly-boat. this was on account of the current and the tideway neutralising each other, instead of being both in their favour, as mr meldrum had expected; so, in order to fight against the drawback, he ordered ben boltrope to get up a sail on one of the studding-sail booms which was rigged as a yard across the mizzen topgallant mast that had been stepped in the centre of the platform. however, the wind was so light from their low elevation in the water, that the influence of this new motive power was only faintly perceptible, the shore seeming almost quite as far off after an hour's hard rowing as before, and the ship equally near. this would never do. at such a rate of progress, nightfall would probably still find them afloat in the centre of the bay, in danger, should the sea again get up, of being dashed to pieces against the precipitous cliffs to the left; while, in the event of their escaping that peril, the raft might run on to some hidden shoal or reef down southwards in the darkness, or else be swept out into the offing, where they would be the sport of the waves, and could never hope to reach the land again. they had hitherto been keeping well out from the adjacent coast, by reason of their seeing its inhospitable look, and the scanty chance there was of their effecting a landing there. this fact, indeed, was self-evident, for they could see the surf breaking in one continuous line, as far as the eye could reach, against the steep rocky face of the cliff. besides, mr meldrum had thought it the best plan to take the shortest course towards the curve he had selected, where the southern shore branched off at an angle with the eastern one, in the hope of there being some sort of a beach in that vicinity. now, however, he determined to try another way of gaining his end; and that was by going "the longest way round." "pull in to the left," he sang out to mr mccarthy, "and let us see how the current will then affect us. i fancy we'll feel it all the more as we get inshore." "aye, aye, sorr," replied the first mate, directing the head of the jolly-boat right towards the face of the frowning cliff nearest to them; but still, for some time, there was no increase in their rate of speed, the short chopping waves that formed the backwater of the surges, which had already expended their strength on the rocky rampart of the coast, militating against any slight advantage they gained by the current taking them along with it. at last, however, after three hours' hard work, and when the fourth relay of men had just begun to handle the oars in the jolly-boat, the raft appeared all at once to move along more briskly and smoothly, while, at the same time, the sea grew calmer. things looked promising. they had approached close inshore to the rocky wall of the cliff; and, if it had seemed formidable at a distance, it looked ten times more imposing now that only a few hundred yards of sea divided them from it. its bold precipitous face appeared to ascend right up into the clouds, while the counterscarp, or base, seemed to dive abruptly into the deep without a slope. it was really just like a gigantic iron wall, straight up and down and quite even in contour, without a fissure or break as far as could be seen; and the surf made such a thundering din as it dashed fretfully against the lower part of the cliff, that it was almost impossible for the shipwrecked voyagers to hear each other speak. indeed, the whole scene could not but force their imagination to picture what might be their fate should a storm arise just then and give them over into the power of the billows. these were only in play now, so to speak; but if their demeanour changed to one of dreadful earnest, the mad waves would easily toss them as high and as savagely as they did the yeasty fragments of spindrift, which circled up into the air like snowflakes--flung off from the tops of the breakers after each unsuccessful onslaught on the rocky barrier that balked their endeavours to annihilate it. however, there was little fear of such a catastrophe at present. thanks to the aid of the current, combined with the towing powers of the jolly- boat's crew--the sail having been found useless in the little wind there was and lowered again--the raft was proceeding steadily along at the rate of some three miles an hour; keeping all the while at a safe distance from the cliffs, in order to avoid any undertow, and rapidly losing the hull of the _nancy bell_--albeit, the flag of the ship could yet be seen distinctly far away astern to seaward, fluttering in the slight breeze that expanded its folds. each moment, too, the coast on the starboard hand rose up nearer and nearer, closing in sharply with that to port, thus showing that they were approaching the embouchure which mr meldrum had marked out. soon, a little more exertion on the part of the rowers would decide whether the naval officer had judged rightly or wrongly as to there being a bay there--a veritable "harbour of refuge" it would be for them. "i guess, mister," said mr lathrope, who had been for some time quieter than usual, "that air animile ain't far off its roosting peg; and whar he lands i kalkerlate we can dew too." as he spoke, the american pointed out a species of black shag or cormorant, which had evidently been on a fishing expedition and was returning home with the fruits of his spoil in his bill for the delectation of the home circle. "you are very likely right," said mr meldrum. "that sort of sea-fowl generally selects a flat shore for its habitat, in preference to high places--just as the penguins do, so that they may the sooner tumble into the water when desirous of taking to that element. i would not be surprised to find a landing-place as soon as we round that further point of the cliff, where the line of surf seems to end. stretch out with those oars, men," he added, speaking in a louder tone to those in the jolly-boat. "one more long pull altogether and we'll be able to get ashore." "aye, aye, sorr; go it, my hearties," sang out mr mccarthy; and, the hands, giving a responsive cheer and putting their backs into each stroke, made the boat race along--dragging the raft behind it at a speed that caused it to rock from side to side, and slightly startle the ladies, while the boat, too, shipped a little water that came in over the bows as it dipped forward from the jerk of the tow-rope. at length the limit of the cliff line was reached. it terminated as abruptly as it rose from the water; for, when the boat had pulled past the last of the breakers, a long narrow fiord or inlet of the sea opened before the eager eyes of the castaways, stretching far inland and bordered on each side by shelving slopes of hills that from their shape must have been composed of the same basaltic rock as that of the cliffs, although now completely covered with snow. a sight that pleased them more, however, was a broad beach of black sand--extending up to the slope of the higher land--on which they could ground the raft in safety. it was the very thing they sought! "hooray boys!" exclaimed the first mate, taking off his cap and waving it round his head in excitement. "sure an' we've rached the land at last!" a shout of joy came from all, in sympathetic response. a few strokes more, and the jolly-boat had touched the shore; when, the men jumping out, and those on the raft following suit, although the water was icy cold and almost up to their arm-pits, the raft was quickly hauled up close to the beach and everybody scrambled on shore. even mrs major negus was so delighted to stand once more on _terra firma_ that she did not mind getting her feet wet for once, and was almost one of the first to jump off the raft. "thank god!" exclaimed mr meldrum as he stood up in the centre of the group, taking off his hat reverently in acknowledgment of the divine mercy of that watchful providence which had guided them safely through all the perils of the deep and now permitted them to land without harm-- the untaught seamen around him appearing to sympathise with his heartfelt thanksgiving as they, too, bowed their heads in silence; while kate fell upon her knees also in an ecstasy of gratitude to him who ruled the wind and waves and had protected them to the last! then, all began to look about them. however, as they surveyed the strange scene, they found to their surprise that they were not the only inhabitants of "desolation island," as captain cook so aptly named, when he first saw the place, the land which had been previously discovered by monsieur de kerguelen. from the beach, the land rose up on both sides of the fiord in a gentle slope to the hills above, which latter were broken away in some places, forming flat level tables of basaltic debris that had tumbled from the tops of the cliffs; and, these stretches of table-land being under the lee of the hills, were sheltered from the snow that otherwise covered every place in sight, valley and mountain peak alike. on these tables of bare black ground, numerous colonies of penguins had established themselves--the tenants already in possession of the island, to prove that it was not altogether deserted. the birds were standing about in crowds in the queerest and most ungainly attitudes in the world, croaking and barking, according to their usual wont, at the unexpected visitors who had so unceremoniously come to disturb the quietude of their island home. they looked excessively funny, waddling about awkwardly on their short legs and flapping their wings as if grumbling at the intrusion, much resembling a lot of little dumpy old women with grey tippets on; and maurice negus and florry meldrum went into fits of laughter at their appearance. the penguins were not very busy at that time of year evidently. they were simply idling about the beach and "loafing," as if they had nothing particular to do but gossip with each other as to what meant the outlandish creatures, who had invaded their territory. occasionally, two or three would proceed out together to fish in the quiet waters of the creek, and these would pass another party coming back from the same errand, when they would croak a greeting; but the majority did nothing but strut about from one position to another in order to stare the better at the intruders--an inspection which, it need hardly be told, the latter returned with an equal interest. however, the survivors from the _nancy bell_ had a good deal to do besides watching the penguins, for it was now late in the afternoon and growing dark, with the wind rising again. a few premonitory scattered flakes of snow, too, that fell flutteringly down in a half hesitating way every now and then, pointed out what the weather might be expected to be bye and bye and reminded them that it would be just as well for them to be under shelter of some sort before night came on to interrupt their labours. a word from mr meldrum was sufficient, the first mate then giving the necessary orders for setting the whole party to work. "all hands shift cargo!" he cried, stepping back upon the raft; when, the men following him, he divided them into two gangs, the first of whom he directed to carry out mr meldrum's instructions under frank harness, while the second remained with him to remove the stores on to the beach, where mr adams supervised their landing. but, before anything else was done, the cot containing poor captain dinks--the only one who had not as yet been ashore--was carefully lifted up from the raft and transported to a spot high up from the water and shielded by a spur of the hills on the right from the winds. this mr meldrum had selected as a favourable place for their camp, and snowball was already engaged there in building up a fire with some wood that he had fortunately brought from the wreck--for not a scrap of brush or twig, or the sign of any tree, could be seen in the neighbourhood of the fiord, nor a single bit of drift on the beach! the stores being all landed and piled up on the shore some little distance beyond high-water mark, mr mccarthy's portion of the crew then proceeded to take the raft to pieces and carry up the timbers of which it was composed likewise to a place of safety, for fear lest the waves should bear them away in the night-time when the tide again came in; besides which, the material was wanted for other purposes--as mr meldrum had foreseen when causing the raft to be constructed--although it was now too late in the day to utilise it to that end, for, even while they were landing the things, the evening had closed in and it was nearly dark. meanwhile, the second body of men, working under frank harness's direction and mr meldrum's personal supervision, were equally industrious. the site for the camp having been chosen, a couple of the largest spars that had been brought ashore on the raft were erected as uprights, some twenty feet apart, close under the scarp of the cliff; and a block and running tackle having been previously attached to the top of each of these, a third spar was hoisted up and lashed across them at right angles. after this, a spare top-sail, which had been brought with them in the jolly-boat, was pulled over the framework; and, the ends of this being tied down by the reef points to stout pegs driven in the ground, the structure formed a good sized tent which would do well for temporary accommodation for a night or two. of course, something more substantial would be required if the shipwrecked people were forced to remain long on the island--which, indeed, seemed more than probable, considering the time of year, and the faint hope of their rescue by any whaling vessel before the month of november. "i guess it air prime," said mr lathrope, looking at the tent with much satisfaction as he walked round it. he evidently took considerable pride in the construction, in which, indeed, he had some share, his experience "out west" having been of great use in suggesting the shape and location of the shelter. "yes," replied mr meldrum, who was still busy at work on the details. "i think it will do till we can rig up something better." "wa-ll, all you've got to do neow, i guess," said the other, "is to stretch a rope across the hull consarn, and fix up a blanket or two to screen off the femmels from the menfolk; and the thing's done slick and handsome." "right!" responded mr meldrum, taking his advice and dividing the tent across into two portions, one of which was reserved for the ladies; when, the spare bedding and blankets having been brought up from the raft, the improvised apartments were made to look as comfortable as circumstances permitted. really, the interior, on being lighted up by the ship's lanterns, which had not been forgotten, appeared quite cosy, especially when snowball's fire, which was now burning up briskly from the chips shovelled on to it, could be seen sparkling and leaping up in spurts of flame through the open flap that had been left to serve for a doorway. "and now, i kalkerlate, it's time for grub," said the american when the tent was finished and the ladies' comfort provided for--captain dinks, still in his cot, being ensconced in a warm corner--"i hope that blessed darkey has got something good, for i feel powerful holler, i dew!" he need not, however, have been in any doubt as to snowball's capacity. that worthy allowed nothing to interfere with the exercise of his culinary skill; so, when the first mate by mr meldrum's directions had "piped down" all hands, he had ready a repast which appeared to the hungry castaways more like a splendid banquet than an improvised meal, and one as well cooked as if snowball had all the facilities of the galley on shipboard to prepare it. his chief dish was a well-seasoned "irish stew," compounded of salt beef and preserved vegetables, which seemed on that cold evening a perfect _chef-d'oeuvre_, and would, as mr lathrope "guessed" after a third helping, have "made a man leave his grandmother for his wife's mother's aunt, any day!" soon after the meal was finished, night came on, when the snow began to fall heavily and the wind to blow piercingly from the north'ard and westward, just as it had done the evening before when the poor _nancy bell_ was struggling round cape saint louis and rushing on to her doom; but the castaways happily were now sheltered from the inclemencies of the weather, and as they one and all nestled into their blankets as soon as bedtime came;--man and woman, jack tar and landsman alike!--thanked god fervently that they were now no longer on board ship. towards morning, a slight alarm was created by some of the melted snow finding its way down upon the sleepers through the sail that served for the roofing of their tent; but this was soon remedied by lashing over it the old tarpaulin from off the cabin skylight, which, it may be recollected, was only thought of at the last moment, although such a useful article. the leak in the roof stopped, all turned to sleep again with the greater zest, enjoying such a night's rest as they had not had for the last week at sea--not a soul indeed waking up till long after daybreak, all were so dead tired out with the fatigue and anxiety they had undergone. chapter twenty three. nearly a catastrophe! slept till long after daybreak, did they? why, it was getting on for noon when mr mccarthy roused the crew from their unusually long caulk amongst the blankets in the corner of the tent reserved for them with his cheery call of "all hands ahoy! tumble up there! tumble up!" coupled with the information that the sun was "scorching their eyes out"--which latter observation, it may be casually remarked, was a slight stretch of his imagination, considering the feeble power of the solar orb at that time of the year on the snow- covered wastes of kerguelen land! still, late or early as they might be in rising, the first point to which everybody turned their gaze on getting out into the open, was the little spot on the horizon to seaward where they had left the ship, where she had been last seen on the previous afternoon just as the evening was beginning to close in. since they had quitted her, however, the wind had been blowing pretty stiffly all night, although it had calmed down again towards the morning; while the last thing they had heard, ere they had sunk into the sound dreamless sleep all had enjoyed through the complete exhaustion of their frames, had been the roaring noise of the breakers thundering against the base of the cliffs beyond their sheltering fiord. so, it was with but very faint hopes of perceiving the remains of the poor old _nancy bell's_ hull still fixed on the treacherous reef of her destruction, that they looked wistfully out into the offing! but, lo and behold! in spite of all their forebodings, there in the distance they could yet dimly descry the stern section of the ill-fated vessel still intact, as far as they could judge with the naked eye, amidst the rocks; and about it the waves played and circled and the surf showered its spray. above the wreck, too, there still fluttered feebly the flag which mr meldrum had attached to the stump of the mizzen-mast, as if defying the powers of the wind and the waters to destroy the gallant old ship and her belongings, strive how they might in all their majesty! every heart felt glad at the sight. "it does me ra-al good, mister, it dew!" said mr lathrope to the first mate, who was intently watching the object of general interest, as if he could not take his eyes off it. "when i riz just neow, i felt kinder lonesome, a thinking we'd parted company with the old crittur fur ever and wouldn't never see her no more; but thar she is still as perky as ever, in spite of last night's gale, which i thought would ha' blown all her timbers to jericho!" "ah, sorr!" replied mr mccarthy with a heavy sigh and a troubled look in his usually merry twinkling grey eyes, "you'll never say another ship the likes of her again! if you'll belave me, mister lathrope, sorr, she'd sail ten knots on a bowline; and i'd like to know where you'd bate that now?" "i'll not deny she had her good pints," said the american sympathisingly; "but i guess the poor thing'll soon be bruk up." "yes, son, more's the pity," responded the other; "sure an' i wish we had her safe ashore here and we'd save ivory plank of her." "it wouldn't be a bad notion," observed mr meldrum, who just then came up to where the two were talking, "to take another trip out to the ship in the jolly-boat and see whether we could not land some more things that might be of use to us?" "sure the hould's gutted now enthirely," said the irish mate sadly, "and the divil a hap'orth we'd get by going. look at the say that's running, too; and considther the long pull out there and back again--not that i wouldn't be afther going, sorr, if you were to say the word!" "oh, no, never mind," replied mr meldrum. "there's not the slightest necessity for it, for i believe we brought away all the provisions that were left in her, and we'd find little enough now! i only thought we might secure some more of the timber work, as there doesn't seem to be a particle of wood on the island." "we'd better wait till she breaks up, sorr," said mr mccarthy; "sure and it'll float in thin to us, widout the throuble of fetching it." "all right!" answered the other. so the contemplated last trip to the stranded vessel would have been abandoned, had not florry at that moment rushed up to her father. "oh, poor puss!" she exclaimed, half-crying and almost breathless with excitement as she clung to his arm and looked up into his face entreatingly. "puss!" repeated mr meldrum in astonishment; "what puss?" "the--the--poor pussy cat we used to play with in the cabin," sobbed florry. "it was shut up by the stewardess, and has been left behind in the ship!" "yes, sir," said mary llewellyn, who with kate had followed florry. "i clean forgot the creature in the flurry of coming away. i locked it in the pantry, as it seemed frightened and was scurrying about the cuddy; and when we went on deck, i didn't think to take it out, so there it'll be starved to death, or drownded!" "it was my fault as well," interposed kate, looking quite as unhappy as her sister and the stewardess. "i told mary to lock it up." "be jabers!" ejaculated the first mate, "it'll never do to lave it there. sure and we'd be onlucky altogether if a cat came to harm in the old ship! i didn't know it was aboord at all, at all. sure an' there's no knowing but what all our misfortunes have been brought about by the same baste, bad cess to it?" "oh, mr mccarthy!" exclaimed kate, "how can you believe that?" "sure, and i mane it," answered the irishman promptly, as if he put the greatest faith in the superstition. "well," said mr meldrum, "i'm sorry for the poor animal; but it will have to stop there now! the sea is very rough, and i would hardly like to risk men's lives to save a cat!" "i'll go back for it, sir," volunteered frank harness with a look at kate, which said as plainly as looks could speak that he was ready to do a good deal more than that to please her. "you were speaking just now of sending off the jolly-boat to fetch what we could from the wreck; so we can bring the poor cat on shore at the same time." "yes, i certainly did suggest that just now," said mr meldrum; "but, as mr mccarthy pointed out, there is a good deal of sea on, and--" "sure, but i said, sorr, i'd go if you liked," interrupted the first mate eagerly, not wishing to be behindhand when frank had offered; "and, faix, i'm ready at once." "let the durned animile slide," put in mr lathrope. "it ain't worth a cent, much less such a tall price as yar life." "no, we won't," said mr mccarthy, all anxiety now to start. "who'll volunteer to go back to the wreck and save the cat!" he called out aloud. "i will," and "i," and "i," cried out several of the seamen, laughing and passing all sorts of chaff about the expedition; and soon there were more than enough offers to man the jolly-boat twice over if all had been taken who offered. ben boltrope was one of the first to stand out; but mr meldrum at once motioned him back. "you must not go," said he. "i shall want your carpentering aid very soon, and can't spare you." it was the same with some others amongst the hands, mr meldrum picking them out as they stepped forwards. before long, however, a crew was selected; when, the jolly-boat being run down into the water by the aid of a dozen other willing hands, besides her own special crew, she was soon on her way back to the scene of the wreck of the _nancy bell_--mccarthy steering her, and frank harness, who would not relinquish his privilege of going in her after having been the first to volunteer, pulling the stroke-oar, no idlers being wanted on board. kate looked at him and waved her hand in adieu as the boat topped the heavy rolling waves and got well out into the offing; and, after that, frank did not mind what exertion he had to go through. it was a long pull and an arduous one, although, in spite of mr mccarthy's warning to the contrary, there was nothing dangerous in the accomplishment of the feat. the first mate had probably felt a little lazy when he endeavoured to set mr meldrum at first against the expedition, for after a couple of hours' hard work, having the tide to contend with most of the way, they easily managed to approach the reef and bring up the boat under the vessel's stern, where the side ropes and slung chair, which they had omitted to remove on board the raft remained just as they had left them, swinging about to and fro as the wind brushed by, causing them to oscillate with its breath. on climbing up to the deck, they found the poop pretty much the same, but the forward portion of the ship had all broken to pieces, hardly a timber being left, save part of the forefoot or cut-water, which had got jammed in between the rocks along with the anchor-stock, the heavy mass of iron belonging to which must have fallen down below the surface when the topgallant forecastle was washed away. going down into the cuddy, frank could hardly at first believe that its former tenants had quitted it for good and all, for the cabin doors were thrown wide open, and dresses and other articles of feminine attire scattered about--one special shawl of kate's, which he readily recognised as the one she had on her shoulders the night they had watched the stars together in the south atlantic, being placed over the back of the captain's chair at the head of the table, as if the owner had just put it down for a minute and was coming back to fetch it. he at once took charge of this, besides collecting sundry other little articles which he thought kate might want; but he was soon interrupted in his quest of feminine treasure-hunting by a mewing and scratching at the door of the steward's pantry, which made him recollect all at once what had been the ostensible object of his mission on board the vessel. "gracious goodness!" he exclaimed, speaking to himself, for mr mccarthy was busy raking amongst his clothes in his own cabin, also oblivious to the fate of the poor feline for whom they had come aboard the ship. "i almost forgot the cat after all. puss, pussy, poor puss!" and he wrenched open the pantry door, setting the animal free. if ever mortal cat purred in its life, or endeavoured to express its pleasure and satisfaction by walking round and rubbing itself against a person, raising and putting down its fore-feet alternately, with the toes extended, as if practising the goose step or working on some feline treadmill, why that cat did then. the poor animal could not speak, of course, but it really seemed to utter some inarticulate sounds that must have been in cat language a paean of joy and praise and thanks at its deliverance; and, finally, in a paroxysm of affection and endearment, it turned itself head over heels on the cabin floor in front of frank. "poor puss; poor little thing!" said the young sailor, taking it up in his arms. "i believe i would have come back for you even if it hadn't been to oblige kate--my darling!" and he kissed the fur of the animal as he held it in his arms, as if he considered it for the time being her deputy. judging by several well-picked bones that could be noticed lying on the deck of the pantry, frank assured himself that puss had not been starved since she had been locked up; and, indeed, she could not have been in any serious want, as there was a freshly-cut ham on one of the shelves and a round of spiced beef, which she had not touched, both of which frank took the liberty of appropriating for the benefit of those on shore. then, still in company with puss, who would not leave his side, he imitated the example of the first mate, and selected a coat or two and a change of clothes from out of his own sea-chest. he did not forget the others either, but gathered together various garments which he saw lying about in the captain's cabin and that of mr meldrum, thinking that both might perhaps be glad of them bye and bye. beyond what frank had found in the pantry, however, neither he nor mr mccarthy could discover any provisions, or other things that might be useful on shore, save the unbroken half of the cuddy skylight. this they carefully lowered down into the jolly-boat, for the glass framing would come in handy for the windows of any house they built--mr meldrum having hinted on the previous evening of some more substantial structure being necessary than the tent, which had been only put up for temporary accommodation on their first landing on the island. the several articles that had been collected being now put on board the jolly-boat, in addition to the accommodation chair, which was cut from the slings, at mccarthy's especial request, and lowered down on board--"jest to plaze the meejor," as he said, alluding to mrs negus's weakness for sitting in high places during the voyage. frank then descended with the cat in his arms and took a seat in the stern-sheets, the first mate very good-naturedly pulling the stroke-oar on the return journey in his place; and, all these little matters being thus arranged, pussy's rescuers started again for the shore. the tide, luckily, was with them all the way; so they accomplished the distance back to the beach inside the fiord in very nearly half the time they had taken in rowing out to the ship--getting everything ashore and the jolly-boat hauled up safely beyond high-water mark with none of the trouble they had anticipated on setting out, the wind and sea having both calmed down in the interim. kate's thanks to frank need not be alluded to:-- they were simply inexpressible; but, if puss is described to have been pleased when she was first released from captivity and an untimely end on board the shipwrecked vessel, what can be said for her raptures now that she was landed on _terra firma_--which she probably had never expected to see again--especially when she recognised the bevy of old friends amongst whom she found herself alive once more. "i guess," said mr lathrope, as he watched her affectionate antics, "the stoopid old cuss will purr herself to potato parings, and rub all her darned fur inter a door-mat with joy!" chapter twenty four. an afternoon call. "i'm glad you brought the skylight," said mr meldrum to the first mate when the excitement attending the return of the boat's crew with miss pussy had somewhat calmed down. "its the very thing we'll want presently!" he then proceeded to show mr mccarthy what he and those who had remained ashore had done during the absence of the others. adjoining the site of the tent, and under the lee of a sort of gable-end of the cliffs, a piece of ground had been cleared of the snow close to a freshwater tarn some little distance above the sea-shore, where it was not affected by the tide; and here the land had been levelled in the form of a parallelogram, some thirty feet long by twenty wide, round which a trench had been dug about a foot deep. at the four corners of this, stout posts, selected from some of the deck-beams of the _nancy bell_ that had been secured for the under- structure of the raft, were set up in holes excavated of such a depth that they would firmly resist any lateral pressure brought to bear against them by the wind; and, round the top of these uprights, a scantling of deal had been nailed on, thus making the framework of a good-sized cottage. mr mccarthy was quite surprised at the progress made. "you've been pretty busy, sorr," he said. "be jabers, you'll have a cabin built in no time!" "yes," replied mr meldrum, "we have got along; but you must remember we've had fourteen hands at work besides the carpenter, including mr lathrope and myself; and such a number of men, when their labour has been systematically divided, can accomplish a good deal in a short time. i wish we had some more timber, though! we've got the roof yet to make, and a partition or two in the inside for the proper division of the building. i have planned out a separate room for the ladies, and one for us men; in addition to a general sort of apartment, where we can all have our meals together, and which will serve as a store-room as well." "sure an' you don't think, sorr, we'll have to live here long!" said the first mate, a little alarmed at the magnitude of the other's plans. "indeed i do," answered mr meldrum. "it is now only the beginning of august, which is the worst season here, as i mentioned to poor captain dinks; and the winter will probably last from four to five months; during which time, according to all accounts that i've read of the place, we may expect to experience the most bitter weather, and have to depend entirely on our own resources; for, none of the whaling schooners that go seal-hunting in these parts ever visit the island, as far as i know, before november or december--and even then they go generally to the eastern side and do not come here! before that time, however, that is as soon as the snow melts and the spring sets in, we'll have to try and cross over the land to one of the harbours which the whalers frequent, and which i've got marked on the chart. until that period, mr mccarthy, as you must perceive, we will have to remain here; so it is best for us to try and be as comfortable as we can under the circumstances. last night, as you know, it was cold enough in all conscience; but that will be nothing to what we may expect later on when the regular gales and sea-fogs and snowstorms set in, and they continue for weeks, i believe!" "begorrah, it's a bad look-out!" said the mate,--"a bad look-out, anyway!" "it is; there's no good of our blinking the fact," replied the other,--"but, still, other shipwrecked crews have borne worse hardships than we'll have to contend with, and, you know, what men have done men may do! i wish we had some more of the poor old ship's planks, however. besides their being necessary for completing our house properly, we shall want a large supply of them for fuel during the next four months." "sure and they'll float ashore," said the mate. "i don't know about that," responded mr meldrum. "you said just now, when you returned in the jolly-boat, that all the bows and forward parts of the vessel had been washed to pieces; and yet, of all that wreckage not a single scrap came ashore here to tell the tale before you brought the news:-- what do you think of that, eh!" "be jabers, it's all that blissid current that takes it back agin! sure an' i've sane it floating in foreninst the land myself." "well, we'll have to try and baulk the current, then," said mr meldrum. "we must keep a good look-out on the ship; and, as soon as we see that the stern has broken up, the jolly-boat will have to be manned and cruise about to pick up and tow ashore whatever timber and stray planks may be seen." "right you are, sorr," replied mr mccarthy. "i'll say to that!" "say, mister," interposed the american, who had remained silent during the deliberations of the other two, although he was supposed to be present at the council and a deliberative member. "how'll the grub last all that air time! twenty-seven folks all told, as i've kalkerlated 'em, take a powerful lot of feedin' in four months!" "ah!" said mr meldrum, "that's a serious consideration. however, with that lot of penguins there,"--and he pointed to the little colony of the quaint birds, which were still croaking and grumbling at them, not having yet become accustomed to their strange visitors,--"i don't think we'll starve! besides these gentry, too, there will be lots more sea- fowl, and perhaps some land ones as well. still, it will be advisable, mr lathrope, as you have introduced the subject, to take stock of all the stores we have, and master snowball must be instructed to be not quite so lavish in his display at dinner-time as he was yesterday." "sorry i spoke," said mr lathrope, rather chop-fallen at the way in which his suggestion had been taken. "i didn't want you to cut short the vittles, but only to kinder kalkerlate!" "i'm just doing that," replied the other, "and we'll see what we've got to depend upon at once." as the american had remarked, they were just twenty-seven souls in all: _imprimis_, captain dinks--whose wound evidently was progressing favourably, for he had lost all those feverish symptoms that were apparent the day previous and was now in a sound sleep, after eating some thin soup which snowball had concocted for him by mr meldrum's direction--mr mccarthy, adams, frank harness, ben boltrope the carpenter, and karl ericksen the rescued norwegian sailor, besides snowball and thirteen others of the crew of the _nancy bell_, making twenty of those belonging to the ship; while, of the passengers, there were six--mr meldrum, kate, florry, mrs major negus and her son and only hope maurice, and lastly, though by no means least, mr lathrope-- the grand total, with the stewardess, who must not be forgotten, coming exactly to seven-and-twenty. now, to feed all this large family, they had brought ashore on the raft three barrels of salt beef and four of pork, six hams uncooked, besides the one which frank had removed from the steward's pantry along with the round of spiced beef on his visit to the ship in search of the cat; some four dozen eight-pound tins of preserved meats and vegetables; about a couple of hundredweight of flour; five bags of biscuit; a few bottles of spirits; and sundry minor articles, such as pickles and salt, and one or two pots of preserves--not a very considerable amount of provender, considering the number of souls to be supplied, and the length of time mr meldrum thought it wise to estimate that the provisions would have to last. just as they were rolling back the casks under the shelter of the tent, maurice negus rushed up to mr meldrum in company with florry, both of the children being intensely excited evidently about something they had seen or heard. "oh crickey!" cried out the former before he had quite got up to the party, so as to have the first voice in the matter,--"do come! there's an awful long thing just crawled out of the sea, and it is creeping up to the tent as fast as it can!" "yes," chorussed florry, "and it's like the seals we saw in the zoological gardens; only it's twice as big and has a long trunk like an elephant!" "jeehosophat!" exclaimed mr lathrope, feeling for his revolver. "it must be a rum outlandish animile, if it's like that!" "zee-oliphant," said karl ericksen, the norwegian sailor, in his broken english. "he is not harmful:-- he good for man eat." "snakes and alligators! that's prime anyhow, i reckon," put in mr lathrope. "i guess this air animile'll save your old stores, mister, hey?" "i hope so," answered mr meldrum. "although i've never tasted seal beef myself, i have heard it's very fair when you can't get the genuine article; the whalers generally use it, at all events, some of them even thinking it a dainty. but, let us go and see this sea-elephant that the children have discovered!" they did not have to go far; for, the queer-looking amphibious creature had by this time crawled up on to the rocks close outside the tent, and was quite near to where they were standing--the norwegian sailor having already seen and recognised its species before he spoke. the animal was a gigantic sort of seal, some twenty-five feet in length and quite five high. if big, it was certainly also most unwieldy, for it appeared to waddle up from the shore with the greatest difficulty. its body was covered with a short brown fur, with lighter hair of a dun colour under the throat; and, what gave it the singular appearance whence its name of "sea-elephant" was probably more derived than from its size, was the pendulous nostrils, which hung down over its mouth, just like the proboscis or long trunk of the children's old friend, "jumbo." karl ericksen had managed to rummage out a harpoon one day amongst the odds and ends in the forecastle of the _nancy bell_, and the sailor having been familiar with its use from long whaling experience, had not forgotten to bring it ashore when they abandoned the wreck--looking upon the weapon with almost as much veneration as mr lathrope regarded the rifle he had inherited from the celebrated colonel crockett. this harpoon karl now brought forth, approaching the seal with the obvious intention of despatching it summarily; when another evidence of its elephantine character was displayed, well justifying its title. as the sailor came up to it and raised the harpoon to strike, the animal raised itself on its fore-flappers, snarling and emitting a hollow roar which startled everybody near, causing them to jump away, and give it a wide berth; while at the same time it erected its nose so that it stood out quite stiff, more than a foot long, and, opening its mouth, it exposed the bright scarlet palate and gullet, from the bottom of which its hoarse bellow proceeded. karl, however, was not frightened by the sea-elephant's rage, but with a single swinging blow from his harpoon on the snout stretched it lifeless on the ground, when all were better able to appreciate its enormous size. its girth alone exceeded sixteen feet, and the animal appeared all the more imposing when dead than alive. the norwegian sailor cut out the tongue, telling mr meldrum that this portion of the sea-elephant and the snout were considered great delicacies by the whalers; but none of the party relished either, although snowball served up both at dinner in his most recherche fashion. the flesh of the body, too, was of a blackish hue, and had an oily taste about it, which made the sailors turn up their noses at it and wish to fling it away; but this mr meldrum would not allow. "we will probably be glad enough to get it bye and bye," he said; and he then caused the despised seal "beef" to be cut up in pieces and salted down in one of their spare casks in case of future need. during the time mr meldrum had been taking stock of their stores, before the coming of the sea-elephant--"to pay them an afternoon call," as florry said--the carpenter, with a number of the hands working under him, had been proceeding with the house-building operations; but he had to stop at last, more from want of the proper timber wherewith to complete the job than through the darkening of the afternoon on account of the approach of night. "i can't get along nohow," ben explained to mr meldrum, who was now regarded as the head of the party, and the one to look to in every difficulty. "i'm at a standstill for planking, sir. i can manage the roof part pretty well, by breaking up those old puncheons we brought under the raft and using the staves for shingles; but the joists and rafters bother me, sir." "well, we must hope to get some more to-morrow from the wreck," said mr meldrum. "the ship cannot last much longer; but, recollect, we can't get any ashore till she breaks up." "aye, aye, sir, i knows that," replied ben. "still, i hopes it won't all drift away to sea when she do go to pieces." "we'll try to prevent that, boltrope," said the other. "mind, mr mccarthy, and have a look-out stationed in the morning to keep an eye on the ship, with a man to relieve him watch and watch, the same as on board! she's all firm now, for i saw the flag still waving when i looked before the light began to fail; but if the wind and sea get up again, as they very likely will towards midnight, tomorrow will tell a very different tale!" "i'll have a look-out, never fear, sorr." "and, mccarthy--" "yes, sorr!" "see that the jolly-boat is ready and a crew picked for it to put off the moment any wreckage is observed floating inshore. we must not neglect any chance of securing all the timber we can for fuel, putting the house out of the reckoning entirely!" "indade i will, sorr," answered the mate cheerily; and then, all struck work for the day and retired into the tent, not sorry to have another easy night's rest. every one was anxious to turn in, for really there was nothing else to be done. chapter twenty five. breaking up of the vessel. they did not sleep so soundly, however, on this occasion as they had done the first night of their landing on the island; for, soon after dark, the wind rose into a tempestuous gale, making the tent flap about in such a way that it seemed as if it were about to be carried off bodily! as it was, indeed--through the blowing in of the sides, and the jumping up and down of the tarpaulin on the roof every now and then as the boisterous gusts got under it--a lot of snow, which had begun to fall before they retired to rest and was now coming down in a regular storm, as fast and furious as the flakes could succeed each other, managed to find its way inside, not contributing much to their comfort; and this, combined with the roar of the breakers against the base of the cliffs, which seemed louder than ever now that the men were lying down with their ears to the ground, tended to keep the majority of the castaways awake and made them long for the morning to come again. at last, the day broke; and, as the faint light gleamed through the chinks in the tent, telling all that the dreary night was past, they quickly bestirred themselves--snowball being one of the first to turn out, and at once hastening to kindle up the fire, which he had left carefully banked up the previous evening, besides wisely hedging it in with heavy pieces of stone so that the wind should not scatter it away, as would otherwise probably have been the case. "soon get drop hot coffee, massa," said he to mr meldrum, who was an early riser too and not far behind the darkey; "um berry good for de tomack fust thing in mornin'!" but the other was too much concerned about the fate of the ship to think of coffee then; and, long before snowball had finished his remark, he was actively ascending the highest rock near to get a good view out to seaward. here he was shortly joined by mr mccarthy and ben boltrope, who were also equally anxious in the matter; although the others, not having been called, did not hurry themselves to leave the warm atmosphere of the tent for the cold and raw air without. the lookers-out, however, could not see much as yet; for the usual surface fog--which in these regions generally creeps up in the evening and hangs over the sea till broad daylight--had not yet completely cleared away; and so, a curtain of haze shut out the offing from their gaze. still, as far as the eye could reach, the sea was very rough, with heavy rollers rolling in landward. the gale of the night had not abated much, albeit the wind was not so gusty as it had been, while its force seemed to be lessening as the morning drew on. "i'm afraid," said mr meldrum, after vainly trying for a long time to peer through the impenetrable veil of mist which hid the reef from sight, "that this last blow has settled the old ship." "faix, and i'm thinking just that very same," responded the first mate. "it blowed tremenjus towards four bells, sorr, an' the poor crathur must be clane smashed up by now!" "it's very unfortunate if that has happened," replied the other. "the sea is running too high for us to launch the jolly-boat, and so we'll lose all chance of saving the wreckage." "true for you, sorr, save and onless it drifts ashore." "there's not the slightest hope of that," replied mr meldrum. "nothing has come up on the beach here yet, that i've been able to perceive!" "but, sure an' the wind's bin blowing on to the land, sorr, all night. p'r'aps that might make a difference!" "perhaps it might," said the other; "but i very much doubt it." "well, sorr, we'll say," retorted the mate. however, the argument was settled offhand by ben boltrope, who had clambered up to a higher ledge of rock from whence he could see further out to seaward over the fog, which hung low on the water and did not extend to the upper regions of the air. "there she is, your honour, bless her old heart!" he exclaimed. "she's still hard and fast on the reef, and never another plank sprung from the starn, as far as i can see!" this was good news; and mr meldrum, with the mate, hastened to join the carpenter on his perch above. yes, there in the distance, rising out of the mist, could be seen the upper portion of the poop of the _nancy bell_, although the wreck was still occasionally obscured by a wave breaking over it; and, presently, on the lifting of the fog, as the clouds cleared off from the face of the sky and a gleam of sunshine stole out, lighting up the sea and landscape around, it could be observed that the remains of the vessel were nearly in the same condition, apparently, as when last noticed on the evening before--save that the poor ship was now surrounded by a line of breakers which dashed over the stern continually, looking as if they meant to pull it in pieces before they had done with it! "she's shifted more on to her side," said mr meldrum, who had taken out a glass from his pocket and was now inspecting the remains of the old ship more carefully. "i can see the deck clearly. the waves are spurting up through the hole where the skylight was removed, so the cabins must be pretty well washed out by this time." "ah! that's the rayson we couldn't say the flag, sorr," observed the mate. "it is there still," replied mr meldrum; "although it is now all to port, instead of right amidships as it was when we left. this is on account of the mizzen-mast stump leaning over into the water, for i couldn't see it myself till i took the glass. she can't last much longer, though. those seas are breaking over her with frightful force, judging by the amount of surf they send up, and they must soon make an end of her!" "i hope it'll calm down a bit, sir," said ben boltrope. "i'm nervous about them timbers for the roof of the house." "be aisy with you, man," put in mr mccarthy. "sure an' all the anxiety in the worruld won't dhrive a pig to market! if we're to have the crathur's planks we'll have thim sure enough; and if we aren't, why we won't, that's all about it!" "the sea may run easier at low water, boltrope," said mr meldrum to console the carpenter; "and if she should be broken up by that time, we'll send out the jolly-boat and pick up what we can." "begorrah, you won't have to wait long," cried the mate; and almost as he spoke, a heavy roller was seen to lift up the wreck on the top of its crest and roll it over, after which the dark body they had observed on the reef with the little scrap of a flag fluttering over it was there no longer! the _nancy bell_, or rather the remaining fragments of her hull, had disappeared at last beneath the waves! "i'm afraid we sha'n't be able to save anything," said mr meldrum, after a moment of silence, in which each of the three witnesses of the vessel's end had drawn a deep breath, showing how affecting had been the sight. "it is such a long distance out there, and the sea is running so heavily besides, that i wouldn't like to risk the boat." "sure and we could thry, sorr," pleaded the first mate eagerly. "no, mr mccarthy, it would be hazardous in the extreme; and we ought not to peril the men's lives unnecessarily! still, if you want to do something--" "bedad i do," interrupted the other, as if ready at once to dive into the sea if required. "well," continued mr meldrum, "you can post a man on the watch here and one or two other places along the cliff, to notice if anything floats inshore; and then, of course, we'll make an effort to bring it to land should the wreckage drift near." "aye, aye, sorr, you may dipind upon me that same," said mr mccarthy; and, rushing down from the rock, he was soon in front of the men's compartment of the tent, rousing them out with a cry of, "ahoy there! all hands on deck to save ship! tumble up, tumble up there, my hearties, there's no time to lose!" the men coming out with alacrity, half bewildered by such a hail under the circumstances and surroundings, four were picked out and posted to look out like sentinels--two on the beach and two on the ridge above-- and all with strict injunctions to report anything they saw at once, just as if they were put to the same duty on board ship. "now, mind ye kape a good watch," said the first mate, as he left them to their own devices, "and out if you say a single hincoop floating in the say foreninst ye--though it's little enough of them you'll say, sure, considerin' they were all washed overboard off the cape!--i mane if ye say any timbers or spars from the wrack drifting inshore, just you hould your eye on thim, or the divil a mother's son ye'll have a roof over his hid or a pace of foire to warm his-self! faix, ye needn't snigger, ye spalpeens; it's the truth i'm afther tellin' ye!" and mr mccarthy then went off, shaking his fist good-humouredly at those who laughed at his quaint speech. four other men he selected as a crew for the jolly-boat, which was hauled down on the beach in readiness to shove off as soon as any of the wreckage was reported in sight; the remainder of the hands being directed to place themselves under the orders of the carpenter until their services should be required to relieve the look-out men at the end of their watch. the duty of these latter, however, was for some time a sinecure, as the breakers were still breaking angrily against the cliffs and keeping up the hoarse diapason in which they expressed their impotent rage; while the wind, though blowing with less force than during the night time, was yet strong enough to sweep off the tops of the billows when it caught them well abeam, carrying the spindrift away to leeward and scattering the surge with its blast as it transformed it into fairy-like foam bubbles and wreaths of gossamer spray. noon came before there was any change. then, soon after the end of the ebb and just as the tide began to flow again, the wind died away into a dead calm; and the sea settling down somewhat--the rollers still rolling in, but only breaking when they reached the shore, instead of jostling one another in their tumultuous rushings together and mimic encounters out in the open--every eye was on the _qui vive_. it was either "now or never" that they might expect anything coming inshore from the wreck! "sail ho!" at length shouted one of the look-out men on the ridge. the sailor evidently could not help using the nautical term from old habit, although he well knew that there was little chance of his seeing a "sail" that quarter! "where away?" called out mr mccarthy, who had the jolly-boat's crew round her, running her into the water the moment he heard the cry. "right to leeward of the reef, sir, about a mile out," answered the look-out, adding quickly afterwards, "it looks a pretty biggish bit of timber, sir, and rides high in the water." "all right, my man," said the mate; "mind you kape still on the watch, and fix any other paces of planking you may say in your mind's eye! you can till me where to look for thim whin i come back agin within hail. shove off, you beggars!" he then cried out to the boat's crew, as he jumped in over the side. "arrah put your backs into it, for we're bound to save ivery scrap of the ould vessel we can come across, in order sure to tow it ashore!" watching for an opportunity, the boat's head was shoved out on top of a return wave, when, the oars being plied with sturdy strokes, the little buoyant craft was soon well out of the broken water and making steady progress in the direction that had been pointed out. no object, however, could be seen as yet by mr mccarthy; for the rollers were still so high that when the boat was sunk in the hollow between them nothing could be noticed beyond the curving ridge of the next wave and the broken wash of the one just overtopped. "go it, boys, kape at it with a will," cried the mate, rising up in the stern-sheets after a while to look round better, steadying himself by holding on to the yoke-lines and leaning forwards. "ha! i can say it now, right in front! we'll soon have it--one more stroke, and we'll be there, sure!" "aisy, now--avast--row of all!" he cried out in turn; and then, with a sullen, grating sound the boat brought up against a large mass of broken timberwork which the men had no difficulty in recognising as the larger portion of the poop deck. it had the combings of the companion and skylight still attached, as well as a part of one of the ladder-ways, and was in every sense a treasure trove. "sure we're in luck, boys, anyhow," said mr mccarthy joyfully. "be jabers, i niver expected to git so much ov it all at once without any trouble!" the first mate proceeded without delay to attach the small hawser which they had used for towing the raft to a ring-bolt, left as if for the purpose on the floating mass; and then the men, backing water on one side, and pulling sharp on the other, soon had the boat on her way back to the land, with the mass of broken timberwork trailing behind her. it was in itself, without picking up another plank, more than sufficient to supply all the carpenter's needs for the roof of the house, "besoides making the ladies a prisint of a staircase for the front door," as mr mccarthy observed! it was fortunate they came across this, for little more of the wreckage was secured, the tide having evidently carried out the lighter portions of the planking too far to sea for it to be brought back again by the returning flood. it was probably only owing to the weight of the poop- deck that they had been able to make certain of that. still, on making a trip out to the reef later on, to see whether any more of the timbers remained there, a "find" was discovered which greatly rejoiced snowball's heart when it was brought on shore. this was nothing less than one of the ship's coppers, which had become detached from the galley framework and in falling on to the reef had managed to get securely fixed between the rocks, just a little below the surface of the water. a couple of the men were easily able to pull it up into the jolly-boat, where, on being inspected, it was found perfectly sound and as good as ever! "golly, massa," exclaimed the darkey, when mr meldrum presented him with the recovered copper--which snowball looked upon almost as the apple of his eye--"me able cook pea-shoop now, sah, and bile de beef in 'spectable style, sah! dat sospan, massa, no good for ship's company. um bile, and bile, and bile, and nebbah bile enuff!" "ah! mind you don't go cooking too extravagantly," said mr meldrum. "if i see you wasting anything, i'll taboo the copper." "lor, massa, i'se too careful for dat," replied the negro cook, with a grin which displayed his ivory-mounted mouth from ear to ear; "when de men sing out for more thoop, why, sah, i just water um grog! yah, yah! ho, ho!" and he burst into a roar of laughter in which those around could not help joining, the darkey's hearty merriment was so contagious. chapter twenty six. kerguelen cabbage. while mr mccarthy and the jolly-boat's crew were thus trying to save all the "flotsam and jetsam" they could from the wreck, ben boltrope and those of the crew told off to help him, as "carpenter's mates," were as busy as bees house-building, if running up the shanty which mr meldrum had designed could be so designated; while the rest of the party were lending all the aid they could in fetching and carrying what the actual workers required. it was only a rough wooden hut, or rather "composite" structure; but as it was more than probable that it would have to be the home of the shipwrecked people for some five months at the least, no trouble or pains were spared in endeavouring to make it as substantial and comfortable under the circumstances as ben and his active assistants could effect with the limited means at their command. the gable-end of the cliff, under whose lee the hut was erected, so as to gain shelter from the southward and westward winds, which seemed to be the most prevalent on the coast, presented a flat and even face, just like a slab of black slate standing up perpendicularly from the ground. the wall of rock, which was of a hard volcanic material that was evidently not porous, was made to serve for the back of the building, a niche or groove being excavated along it, about ten feet from the bottom, for the insertion of the ridge poles. this was a task of some difficulty, owing to the toughness of the stone; but it was a necessary one in order to prevent the moisture from above trickling down into the interior between the roof and the face of the cliff. the lower ends of the ridge poles, which sloped down from the top at an angle of some fifteen degrees, were then firmly fastened to the posts placed in the holes dug for them and lashed together with stout seizings of rope and sennet, so strongly that it would almost have taken a hurricane to have blown them away. the next proceeding was to fix, at equal distances apart across the rough framework of the roof, a series of slender scantlings cut from the deck planks by splitting them with an axe, which ben was forced to make use of on account of his having no saw, that and other similar useful instruments having been left in his tool-chest, which had been placed in the long-boat when the first preparations were made for abandoning the _nancy bell_. the scantlings were secured to the ridge poles diagonally, not only for greater security but on account of the shortness of some of the pieces of timber they had and the necessity there was for their economising it; and, over the scantlings were laid in due order, the one overlapping the other to prevent any crevices in between, the shingles which the ingenious carpenter had improvised out of the staves of the empty casks--although, as the space to be covered amounted to some seven hundred superficial feet or thereabouts, every one of the casks had to be broken up save the six containing their beef and pork and the salted- down flesh of the sea-elephant, ben even then hardly having enough shingles for his purpose. however, casks or no casks, the roof of their house was a consideration that stood at the moment before all others; and, being now properly shingled, it was rendered additionally watertight by spreading over it the old tarpaulin and sail that had already temporarily done duty above their tent, and then giving them a good coating of pitch. a supply of this article had been fortunately thrown on to the raft along with the other odds and ends that had came in so usefullys and it was now melted down in snowball's recovered copper. the finishing touch was given to the structure by piling several big boulders over the upper row of shingles along the ridge pole, for greater stability and to prevent boisterous boreas from playing any of his rude tricks to its disadvantage. the roof done, all hands turned their attention to raising the sides of the shanty. this was a much easier job, consisting in nailing rough pieces of planking at intervals across the corner-posts from end to end, both inside the building and without, and then filling up the interstices, or intervening hollows, with the basaltic debris that was scattered around--just as rubble is thrown in between skeleton brickwork by what are termed "jerry-builders" to form party-walls of modern tenements. the side walls were then carried up to within a foot or so of the eaves of the roof, the sail-covering of which after being allowed to lap over was now tucked in at the top, thus closing up the chinks and making all snug. the front of the shanty was afterwards finished off in the same way, although more planking was employed as greater nicety of detail was necessary in order to arrange for the doorway and windows, for which latter the remains of the cabin sky-light frank thought of bringing ashore supplied the material; but it took a couple of days to complete the building to the satisfaction of ben and mr meldrum, notwithstanding which drawback the whole party took possession of it the night after the wreckage had been landed, the recovered timber enabling the carpenter and his crew to proceed with the work--all declaring that the house was perfect and ever so much better than the discarded tent, in spite of many things being still wanting. in the interior, of course, a flooring had been dispensed with, from the simple fact of their having no wood to spare for such a luxury; but otherwise it was made to look very comfortable. through the aid of canvas curtains suspended from the roof, it was divided, as mr meldrum had originally planned, into three tolerably commodious apartments, the cosiest and most sheltered of which, at the extreme end of the building, was apportioned to the ladies some sailcloth being spread on the bare ground to render it warmer; while the middle and larger room was reserved as a store and place of general assembly for eating and carrying on such avocations as were required when the weather was too rough for out-of-door work. the third apartment, at the beach end of the building, was devoted to the dormitory accommodation of the men folk, who slept on the bare rock below in their blankets--mr meldrum, with the american and the officers of the ship swinging above the crew in hammocks. they had a tight fit of it altogether, some one-and-twenty sleeping in a space of not more than twenty feet by eight, according to the dimensions of the floor; but captain dinks' cot was hung for the present in the general compartment, on account of his wounded condition and the necessity of his having free air and ventilation, lest there should be a return of his feverish symptoms, which a confined atmosphere might have brought about. when all these arrangements were completed, and the stores neatly ranged round the central division, which ben boltrope had further adorned with a rough deal table and some settles placed in the centre, the place presented quite a homelike appearance to the castaways. the children, indeed, declared that it was like the cuddy of the poor old _nancy bell_--that is, when things went well with the vessel. this resemblance was especially apparent on the second night after taking possession of the new house, when it was "declared open" in state, on which occasion it was lit up by no less than two of the ship's lanterns as a sort of house warming in honour of the event. snowball was also allowed by mr meldrum to spread the festal board with as luxurious a feast as their scanty supplies permitted, a bottle of wine being subsequently produced for the ladies and grog served out to the men. "i guess, mister," said mr lathrope, who took quite as much pride as mr meldrum in the building--indeed had an equal share in planning its construction, although he did not work quite so hard in carrying out the details--"i'd a sight rayther have this air shanty than a brown stone front in philadelphy--yes, sir!" "well, we've got a roof over our heads at all events!" replied mr meldrum, "and i confess i was anxious about that point. we've had exceptionally fine weather for the time of year here, however, and there's no knowing how soon it will turn off; so, now that our house is finished, the next thing to be considered is the state of our provisions." "ah!" said the american, "i kalkerlate that's coming to hum." "the food question is a vital necessity in most cases, and especially now in ours,"--continued the other--"taking into account the many mouths we have to feed." "but the lord filleth the hungry, we're told," said mrs major negus, who had developed, since landing on the island, what had evidently been a strong religious trait previously dormant in her character, if quoting scripture texts were any proof of this disposition. "ah ma'rm," responded mr lathrope, "don't you believe it, unless the hungry work for it." "and much you've done to earn your food!" said the lady tartly. "wa-al, ma'rm, if it warn't for me, as mr meldrum here will tell you, i've no doubt yer wouldn't have a chimbley, nor nary fire to sot by inside haar!" "a fine smoky chimney it is too!" retorted mrs major negus. "it is quite suffocating, i declare." "that's better nor bein' friz," said the american, with some little heat. he was rather annoyed at having his special contrivance sneered at, for it was only after repeated attempts and failures that the building party had at last managed to rig up a fireplace against the back wall of the shanty--running up through the roof of the "general" room a chimney-shaft of loosely piled stones, enclosed within a framework of planks to which was nailed on the sea-elephant's skin in order to prevent the wood from catching fire. this served the purpose of warming the whole of the interior, as the other apartments opened into this room, which indeed also provided the only means of communication with the outside of the hut, the principal and solitary door of the establishment being here. "i'd sooner be smoked any time fur chice, myself, than friz!" said mr lathrope again, as if to provoke his opponent. "no wonder," retorted the lady, eager to have the last word, "when you're at it all day long, smoking your brains out with that vile tobacco!" "what were you going to say about the provisions, papa?" interposed kate at this juncture, in order to give a turn to the conversation, which seemed to be getting a trifle too personal between mr lathrope and "the major." "well, my dear," said her father, glad of the interruption, "i was about to call a council of war. what we have can't last us very long, at our present rate of consumption. we shall have to eke it out, as far as it is practicable, by the native products of the island." "that's snow and pumice-stone, as fur as i ken see," put in mr lathrope; "and i guess i must be durned peckish fore i tackle those!" "you forget the seals and the penguins," said mr meldrum. "waal, mister," rejoined the american, "we've only seed one seal, as i reckon. that was that air `sea olly-fant,' as the norwegee called it, and the animile's meat warn't 'zackly what this child ken stomach! as for them penguins, i guess they're kinder fishy." "my dear sir, we can't be squeamish," said the other. "perhaps we'll be only too glad to get anything we can presently! besides the seals and birds, however, there's something else i shall have to look after to- morrow. it is what i should have thought of before, only we were so busy about the house--some vegetable food to eat with our salt beef. we must use some antiscorbutic; and we haven't a tin of our preserved stock left, i think." "and whar'll you find vegetables haar, mister?" "why, there's one specially distinctive of the island and i daresay we'll not have to hunt far for it. from the accounts i've read it ought to grow quite close to the seashore." "and what's that, mister?" asked the american. "kerguelen cabbage," promptly answered mr meldrum. "snakes and alligators, mister! do you expect to find sich kitchen stuff haar?" "i do," replied the other; "and intend to search for it to-morrow morning, as soon as i turn out!" "it was lucky we have poor puss, papa," said florry just then. "we would have had all our things eaten up by the mice only for her." "dear me!" ejaculated mrs major negus, drawing her skirts closer to her in alarm, "you don't say so? mice! gracious goodness that i ever should have come to such a place. of all the things i hate, those nasty creatures are the worst." "ah! ma'rm," put in mr lathrope, seeing his chance of revenge for the lady's comments on his chimney; "if all mister meldrum kalkerlates comes true about the shortness of our provisions, i guess you'll be glad to eat 'em bye and bye! i've seed the chinee immigrants gobble 'em up in californy often enough!" "disgusting!" ejaculated mrs major negus, raising her nose in the air with an expression of intense scorn. "i for one, sir, will never descend to adopt chinese fashions and live on rats and mice, whatever you may have learnt to do in your travels." "pray, do not alarm yourself," interposed mr meldrum, laughing. "can't you see that mr lathrope is only joking! i do not dread our being reduced to such a sad extremity as he pictures! are you sure about the mice, florry?" "oh yes, papa," answered that young lady. "pussy killed four not long ago, and brought them purring, one after another, to kate and me--as if to show us what she had done! besides, i'm sure i heard them squeaking behind the boxes last night." florry's statement was true enough, for on hunting amongst the stores it was found that the corners of the bags containing the small supply of biscuits they had left had been nibbled through and their contents scattered on the ground; in addition to which there were other evidences of the presence of the little depredators. the mice must have been originally introduced into the island by some whaling ship; and, they had evidently multiplied considerably since then, for they were now very numerous and puss would have all her work cut out for her in keeping them down. in spite of the mouse diversion, mr meldrum did not forget what he had said about the "kerguelen cabbage." instituting a search next day, it was not long before he came across the plant in a little hollow, close to the fresh-water tarn adjoining their hut and just peeping out from a thin covering of half-melted snow that lay on the ground. this peculiar vegetable production, which was first noticed by captain cook a century ago and is indigenous to the island, is termed by botanists the _pringlea antiscorbutica_, and belongs to the order of plants classed as the _cruciferae_, which embraces the common cabbage of every household garden, the radish, and the horse-radish--to the latter of which the kerguelen cabbage is the most closely allied, on account of its hot pungent taste when eaten raw as well as from its habit and mode of growth. mr meldrum could not have failed to discover and recognise it at first sight from the description he already had, for the leaves of the plant grew thick about the root and put forth an upright stem, some two to three feet high, from which proceeded shoots, like broccoli sprouts on an enlarged scale, the outer petal-like leaves of which were six to eight inches long, and of a dark olive-green hue and fleshy nature, rounded and ciliated at the margin; while the inner leaves were of a paler green that approximated to yellow in the centre, where they were crumpled together, exactly like as in the "heart" of the well-known cabbage, to which the vegetable bore a very close likeness on being first seen. "begorrah, it's a cabbage, all the worruld over!" exclaimed the first mate, who had accompanied mr meldrum in his quest. "sure you'd hardly know the hid ov the baste, if it was cut off, from one grown in connemara!" "not quite so strong a resemblance, perhaps," replied mr meldrum, smiling. "still, there's likeness enough to recognise its membership to the general cabbage family; but, we have yet to try how it tastes!" "aye, aye, sorr," said mr mccarthy. "the proof of the pudden's in the aiting, sure!" however, the kerguelen cabbage stood this test well enough. it was tried that very day at dinner; and, although tasting slightly acrid and hot flavoured when raw, on being cooked in the same water in the copper in which some salt pork had been boiled, it seemed not very much dissimilar to the native home-grown article commonly known as "greens." "i guess, mister, it air downright prime, an' no mistake," said mr lathrope, passing opinion on its qualities; "and more'n that, it fills a feller up fine!" "begorrah, it's jist like bacon and greens!" observed mr mccarthy. the majority of the men, too, relished it greatly. it was a long time since any of them had tasted fresh meat much less vegetables, by reason of the _nancy bell_ not having stopped at any port on her way after leaving england; so, thenceforth, both on account of its antiscorbutic as well as from its "filling up" qualities, the plant invariably formed a leading feature in the dietary scale of the castaways; snowball never failing to have a plentiful supply of "cabbage" to cook when meal times came round, or else he or somebody else in fault for its absence, would have to "tell the reason why!" chapter twenty seven. colonel crockett's rifle. captain dinks was gradually getting better; but his recovery was so very slow that it would be weeks before he would be able to quit his cot. his wound had been a severe one, and had narrowly missed his heart. under these circumstances, therefore, mr meldrum still retained the position of chief of the party--not only the first mate and mr adams acquiescing in the arrangement, which the poor captain desired; but the general bulk of the men themselves, who were prejudiced in his favour from ben boltrope's frequent yarns of his ability when an officer in the navy, requested his continuing to be their leader by acclamation, when he expressed a wish of surrendering the command as soon as they had landed safely from the wreck and things had been made comfortable for them on the island. this was only a repetition of what they had done when they were in peril of their lives on board the _nancy bell_, at which momentous time, it may be remembered, mr mccarthy, speaking on behalf of all, had asked him to assume the direction of things and endeavour to extricate them from danger, looking upon him as the most competent person to guide them in the emergency. just so, now, on his speaking of relinquishing the leadership, he was requested to retain it for the common benefit, at least until captain dinks should be able to get about. this was the more desired from the fact of mr meldrum having managed matters so well for them already that they expected him to "see them through" all present difficulties. as on the previous occasion, mr meldrum did not hesitate to retain the post, believing from his training and experience in commanding bodies of men that he really would be the best leader they could have, in default of the captain; but, before consenting to the general wish, he addressed all hands, impressing on them the necessity of implicit obedience to his orders and a rigid attention to whatever duties he might set them-- adding that they might be certain he would not tell them to do anything which was not, to the best of his impression, for their own good. to this the men assented with a cheer of acquiescence, and he then dismissed them with the assurance that he would endeavour to deserve the confidence they had displayed in him. but, prior to separating from mr mccarthy and adams, mr meldrum drew up a code of rules for their guidance, premising that where a large party of seamen such as they had under them were thus thrown ashore with no regular duties to perform, such as they had on board ship, it was most urgently necessary that employment of some sort should be made for them; not only to keep them out of that mischief which the evil one is proverbially said to find "for idle hands to do," but also to prevent them from dwelling on the misery of their situation. "we must keep watches, turn and turn about," mr meldrum explained, "just the same as we did on board the ship; for, although there'll be no sails to attend to, in the cold nights which we will shortly have the fire will need careful looking after to prevent it from going out and leaving us all perhaps to freeze to death, while, in the daytime, there will be seal-hunting and water fetching to employ the hands, besides seeing to keeping the rooms clean. these and such similar duties must be performed regularly, so that through their aid the long hours will pass the more rapidly, until we are able--as i trust we shall about november, when the snow melts here, i believe, and we can travel--to start towards the other side of the island, where i hope we'll fetch some harbour where the whalers touch, and get taken on board and landed at the cape or some other civilised spot. but, mind, in order to do this," he added in conclusion, "we must all work together in harmony; and, to prevent discord, and all sorts of unpleasantness, we must keep the men constantly employed--not too onerously, but so that they shall always have something to do--in order that the weary time of waiting shall not hang heavy upon them. however, my friends, to encourage them, you must likewise find something to be busy at for yourselves, as i shall find for myself! excuse this little bit of a sermon, gentlemen," said mr meldrum at the end of his discourse; "but i thought it necessary to say it, as i've seen the evil of having a lot of men about me with nothing for them to do on a foreign station before now, and i've learnt wisdom by experience!" "true for you, sorr," replied mr mccarthy, stretching out his brawny fist; "and there's my hand on it to say i'll attind to your orders, if it's to holystone the face of that ould cliff there." "all right, my friend!" said mr meldrum, shaking the hand outstretched cordially. "i see we understand each other; and, believe me, i'll not be a hard taskmaster." "i'm certain of that, sir," responded mr adams; and the trio then parted company to carry these arrangements into effect, the first result of which was that everybody looked more cheerful than they had been since the completion of the house, after finishing which some dulness and lassitude had been observable in the men, coupled with a tendency to idle about and mope. this soon disappeared now when the first mate and mr adams, in pursuance of mr meldrum's directions, made them bustle about here and there. they did all sorts of jobs. they scraped the jolly-boat's planking, and pitched her inside and out; after which they collected all the stray blocks of basalt they could find and built a "shebeen," as mr mccarthy called it, to contain her, and then housed it and her over with all the spare planks they could get hold of--marching miles along the black sandy beach for the purpose of seeing what stray timber might be stranded. in addition to this work achieved, they rigged up a flagstaff on the head of the cliff and used to signal from thence at stated hours of the day. in fact, they were employed in doing everything that could be thought of to give employment to their minds and bodies, mccarthy and adams finding them fresh jobs continually. amongst all these various tasks, however, the very needful one of replenishing their gradually diminishing larder was not forgotten. "we've got some green-stuff," said mr lathrope--whom the question of eating, or rather what to get to eat, seemed more materially to affect than anyone else--"and i ain't a-going to gainsay but what it's fust- rate green-stuff of the sort, and right down prime filling stuff too; but, mister, we ain't all ben brought up to live on sauerkraut, like them german immigrants as i've seed land at castle garden, new york. i, fur one, likes a bit o' somethin' more substantial, that a feller can chew. 'spose we goes a-huntin', hey?" "very good," replied mr meldrum to this exordium; "but what shall we hunt!" "anything you durned please, siree," said the other. "there's seals and them penguins besides lots of cormorants and sichlike." "well, i don't think the seals will want much hunting or shooting," said mr meldrum; "for, if we come across any, a stroke over the nose with a stick will settle them, and the same can be said of the penguins-- although i don't want them to be disturbed yet, as it will soon be their breeding season and i hope to get a lot of eggs from the little colony adjacent to us. as for the cormorants, if you complained about the former birds having a fishy taste, you'll find these fishier still. however, to relieve your mind, i believe that there are a number of wild rabbits on the island, so we'll try to shoot some of those." "bully for you!" exclaimed mr lathrope. "we'll go rabbit-hunting, mister, as soon as you please. if there wer one thing i liked in the old country it wer rabbit-pie, and it kinder made me lonesome to think i'd never fix my grinders through another 'fore i got played out!" "i've heard, too," continued mr meldrum, "that there's a very fine sort of tern or duck here that is good eating; and i fancy i saw a brace fly across the creek the other day. we might come across some!" "if we dew," said the american complacently, tapping the barrel of the old rifle he had brought ashore as his most valued possession, and spoken of as the gift of his deceased grandfather, "i guess colonel crockett haar ken give a sorter good account of 'em. when i draws a bead with that thaar rifle, mister, what i shoot at's as good as a gone coon!" "i hope you'll have plenty of practice with it then, to the advantage of our dinner-table," replied mr meldrum pleasantly, preparing for the expedition by loading carefully a double-barrelled gun which he too had saved from amongst the various goods and chattels he had left on board the wreck. "you can have all the rabbits i kill if you let me have the ducks." "that's a bargain, mister," said mr lathrope; "though i guess you'll gain by the swop." "sure and it sames to me you're both countin' your chickens afore they're hatched," observed the first-mate with a huge grin at his own joke. "you're not far wrong, mr mccarthy," said mr meldrum. "i, for one, don't expect to come back overladen with game; but of course i can't answer for my friend here, who may be another american `deerslayer,' for all i can tell, though he'll find rabbits his biggest quarry on this island." "sir," retorted mr lathrope, "i ain't goin' to let out all i ken dew, fur a leaky sieve's gen'rally bad for holdin' water, i guess; but, you jest wait and see what you jest see!" "arrah sure and we will, sorr," said mr mccarthy, bursting into a regular roar of laughter, in which mr meldrum and the others joined-- mrs major negus being especially prominent in her merriment, as she always was when anything was said to the american's disadvantage, he being apparently her direct antipathy. "but i hope, sorr, though it goes agin my own counthry to say it, what you bring back won't be as much as paddy shot at." "you slide along with your durned brogue," was all the retort that mr lathrope condescended to make to this hit. it touched him, however, on his tenderest point, for he certainly prided himself on his proficiency in the use of "the lethal weapon;" so, when he turned round and observed that master snowball had heard the remark and was indulging in a quiet guffaw at his expense, he rounded on him a little more sharply. "i guess you'd better stow that, you ugly cuss!" said he menacingly; "or else i'll soon make you rattle your ivories to another toon!" whereupon the darkey reduced his grin to a proper focus and endeavoured to look as grave as he could. this appeased mr lathrope at once. "oh! durn it all, nigger, laugh away," he said, his wrath passing away as quickly as it had risen. "i guess those ken laugh who win;" and he handed snowball a chaw of tobacco to show that he did not harbour any ill-will. leaving their house on the creek--which, by the way, florry had christened "penguin castle," in consequence of its propinquity to the colony of queer sea-fowl--mr meldrum and mr lathrope, with frank harness, who was also of the shooting party as well as two men to help in carrying back home the fruits of the sport, all pursued their way in company up the valley in a north-easterly direction to the right of the cliff against which the house was built. the ground here rose gradually as they went along, and the walking became rather heavy after a time, in consequence of the snow having partly thawed and the soil beneath it being of some sort of peaty substance, into which their feet sank deeply at each step. presently, frank, to whom mr meldrum had lent a second gun he had brought ashore, saw a bird just like a little bantam cock, which he at once shot. this bird was pure white, with strong yellowish feet, that were not webbed like those of aquatic habits, rather short wings like those of a game bird, a strong black bill, stout spurs, and a bold black eye, which latter seemed to reproach frank when he went to pick it up. mr meldrum said it was what was called a sheathbill, and not good for eating, which made frank regret all the more having killed it, especially when its mate hopped up to him presently--as if asking him why he had shot her husband! it was next mr lathrope's turn, a wild duck flying right over his head; but, somehow or other, "colonel crockett's rifle" didn't happen to be just ready in time, and the duck would have escaped but for mr meldrum's bringing it down with his right barrel. it was really very curious. the same thing resulted when a second teal, or widgeon--the wild duck appearing to partake of the characteristics of both varieties--came by. strange to say, the american's weapon again missed fire, and mr meldrum had to kill the bird with his left barrel. these repeated failures to bring down anything made mr lathrope use rather strong language anent the rifle. "burn the old thing!" said he; "i can't make out what's come over it. my old grandfather's shot scores of deer with the tarnation weppin, and i guess it's jest cranky, that's all. i bet i'll shoot the next fowl that comes across haar, or i'll bust it." unfortunately, however, no more ducks were to be seen; but as they ascended a rather steep and bare hill at the back of their own cliff, and somewhat sheltered, like that, from the ocean winds, they noticed one or two little objects, jumping up and down out of holes in the ground and then scuttling back again--not from any alarm at their appearance, but as if only in play, for they did not interrupt their pastime for a moment as the shooting party approached. "by jove! there are the rabbits," said frank, levelling his gun. "jeerusalem! so they air," exclaimed mr lathrope. "dew let me hev the first shot!" "all right; fire away!" replied mr meldrum, who was ready to aim at a couple of the little creatures that were sitting up on a fragment of rock right opposite the three sportsmen, apparently combing their whiskers and eyeing them curiously the while. so near were they, indeed, that the most unskilful marksman in the world could hardly have missed them. "here goes, mister!" ejaculated mr lathrope, pulling the trigger of his piece with as strong an effort as if he were wrenching back a gate-post. "i guess you'll soon see the fur fly." instead of this, however, the phenomenon was witnessed of the fragments of the rifle dispersing in all directions the moment it was discharged, the american being at the same time knocked backward to the ground by the kick of the weapon, which went off with a loud report. "you're not hurt, i hope?" asked mr meldrum, who with frank had at once hurried to the american's side and taken hold of his hand to raise him up. "no, i guess not," replied mr lathrope slowly, getting up on to his feet and proceeding to feel himself carefully all over. "no, i ain't hurt; but i feels flummuxed by the durned old shootin'-iron. i kalkerlate my grandfather was a fraud, and took me in on that job. i would ha' betted my bottom dollar on the weppin, and now it ain't worth a cent!" there was a pretty good laugh round at "colonel crockett's rifle," and what it had brought down, but the american took it all with very good temper. after that, mr meldrum and frank handing him their guns alternately, so that they all three could have a fair number of shots apiece, they managed to make a very good bag out of the rabbits, which were not in the least dismayed either by the bursting of the rifle in the first instance, or by the rapid disappearance of their companions subsequently, although each discharge of the sportsmen's guns laid many of them low. indeed, they might have shot the lot had not mr meldrum observed that they had secured enough; besides which, the two sailors who accompanied the party said they could not cram any more into the sacks they had brought. thereupon all set about counting the spoil, and found that they had bagged no less than sixty-three brace. these, with five wild ducks--mr lathrope bringing down a pair right and left, on their way back, in a fashion which amply retrieved his character as a shot, and frank securing the odd one--were the nett result of the day's sport, in addition to the little sheathbill; and the shooting party returned to the house under the cliff as well satisfied with their own prowess as the home party were to welcome them, especially as they were now so plentifully provided with what all had been longing for since the last sheep had been washed overboard the _nancy bell_ when she was off the cape--fresh-meat! that very day mr lathrope had a pie made for his own special delectation by snowball as a sort of _amende honourable_ for the darkey's laughter at colonel crockett's celebrated rifle, which had come to such a deplorable and dangerous end; and, for some time after, the entire community of "penguin castle," with the exception of the penguins themselves, feasted upon bunnies _ad libitum_, until they could say, as did the servants of that parsimonious nobleman who fed them without change on similar fare:-- "of rabbits young and rabbits old, of rabbits hot and rabbits cold, of rabbits tender and rabbits tough, thank the lord, we've had enough!" chapter twenty eight. a confidential communication. in spite of the abundance of their supply of rabbits, however, mr meldrum would not allow them to be prodigally wasted. wisely "providing for a rainy day," he caused a considerable quantity to be split open and cleaned; and, after the skin was removed, had them rubbed over with dry salt, of which fortunately they had plenty. the carcasses were subsequently hung up on lines across the general room, adjacent to the fireplace, the warmth of which in a short time cured them like hams, so that they would keep for weeks, and even months if not required for culinary purposes earlier--as, it eventually turned out, they were. it was a lucky thing that the shooting party went on their excursion when they did. had they delayed it, as might have been the case, until they had turned their attention to the seals--which it had been mr meldrum's intention first to have hunted, in order to obtain as many furs as possible before the severe cold weather, that he expected soon to set in--they might have starved; for, the very day that succeeded the one on which they brought home the rabbits, a heavy fall of snow commenced that completely blocked up all the approaches to the creek, and compelled them to remain indoors during the ensuing week. the wind blew so terribly keen and strong from the north-east, right over the cliffs on the opposite side of the bay, during the whole time the snow continued to fall, that it was painful in the extreme to be exposed to it; while, if the door of the house happened to be left open but for a few minutes, the driving snow-flakes made their way within and banked themselves up like a heap of frozen drift in their midst. "ah!" said mr meldrum, "i told you that the fine weather we had was very exceptional, and could not last. it was providential that we were prepared for this, or we should have been in a miserable plight." "you're right, boss," observed mr lathrope. "this air snow-storm is jest like one of them blizzards i told you about when we were aboard the old ship that i had noticed in minnesota. i didn't kinder think then that i should come across another o' them this side of the globe! i'd ha' bet agin it any day." "aye," responded the other, "it is a fortunate thing for all of us that we cannot foresee the future, and that our strength is apportioned by degrees to the burdens sent us to bear. the great majority of us would succumb at once if we only knew the struggle that lay before us, the griefs, the trials, the mental weariness, the physical pain!" "oh, papa," said kate, "don't speak so sadly! let us rather think of the joy and unlooked-for happiness which so frequently comes to our lot when we have the least cause to expect them; and--and--" but here the girl's voice faltered. kate well knew the reason of her father taking so sombre a view of life, and she shared the sorrow that filled his heart, for her mother had but died a short period before they left england. "think, papa," she added, after a pause, "of the glorious hope of eternity, and the city within the golden gates, where we shall all of us meet the loved ones who have gone before!" "thank you, my child," replied mr meldrum, drawing her fondly to his side, and speaking as if they were alone together. "you have taught me a lesson, and i will repine no longer about the immutable. it is best to look forward, as you say. we ought to recollect that all our days must not necessarily be gloomy because for the moment they may happen to be overcast!" "no, sirree," interposed mr lathrope, "and i guess this air blizzard ain't going to last for ever:-- it looks now railly as if it wer' goin' to leave off snowing." "i think you are right," said frank harness, who had been sitting on the other side of kate, listening quietly to the conversation between her and her father. "i don't see any flakes now coming through the chinks of the door, as they were doing a short time ago. it is either leaving off, or the wind has chopped round to the southward and westward again." so saying, frank got up and went to peer without the portal, the others that were in the general room not stirring, for the greater number of the seamen were asleep in their dormitory. it was getting towards evening and most of the limited duties which it was possible to give the men to do, now that they were continuously confined indoors, had been already got through for the day. only ben boltrope and karl ericksen, amongst the hands, were up and awake; and they were engaged in playing a game of chequers with a set of counters which the norwegian had skilfully carved out of black basalt and white pumice-stone, both of which had been found lying close together at the bottom of the creek. the board that they played on was made by the carpenter, but it had been divided into proper squares through the aid of mr meldrum's compasses and parallel ruler, wielded by mr lathrope; so that all of them, so to speak, had a hand in the construction of the complete article. both mr lathrope and frank were right as to the weather, for, although the snow-flakes came down more slowly and were much smaller than they had been, the shifting of the wind had created the change. this was now blowing into the bay straight from the sea; and while the gale was still as high and fierce as at the beginning of the snow-storm, it was not quite so cold. the waves, however, were rolling against the cliffs just as they had done when the _nancy bell_ struck on the reef, and the reverberation of their roar was fearfully grand out in the open. the piled-up snow against the sides of the house had so deadened the sound within, that the party ensconced there could hear little beyond the whistling of the wind round the eaves of the house. frank returned to those within, after carefully closing the door again behind him, just like the dove messenger came back to noah and his imprisoned family in the ark! like the bearer of the olive branch, he too was a herald of glad tidings. "there is a change," said he, addressing himself to mr meldrum, "and i think, sir, we'll soon be able to get out again." "i'm glad to hear that," replied the other, getting up to look; but he came back even sooner than frank, and did not seem quite so jubilant. "i'm afraid the shift of the wind will not do us much good, as far as getting about is concerned," he said. "it will only tend to drift the snow where it has not penetrated before; and may very probably shut us in more firmly than ever. i notice one good thing, however, that the snowstorm has done. it has covered over the house, and we will be all the warmer should it start freezing again!" "but won't it break down the roof?" said mrs major negus, alarmed at this. "oh, no!" replied mr meldrum, "the roof is too strongly built for that; besides which, we're under the lee of the cliff that protects us from this very wind. still, i hope we'll have a chance of getting some more kerguelen cabbage before the snow commences to fall heavily again, as i've no doubt it will. i ought to have laid in a stock when we went rabbit shooting that time. in this sort of treacherous climate one should take advantage of every fine day and provide for the next." "you forget," said mrs major negus, "sufficient for the day is the evil thereof!" "but it don't say the good, only the evil, ma'rm; mind that," put in mr lathrope. "some folks seem to take a pleasure in twisting scripture contrariwise, jest to suit theer own squintin'-one-eye-skimmin'-the-pot- and-t'other-lookin'-up-the-chimbley sort of conscience!" "some people," retorted the lady, "never apply the parable of the mote and the beam, because they can't see their own faults." "we should live and let live," said mr meldrum, trying to put a stop to a sort of argument which was endlessly going on between the pair of combatants, much to his annoyance generally, when florry created a diversion. "look!" she exclaimed. "puss has caught another mouse!" "thar, boss," said mr lathrope laughing, "is a case in pint, to illustrate yer saying about lettin' folks be. i'm afeard me and missis meejur is unkimmon like the mouse and the cat!" "speak for yourself, please," interposed the lady, thinking that he meant to designate her as the feline animal. "if you've a mind to liken yourself to one of those dreadful creatures that are always nibbling, i don't choose to be called a cat." "i aren't a bit pertickler what you call me, ma'rm," replied the american very good-humouredly, "although i confess i am a bit partial to nibblin' when thar's anything good to eat!" "that's you all over," said mrs major with much satisfaction; when, as she appeared pleased, mr lathrope allowed the conversation to rest there, which satisfied mr meldrum also, as he did not like these continual bickerings going on before the younger members of the party, besides their being, as has been said, especially distasteful to himself. the next day it stopped snowing altogether; consequently a vegetable- hunting expedition was organised, a small party which started up the valley managing to bring back with some difficulty a few heads of cabbage, which with the dried rabbits alone now constituted their daily fare--both the beef and pork getting so low that mr meldrum had to stop their issue, although the men were not so hard pressed yet as to take to the salted sea-elephant. had the cabbage not been out of the line of drift, in a more secluded portion of the creek, the vegetable-seekers would have been unable to find it; for, the entire landscape was covered with a deep snow that was evenly distributed over hollow and hill alike--the lower lying land and the higher eminences so running into one another that they could not be distinguished. the tops of the loftiest peaks, indeed, seemed to be dwarfed down to the monotonous level of the plain; and, where elevated at all, they resembled more a cluster of little round mounds like sugar- loaves than anything else! during the cessation of the snow-storm, the castaways contrived to secure another sea-elephant which visited the bay, karl ericksen harpooning him in the water. this time the men did not despise the flesh, but appeared to relish it very much when snowball fried it fresh--a considerable portion of it being eaten in this way; while all the fat and blubber was melted down, and the remainder of the meat salted and packed in the cask with the other seal beef which was as yet untouched. on one of these days, too, ben boltrope went fishing from the lower cliffs, just above the bay at the head of the creek--on account of the sea there being calmer, and no breakers ruffling the water near. this pursuit would have been tried before, only that amongst the various articles that had been brought away from the ship there was not a single fish-hook the old man-o'-war's man, however, had at length managed to overcome the difficulty, manufacturing in his leisure moments a very good substitute by beating out some small nails that he had previously made malleable by putting them in the fire. after spending some hours angling, ben returned home with some half a dozen fish about the size of a small haddock. these had their heads armed with stout strong spines; but in spite of this peculiarity, they proved under snowball's manipulation to be very palatable, and mr lathrope, "for one," as he himself said, regretted that the carpenter had not caught more; he "guessed" he would have "gone for 'em!" the interregnum of fine weather did not last long; for, soon the snow set in falling again as if it would never stop. the days, consequently, grew unutterably dreary, from the misfortune of all being perforce confined, as before, to the house by the bitter cold wind; and, to make matters worse, the snow-flakes now seemed to penetrate through the tiniest crevices within the hut, so that the air in the interior of the dwelling was of the temperature of freezing, no matter how great a fire was kept up! while this lasted, mr meldrum devised all sorts of amusements for the men. amongst other things tried was music, one of the crew having made a banjo, the strings of which were twisted from the smaller intestines of the last sea-elephant they had killed; and by the aid of this instrument harmonic meetings were organised in the evenings, mr lathrope developing an almost forgotten talent he possessed, and coming out as a comic singer. he absolutely bewitched even the "major," with his version of "buffalo gals," and the "cackle, cackle, flap your wings and crow," chorus of the christy minstrels, who certainly, in his person, did perform on this occasion out of london! it was at this period, when the days seemed as if they would never end and the nights longer, that a memorable event occurred for two, at least, of the party. ever since that night of the storm on board the _nancy bell_, when she had, as he firmly believed, saved his life by catching hold of him as he was on the point of being washed away by the sea, frank had become deeply attached to kate; and the more he saw of the true-hearted girl-- her fond affection for her father, her anxious solicitude towards her little sister, her kind sympathy for everybody--the more his affection ripened, until at length he thought he could conceal his dawning love no longer. then came the wreck; and, in the trying scenes which subsequently arose, in which the two were each in their own way actors, the more frank saw to admire in his fairy ideal, the prompt courageous woman of action. subsequently they were thrown more closely together in the enforced companionship of the castaway community on the desolate shores of kerguelen land, when every moment increased their intimacy, while it enabled him to study more closely those salient points of her character which appeared to develop themselves as circumstances called them forth--her filial love, her devotion to her sister, her unconquerable faith, her unbounded hope and cheerfulness in the most despondent situations--but, above all, her innate sense of religion, a feeling that seemed to underlie her nature and yet which in no wise detracted from her superabundant animal spirits, which harmonised themselves to the moods and weaknesses of all. seeing all this, and noting what he saw and reverenced, frank could not but love kate meldrum with all the warmth and passion of his heart. so loving her, and dying for the want of some response to the wealth of affection he had so long treasured up in his breast, he could not refrain from seeking from her a word of hope. it was one evening when, save to him and her, it appeared to be the dreariest of all the dreary ones they had already passed in their extemporised dwelling--"home" they called it, as people will style any shelter to which they can retreat from all the trials and exposures of the outside world, "no matter how homely!" the seamen had all retired to their dormitory, as had likewise mr mccarthy and adams; while mr lathrope was nodding in one corner of the general room by the fireplace, and mr meldrum immersed in thought in the other. florry and maurice negus had both gone to sleep long since. mrs "major," and the stewardess had also retreated to their sleeping chamber; and thus, frank and kate were, so to speak, alone. the opportunity was propitious. they had been talking for some time in a low tone of voice, so as not to interrupt the others. in a desultory way, they had thus chatted about all sorts of things and had at last lapsed into silence--a silence that remained for some time unbroken. at length frank spoke. by a strong effort, he at once went to the point "kate," said he suddenly, in a voice rendered so thick by emotion that she could not help starting, although she made no reply. "kate, do you remember you promised to call me `frank' that night on the wreck when we expected every moment that the _nancy bell_ would go down with us and every soul aboard?" "ye-es," she murmured, very softly and in a hesitating way. "well, i want you to call me always so--that is to have the right--you know what i mean." her tender blue eyes were raised to his inquiringly. "i love you," he cried passionately, "and i want you to promise--" "hush!" said she, putting her hand over his lips; but he only kissed the hand, and went on with what he was about to say when she had interrupted him. "i want you, kate, my darling, to promise to be my wife!" he said. "i love you more than i can tell--i have loved you since ever i first saw you--and i shall love you till my dying day; will you promise, kate, to be my wife? but, if you can't yet do all i ask, will you try to love me a little? oh, kate, i do love you so dearly!" her head bent lower and lower, so that he had to bend his too in order to see what her face said, for she would not speak; and, as the firelight danced upon the dear face and lightened up the blue eyes which so shyly looked into his, frank seemed to read an answer there that was favourable to his hopes, for he passed his arm round her waist without another moment's hesitation, and ventured to imprint a kiss upon her lips. "my darling, my darling!" he murmured in an ecstasy of joy; but just then mr meldrum raised his head from between his clasped hands and looked at the pair. he evidently realised what had happened, and, as evidently, he was not taken by surprise at the event. nor, indeed, would anyone else have been in the whole community; for frank's love to kate had been as palpable to all as the famed ostrich of the story was when it hid its head in the sand and imagined itself invisible to its pursuers! "my children," said he kindly, coming over to them and holding out his hand to frank, who at once grasped it, "i expected this; and i cannot say i am displeased. i know you have an affection for each other--" we love each other," interrupted frank eagerly. "well, you love each other, if you prefer it being so put; but you are both very young, and you must wait for some time even after we are released, as i hope we shall be by and by, from this desert isle. i have seen enough of you, frank harness, to feel confident that i can trust my daughter's happiness to your keeping; but you must first secure a name and a competence for yourself before you can dream of asking her to be your wife. you see, my boys i may perhaps have overheard more of your whispered conversation than you thought! i can give kate nothing, for i am a ruined man, and was going out to new zealand to try and retrieve my lost fortune when this untoward disaster happened!" "mr meldrum," said frank respectfully, standing up by the side of the other and facing him like a man, "i want nothing but kate. she is the greatest fortune i could ever crave! my father is a rich man, one of the largest ship-owners in liverpool, and my taking to the sea has been strongly against his wish, although he consented to it when he saw how bent i was upon being a sailor. he could make me independent to-morrow if i asked him." "i prefer you as you are, frank," responded mr meldrum; "and i'm sure so does kate, eh?" yes," said she shyly, and blushing as she looked up for an instant. "then keep as you are, my boy,"--continued her father--"and as soon as you are captain of a vessel of your own--and mr mccarthy tells me you are quite competent to pass the trinity-house examination for a first- mate's certificate; why, you may come to me and claim kate's hand!" "is that a bargain?" asked frank anxiously, looking from one to the other. "it is," replied mr meldrum, while kate faintly whispered another "yes." "then," said frank triumphantly, "she shall be my wife before another year goes over our heads; for, i can pass as soon as i go home for a first officer's certificate, and get a ship to command immediately afterwards if i like. look out for me to make my claim within that time, according to your promise!" "and i guess i'm witness to that thaar agreement," exclaimed mr lathrope, starting up. the artful old fellow had been "playing 'possum," as he termed it, all along; only waiting for the denouement of the little drama before disclosing himself. however, he seemed so genuinely pleased with what had taken place that neither of the principal performers could be angry with him for listening. "i'm downright real glad," said he after a bit, congratulating them both and wringing poor frank's hand well nigh off in the exuberance of his delight. "say, if yer don't believe me, may i never eat another clam chowder agin--durn my boots if i ever will, thar!" chapter twenty nine. black snow! by the middle of september, the worst of the winter weather was over, the snow gradually ceasing to fall and the drifts that had accumulated in the valley up which the creek entered, and where the shipwrecked people from the _nancy bell_ had built their house--beginning to melt under the influence of the milder winds and increasing warmth of the sun's rays. but, everywhere the landscape still remained wrapped in the same white mantle it had worn ever since the castaways had first taken up their residence on the island, the bare spots then apparent in some places, which was a circumstance owing to the shelter of the cliffs and crags in the immediate vicinity of the sea, having been subsequently covered by the heavy storms at the end of august. it would take a long time, all saw, for the snow to clear away even if the most rapid thaw were now to set in; and this the climate did not permit of, the transition from winter to spring being carried through a course of progressive stages that were as disagreeable as they were prolonged. there was balm in gilead, however. not long after the last of the heavy snowfalls, and when the days began to grow brighter, thus enabling the castaways to crawl out in the open and have a little more exercise than they could obtain within doors, the bird colony adjacent to "penguin castle" became largely increased, their numbers swelling continually by fresh accessions; so that, in a short time, it was impossible for any of the people to stir out of their habitation without stumbling across a batch of penguins, ever continually grumbling, croaking, chuckling, and otherwise expressing their indignation at being, as they seemed to think, so unjustly interfered with by the castaways. it was evident that the building season of the birds had arrived; and it could not certainly have come at a more auspicious time, for their provisions were almost exhausted and mr meldrum was in great straits how to supply the party with food. the despised flesh of the sea- elephants, even, had by this time been consumed and all hands placed on short allowance, it being impossible to go out hunting again as yet, or to penetrate up the valley to the rabbit warren, on account of the snow blocking the way and rendering the ascent of the hills impracticable. the influx of the penguins, therefore, for which he had been looking out for the last few weeks and had almost despaired of, was hailed by mr meldrum with the deepest joy, for it solved his greatest difficulty at once, taking away the fear of starvation that had been haunting him. with such a plentiful supply of the birds, they might now hope to last out until they could procure more palatable food; and those who were "squeamish" in objecting to the fishy odour of the penguins themselves, would _faut de mieux_ find plenty of sustenance in the eggs that there was no doubt would soon be laid in much greater abundance than they either required or could consume. as the penguins mustered their forces, each day seeing some fresh arrivals to fight for the occupation of the rookery, they were a constant source of amusement to the snow-bound party, who, not being able to stir far from the doorway of the "castle," had nothing hardly to occupy their attention save the movements of the birds. the penguins, they observed, were of four different classes or varieties, although all belonged to the same family, partaking of the common characteristics of such; but, even as they differed in size and appearance, so they presented diverse modes of conducting their domestic arrangements and varied in their habits. some were of the most retiring nature. these, isolating themselves in a separate encampment, drew a strong line of demarcation between the abode of their neighbours and their own retreat, as if they were of too exclusive a temper to associate with the common herd; while others, of quite a different species, appeared to have no false pride which prevented them from associating with the rest, of whatever class they might belong to, for they were "hail fellow well met" almost on their arrival with every bird in the rookery. "them's republicans, i guess," said mr lathrope, noticing this trait of character. "they don't care a cuss for social distinctions!" mr meldrum, having had some previous acquaintance of the penguin family when on board a ship which had been employed in surveying duties in the straits of magellan and round the falkland islands, was able to give the others a good deal of information about the birds. there were four varieties, he said, on kerguelen land, as far as he could see, namely:-- the "king penguin," the aristocrat of the community, who kept aloof from the rest; a black-and-white species that whaling men call the "johnny;" a third, styled the "macaroni penguin," which had a handsome double tuft of rich orange-coloured feathers on their heads; and a fourth variety, distinct from the last-mentioned only from its smaller size, and the fact of its plume or crest being single instead of double, and of a pale sulphur yellow in lieu of orange. amongst the penguins, too, were to be seen numbers of little sheathbills--just like small bantams, similar to the specimen frank harness had shot, and which he was so sorry about. the little birds went about in pairs and appeared to act as the scavengers of the larger ones, for they haunted their breeding-places, scraping about the nests and dung, clearing out the rotten eggs, and making free with the insects that properly appertained to the penguins. indeed, they were impudent enough sometimes to seize upon the freshly-laid egg that some lady macaroni had laid, right under the eyes of its owner, feloniously appropriating it to their own use; while they thought nothing of giving an occasional peck to one of the king penguins if he got in their way, regardless of his exalted position! flocks of shags, or cormorants, also visited the bay at the same time. these were found good eating, although not so fleshy as the penguins; and, before the end of the month, there came a large family of seals, which would probably have taken up their abode in the creek had not some of the sailors frightened them away so effectually by their indiscriminate slaughter that they never returned, nor did any others come subsequently to the place. the coats of these seals were of a fine iron-grey hue, something like that of an otter, only with much more delicate hair. mr meldrum was very anxious to secure as many of them as was possible, so he was much chagrined when they disappeared and left him fur-less. another visitor was the pretty little cape pigeon, which kate recognised as an old friend and was delighted to see. it reminded her, she told frank, of "old times," when they grew acquainted with each other on board the _nancy bell_ and watched the stars at night--and all the rest of it! but the penguins were the great attraction. they were "food for the mind and food for the body as well!" the american would say, as he watched snowball picking the feathers off some scores of the birds when preparing the dinner. the darkey would persist in putting himself to this trouble every day, in spite of mr meldrum telling him that the easiest plan was to skin them, when the feathers would come off in a lump in a quarter of the time; but snowball would not be persuaded to adopt this course, although the majority of the sailors did so when preparing the penguins for storing up, and there was consequently a large accumulation of skins, which came in very handy presently for tailoring purposes. through constant wear, the trousers of the majority of the menfolk were into such a dilapidated condition that it became absolutely necessary to try and restore them--none of the entire party having a single change of clothing with them, excepting the ladies; while the only material available for their rehabilitation was sailcloth, which, besides not being enough for all, was rather too stiff a material for either comfort or warmth. in this dilemma, the happy thought struck mr mccarthy of fashioning a pair of "unmentionables" out of penguin skins; and he had no sooner "hatched the idea" than he carried it into practical effect by instructing ben boltrope, who was by a long way the smartest and most ready-witted of the men, to make him the trousers. the deed was accomplished; and, really, the garments did not look at all bad when finished, for, on the removal of the outside feathers, the skin of the bird was found to be coated with a fine down like that of the eider-duck, which lent an originality of appearance to the trousers that could hardly be described. "they're just like barnum's woolly horse," said mr lathrope, criticising them calmly. "if i were you, mac, i wouldn't go nigh the rookery with them on, or them birds will take you for a fledgeling, mister, i guess!" "begorrah, i don't care, for they're worrum and comfortable," said mr mccarthy, "and it's raal white ducks they are, anyhow!" they certainly looked it; but, as the first-mate would not be put out of any conceit with the garments, in spite of their appearance, and as others began to be similarly in need, they had perforce to follow his example, when penguin trousers may be said to have "become the rage" on the island--even mr lathrope, who had laughed at mr mccarthy for wearing them, having to follow the fashion and don the "ducks." owing to this new demand on the feathered colony it would seem like exaggeration to state how many thousands came to an untimely end, in addition to the numbers that were killed to supply the daily necessities of the table and the large quantity which mr meldrum had caused to be prepared and dried, like the rabbits, "for a rainy day;" while, as to the eggs that were eaten--well, the least said about these the better! from all of this it may be gathered that the penguins made a bad move when they came back to their old breeding-place; but the stupid birds never seemed to be aware that they could at any time save themselves by flight if they liked, although they must have been somehow or other acquainted with the deplorable fact--in a bird-like way--that their rookery was becoming rapidly depopulated! no, notwithstanding that they saw their friends and relatives repeatedly slaughtered before their very eyes--their penguin parents, children, godfathers, godmothers, and first cousins thus perishing at the hands of miscreants in human form, and subsequently converted into food and clothing and to other "base uses" by those who took their innocent lives--they never appeared to make an effort in self-defence, either by executing a "strategical movement" or otherwise! the spirit of penguinism, so to speak, was dead, the bird colony contenting themselves by grumbling, an infallible resource for all similarly constituted creatures--in which respect, as mr lathrope was pleased to put it, they resembled a class of modern politicians who need not be alluded to here. amongst those included in the list of penguin slayers was one who pursued them to the death--although rather through a desire for malicious sport and self-gratification than from any actual necessity-- and this vindictive enemy was master maurice negus. the young gentlemen had developed many pleasing traits of character during the comparatively short period during which he was brought into public notice as one of the passengers of the ill-fated _nancy bell_; but in none of these had he so well exemplified his natural and ingenious bias of mind as in the little predilection, if it may be so termed, for bird slaughter _in ovum_, which first saw the light in kerguelen land. soon after the penguins came to breed there, master maurice noted them carefully, and it pleased him much thereafter to go "bird-nesting," as he called it. he would go by himself and remain away for hours, no one knowing what "the imp," as all spoke of him, was up to; but one day it was discovered that the fancy for "collecting eggs," according to his own explanation, consisted in swallowing as many raw ones as he could get hold of unseen--he being observed on the occasion in question to get rid of a round dozen of the eggs deposited by the penguins, just as he would have done so many oysters, saying afterwards when taxed with the gluttony that he felt delicate, and had heard that eggs were recommended by doctors for consumptive patients! but, later on, the young gentleman "caught a tartar." on his last bird-nesting excursion he happened, fortunately or unfortunately, to shove a half-hatched egg down his throat; and, the embryo bird nearly choking him, his poultry-fancying propensity was transformed into an inveterate dislike towards the entire penguin tribe--a slightly lucky mistake for the creatures in question, as thereby the list of their enemies became decreased by one. time thus slipped by with the inhabitants of the house on the creek. melting by degrees, the vast piles of snow began to vanish from the valleys and low-lying lands, although still clothing the distant hill- sides and mountain-peaks, from the loftier ones of which it probably never entirely cleared away even in the height of summer; but, the ground around was naturally so damp and marshy, and had become so soddened now with moisture, that it was almost as impracticable for mr meldrum or any other of the party to get away from the vicinity of the hut, as it had been during the heavy storms of august when the snow had drifted up the gullies and levelled the country. in fact it was more so, for, the accumulated water, proceeding from the thaw and the rain, which came every now and then to aid it, had swelled the fresh-water tarn near them so greatly that it had overflowed its banks, which now extended on the right to the base of the furthest hills at the head of the valley that penetrated the creek; while, to the left, the water was pouring down, a foaming torrent, into the sea--the house being almost surrounded and separated by the newly-made river from the little building in which the jolly-boat had been housed on the beach. they were thus threatened with a flood, for the water was rising every moment and slowly creeping up to their feet, narrowing the little peninsula on which their habitation stood. that was not the worst either! while they were pondering as to the best means for extricating themselves from the danger of being washed away, a new one arose. through the melting of the snow on the mountains above, a sparkling cascade commenced all at once to leap down the face of the cliff at the back of the house, right on to the roof over their heads. this was serious; for, should this peril not be guarded against and some sort of pent-house put up as a shield, the slight timber work of the roof would soon be crushed in and swept away by the ever-increasing weight of the falling water. in the midst of these imminent dangers, a phenomenon occurred which for the moment appalled everybody, not even excepting mr meldrum--it was so strange, so awe-inspiring! it commenced snowing again; but there was nothing unusual in that. what was unusual was, that the flakes which fell, instead of being white, were as black as ink! what could the awful portent foretell? it was inexplicable. chapter thirty. an apparition! "goodness gracious me!" exclaimed mrs major negus in accents of genuine terror, "the world's coming to an end!" and she sank down in a heap on the ground, close to the door of the general room, where she had been standing uncertain whether to go out or in. there was ample reason for the good lady's consternation, for danger seemed staring her in the face in either direction. on the one hand, the flood in the valley appeared approaching as if to swallow up the hut and all its belongings; while, on the other, the deafening noise of the water pouring down from the cliff above on to the roof made everybody feel impelled to quit the house. mary llewellyn, the stewardess, generally a quiet and retiring person, was driven into a fit of hysterics by the concatenation of horrors that all at once surrounded them. as for the children, they shared the fright of their elders, florry clinging convulsively to kate, who had dropped on her knees and was praying in the corner--believing really that the last supreme moment was at hand. the men, too--they had been hastily called together the moment the dangerous predicament of the roof was noticed, and had begun to knock together a sort of wooden shield to interpose between the cliff and the top of the house, so that the water might rim over it in the fashion of a spout--stopped in their task with one accord, staring as if bewildered at each other the moment the terrible black snow began to fall from the sombre pall-like clouds which hung over the creek. this was immediately after the cascade of water came down the cliff; and so frightened were they, that not one of them uttered a word, nor did mr mccarthy, who had summoned them together, urge them on with their work. all remained spell-bound and tongue-tied. "it air orfull," said mr lathrope, drawing a deep breath, and looking up at the sky as if to peer into its mysteries. "i guess i never seed such a fall before--no, nor nobody else in the land of the living!" no one answered him, however; for, at that moment, there was a strange concussion in the air, the earth shaking beneath their feet, and they were all thrown to the ground. at the same time, the black flakes descended faster and faster as if to bury them, and some of the men, imitating the example of the women, cried out in positive alarm. mr meldrum was the first to recover his self-command. "silence!" he shouted, making his powerful voice heard above the chorus of groans and shrieks that arose from the frightened men and screaming women. "it's only an earthquake; and god will protect us here against the perils of the land, the same as he did through the tempests of the deep! let us meet what may be in store for us with the courage of brave men and faith of christians!" his words at once checked the tumult--even the stewardess and mrs negus hushing down their wailing outcry to an occasional moan or faint muffled sob, which they could not quite stifle; but the strange rocking motion of the ground, which seemed as if they were again on shipboard, prevented the yen from at once regaining their feet, only a few being able to scramble up into an erect position by holding on to the supports of the house, which fortunately stood the shock of the subterranean commotion without giving way. "the worst is past now," said mr meldrum presently, as the throbs of the earthquake grew less and less potent and the quivering sensation, which appeared to jingle through every nerve in their bodies, died away into a faint rumbling in the distance, that finally disappeared a few seconds afterwards--the whole thing not lasting longer than a minute altogether, although it seemed more than an hour to the terror-stricken people. "i don't think we'll have another shock." he stood up firmly as he spoke; and those of the men who were still lying on the ground rose too. "but the snow, sir," said one. "what does that mean?" "why, look--can't you see!" replied he, drawing his hand over his face and showing it to the speaker. "lor' bless us!" ejaculated the sailor. "it's only smut from the chimbley." "ah! it came from a bigger chimney than we have here," said mr meldrum. "there has been a volcanic eruption on the island; and what we all thought was black snow was only the ashes thrown up from the crater, and these have now been brought down from the higher air by the descending ram." "snakes and alligators!" exclaimed mr lathrope, who was one of the last to get on his long legs and when he did so appeared to touch the ground as tenderly "as if he were a cat treading on hot eggs," as mr mccarthy said. "if i wurn't clean took in, and thought the outlandish thing wer nat'ral, like the red rain i've heerd folks tell o' seeing in some parts of the world! i guess you was startled, too, mister, and kinder frit!" "i confess i was, at first," replied mr meldrum, "till i felt the earthquake. then i recollected about the volcano." "oh! the one down south, that we seed to leeward when the old ship poked her nose on the reef?" "the same," said the other. "it was smoking then; and we've just had the eruption. it is pretty nearly over, i think, however, for the ashes are not falling quite so thickly now." "i'm glad to hear that," said mr lathrope. "gin it didn't stop soon, we'd all be transmogrified inter blacker niggers than the cook haar!" "i ain't no nigger, massa!" interposed snowball, feeling his dignity insulted by the remark. "my crickey!" ejaculated the american, emitting a shrill whistle of astonishment at the naive assertion. "then what, in the name of george washington and abe lincoln rolled into one, air you, sir-ree!" "i'se a 'spectable collud genlemun," replied the darkey pompously. "i guess you'll do," said mr lathrope laughing. "jest hear that, now! waal, never mind, my ethiopian serenader," he added good-humouredly. "you're none the worse fur your colour, as fur as i ken see; and i will say this fur you, that you're the slickest and smartest ship's cook i ever came across from maine to californy; and that's saying something!" "tank you, massa," replied snowball, much flattered by the compliment. "i make you one good rabbit-pie next time i'se get rabbits." "that's a bargain!" said mr lathrope; and there the incident ended. "rouse up there with that spout!" shouted out mr mccarthy, who had at once turned back to tackle the roof as soon as the alarm caused by the earthquake had passed away. "bedad, if you don't look pretty sharp, there'll be no ruff to put it on, at all at all!" "that's right!" said mr meldrum. "in the fear of a greater calamity, i had forgotten the lesser danger! do you think the roof will bear the pressure on it?" "sure, sorr," replied the other. "it has borne it all this toime, and the ould house has stood the airthquake; so, there's hopes that it'll last out yit! it is more frightened of the flood coming up and swaping it away i am, than that the wather'll do it any harm." "then we're safe, thank god!" said mr meldrum. "the river has not swelled any more since i last marked it. it seems to have worn a channel deep enough to carry off all the overflow from the valley, without spreading further and threatening the house. i think we are out of danger now." "we've much to be thankful for, papa," observed kate thoughtfully. frank had joined her within, after the last shock of earthquake, having been engaged before in helping mr mccarthy on the roof; so his prayers had ascended to heaven along with hers, the two kneeling side by side in silent worship and praise to him who had watched over them. coming out of the house together, they had approached the spot where mr meldrum was standing. "yes, my child, we have much to be thankful for," said he in answer to kate's observation. "you need not fear now, my dear," he added. "i was not frightened, even when the earth trembled, papa." "no!" said he inquiringly. "no, not a bit," she answered quietly; "although, i confess, i thought we should all be killed. i can't tell what sort of feeling seemed to possess me; but i felt quite peaceful and happy, as if i were prepared to die!" "ah!" said her father, "you had that peace which the world cannot give! i--i--" "i felt happy, papa," continued kate, as if uttering her thoughts aloud, "because i thought we would see mamma again--you, and i, and florry." "and didn't you think of me too, kate; and wish me to be with you?" asked frank eagerly. "yes, you too," said she. "don't you belong to me now?" mr meldrum did not hear frank's answer; for his attention was at that moment called away by ben boltrope, who had come up to report that the roof had been made snug, the water from the cliff now arching over it in a cascade, and not pouring down directly on to it as it had done before, when it fell with terrific force right upon the shingles, displacing some which were now repaired as soon as the spout was put up. the weather improved very much after this, the sun appearing and shining with increasing power each day, while the snow disappeared entirely from the valleys and lower portions of the hills. the water below, however, did not drain off sufficiently to allow of any excursion for some days towards the rabbit warren they had visited before, or of their going anywhere, indeed, far from the little stretch of beach before the creek. but, in spite of this drawback, the castaways' stock of provisions was most unexpectedly added to, a very agreeable change of diet from penguin fricassees being introduced, by the coming of large flocks of wild ducks, which visited the valley a few days after they were all in danger of being flooded out. the water evidently was the attraction, for, previously, none of the water-fowl had ever come near the place--with the exception of a solitary couple of teal that mr meldrum had noticed flying over the creek shortly after they landed from the wreck. the first day that they had roast duck for dinner, everybody thought that mr lathrope would have said something about the unexpected treat; but he did not, and mrs major negus seemed somehow or other much vexed at his silence in the matter. "you generally speak a good deal about eating," said she at last impatiently. "i wonder why you've nothing to say now!" "ah! marm," replied mr lathrope, "don't you be surprised at anything! i'd advise you never to measure other people's corns by your own chilblains! because you happen to set your fancy on a thing, that's no reason for other folks to do the same!" "no," said she; "though i can't see the application of your remark about chilblains, for i never had one in my life." "ah! that's a sort of metaphorical conundrum, which i leave you to find out bye and bye! but, if you'd really like to know why i ain't satisfied with having roast duck to dinner, i'll tell you; it makes me feel kinder lonesome, it dew!" "why!" "'cause there ain't no green peas with it, marm," said mr lathrope, with a melancholy smile. "i guess i'm a whale on peas, i am!" it was now the end of september; but the month was not fated to pass without another event happening to break the monotonous life of the little party. on its very last day, something occurred which took them all by surprise. it may be remembered that when mr meldrum assumed the command of the party in the place of captain dinks, who was still on the sick list and recovering slowly but yet far from well, he established certain regulations for the employment of the men. amongst the several duties they had to perform, in accordance with these regulations, was the one of keeping watch, as if on guard, for a certain stated number of hours at the foot of a short flagstaff which had been erected on the top of a little eminence overlooking the beach in front of the creek--a man being stationed here regularly to report anything that might come in sight. this duty, it may be added, had been a sinecure from the date of its institution, nothing having ever since been seen. on this last day of september, however, all hands were electrified by the look-out man calling out, just about noon. "sail ho!" "a sail!" cried mr meldrum, quite as much astonished as the rest; and he hurried out to scan the offing. however, he could not see anything, and thought the man must have been asleep at his post and dreaming. "do you know what you are saying?" he called out to the look-out. "where away is this sail, my man!" "far off on the port side of the reef, sir," answered the sailor, speaking quite composedly. "what do you make it?" asked the other, as he hastened to the look-out station, which commanded a larger stretch of the coast than could be seen from the house--mr mccarthy and the others following after him with anxious curiosity. "looks like a boat's sail, sir; but, it's so far to leeward, i can't quite make it out yet." "i see," said mr meldrum, who had now reached the man, taking his glass from his pocket and looking in the direction pointed out. "yes, there is a small boat, sure enough. by jove," he added presently, "i wouldn't be surprised if it were the missing mutineers in the longboat turned up at last! look, mccarthy, and see if you don't recognise the _nancy bell's_ boat by the white streak below the gunwale." the first-mate took the telescope and gazed intently at the approaching object for some few moments. he then turned round and stared at mr meldrum. "be jabers, it is the longboat, sorr!" he exclaimed at length; "and faix, sorr, i belave i can say that baste moody lookin' out over the gunwale, as if tellin' thim where to steer, with his long black hair and ugly mug, and the cut across his hid which the cap'en giv him wid the butt end of his pistol! the murtherin' villin! won't i be aven wid him if iver he comes ashore, and pay him out--bad cess to him!" "are you sure," said mr meldrum, "that it is the long-boat?" "as sartin as there's mud in a ditch, son--the divil a doubt of it!" chapter thirty one. a terrible tale! by this time, the news having rapidly spread amongst the little community that the longboat was in sight, every one--save of course poor captain dinks, who could not yet move--had come out of the house. the castaways were gathered together in little groups, some near mr meldrum and the first-mate, who stood by the flagstaff, others along the ridge which ran from thence above the beach, and the remainder on the shore; but all were intent on one object, and looking down the bay at the little speck in the distance that was said to be the boat, which was steadily making its way towards the creek. the tide was on the ebb and against its onward progress, although the wind was in its favour, so it approached only very slowly. mr meldrum's first intention on having his suspicions confirmed by the mate's opinion, had been to haul down the flag--a little white ensign made out of portions of some old silk handkerchiefs which had been mustered amongst the party and sewn together by kate; but, he dismissed the idea as soon as the thought occurred to him. "no," said he to mr mccarthy, belaying the halliards again, "it is too late now, for they must have seen it. besides, what have we to fear if they do come? we can easily prevent them from landing, if we like, for we're nearly two to one against them in numbers should they try force; and we are stronger by far in moral as well as physical courage!" "true for you, sorr," replied the first-mate. "it's a good larrupping they'd git, if they thried that on anyway. bedad, i'd die aisy an' i could only give that baste moody the bating i've had in store for him since he and his gang abandoned us, the dhirty schoundrels!" "we must forget the past, considering we've been so mercifully preserved," said mr meldrum. "perhaps it was all for the best that we were not able to leave the ship when they did." "maybe; but faix, they didn't have the dacency to ax us!" "well, we'll see what they have to say for themselves when we've a chance of speaking to them," said mr meldrum. "the boat's coming on a bit quicker now. it has got out of the set of the tide and has the wind well abeam, just the thing for that lugsail she carries." "sure and she's a smart sailer, sorr," observed mr mccarthy after a few minutes' interval, during which time the longboat, which had been heading up the coast, hauled her wind and was steered towards the entrance of the little creek at the top of the bay, close by where the flagstaff was erected and the penguin castle people were on the look- out. as she came nearer, however, it could be seen that mr mccarthy's imagination had been quicker than his eyesight, for there was no one looking out over the gunwale--least of all bill moody, whose tall herculean form and peculiar visage would have been easily recognisable even at some distance off. indeed, there seemed to be very few persons in the boat at all, only two being observed in the stern-sheets, one of whom was steering with an oar, while a third was sitting on one of the forward thwarts attending to the sheet of the lugsail, slacking it out as the wind came aft occasionally, and hauling it in taut again when the sail jibed on the boat's head falling off a point or two through the alteration of her course now and again. the castaways were all in a state of the greatest expectation and surmise, as the longboat gradually grew more visible and the small number of its occupants became noticeable; for, as she rounded the point of the ridge, those on the beach could now observe her as well as mr meldrum and the first-mate, who were by the side of the look-out man at the signal station on the higher ground and were the only ones able at first to see the boat. "they look as if they'd had hard times," said ben boltrope, who was one of those who could now have a look at the boat, "and some of them seem to have lost the number of their mess." "and a durned good job, too!" exclaimed mr lathrope; "the mean skunks, to scoot away and leave a lot of wemmen and children to drown, as they thought. they've well arned any troubles they've come by, i guess!" "poor creatures!" said kate, who was standing near the american, with frank, of course, the inseparable, by her side; "please don't say that! if all of us only just got what we deserved, we should have a sorry reckoning!" "very proper, and just what i think," observed mrs major negus in a sort of condescending and approving way. "i do not consider it right myself to condemn others, and never do it on principle, for--" "thar you go agin, measurin' other folks' corns right away by your own chilblains, marm," interrupted mr lathrope. "it's allers what you'd do; and you never kinder give a thought to what t'other people would have to say in the matter! i guess you're a bit narrow-minded, excuse me, marm." "narrow-minded, humph!" snorted "the major," highly indignant at the accusation. "the idea of the thing! to be sure, mr lathrope, i ought never to be surprised at anything you choose to say; your manners and conversation are so very--ah, well--elegant!" "much obleeged, marm, i'm sure," said the other, chuckling at making her angry. "i took fust-class when at school in the states for elegancy and deportment." "i'm sure i wish you had stopped there!" retorted the lady; but any further amenities were arrested from passing between them by the nearer approach of the longboat, and the fact of mr meldrum and those with him coming down from the ridge so as to be on the beach when their unexpected visitors got in to shore. closer and closer the boat came, until at last its keel touched ground, when, slewing round broadside on, it was left stranded on the beach. "snakes and alligators!" exclaimed mr lathrope, the lugsail swinging aside and enabling him and the others to see into the boat clearly, a thing which had been previously impossible from the boat's coming up end on. "they air a ruin lot, mister! of all the starved, god-forsaken critturs as i've ever seed they're 'bout the worst!" they were. only the man who had been steering with the oar and the one who was on the thwart amidships were apparently able to sit up, for three other figures were observed stretched in the bottom of the boat in a lump together; while one was by himself in the bows, doubled up in a crouching posture, quite dead and with his ghastly eyes staring out sightless from the retreating sockets. the closely-drawn features and general appearance of this latter miserable object showed that he must have expired in the last stage of starvation! "why, this is almost worse than you were when we picked you up off pernambuco," said ben boltrope to karl ericksen. "ja, ja!" replied the norwegian. "it var sehr kalt, and we was expose as mooch as starve; but it vor bad, very, and so is dese, it remind me, oh! so much;" and he turned away his head, as kate had already done, from the hideous spectacle, quite unable to gaze any longer at it from its association with his own rescue from a similar horrible death. the men by mr meldrum's side, however--forgetting the past conduct of the survivors of those in the longboat and the fact of their not only having deserted them but even locked them below to drown in the hold of the sinking ship--rushed into the water, eager, in the common exercise of that humanity which is common to us all, but especially noticeable in english sailors, to relieve the misery that was so apparent, and to separate those who were living from those who had ceased to suffer; and, of all these good samaritans, mr mccarthy, who had been so bitter in his denunciation of the mutineers, was the first to go forward, with frank and mr meldrum, you may be sure, not very far off. "only six out of the dozen that left the ship!" exclaimed mr meldrum to the man in the stern-sheets, to whom he extended his hand to aid him in getting out of the boat. "where are the rest of your number?" but the emaciated wretch--who seemed to have suffered considerable bodily injury as well as want of food, for one of his arms hung down powerless at his side, and there was a broad cut across his face from some weapon--was as incapable of speech as he was apparently of moving. his lips only worked feebly, without any sound coming from them, and he stumbled and fell forwards on his face when he tried to rise by the aid of mr meldrum's arm. "bedad, they're in a bad way, sorr," said mr mccarthy sympathisingly, coming up and helping mr meldrum to lift the man out and place him on the beach, where he had already laid down the corpse that had been in the bows, throwing a bit of the sail over it to hide it for the time from observation. "the poor divil can't spake, sure. i wondther which of them it wor? i'm blest if i can make him out, and i knew all the men purty well, most of them being in my own watch, by the same token." but just then, the stewardess saved him from puzzling over the man's face any further. "it's llewellyn, my husband!" she cried out, pushing mr mccarthy away, and taking the almost lifeless figure he was supporting tenderly in her arms, oblivious of everything save of her natural womanly pity and love. "the poor fellow! the poor fellow!" and she burst into tears over the miserable semblance of the man, who, coward and deserter as he had proved himself to be, had yet once been dear to her as her husband. "ah! then he accompanied them too!" said mr meldrum reflectively to the first-mate, as the last man was raised from the bottom of the boat and carried as tenderly ashore as if he had been one of their own party and a loved shipmate. "so there were thirteen of them altogether, instead of twelve, as i thought! that makes seven unaccounted for. i wonder what became of them!" "sure and the divil only knows," replied the first-mate laconically, "for bill moody, the baste, must be along o' them, as he's not with these here; and he was sartain to be will looked afther by the ould gintleman in black down below!" "hush!" said mr meldrum. "if he is dead, let him rest in peace!" "aye, aye, sort; so say i," answered mr mccarthy; "and may joy go with him, for he was the broth of a boy!" bye and bye, when llewellyn, the steward, recovered sufficiently to be able to speak, he had a terrible tale to tell. on the outbreak of the row on board the ship, he said, between captain dinks and moody, he was about to slip forward to join snowball in the galley to have a warm, for he found it cold in his pantry; and, besides, he had no one to speak to there, and he felt dull and cheerless. frightened at the altercation and afraid of getting hurt in the scuffle that arose, he hid himself in the bows of the longboat; and, as luck would happen, he was there when the boat was launched and went away from the side of the vessel with the mutineers, for he could not scramble out in time. bill moody, said the steward, wanted to chuck him over board when he was discovered; but the rest of the men overruled him, and he was allowed to remain. the boat was carried far to leeward, and so pitched about by the heavy sea which was running, that every moment they thought she would be swamped. they had to bale her out continuously, for the waves broke over her each moment, half-filling her on many occasions. fortunately, they were not dashed ashore in the darkness against the cliffs, which they could faintly see through the haze to be quite close; and towards daylight they were able to get up the fore-sail and steer her along the land, which stretched far away down to the southward, miles away from where they had left the ship. the mutineers tried all they could to find some place where they could beach the boat without risk of getting her stove in on the rocks; but their efforts were vain. at last, they came past a mountain which was smoking, and as the shore seemed to shelve down here, moody determined to endeavour to land there, saying that they would find the vicinity of the volcano warm and comfortable--better than some frozen ice-glaciers which they had noticed further north. after many attempts and failures, they managed to run the boat on to a black sandy stretch of beach which opened out beyond the smoking mountain; and here, they unloaded her in safety. they had then more provisions than would have lasted them for months with care. "all of ourn!" ejaculated mr lathrope, interrupting the steward at this point of the narrative. "we would ha' swopped some o' them penguins and kerguelen cabbage fur the lot, i guess." but, continued llewellyn, the men wasted all the stores, recklessly destroying much more than they ate; for they pitched away half-consumed cans of preserved meat, opening fresh ones with the greatest carelessness before requiring them. besides all this, there was the drink--a curse which followed them from the ship. moody had contrived to secrete a cask of rum in the boat before quitting the wreck, and this was opened soon after landing, he and most of the mutineers drinking themselves drunk and indulging in the wildest orgies whilst it lasted. one evening, about a week after they had got ashore, in the middle of a drunken debauch moody set fire to a tent, which they had constructed out of some of the spare sails placed in the boat. it was completely burnt, many of the men being almost roasted alive before they could extricate themselves and three dying subsequently from the injuries they had then received. this was not the worst, however; for, in addition to the tent, their entire stock of provisions, which were stored inside, was consumed; and, beyond a few of the half-eaten tins that had been previously thrown away, they had nothing afterwards left to eat. starvation stared them in the face. "did you not search about and find the cabbage that we got here?" asked mr meldrum. "no," replied the steward; "the whole land thereabouts, before the snow fell, was as bare as a brick-field, and just as black and burnt up like." "and did no seals or birds come?" "some animals swam in one day," said llewellyn, "but the men were drunk at the time and frightened them away; so they never came back again when we needed them. only a stray gull or two occasionally flew by, so far out of reach that none of us could catch them." "well, go on to tell the story in your own way," said mr meldrum. their hunger got so great, the man proceeded to say, that they hunted about for stray ham-bones, and even gnawed the soles of their boots; and at last bill moody said they would have to cast lots and sacrifice one of their number for the good of the rest. "oh, the dhirty cannibal!" interposed mr mccarthy. "he'd be quite capable of that; bad cess to the baste!" there were now only ten of them left, with himself, continued llewellyn, and he could see that moody wanted him to be killed, it being all a pretence about casting lots. some of the men saw through the plot, too, as well as he did and took his part. it was then that a fight came about, and in it he got that slash across his face which they had noticed. moody's own particular adherents amongst the party were only four in number; but they had all got pistols, which the others did not possess; and llewellyn's party would probably have got the worst of it had not an awful thing happened. just at the moment the fight began, the smoking mountain blew up! "an eruption of the volcano," said mr meldrum. the steward did not know anything about that. he explained that, while they were in the midst of the struggle, a lot of fire and stones came down upon them, and moody and some of the other mutineers were crushed to death outright. the survivors, with himself, then managed to push down the longboat into the sea again, and made off from the terrible place--coasting back along the coast in the hope of coming across one of the settlements of the whaling vessels, which some of them had heard frequented the island. when they were suffering the last extremities of hunger and thirst--the latter being a fresh privation, for they had had plenty of water to drink on the volcano beach, however much they had wanted food--they saw the flag of the "penguin castle" settlers, and made towards it as well as they were able. "and, thank god, i'm here with you all!" concluded the steward when he had brought his narrative to this point. "i have been saved from a horrible death." "arrah, sure, all's well that inds will!" said mr mccarthy; "but i'm glad you weren't a desarter, as i thought you were; and i'm roight glad, too, that that thafe of a moody has mit with his desarts at last!" chapter thirty two. preparations for departure. it was a fortunate circumstance, not only for the surviving mutineers who had turned up so strangely, but for the little community at penguin castle as well, that they did not make their appearance on the scene earlier; for, had they came at the trying period, when famine, so to speak, reigned in the land, they certainly would not have been "welcome guests!" of course, even then, mr meldrum and the others would have felt bound to do as much for them as they could; but as at that time the castaways were almost near upon starvation, they could ill have afforded to help others in the same predicament, however much charity might have constrained them. but, now, things were very different in regard to their larder, wild ducks being plentiful enough and another heavy "bag" of rabbits having been secured as soon as the road to the warren had become passable through the partial subsidence of the flood in the valley; while, in addition to those stores of substantial food, there was kerguelen cabbage _ad libitum_ at their disposal--all the fresher and more juicy through being covered up by the snow and watered by the spring rains-- besides an abundance of the haddock-like, spike-headed fish to be had for the catching in the bay, not to speak of the dried penguins as a last resource, should the other articles of diet fail to suit or pall on the palate after a time. indeed, as mr lathrope observed frequently when seated at the central table of their general room and disposing of the savoury residue of some gipsy stew of snowball's concoction, during this period of plenty, which came in such pleasing contrast to their recent scarcity of provender, they were "living like fighting cocks, and no mistake!" such being the state of things at "penguin castle," it was not long before the emaciated men, who arrived in the longboat almost at death's door through want, were restored to health. mr meldrum, however, took the precaution of binding them down by the most stringent conditions as to their obedience and orderly conduct before admitting them on the same terms as the rest to the common membership of the community--it being clearly put before them that the least _lache_ or inattention to orders would subject them to expulsion, when they would have to shift for themselves and give a wide berth to those of the settlement. captain dinks had recovered so far now that he was able to sit up for a short time each day; but the length of his illness and the amount of blood he had lost had so aged and pulled him down that he was transformed, from the smart energetic sailor he had been, into a feeble old man, utterly incapable of ever resuming his former position should events ever place it in his power to take command of a ship again--at least so it seemed from his general state of prostration. under these circumstances, therefore, mr meldrum was unquestionably still looked upon as the head of the party, quite apart from any appointment as such, from the simple reason that everybody recognised that it would be only through his advice and forethought that they could ever hope to escape from the island and see home once more. although he had as yet never spoken directly to the point on the subject, all could gather, from stray hints and observations which occasionally dropped from his lips, that this thought was ever before him; and that, when he considered that the proper time for action had arrived, he would lay his plans before them. they were not mistaken. one evening, about the third week in october and the third month of their residence on desolation island, when all were assembled in the general room after the principal meal of the day--gathered together for a social chat over the little petty details of their life since the morning and cogitating as to what was best to be done on the morrow, as was their invariable custom each night before separating at bedtime--mr meldrum unbosomed himself, just when they least expected it. mr lathrope was having a spirited contest with the first-mate over the chequer-board that he had assisted in making; kate was reading out of a little pocket bible to the poor captain as he lay back in his cot; while the others, grouped around, were talking and otherwise amusing themselves--some of the men knitting a net, which it was intended to use as a seine for catching fish some day when finished, and the steward assisting snowball in cutting up some cabbage which they were going to pickle and lay by for emergencies--when mr meldrum, after a preliminary "hem," to attract their attention, addressed the little gathering. "friends," said he, "it was my intention to speak to you some little time back about our future prospects here, but i waited for the weather to become more settled. now that the spring has fairly set in, however, it is better not to delay our preparations any longer, for time is precious and we shall have to accomplish a great deal in the short period which will be at our disposal." "i 'spose," put in mr lathrope, "you mean about shifting our diggings, mister, hey?" "precisely," replied the other. "the season was not sufficiently advanced before; but now that it is, the rain having stopped falling persistently and the weather showing signs of clearing up, why, the sooner we are up and stirring, the greater chance we shall have of getting rescued!" "waal," drawled the other in his usual nasal way, "you've only got to say the word, boss, and i guess we're on the move!" "all right! i'm coming to that, but i want you to understand the situation. here is a map of kerguelen land," and mr meldrum unrolled the old admiralty chart which has been alluded to before, as he spoke. "you will see, from the rough outline given of the island, that it is formed of two peninsulas, running nearly north and south respectively and both of nearly equal size, but divided by a comparatively narrow neck of land. the whole island is, taking its outside limits, about ninety miles long by sixty broad in its widest part, although at the narrow point or neck which i have mentioned--see, just here where i place my finger--the distance from sea to sea between the eastern and western sides does not exceed fifteen miles." "i say it clearly, sorr," said mr mccarthy, all attention when his especial element was mentioned. "well, it so happens," continued mr meldrum, "that our position here, the correctness of which i have carefully ascertained from observations that i have taken and worked out, is, very fortunately for us, on the western side of this isthmus, and not at the extremity of the broader portion of the island. consequently, we shall only have to traverse the short width of this neck of land in our endeavours to get across to the eastern side, whither we must go if we hope for any vessel to pick us up and take us to a civilised port--none ever touching here on account of the dangerous character of the coast, which we already know to our cost!" "bedad, i can't say how ye are going to get the boats over fifteen miles ov solid ground, more or less," said the first-mate, scratching his head vigorously, as he always did when puzzled by anything. "i'll tell you," answered mr meldrum. "you may have noticed since the snow melted and the rains came, how the waters of that originally small lake at the bottom of the creek have become extended so that they now reach up the base of the furthest hills in the valley?" "yis, sorr," said mr mccarthy, stopping from disturbing his auburn locks any further with his fingers and now all eagerness again, as if only just then beginning to comprehend what the other was driving at. "all right, then," continued mr meldrum, "so far, so good! now, to- day, i went prospecting up to the top of the cliff here, and i see that the waters of the swollen tarn are united in the extreme distance--to the left there on the map--with a river, or some other lake, which comes round that further hill. hence, this very width of fifteen miles which we have to cross may be but half of it land and half water, so that, really, in that case, we should have only to haul the boat, or boats, over the intervening bits of _terra firma_ in passing from sea to sea." "i guess, mister," said mr lathrope, "you mean what the lumber men on the susquehanna and red river call `making a portage,' hey?" "i don't quite follow you," observed mr meldrum. "why, when they come across a rapid in the river, they jest tote up their canoes and carry 'em along the bank, or through the forest sometimes, till they gits to whar the stream runs free agin, when they floats 'em and sails along as slick as you please!" "exactly," said mr meldrum, "you have just hit what i wished to describe. well, friends, whether we have to carry the boat a short distance or a long one, we shall have to cross this isthmus; and, the sooner we commence making our preparations, the better." "you sid only a boat, sorr; aren't ye going to take the pair ov 'em?" asked mr mccarthy. "no," replied the other, "one will be about as much as we shall be able to manage, and the smaller of the two at that." "be jabers!" exclaimed the first-mate in surprise; "and how, thin, will you carry the lot ov us?" "when we have to cross land," said mr meldrum, "of course we'll have to walk, and can go in a body or not, just as we please; but when we have to take to the water again, why the boat will have to do it in so many trips--taking over a certain number first and returning for a fresh load, until all shall be taken over; and repeating the process from stage to stage." "it kinder strikes me, mister," said mr lathrope, reflectively, "that you'll find that thar jolly-boat a heap bigger and a pile heavier than them birch-bark canoes of the lumber men and injuns i was a talkin' about; and yet, they're heavy enough to cart along fur any raal sort o' distance, you bet, fur i've tried 'em!" "i've already thought of that," said mr meldrum, "and to-morrow the carpenter and i will have a talk about a little job which will, perhaps, relieve your mind in the matter; but, take the boat we must, by hook or by crook! do you know that, after crossing the isthmus and getting into the open sea on the other side, we shall have to coast along for another fifty or sixty miles before we can expect to reach betsy cove, the little harbour out of hillsborough bay or sound, which--you can see it here on the chart--is the rendezvous of the whalers. thither, i tell you, we must go if we hope to meet any of these in order to be taken off the island. now, if we can't get there by water we should have to go by land; and the distance, by the circuitous route we should have to adopt, would exceed two hundred miles, the way, too, taking us across mountains which the ladies at least would find impassable!" "and when are you thinking of starting?" asked captain dinks, speaking for the first time. "as soon as possible. the whalers are said generally to arrive at betsy cove about the beginning of the summer, that is in november; and, what with the difficulties we may meet in traversing the isthmus here, and the subsequent long distance we should have to go by water--for we may have to make repeated trips in order to transport all the members of our party to the point i am aiming at--it will take us all our time to reach there in a month." "all right!" responded the captain, who looked for the moment more cheerful at the idea of moving away, "make all the arrangements you like, mr meldrum; i'm only a useless old hulk now, and can do nothing to help you." "bedad you'll be all right agin, cap'en," said mr mccarthy. "that is, faix, when you say the say on t'other side, sure. cheer up, my hearty, and niver say die!" "thank you, tim," said captain dinks, actually smiling, which was the best sign he had shown for weeks; "your face is as good as a tonic any day, old friend, and you make me feel better already!" the very next day all began to prepare for the contemplated shifting of their quarters, mr meldrum so contriving that each had his quota of work to perform in making ready for the start. ben boltrope was commissioned to manufacture as speedily as he could, out of what spare timber he could get hold of--and, if necessary, he was empowered to break up the longboat in default of finding any elsewhere, for they would not want to use it again--a small light carriage with large broad wheels similar to those commonly used in transporting life- boats from place to place along the coast, when their services are suddenly required at some spot remote from their station and it would take too long to send them round by sea. this carriage, of course, was for the accommodation of the jolly-boat, whenever it should be found necessary for it to abandon its more congenial element the water, for the land; and as the wheels required some delicacy of manipulation, it was a lucky thing that the mutineers had forgotten to take ben's tool-chest out of the longboat, and that it had been restored to his possession. otherwise, the old man-o'-war's man would have been unable to have completed satisfactorily the difficult task set him with only an old axe and a hammer for his available tools, as had been the case when the house was being built. such of the party as were not assisting the carpenter were set to work collecting and curing everything in the shape of food, or provisions of any sort that came to hand--the rabbit warren being depopulated and wild ducks slaughtered to such an extent that the latter abandoned the valley; while, the last remaining birds in the penguin colony, old and young alike, were sacrificed to appease the craving gods of the common larder. neither were the ladies idle; for, kate meldrum and mrs major negus were employed making canvas bags for the stowage of all these good things in proper ship-shape fashion. even master maurice--the whilom "imp," who had almost been reformed by his experience amongst the penguins--and miss florry, had their services requisitioned in one way or other. one and all, without exception, had each something to do! "i guess, mister," said mr lathrope a week later on, when he and mr meldrum were returning from an unsuccessful foray on the adjacent marshes that had been the haunt of the wild fowl--without once getting a shot, much less bagging a duck to reward their trouble,--"this'll be a tall moving; and the sooner we make tracks the better now, since all the game's skeart. i don't see nary a grasshopper to aim at!" "the arrangements are all completed," replied the other, "and i have determined to start to-morrow. as you say, there's nothing to be gained by our waiting any longer; so, as we've now as much provision collected as we shall either want or can carry, and as ben has finished the boat- carriage, i don't see any reason for delaying our departure a single day!" mr meldrum was as good as his word. he gave out an intimation of the projected start on the morrow to the household the same evening, as soon as the two reached the little dwelling by the creek which they were about to abandon so remorselessly after the long shelter it had given them in their adversity! chapter thirty three. across country. it was a lovely morning, the loveliest that the shipwrecked people had seen since their landing on kerguelen land, when the little party started away from penguin castle, bidding adieu to the spot which for so many long months had given them a shelter and a home. the sun was shining out brightly, the sky without a cloud, and the air felt quite warm, although with a freshness in it that just gave zest to movement; while the atmosphere had that peculiar opalescent translucency about it and an almost imperceptible colouring--in the faintest tints of light mauve and amber, with a shade of tender apple-green--which is rarely seen in more northern latitudes, excepting in those regions that are well within the borders of the arctic circle. out in the bay opposite the creek, the water was as smooth as glass, undisturbed by the slightest breath of wind so as to cause a ripple; and numbers of baby puffins and young penguins, their spruce little downy bodies clad in bright new coats of silky feathers, were scattered in groups over the mirror-like expanse, diving and coming up again in a moment in the centre of a series of expanding circles that gradually grew wider and wider in diameter, as when a stone is flung into a still pond, only to disappear the next minute. others were flitting along over the surface with the pinions of their little wings just dipped in the water, so that they flicked it up, in the short flights they took now and then in play and mimic pursuit of each other, like as rowing men do when they "feather" their oars too soon in lumpy water. sometimes, the generally restless birdlets would rest tranquilly for a brief while on the bosom of the sea, chattering away like so many aquatic magpies in miniature mottled flocks; but this was only for a very short spell. to the right of the creek, rising abruptly out of the sea, the black basaltic cliffs which formed such a bold headland to the bay stretched far out to where the extreme point of cape saint louis could be seen, embracing within the compass of its arm the reef on which the _nancy bell_ had been lost; and to the left, beyond the ridge at the back of the castaways' dwelling, the higher ranges of the inland mountains, which seemed to run down to the southwards and eastwards as far as the eye could reach, stood up--towering in the distance above the hills immediately near in the foreground and lifting their snow-clad summits into the blue vault of the heavens. the "travelling caravan," as mr lathrope had styled the jolly-boat when he saw it first mounted on its broad-flanged, awkward-looking carriage, had been packed the night before with all the impedimenta of the pilgrims. their few "goods and chattels and household effects" were stowed in and about below the thwarts, with the canvas bags containing the dried birds and kerguelen cabbage which formed their stock of provisions ranged round the gunwales and crammed in anywhere; while a special place was kept clear and reserved in the stern-sheets for the accommodation of poor captain dinks, who was deposited here in his cot. pussy, who had been so happily saved from the wreck at the last moment and had since done such good service in demolishing the mice which infested the house, was placed alongside of the captain to keep him company, and he had also in charge a tame, or rather an educated penguin, that master maurice negus had displayed considerable ability in training and which mr meldrum had allowed to be taken along with the other things as a reward for the "imp's" services of late in assisting at the preparations of the expedition. for some days prior to this, mr meldrum had been very busy taking short excursions in various directions, but all tending to the same point of the compass. he was endeavouring to find out which route would be the most practicable for reaching the eastern seaboard; and, after collecting all his observations into one harmonised whole and deliberating over the matter with mr lathrope and the first-mate, who had severally accompanied him in his various prospecting tours, the final course of the party was at length agreed on. the bright morning appeared to all as an augury of success; so it was with light hearts that they set out. they abandoned penguin castle in all its entirety, mr meldrum saying that possibly they might have to seek its shelter again; but, if happily there should arise no occasion for that eventuality, the building might still be of service to other shipwrecked men in a like extremity to themselves. thus it came to pass that the place was left "all standing," with rooms, furniture--such as it was--snowball's copper and the cooking range all intact. even the flagstaff with kate's ensign at the peak was left hoisted, as if to show, that if deserted now, the spot had once been inhabited! they were thirty-two souls in all now, reckoning the steward and the other four men of the mutineers who had come back in the longboat--which had to be broken up, by the way, after all, to form the jolly-boat's carriage; and it was just "six bells in the forenoon watch" when they started, a team of the sailors, tethered in traces like a pack of esquimaux dogs, hauling away at the boat-carriage and running it along merrily with a chorus of "cheerily men, cheerily ho!" the others tramped behind the queer vehicular conveyance, without respect of persons; only poor captain dinks being allowed a seat in the boat, while it travelled on land, and that only by reason of his helplessness and inability to move without assistance. when they had to take to the water, of course, the jolly-boat would have to carry more passengers. on the way, sometimes, they had serious difficulties to encounter, for the ground in many places was moist and spongy, causing the feet of the men hauling to sink deeply into the soil as they tugged at the towing- rope of the jolly-boat's carriage; but, as frequently mr meldrum remarked, to rouse the seamen's energies, "difficulties were only made for brave men to conquer," so at it they went with a will which soon overcame the dead weight of the load they had to drag behind them--a fresh towing team relieving the first at the expiration of every half hour, so as not to weary the men out by a too prolonged strain at such unusual exertion. bye and bye, they arrived at the end of their first "portage," the shores of the little lake which mr meldrum had noticed trending in an eastward direction. this water would now considerably aid their passage across the isthmus by allowing the jolly-boat to take to its native element, on whose bosom it would be borne some miles on the onward way. here a halt was called and a short luncheon taken, after which the jolly-boat was safely launched on the water by backing it down on its carriage. this plan was easy as well as expeditious; for, as soon as the boat had reached its proper point of immersion, it floated off the wheels. the ladies then got into the stern-sheets, alongside of the captain, accompanied by mr meldrum, while four of the seamen took their places on the thwarts in order to row them across--the remainder of the party stopping where they were, along with a portion of the packages that had been removed from the boat so as to make room for mrs major negus and the others who went with her. the carriage belonging to the boat was also left behind until the latter should have deposited its first cargo on the other side of the lake and return to fetch a fresh load. three trips were taken before the whole party were thus transported over the lake, the boat's carriage being then towed over at the last crossing. it would be needless repetition to recount in detail all the different portages of the jolly-boat over the strips of land which lay between the chain of lakes that were spread over the line of their route; or, to tell the number of the trips by water that had to be made. there were many unloadings of the little craft, and many packings-up again. many weary miles the poor unaccustomed pedestrians had to tramp, sometimes up-hill, sometimes down dale, through marshy lands and over stony boulders that blistered their feet; and all the while they had to drag after them that terrible frankenstein-like monster, the jolly-boat mounted on its carriage, which seemed to the worn-out men sometimes a species of juggernaut car, crushing out their spirits and sapping their every energy. suffice it to say, that, at the end of a fortnight's time, they at length reached a magnificent stretch of blue water, which mr meldrum said was hillsborough bay, on the eastern side of kerguelen land. hurrah--they had crossed the isthmus, and arrived so far towards the end of their destination! as they toiled over this neck of land which united the two principal peninsulas into which the island was divided, they could mark how, as had been noticed along the coast, the country was composed of a series of terraced hills, rising above a chain of lakes and lagoons that indented it deeply on either side and forming an endless succession of deep fords and harbours, the hills being almost invariably covered, from their crests down to a certain altitude, with perpetual snow. below this line, their sides were clothed with green verdure, composed chiefly of a species of azorella and a rough spinated grass; while, the strangest feature of all was, that not a single tree, or plant approaching to the dimensions of a shrub, could be seen on any portion of the island! the most charming characteristic of the scenery noticed, was the profusion of cataracts, cascades, and waterfalls, which leaped and sparkled from terrace to terrace of the basaltic net-work of peaks and ridges that ran here, there, and everywhere across the isthmus, enclosing the valleys and scarping the sea--the splashing of these natural fountains making soft music everywhere as the water gurgled down into tiny rivulets and brooks below, which stole their way along banks bordered by chickweed and liverwort into the lakes, and from the lakes into the ocean, only to be sucked up again by the clouds and deposited on the hills in the form of rain, forming the cascades and cataracts anew; and so on, _da capo_. chapter thirty four. rescued. "snakes and alligators, mister!" exclaimed mr lathrope when the whole party were gathered together on the shore of hillsborough bay, united once more after the boat-carriage had been lugged over its final portage, and the boat itself had accomplished its last separate short trip before adventuring again on the open waters of the sea--"i guess your fifteen miles has come to a considerable sight more'n fifty, you bet." "oh! please be a little more moderate in your estimate," laughed mr meldrum. "i confess i somewhat understated the probable distance; but really, now, fifty miles is a little too much." "wa-al, then, let us call it five-and-twenty," said the american with a genial grin over his sharp-cut features, which were almost as elongated as his legs. "you can't grumble at that anyway, i reckon, boss!" "that's pretty much like the story of the five hundred cats which came down, i believe, to two, if i'm not mistaken," slily put in miss kate, smiling. "now, don't you be too rough on a feller, missy," said mr lathrope, pretending to be very serious over the matter, in his humorous way. "i cave in to the fifty, that's a fact, as i kinder wanted to pile on the agony; but when i took my stand to be euchred on twenty-five miles, i meant the distance we've tramped over, and nary a bit of the water passage, for my old boots hev got busted up, i guess, and the sooner i git a noo pair the better for this child." "bedad, that's the same case wid mysilf," interposed mr mccarthy, exhibiting the articles he wore as he spoke, which, from their repeated patchings and general state of dilapidation, would certainly have carried off the prize at a curiosity show. "sure, and it's walkin' on my fut i've bin the last foor days entirely." "you'd have ben a smart coon to have done the contrary, i guess, mister, anyhow," said the american drily. "sure, an' it's the sole of me fut i mane, sorr," explained the first- mate in hibernian fashion. "jest so," said mr lathrope, laughing at the blunder; "and it would puzzle you to walk different, i kalkerlate, that is onless you tried the sole of your head!" "well, here we are, no matter what distance we have travelled," said mr meldrum, going back to business; while frank and kate, who had not been able to get much conversation together of late, were having a very interesting little _tete-a-tete_ confabulation in a corner, out of ear- shot of the rest. "we shall, however, soon have to separate our forces again, for we must make the next start on our journey by water, which will now be our travelling medium all the way." "be jabers, and it's glad i am to hear that same!" exclaimed mr mccarthy, interrupting the speaker in his jubilation at not being forced to walk any more, a means of locomotion to which, from his long life at sea, the first-mate was strangely averse. "as i was saying," continued mr meldrum, "we must now make up our minds for a short separation, the rest of our journey having to be performed by water. i'll tell you what i think will be the best plan, if you will listen:-- from here to betsy cove, the harbour i have mentioned where the whalers call every year, is in a bee-line just about thirty-five miles right ahead across the stretch of sea there; but as we may have to make a detour in order to avoid reefs and any rocks or islands which may come within this straight line, we'd better call it fifty miles." "better say a hundred, mister, while you're at it," said mr lathrope, with a wink to the others; "you kinder forget the fifteen miles you made it across the isthmus 'fore we started, hey?" "there's no fear of my making that mistake here," replied mr meldrum. "this is all plain sailing, with correct latitude and longitude to go by! it won't be more than fifty, indeed, even if we have to creep round the coast of the bay all the way, instead of shaping a course right across it, as i intend doing. well, all things considered, it will be best for the boat first to take half of us this distance to betsy cove, going all the way in the one trip; and then to return for the other portion of the party. we have lightened her considerably of the provisions during the last ten days, and being able to carry twelve or fourteen hands ordinarily, she will now easily take us across the bay in two trips--that is, if some of you don't mind a little squeezing." "will--will--it be quite safe?" said mrs major negus in a hesitating way, looking at the bright, frisking little wavelets which covered the blue sea of the bay with some slight alarm. she had imbibed a perfect horror of the water and all pertaining to it ever since the wreck. "quite," answered mr meldrum. "we've had peril enough without my seeking to endanger your safety now! i suppose," continued he, going on to explain the arrangements, "the boat will take a day, say, in getting to betsy cove, and another day coming back on the return voyage for the rest.--we'll call it three days, to allow for contingencies; so that, we shall not be apart more than four days at the outside, allowing due time for the boat reaching the cove again after her second trip hither." "fancy!" whispered frank to kate. "four whole days that i may not be able to see you! i know it will be just my luck that i shall have to stay behind at the camp; for, your father will most probably take all the ladies with him in the first trip, as he did at setting out." "oh, dear!" said kate smiling, "that will be a terribly long separation, won't it?" "you darling tease!" exclaimed he; "i don't believe you care for me half as much as i do for you!" "don't i!" she said softly; and her melting blue eyes would have disclosed a secret if frank had been looking into them at the moment-- which very probably he was! however, the sad eventuality he had conjectured did not occur. mr meldrum, knowing the condition of matters between the lovers, did not have the heart to separate the two, even temporarily; and so frank had the supreme and unexpected felicity of accompanying kate in the first trip the jolly-boat took across the bay to betsy cove--mrs major negus and maurice, mr meldrum and florry, mr adams and captain dinks, of course, besides six of the seamen, being their fellow-passengers. mr lathrope remained at the head of the inlet, with mr mccarthy, in charge of the camp and the remaining hands until the jolly-boat came back to fetch them; and it really seemed, from the many earnest "good- byes" exchanged between those starting off and the ones left behind as if the castaways were parting for ever, the separation seemed to cause such a wrench after they had been so long together! thanks to the fine fresh breeze, and the fact of their being almost in the open sea now--for the sides of the bay diverged so greatly after a time that the opposite coasts could not be seen--the boat was under sail instead of being pulled along; and the motion was ever so much more pleasant than when it was oscillated to and fro by the sharp jerky strokes of the rowers. the weather still continued fine and clear, with the sun shining on the water and a bright blue sky overhead; and as the boat glided along, heeling over to the wind every now and then and tossing the spray from her bows as she came down with a flop on the crest of some little wave which got in her way, frank wished that he and kate could glide on so for ever. everything seemed so delightful around them after the dreary winter they had so recently passed through. nature herself was smiling again upon them in the bright summer dawn! even the penguins seemed to enjoy the change of season, for they raced after the boat as she pursued her way, moving through the water like a shoal of albacore, and rarely showing more than their heads above the surface for a little while. then, all of a sudden, as if playing a game of leapfrog amongst themselves, they would spring out of the sea in long lines, one after another, showing their steel-grey backs and silvery sides, so that kate could hardly believe they were not fishes jumping up in sport, like as she had frequently seen the bonito do when off the african coast in the atlantic. the jolly-boat had such a spanking breeze from the north-west all the way with her, right abaft the beam, that she accomplished the distance between the head of the inlet and betsy cove before nightfall, mr meldrum shaping her course so well by the old chart he had that she fetched the harbour in a bee-line almost from their point of departure, steering east by south. there was no mistaking the place. betsy cove was a second bay within a larger one, called "accessible bay" on the chart and marked by a curious isolated mountain-peak which raised itself on the very extremity of a low spit of land that ran out into the sea, a long way out from the main shore. on the beach were several old wooden huts and a large iron boiler that had evidently been used for "trying out" seal and whale oil from the blubber; while further up the shore was a small graveyard, a rather melancholy-looking spot with a few wooden crosses and piles scattered about it bearing dreary legends relating to the untimely end of different seamen who had either died there on shore, or had lost their lives at sea in the immediate vicinity. however, the most important point to our little party, was the fact that there were no signs of any vessels having recently visited the place; and, consequently, mr meldrum had carried out his original plan to the letter, having evidently arrived there in time before the annual coming of the whalers. early the next morning the jolly-boat was sent back to fetch the others, and towards the evening of the day following the whole of the party were once more together. a week passed by without any event of note happening, during which period the little community did not suffer from any want of food or other necessaries, for they found a store of provisions in one of the huts that had evidently been placed there in case of need similar to their own; so, things jogged on evenly enough. still, all were in a state of high-strung suspense, looking out eagerly from morning till night for the promised vessel that every one expected was coming to deliver them. "i guess they'd better look alive, mister, if they're coming," said mr lathrope, "or else the summer'll be gone afore we git away, and then we shall have to go back to penguin castle for another winter. i'd sooner a durned sight be thar than haar if it comed on to blow!" "patience, my friend!" replied mr meldrum. "don't you recollect that old french proverb, `everything comes to him who waits!'" "don't reckon i dew, mister," answered the other. "i guess, though, it warn't a waiter at one of them hotels that said that, hey?" "perhaps not," said mr meldrum, smiling at the american's hit; "but i've no doubt we shall be rescued this year, even if we have to wait." he was not disappointed. on the monday morning of the following week the look out man--for they had set up another signal station here at the head of the harbour the same as at penguin castle--sang out the welcome call--"sail ho!" and, soon after, a large fore-and-aft rigged schooner was seen entering the bay. she proved to be the _matilda ann_ of new london. she was engaged in the whale and seal fishery between kerguelen land and the neighbouring heard islands; and as she was empty, having transferred her oil to a homeward-bound whaler belonging to the same owners, her captain readily accepted the offer made him by mr meldrum on behalf of captain dinks, to charter the schooner to convey the survivors of the passengers and crew of the _nancy bell_ to the cape of good hope, whence they would easily be able to get a passage back to england or to their original destination in new zealand. "i guess that air prime," said mr lathrope; "but i've hed enuff v'yging fur a spell, and i kinder kalkerlate i'll make tracks to hum. i don't mind either, darkey, if i take you along o' me! i've got a fust-rate brown-stone front in philadelphy, and i'll chuck you in as cook, if you like, hey?" "golly, massa, you don't mean dat, suah!" "guess i dew," said the american deliberately. "tank you, massa; den you ken take down de bill, i ain't no longer to let--i'm on, yah, yah!" shouted snowball, giving way to the most obstreperous merriment, in order to testify his satisfaction at mr lathrope's engaging him in his service, the darkey having always had a hankering after the american from his thorough appreciation of his cookery. mrs major negus was true to the last. "what an extremely fishy smell!" she exclaimed as she went on board the whaler which had so opportunely come to rescue them from the solitude of desolation island. "i'm sure i wish captain dinks had secured a passage for us in a more respectable ship after choosing to cast away his own!" but little more remains to be added. the whaling schooner reached table bay in safety, without encountering any storms similar to that which had led to the loss of the _nancy bell_, and all the rescued castaways were shortly afterwards landed at cape town. here, captain dinks, who had recovered much from his wound since he was taken off the island, secured a passage home to england for himself and officers and such of the passengers of the lost ship as desired to go back thither, sending on to new zealand, at the owners' expense, those who preferred proceeding to their original destination. amongst these latter was mrs major negus and her son, "the major" being extremely anxious to join her husband at waikatoo as soon as possible. mr meldrum and his family also went on; the ex-commander in the royal navy having sold out the little property he had at home and capitalised his pension with the object of settling in new zealand, had now no desire to return to england, or the means to live there if he had such a wish. frank did not forget his engagement with kate, however. although he was obliged to accompany captain dinks back to england, it was not long after his arrival in london before he passed the trinity house board, obtaining a certificate licensing him to act as chief mate, in which capacity he went out to new zealand on his very next voyage. this will not be his last trip to the antipodes either, for rumour has it that, not improbably, frank harness, promoted to the rank of a master in the mercantile marine, will proceed shortly again to otago in command of a ship of his own, when, possibly, he will have one especial item of human freight to bring home with him on his own account! chapter thirty five. the last of the old ship! there is one thing more to tell. it all arises from the unpardonable stupidity of that donkey of a steward, llewellyn, who forgot the memorandum concerning the circumstance and left it down below in the cabin--and that, too, in spite of ben boltrope's telling him to be certain to bear it mind, besides his wife, mary, having continually jogged his memory on the subject! had it not been for this, the omission would never have occurred, as the matter would have been mentioned in its proper place some time ago. shortly after the _matilda ann_ set sail from the little whaling station at betsy cove with the rescued castaways of kerguelen land on board, and just as she was weathering the cloudy islands, as they are called--a group of rocks that lie to the north-east of the mainland--the look-out man in the fore cross-trees, who was keeping a keen watch for breakers, the navigation at this point being rather ticklish on account of the treacherous reefs and stray currents that wander about there, suddenly shouted down to the man at the wheel to put the helm down, which of course he immediately did. "what is it?" called out the steersman, who happened to be the master of the schooner himself. he noticed no sign of breakers anywhere near and wondered at this sudden alteration of the vessel's course--"where's the reef?" "'tain't no reef, sir," sang out the man aloft in answer, "but i see something like a man in the water." "man be hanged!" exclaimed the schooner's skipper in a rage. "and was it for such an absurd idea that you've nearly made me shiver the masts out of her? if it be a body, it can only be a corpse; for no man could swim out here from kerguelen, and i'm blessed if he could live on those rocks of islands beyond!" "there!" shouted the look-out man again, taking no notice of the other's upbraiding, and seeming to be very anxious about whatever he had seen in the water. "it is quite close now on the lee bow." "well, just to oblige you," said the skipper, speaking loud enough for all on board to hear, "and to let you see for yourself what a confounded fool you are, i'll fetch her up to it!" "bully for you, cap'en!" exclaimed mr lathrope, who with the others of the rescued party was on deck, not liking the rather fusty odour of the schooner's cabin--which, to do justice to mrs major negus, did smell most abominably of seal-oil, and even worse scents! the floating object was soon approached on the schooner's bearing away towards it; and a man in the bows, who had a boat-hook ready in his hand, quickly grappled it and pulled it alongside. it was no man, however, as the look-out had thought; but only a piece of square timber which had evidently once formed some portion of a vessel's belongings, and it was carved out roughly on the uppermost side to represent a female head and bust. "i wasn't far out in thinking it were a man in the water," said the look-out man, gazing down on the object from his perch above, as the schooner's skipper, giving the helm in charge of some one else, came forward to have a look over the side at the innocent cause of all this unnecessary fuss, as he thought. "you'd better say no more," replied the skipper, scornfully shouting back up to the man. "i always thought you were a fool, and now i know you are one! a drowning man, indeed! why, it's only the broken figurehead of some old vessel or other!" "look, mr mccarthy!" cried mr meldrum to the irishman, who just then came up to see what all the commotion was about. "don't you see what it is?" "be jabers, i do!" responded the ex-mate, quite as much excited as the other. "sure, an' it's the last of the ould ship! i wondther howsomedever it iver floated all the way here?" it was the figurehead of the ill-fated _nancy bell_.