A reporte of a discourse concerning supreme power in affaires of religion Manifesting that this power is a right of regalitie, inseparably annexed to the soueraigntie of euery state: and that it is a thing both extreamely dangerous, and contrarie to the vse of all auncient empires and commonwealths, to acknowledge the same in a forraine prince. Hayward, John, Sir, 1564?-1627. 1606 Approx. 123 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 31 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2004-05 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A02862 STC 13001 ESTC S116592 99851808 99851808 17100 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A02862) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 17100) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1475-1640 ; 1105:11) A reporte of a discourse concerning supreme power in affaires of religion Manifesting that this power is a right of regalitie, inseparably annexed to the soueraigntie of euery state: and that it is a thing both extreamely dangerous, and contrarie to the vse of all auncient empires and commonwealths, to acknowledge the same in a forraine prince. Hayward, John, Sir, 1564?-1627. [6], 52, [2] p. Imprinted by F[elix] K[ingston] for Iohn Hardie, and are to be sold by Iohn Flasket, dwelling at the signe of the black Beare in Paules Church yeard, At London : 1606. By Sir John Hayward. Printer's name from STC. Cf. Folger catalogue, which gives signatures: A-G⁴ H² . 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Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Church and state -- Early works to 1800. 2004-01 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2004-02 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2004-03 Judith Siefring Sampled and proofread 2004-03 Judith Siefring Text and markup reviewed and edited 2004-04 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion A REPORTE OF A DISCOVRSE CONCERNING SVpreme power in affaires of Religion . Manifesting That this power is a right of Regalitie , inseparably annexed to the Soueraigntie of euery State : and that it is a thing both extreamely dangerous , and contrarie to the vse of all auncient Empires and Commonwealths , to acknowledge the same in a forraine Prince . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . AT LONDON Imprinted by F. K. for Iohn Hardie , and are to be sold by Iohn Flasket , dwelling at the signe of the blacke Beare in Paules Church yeard . 1606. THE SVMMARIE . 1 THe occasion of this discourse . 2 The proposition : That supreme power in Ecclesiasticall affaires is a right of Soueraigntie . 3 Soueraigne or maiesticall power must be perpetuall . 4 Soueraigne power must also be absolute . 5 Affaires of greatest importance are annexed to the Soueraigne Maiestie . 6 Nothing in a State of so great importance as is Religion . 7 Affaires of Religion are to be managed by those who beare the Soueraigntie . 8 It is dangerous for others to be depended vpon in regard of Religion . 9 Two policies aunciently obserued for auoyding these dangers : To exclude externall ceremonies ; and to commit the ordering of matters in Religion , to the Soueraigne authoritie within the State. 10 Instance of the first . 11 The second practised by the Iewes . 12 By the Aegyptians . 13 By diuers other people . 14 In the Empire of Assyria . 15 In the Empire of Persia. 16 In the Empire and principall States of Greece . 17 In the Empire of Rome vnder the gouernement of Kings . 18 In the popular State of the Romane Empire . 19 In the Romane Empire vnder heathen Emperours . 20 In the Romane Empire , vnder the first Christian Emperours . 21 Matters of Externall or accidentall forme in the Church , depended altogether vpon the first Christian Emperours . 22 Many lawes of the first Christian Emperours attributed vnto Popes . 23 Matters of Faith or of Essentiall forme , ordered by direction and authoritie of the first Christian Emperours . 24 The eight generall Councels called and confirmed by Emperours . 25 A strife betweene the Bishops of Rome and Constantinople , whether should be greatest . 26 Diuers Emperours fauoured the Bishops of Constantinople . 27 By giuing this prerogatiue to the Bishops of Rome , the East Empire was dismembred . 28 The absolute power of the Bishops of Rome in Ecclesiasticall affaires , reduced the West Empire not only to a feeble state ; but to be held in Vassalage to the Sea of Rome . 29 By the same power the Bishops of Rome claimed Soueraignty also , ouer diuers principall kingdomes in Europe , and generally ouer all States in the world . 30 Diuers distresses by this meanes occasioned . 31 The Conclusion . 32 Certaine questions propounded . TO HIS HONORABLE FRIEND SIR I. P. Knight . SIr , holding my selfe beholding vnto you , for many kind courtesies , I cannot but oftentimes bend and busie my deuise , to thinke how ( in some sort ) to thanke you for the same ; and if not fully to discharge , yet freely to acknowledge and professe my debt : to satisfie ( I say ) in desire , when in deed I am not able . But , howsoeuer in other performances I shall be weake , yet I will not faile to leaue a large memorie of your true habit of honestie and vertue : and in the meane season not omit to visit you with such exercises of penne , as the streightnes of other occasions shall permit me leisure to contriue . For this present I haue made choyce to present vnto you , a small enlargement of certaine passages of speech , lately raised at the table of N. which , being much frequented by persons of most principall note , hath commonly the great varietie of dishes , answered with like varietie of discourse . The first part of the dinner was passed ouer in a sad and sober silence , our tongues seeming to giue place to the office of our teeth ; and euery man commending the goodnesse of our fare , by close feeding vpon the same . At the last silence was broken , and some speeches spent in matters of conceit . In which veine one of the companie tooke often occasion to speake of a Terrible blow ; alluding to the same words in that letter , whereby the late practise against his Maiestie and the whole body of the State , was beaten out and brought into light . Hereupon N. did breake forth into a liberall commendation of the Lord Mounteagle , to whom the letter was directed : affirming , that hee was a personage of true honour and merit , for that by his felicitie and faith , not onely the liues of many thousand particular persons , and whatsoeuer else was deerest vnto them , but the life also of this Empire was at that time preserued ; that his high Nobilitie , enobled and made pretious both with curtesie and magnanimitie , had now iustly placed him in the formost ranke of same . He proceeded to declare , the fashion of that hot and hatefull attempt : what faire opportunitie was thereby opened to secure our selues , from the fierie furie of those homebred enemies , who , rather than wee should not bee destroyed , would ouerwhelme vs in the ruines of the state : That seueritie could not hereupon be interpreted crueltie ; that hereupon nothing could be interpreted to be done in regard of religion , but onely for the necessarie defence of our safetie . This speech was diuersly taken , according as affections were diuersely disposed ; some did liuelie , some faintly , and ( as it was coniectured ) fainedly approue it ; none did openly oppose against it . From this , they fell to talke of the Bill propounded in Parliament against Recusants ; and of the Oath of supremacie , which was appointed generally to be taken . Of the first they did but sparingly speake , as being a matter then handled in highest place of deliberation : vpon the second they maintained a longer stay . N. repeated many conueniences for which this Oath ought generally to bee taken . Whereto a certaine Knight replied , not directly contradicting him , but inuoluing his intents in such soft and nice distinctions , that hee seemed rather to declare that he would not haue the Oath imposed at all , then in what fashion he would haue it imposed . These obscure speeches hauing bred some incertaintie , whilest euery man rather coniectured then assured what should be ment : and controuersies of conu●niencie being not alwaies easie to bee determined by way of discourse , because all men are apt to attribute much to their owne conceits ; I drew the question to a higher degree . Affirming , that it seemed not onely conuenient , but necessarie also in all grounds and reasons of State , that a King who acknowledgeth no superiour vnder God , should be acknowledged to haue supreame authoritie vnder God in Ecclesiasticall affaires : That this is a principall point of Regalitie , and therefore necessarily annexed to the soueraigne maiestie of euery state : That it is a hard matter if not impossible , for any nation , either to grow or long time to continue very great , wherein a foraine power doth hold the regiment in Religion : That in all ancient Empires and Common wealthes it hath been vsed , That ; I could not finish that which I was about to speak , being interrupted by a confused clamour of three or foure at the table , who esteemed that which I had said , not for a paradoxe , but for an Adoxe , or flat absurditie : seeing many Christian countries , both lately and at this present , haue admitted forain gouernment in matters of religion . By this time the Basons and Ewers were set vpon the table , and all of vs were attentiue to the giuing of thankes . After wee had washed , and the cloath was taken away . N. in this sort renewed speech . What hath been the vse of auncient Empires and Common-wealths , concerning supreame gouernment in matters pertaining to religion , I haue not ( I doe confesse ) obserued : But it seemeth indeed , that the politicall gouernment in Ecclesiasticall affaires should be a point of Regalitie ; and that it is a hard matter , if not impossible , for any state either to grow or long time to continue very great , wherein a forraine power doth hold the regiment in religion . At the least , either to grow or continue any greater , then that forraine power shall thinke expedient . That which from me was openly reiected , being allowed by N. and in the very same words by him repeated , found good acceptance among the rest . Whereupon I tooke occasion to say , that speech ( I perceiued ) was oftentimes like vnto coine , which passed for currant , not in regard of the mettall onely , but chiefely in regard of the stampe that was set vpon it . Nay , said N. beautifying his speech with a courteous smile , we will also bring your mettall to the touch . There is but one truth in religion , which is not subiect to any humane power : but the discipline thereof , or matters of circumstance and externall forme , are held by our Church to depend vpon the power of the Prince . If question be made touching matter of substance , the same also may be determined within the realme , by the Clergie thereof , assembled together by authoritie of the Prince . Or if the Clergie of any other countrie should be taken to assistance or aduice , they come as equals , and not as superiours . For so Eusebius a reporteth , that Cyprian Bishop of Carthage did aduise with the Bishop of Rome , concerning the affaires of the Church : and that Dyonise of Alexandria b aduised in like sort with Cornelius , Stephen and Sixtus Bishops of Rome , without attributing vnto them either title or qualitie , otherwise then as men of their owne order and ranke . Now , I haue read many controuersies in Diuinitie concerning this question , whereof the multitude doth rather cloy then content ; and therefore I will not embarke you in that disputation . If you can make proofe out of other writers , that this authoritie in matters of religion , is a right of Regalitie , it will follow ( I suppose ) that it cannot without apparant danger depend vpon a foraine power . If also you do manifest , that in all principall Empires and Common-wealths , this authoritie hath bin exercised by the chiefe in state , you may probably conclude that it is a Regalitie . For these rights doe little varie , but remaine in a manner the very same in all states , of what kind soeuer they are . And although true religion is reuealed vnto vs by God , yet religion in the generall proceedeth from nature ; in regard whereof , there is some coherence and communitie in all sorts of religions ; as to acknowledge that there is a God ; to worship him ; to worship him by oblation and sacrifice &c. For although all nations doe not acknowledge and worship the true God , yet there is no nation ( as Cicero c saith ) which doth not both acknowledge and adore some . These generall points which naturally , or by consent of nations are common in religion , may well bee considered without contending which religion in particular is true . For this will hardly by all parties be agreed : because euery man ( as Philo saith d ) either by vse or by instruction iudgeth his owne religion best . So e Chrysostome affirmeth , that in all differencies of religion , euery man will say , I say true f . But this argument which you haue propounded being new ; this point being not pointed at by any whom I haue seene , I would gladly here you fortifie the same . The argument being new ( answered I ) and now newly raysed into question , you must not engage your expectation too farre ; I shall doe much , if I minister some matter for better iudgements to work into forme . The rights of Soueraignty or of maiesty , so termed by Cicero ; and by Liuie , the rights of Empire , and of Imperiall Maiestie ; by Tacitus , sacraregni ; by Aristotle , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; by the Lawyers , Sacra sacrorum ; sacra indiuidua ; iura sublimia ; by the Feudistes , iura regalia ; are nothing else , but an absolute and perpetuall power , to exercise the highest actions and affaires in some cretaine state . These are the proper qualities of Soueraigne or Maiesticall power ; that it be both absolute and also perpetuall . If it be absolute but not perpetuall , th●n is it not soueraigne ; for such power hath been oftentimes committed , by the Romanes to their Dictators , by the Lacedemonians to their Harmostes ; by many Kings to their Regents , Viceroyes or Lieutenants . But because they haue no proprietie of power inherent in them , but only an execution or exercise thereof committed to their charge , vnder limitation of time ; because also it may vpon iust cause bee reuoked within that time ; they are not accounted to haue the same in Soueraignetie . And this holdeth true , although such power bee committed for a very long time ; as the Athenians did to their great Archos for tenne yeres : although it bee committed also in a most ample manner , which the auncient Latines called optima lege , without controlement or account ; such as had the Pontifices in Rome ; or as the Cuidians euery yeere chose 60. of their Citizens whom for this cause they called Amimones ; that is , men without imputation or account . And lastly , although it be without certaine limitation of time ; as sometimes had the Regents of France , created for the infancie , furie or absence of their King ; who before the law of Charles the fifth , dispatched matters in their proper name . Againe , if it be perpetuall but not absolute , as either depending vpon some other , or else giuen either vpon charge , or with exception and restraint , then is it not soueraigne . For such power was giuen by decree of Charles the fifth Emperor to the Senate of Milan ; To confirme the constitutions of the Prince , as also to infirme and abrogate the same ; to dispence contrarie to the statutes ; to make enablements , giue prerogatiues , graunt restitutions &c. that no appeale should be made from the Senate &c. And whatsoeuer they should doe , should haue like force as if it were done or decreed by the Prince . g Yet might they not graunt pardon for offences , or giue letters of safe conduct vnto parties conuicted . So likewise in the ancient forme of inaugurating the Kings of Arragon , the great Magistrate or Iustice said thus vnto him : Wee who are in vertue not inferiour , and in power greater then thy selfe , create thee King ; yet with this condition , that one amongst vs shal haue more power and command then thy selfe . I will not particularly rehearse what actions are proper vnto soueraigne power : generally it may be said , that those affaires of state , which are of greatest importance and weight , are annexed vnto the soueraigne Maiestie , and cannot be separated from the same . For , because some matters are of so high nature , that vpon the ordring of them dependeth , not onely the honour and dignitie , but the safetie also and libertie of the people ; not the florishing constitution only , but the very life and being of the Common-wealth ; it hath been thought fit by generall consent of Nations , that they cannot bee managed by any other authoritie , than that wherein the soueraignetie is setled ; whether it be in one man , as in a Monarchie ; or in a few , as in an Aristocrace ; or in all , as in a popular or Democraticall gouernment . They cannot bee vsurped , they cannot be h prescribed they cannot bee distracted or aliened from the same , they cannot be absolutely exercised by any other , than by them who beare the supreame Maiestie . They to whose trust a Common-weale is committed , must order the chiefest affaires of the same : they who are appointed for the very head of a societie , must giue both direction and motion to the principall actions of the whole bodie . And therfore they are termed sacra sacrorum i , as hath been said ; and also , iura indiuidua k because they are ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) the firme foundation and groundworke of a state , and can no waies be separated from the soueraigntie thereof . But there is nothing in a Common-wealth of so high nature , nothing of so important weight , as is Religion ; for this conserueth families , as Euripides l testifieth , and is a most excellent ornament in a Citie m : yea , Lactantius affirmeth it the onely meanes to knit and conserue men in mutuall societie n : and that without religion the life of man would be filled with all foolishnes , madnesse and mischiefe . So likewise Plutarch o calleth religion , the band which containeth all societies , and the very foundation of iustice and lawes p . For as a building cannot be either faire or firme , if the foundation be not fairely and firmely laid ; so if there bee defect in this part of gouernment , the whole frame of state will be neither seemly nor yet sure . Sinesius saith q ; First let pietie be setled , the base and piller whereupon this Statue of a kingdome shall firmely stand r . Plutareh s was of opinion , that a Citie might more easily be built and not vpon the ground , than a Common-wealth either constituted or conserued , if you take away Religion t . And therefore Numa in Liuie u did first of all establish Religion as a most effectuall thing to settle the vnskilfull multitude x . Afterwards also Valerius y witnesseth , that the Citie of Rome made lesse estimation of all things than of Religion z . For this cause likewise Aristotle a affirmeth , that the principall care in a Common wealth must be concerning matters of Religion b . First , for that it setleth obe●tence and quiet within the state ; being a bridle to retaine men in order and in awe : for so Cyrus reasoneth in Xenophon c : If all men should be religiously affected they would beare themselues more iust and vpright in cariage , both among themselues and towards him . Secondly , for that it is an assured defence ; for so Trismegast●s saith d ; Pietie is a custodie and defence . Thirdly , for that it aduanceth victories abroad : For so Cicero e aduoweth , that , not by policie , not by power , but by pietie and religion , the Romanes vanquished all other nations . And so Valerius hath written : f Empires haue not thought much to submit themselues to sacred seruice , supp●sing to obtaine the rule of humane affaires , if they were we and constantly seruiceable in diuine . Also the Poets ; g Dis te minorem quod geris , imperas . Generally , for that in all affaires whether publike or priuate , it draweth our endeuours to a prosperous euent , for the most part better found in the end , than it can be coni●ctured by the meanes . For so Aristotle did acknowledge h , That God is more fauourable and inclinable to those by whō he is most honoured . On the contrarie , it is impossible for that State to stand , much lesse to florish and thriue , where those two extreames of religion are highly in strength , whereto Plutarch i saith , the weakenes of man is exceeding prone ; k the one is vaine superstition ; l the other is cold carelesnesse and proud contempt . The first Plutarch m doth appropriate to barbarous people ; Seneca n termeth it a mad error : Cicero o saith that it stirreth the minds of men and maketh them vnquiet . And that it breaketh the courage and heart , Lucretius doth in these words affirme : Faciunt animos humiles formidine diuûm depressosque premunt ad terram . The second is called by Hermes , p a great disease and sicknes of the soule , making it inclinable to all actions that are euill . From hence ariseth discord and disturbance in the state : from hence Cicero q saith , great calamities are cast vpon it : which is also confirmed by that of Horace : Di multa neglecti dederunt , Hesperiae mala luctuosae . For these causes Cicero r obserued , that the Common-wealth of the Romans was most enlarged vnder the command of them , who had religion in regard . After him Constantine the Emperour left written , s that a Common-wealth is contained in order , more by religion then by trauaile of body . And Iustinian also professed , t that he was the more carefull about the gouernment of the Church , because , If that be kept in good fashion and forme , the other parts of gouernment shall thereby be redressed u . Hereupon also it is necessarilie expedient , that they who beare the soueraigntie of State , should alwaies manage the affaires of religion ; either by themselues , or by some at their appointment within the same State ; and neuer receiue direction and rule from a foraine power . For the Church ( saith Optatus ) is a part of the State : and ( as another said ) x Religion must bee in a Common-wealth , and not the contrarie . Vpon which ground Diotogenes in Stoboeus said ; A perfect King must of necessitie bee a good Commander , and Iudge , and Priest y And againe : the best must bee held in honour by the best , and that which ruleth by him that beareth rule z . But Aristotle in this point is most expresse , ( For I must often cite these Authors to giue satisfaction vnto those , who regard more by whom a thing is spoken , then what is said . ) a The King ( saith hee ) is ruler and directer of those things that pertaine vnto the Gods. Whereunto somewhat agreeth that of Iustine ; b he is accounted next vnto God by whom the Maiestie of God is maintained . For , how should he be esteemed a Soueraigne , who , in the greatest actions and affaires of the State , acknowledgeth the iurisdiction of another greater then himselfe ? what maiestie should he be adiudged to beare , who is vnder the authority of another man ? to reuerse his iudgements , to correct his lawes , to restraine or constraine him at pleasure and with case ? Religion is seated within the soule and conscience of man , and is a most potent ruler of the same . The life ( saith Plinie c ) consisteth in religion . If then the consciences of a people be commanded by a stranger , if their soules be subiect to a forraine power , if their liues be at the seruice of an external Prince ; it is but a weake , but a dead dominion , which the naturall Prince shall hold ouer their bodies . That Prince whose subiects soules are in subiection to a stranger for matters of religion , shall neither preuaile more against his enemies , nor beare greater authoritie amongst his owne people , then that stranger shall limit him leaue . All men of themselues are moued with religion d , but when they are also thrust on by those , who make it their purchase ( as Liuie speaketh e ) to possesse soules with superstition , then doe they not inconsideratly only , but in a wild furie runne and rush vpon most desperate aduentures . The multitude ( saith Curtius f ) being weake , fierce and mutable , when it is once possessed with vaine religion , is more obedient to their Priests , then to their Commander or Prince . Diodorus Siculus g hath a memorable Historie concerning this point , of the Priests of Iupiter , in the Iland Meroe , enuironed with the riuer Niliu ; who held the people of Aethiopia in so superstitious dependancie vpon them , that they would send to them at pleasure , and giue in charge the slaughter of their Kings ; no man making offer either to deny or to delay their cruell command . vntill Ergamenes , a King of Aethiopia suddenly surprised and slew them all , whereby both their office and authority did surcease . Florus h writeth that Eunus a slaue counterfeiting a fanaticall furie , and pretending some diuine inspiration , was able to see 60. thousand armed men in the face of the Romans , euen in the principal time of their policie and strength ; being then hardlie able to deliuer Sicilia frō his subiection . Iosephus reporteth i of an Aegyptian in the time of the Emperour Claudius , who bearing himselfe to be a Prophet , vnder that pretext adioined 30. thousand men vnto him , in the country of Iudea ; with whom he maintained head against the forces of the Romans . Tacitus k writeth the like of Maricus , who giuing forth that he was the God and deliuerer of Gallia , drew 8. thousand men vnto him , with whom he attempted against the Romane garrisons . One of our late writers l reporteth , that because in one chapter of the Alcoron , all the Musulman Princes are forbidden to call themselues Lords , except their Caliph or great Vicar of their Prophet Muhamed , by colour thereof , the Mahometan Bishops vsurped absolute soueraignety , aboue all their Princes ; disposing of principalities at their pleasure , vnder the name and title of gouernments . At last the Muselman Princes supposing that Chapter not to haue been inserted by Mahamed their Law-giuer , but by their Caliphes , for aduancing their owne authoritie , at such time when of diuers corrupt Alcorons they composed one , long time after the death of Muhamed ; they tooke aduantage of a diuision among their great Bishops , when three of them did take vpon them the title of great Caliph together , and thereupon the Princes of Persia , the Curdes , the Turkes , the Tartars , the Sultans of Aegypt , the Kings of Marrocco , of Fez , of Telensin , of Tanes , of Bugia , the people of Zenetes , and of Luntune quitted themselues of their obeysance to the Caliphes , and maintained Soueraigntie within their states . Elmahel in Africa m , hauing gained a great opinion of sanctitie among the people of Marocco , raised them against Abraham their King , and dispoyled him both of his Empire and life . n With like industrie and art an other impostor called Chemin Mennal stirred the people against the King of Fesse , and constrained him by armes to yeeld vnto him the kingdome of Temesna . o Schacoculis being of the sect of the Persians , by pretence of piety gathered such strength , that he tooke many Cities in Asia , ouerthrew the Turkes forces in three great battailes , and brought his whole Empire to a dangerous distresse . How Iohn of Leiden , a Taylor by his trade , set all Germany in vproare and in armes , by bearing himselfe to be a principall man in religion , it scarce exceedeth the memory of this present age . And what practises in this kind , haue been either atchieued or attempted in other Christian countries , I shall haue occasiō hereafter to touch . But for auoiding of these and the like dangers , I find that two policies were aunciently obserued . One consisted in excluding all externall ceremonies and rites : the other was , in comm●ting the gouernment for matters of Religion , to the soueraigne power and authoritie in the State. In regard of the first , the Iewes would not conuerse or accompanie a man who was not of their owne religion . Among the Grecians , Socrates and Protagoras were condemned , Anaxagoras and Aristotle were accused for holding opinions contrarie to their receiued religion . Iosephus writeth p , that the Athenians had a seuere law against any man who should speake a word in religion , against that which was established by law . The Scythians put Anacharsis to death , for performing the tites of Bacchus after the manner of the Grecians . Liuie writeth that among the Romanes , the Aediles receiued in part of their charge , q that no externall religion or ceremony should be brought in . And to the same purpose M. Aemilius recited a decree ; r that no man should sacrifice in a publike or sacred place , after a new or externall rite . How often ( saith the same Liuie s ) haue our fathers and ancestors giuen charge to the Magistrates , that externall ceremonies should bee forbidden ? Maecenas in Dio t gaue this exhortation and aduice to Augustus ; u Obserue religion after the fashion of your country , and compell others to do the like : but those who bring in strange and foraine rites , hate and correct ; because they perswade many to worke alterations , from whence conspiracies , and seditions are oftentimes occasioned . Concerning the second point , Iustine x reporteth that it was a custome among the Iewes , to haue the same men both Princes and Priests . This was at sometimes true in the gouernment of the Iewes . At other times the Kings gaue order in matters of religion , and appointed not only inferiour Priests and officers ( as did Iosias y ) but also high Priests ( as did King Salomon z ) to execute the same . For this cause Moses left in charge a , that the King should reade in the booke of the law all the daies of his life ; that he might learne to feare the Lord his God , and to keepe all the words of that law , and those ordinances for to dee them . For this cause also they were sacred with oyle , to declare ( saith Eusebius b ) both their dutie and authoritie in matters of religion . From hence it proceeded , that as the Kings prooued good or euill , so the true religion was either obserued or neglected . From hence also Tacitus c hath written : The honor of Priesthood is a great assurance of power to the Iewes . The Scriptures doe further testifie , that Melchisedeen was both King and Priest ; and that Balak King of Moab offered sacrifice together with Balaam . The Aegyptians from amongst whom the Iewes were extracted , and with whom they communicated in many ceremonies , are reported likewise by some , to haue annexed the royall and priestly dignitie together . Marcilius Ficinus affirmeth e out of Plato , and Seuerus in Stob●●us f that their custome was to elect Priests out of their Philosophers : and out of their Priests , whom Diodorus g placeth next in dignitie to the King ( as Strabo h writeth of the Priests of the Albanes ) to make choice of the best approued for their King. Wherupon Mercurius the grand-child of that Mercurie , who was sonne to Iupiter and Maia , being called by the Aegyptians Tenot , by the Grecians was named Trismegistus , which signifieth thrice greatest , because he was the greatest Philosopher ( for so is he also termed by Tertullian i ) the greatest Priest and the greatest King ; although Suidas coniectureth that name to be giuen him , because he did expressely write of the Trinitie . Strabo saith k , that in Aritia hee was a King who was Priest of Diana ; the same is confirmed by Suetonius l , and mentioned by diuers Poets , namely Ouid m . Ecce suburbanae templum nemorale Dianae , Partaque per gladios regna nocente mann . And Lucane n ; Qua sublime nemus Scythicae qua templa Diana . And Valer. Flaccus o ; — Etsol● non mitis Aritia regt . And la●tly by Martial p ; Qua tri●ne nemerosa petit , dum regna viator Octauum demina marmor ab vrbe legit . The like doth Hartius q report to be obserued in the Temple of Be●ona , in Cappadocia . The like also doth Virgil r write of Anins : ●● Rex idem hominum phoebique , facerdos . Diodorus Siculus s affirmeth , that the Priests of Pantheon were both Leaders in the field , and also Iudges and arbitratours in controuersies of right . Strabo testifieth t that in Zela , the Priest had supreme both dignitie and authoritie in all things . Iustine writeth , that Mida , sonne of Gordius King of Phrygia , being by Orpheus entred into the orders of the sacred and solemne mysteries of those times , filled all Phrygia with religion : wherewith he more assured himselfe , then hee did by armes . Tacitus u reporteth that among the Germanes , it was permitted to no man to beate or bind or otherwise to punish , but only to the Priests . Strabo saith x that in Cuma of Pontus the Priest did weare a Diadem twise in the yeere , which is the ensigne of a King. Vitru●i●s y declareth that among the Trallians , the principall Priest had a princely Palace appointed for his aboad . Diodorous Siculus z Orosius a and Pausanias b doe write , that the priest of Hercules in Tyre was apparrelled in purpure , and did weare a Diadem vpon his head . Herodiane c writeth , that the Priest of the Sunne among the Phoenicians , was attired in a long garment , consisting onely of purpure and gold ; and did weare a Crowne of gold set with precious stones ; and that Heliogabalus , being Emperour of Rome did exercise that priesthood . Ferd. Lopex d affirmeth , that the Kings of Malabar in East India are Priests or Bramenes , and must die in their sacred place , as men consecrated vnto God. And in China there is an auncient law , that no religion bee brought in , without allowance of the King and of his Councell : he that violateth this law is punished by death . In the first great Empire , Berosus hath left written , that Ninus first dedicated Temples to Iupiter Belus and Iuno his parents , and caused them to bee honoured as Gods. Zamies Ninias his sonne exceedingly both amplified and adorned these Temples . Belochus with the rule of his Empire exercised also the office of the high Priest of the same Iupiter Belus ; and for that cause the name Belochus was giuen vnto him . The Kings of Persia , vnder whose gouernment the second great Empire was founded , are acknowledged by all writers to haue been inaugurated to be the Princes of their sacred ceremonies n . In Athens and Lacedaemonia , the two eyes of Greece , as Leptines e and Iustine f doe rightly tearme them ; the ceremonies of their religion were ordered by their Kings . The Athenians had their 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or King , as Demosthenes testifieth g , who was president and chiefe directer in all their sacred ceremonies . Xenophon saith h , that the Kings of the Spartanes or Laced ●monians , so soone as they were assumed to that state of dignitie , did discharge also the office of chiefe Priest , to the celestiall and Lacaedemonian Iupiter . Alexander the great Monarch of Greece did oftentimes offer sacrifice , giue order for their kinde of religious obseruations ; and at the last commaunded diuine honours to bee done vnto i himselfe . Among the Romanes this was one of their ancient royall lawes : Sacrorum omnium potestas sub regibus est● : Let all sacred matters bee vnder the power of Kings . Which law was stablished by their first King Romulus , but seemeth also to haue been more anciently in vse : insomuch as Seruius k noteth , that Virgil alwaies bringeth in Aeineas as president both in action and drection in all offices of their religion . Whereof Ouid l also seemeth to make mention in these words . Vtque ea nunc certaest , ita rex placare Numina lanigerae coniuge debet ouis . After Romulus , Numa Pōpilius performed al those sacrifices and rites m , which afterward were committed to y● Diall Flamen . Dyonisius Halicarnassaeus n and Plutarch o doe affirme , that he did beare the office of Pontifex : Liuie p writeth , that hee committed the same to one of the chiefe Senators named Marcius . Of these two Kings Cicero q saith : Romulus auspicijs , Numa sacris constitutis fundamenta ieccrunt Romanae ciuitatis . The Kings succeeding performed the most high and sacred rites of their religion ; with whom as Liuie r writeth , the Priests tooke often aduice , concerning sacrifices and al sorts of ceremonies : Whereupon Dionysius Halicarnassaeus affirmeth s , that they had the principalitie or chiefest rule of sacred matters , and of sacrifices , and that all things pertaining to diuine worship were ordered by them . After that the Kings were cast out of state , that the chiefest in power had authoritie to giue order in religion , it may appeare by the two decrees of Senate before cited out of Liuie , for excluding the vse of foraine ceremonies and rites : but more plainely it appeareth in that it was decreed ; t that no Bacchanalls should be kept either at Rome or within Italie : if any man should esteeme such sacred solomnitie to be necessarie , and that hee could not omit it without offence and violation of Religion , he should declare the same to the citie Praetor , the Praetor should consult with the Senate . If it should be permitted him when a hundred ( and no fewer ) should be assembled in Senate , that solemnitie might be performed , so that no more than fiue should be present at the Sacrifice . And although the name of King at that time was hatefull to the Romanes , yet they created a King whom they called Rex Sacrificulus u , or Rex sacrificus x , to performe those offices of their religion , which in former times were proper to their Kings y . His office was not annuall but perpetuall z ; which ioyned to his high title , lest it should draw him to dangerous attempts , they stripped him of all ciuill authoritie . He might not beare either charge in the armie a , or magistracie in the common wealth . b He might not make any oration to the people , nor deale with them about publike affayres . His authoritie was restrained only to religion ; to offer sacrifices , and to determine doubts , if any did arise . His person was sacred as Seruius noteth c , so that neither violence notr despight might be offered vnto him : And yet the greatest Pontifex was preferred before him d ; insomuch as in their festiuall solemnities hee was placed next to their greatest Pontifex , aboue all the Flaminos e . His daughters might not be compelled to become Vestals f . His wise was called Regina sacrorum g ; who euery Calendes did offer sacrifice to h Iuno , her head circled with a white wand of a Pomegranate tree , called inarculum ; to whom the Vestals resorted vpon a certaine day in the yeere , to admonish her not to neglect the solemne rites committed to her charge . They erected also a Colledge of Pontifices i , First consisting of foure , afterwards encreased to eight , lastly by Sylla enlarged to fifteene k . Their office was both to preserue and interpret all solemnities pertaining to their religion ; to keepe a true record and remembrance of them : to bee carefull that no Roman ceremonie were neglected , and no externall obseruation brought in : to determine what things were sacred , and what prophane : to appoint what sacrifices were to be offred , vpon what daies , in what Temples , in what manner , and whence the charge should bee supplied l ; to decide doubtes concerning funerall obsequies , performancies of vowes and oathes , obseruation of festiuall times and such like . If in any matter they did differ in iudgement , that was obserued wherein the greatest part , being three at least , did fully agree . They had also the interpretation of the Ciuill lawe m , which for many yeeres was reputed sacred among the Romanes . They kept the Annales ( as Cicero saith n ) of most memorable accidents , and atchieuments euery yeere , which were termed Annales maximi , as Macrobius o doth write ; and did set them forth in a white table called album pontificium , out of which it was free for any man to write them . It was also a part of their charge to repaire the bridges p , which vntil the time that Aemilius was Questor were made of timber q , and not fastned together with any iron or brasse r . These were esteemed sacred by the Romanes , and if they were in any part decayed , they might not be repaired but with sacrifices & other ceremonious obseruancies . From hence it is commonly supposed that they were called Pontifices ; but Scaeuola ( as Varro s saith ) did more properly deriue that name from posse and facere , not only in regard of their eminent authoritie , but because the word facere in ancient Latine did signifie to sacrifice , as Vigil speaketh : Cum facer em vitula . The principal of this Colledge was called Pontifex Maximus ; who , as Iestus Pompeius t and Valerius Maximus u do write , was the greatest Iudge in their religion . And although other priests could not beare Empire in the armie , or office in the state x , or be carried vpon horse y , or be three nights absent from the citie z ; yet the same man might be Consul or Censor , or Praetor , or Magister equitum , ( the greatest offices of that common wealth ) and also greatest Pontifex : As Liuie writeth of P. Liciunius Crassus a , and M. Marcellus b and of diuers others . This Pontifex Maximus was so highly honoured in the populare state of Rome , that hee was reputed to approach neere vnto the degree of dignitie which the kinges held in former times c , insomuch as L. Florus reporteth d , that a fine was imposed vpon C● . Tremelius Tribune of the people , for vsing vnciuill speeches against M. Aemilius Lepidus , the greatest Pontifex . A Sergeant was appointed to goe before him e , he was carried in a Coach-chaire , called Curules sella f , which was reputed a royall ensigne , because Romulus vsed the like by example of the Hetruscanes g . His doores were adorned with greene Lawrell h ; if he vndertooke any office or charge , he was not lyable ( as were other men ) either to controulement or account i , whether to the Senate or common people . His proper ornament was a hat k , in token of his loftie estate . If any offender did slie vnto him , that day hee was protected from punishment l . Hee was married after a speciall manner , called confarreatio m . His wife must be of singuler example , and he might not iterat marriage the second time n ; he might not behold a dead bodie o ; hee might not foyle his hands with blood p ; and neither giue nor assist sentence of death . Hee was chiefe not onely of the College of Pontifices q , but also of him that was Rex sacrorum ; the Augures ; Flamines and vestale Virgins ; vpon whom hee might impose either fine or other punishment , as the qualitie of their offences did require . All their sacred matters whether publike or priuate did principally depend vpon his direction . And yet this authoritie was often borne ( as hath been said ) by the highest ciuill Officers of that Common wealth : the election of him pertained to the people r : and prouocation or appeale did lie also from him to the people . For so Linie s writeth that a contention did arise , betwixt C. Seruilius the greatest Pontifex , and L. Cornelius Dolabesta , Du●muir , because the Pontifex commaunded him to abdicate his office , that he might be inaugurated Rex sacrificus , in place of Cornelius Dol●bella . This when the D●umuir refused to doe , the Pontifex set a fine vpon him ; for which cause hee appealed and brought the matter before the people . Many tribes being assembled & the difference debated on both sides , they commanded the Du●muir to bee obedient to the Pontifex ▪ and yet they remitted his fine , in case hee should abandon his office . In the meane time the heauens were couered with darke and thicke clowdes , which brake forth into a terrible tēpest . This being taken for ominous , the assemblie dissolued , and the authority to inaugurate was taken from the Pontifex . The Common-wealth of y● Romans being changed againe to the gouernment of one , the chiefest authoritie in all affaires depended vpon the Emperours : For so t Tertullian acknowledgeth the Heathen Emperours to be u second and inferiour only to God before all , and aboue all . Againe he saith , x Wee worship the Emperour as a man next vnto God , and inferiour only to God. So did y Eleutherius in those times Bishop of Rome , write vnto Lucius King of Britaine z ; You are Gods Vicar within your owne Realme , according to the Prophet Dauid . Augustus annexed the greatest pontificate to the imperiall dignitie , to whom the people by the law of Royalty transferred all their power as well in religious as in ciuill affaires . Suetonius writeth a , that C. Caesar was at one time greatest Pontifex , and also Augur . Seruius b testifieth , that C. Caesar being Pontifex , M. Terrentius Varro did write vnto him a booke , concerning their sacred and religious rites . Againe , Suetonius c affirmeth , that Galba did beare three Priest-hoods . The same Suetonius d saith , that Claudius Caesar had the Priest-hood in such honorable estimation that he neuer made choise or nomination of 〈◊〉 , vntill he had been sworne . In regard of this connexion of the Empire and pontificate , d Tacitus did write : nunc deum munere summum pontificem su●●●um hominum esse . The greatest pontificate was also borne by Vespasian , Traiane , and diuers other Romane Emperors : the Maiestie of which Emperors was esteemed most sacred , in so much as diuine both titles & adorations were giuen vnto them . Their Statues and Images were sacred and adored , as e Tacitus and f Vegetius do report ; it was treason for any man either to pul away , or to violate those who did flie vnto them ; to melt them also , and also to fell them g . Tacitus writeth h that L. Ennius was accused of treason , for melting the Image of the Prince : which accusation although Tiberius did forbid to proceed , yet Suetonius affirmeth i , that he commanded one to be arraigned , for taking the head from the statue of Augustus , and setting another vpon the same . This kind of accusation grew to that degree , that it was capitall for a man , to beare the Image of the Prince stamped in money , or engrauen in a Ring , to any vncleane or vnseemely place . Yea , Seneca , saith k , that vnder the Empire of Tiberius , a certaine noble man was accused of treason , for mouing his hand to his p●iuie parts , in making vrin , when he did weare a ring vpon 〈◊〉 finger , whereon was ingrauen the Image of the Prince : So great was the reuerence borne vnto them . Vpon this generall both authoritie and vse , for Princes to manage diuine affaires , St. Hierom l hath said , m The priuiledge to offer sacrifice was due to the first borne , but most of all vnto Kings . And yet in these times , the Emperours reserred many matters pertaining to their religion , to be determined by the Senate ; partly for expedition and ease , partly for that they would not draw all authoritie from the senate at once . So Tacitus n writeth of a decree of the Senate , for expelling of the ceremonies of the Aegyptians & of the Iewes o . Likewise vnder Claudius a decree of the Senate was made , that the Pontifex should consider what ceremony of the Aruspices should be reteined p . So Tiberius referred to the Senate whether Christ should be receiued among the Romane Gods , which in no case they would consent to decree ; because he had been worshipped for God , without the publike authority of the Empire . The like is reported to haue bin both purposed and propounded by Hadrian ; who commanded also that Temples should be built in euerie Citie , without any Idols . The like purpose in Alexander Seuerus is affirmed by Lampridius q to haue been crossed , vpon assurance made vnto him , from those who gaue answere by inspection of Entrailes , that if Christ should be receiued for God , all men would become Christians , and the other Temples should be forsaken . But , when he that would not be worshipped with other Gods , was both admitted and adored for God alone ; when the Christian faith was publikely embraced in the Romane state ; religion was both aduanced and ordered by Imperiall authoritie . For so Socrates r testifieth in these words : From that time when the Emperours began to be Christians s , the affaires of the Church depended vpon them ; in so much as the greatest Councels were alwaies assembled by their appointment . So Chrysostome t calleth the Emperour , u the height and head of all men in the world : and one that hath no equall vpon earth x . And so did Leo the first write to the Emperour Leo , y that royall power was giuen him , not only for gouernment of the world , but especially for the safegard of the Church . And so likewise Gregorie Bishop of Rome affirmed z , that power is giuen to Princes from heauen , not only ouer Souldiers but ouer Priests . Optatus saith a : there is no man aboue the Emperour but only God who made the Emperour . But this is most euidently declared , in the answere of Demetrius Chomatenus b in these words : c The Emperour being both in common estimation , and in very truth a skilfull gouernour , is president and giueth strength to synod all sentences ; he setteth Ecclesiasticall orders in forme , he giueth law for the life and ciuil cariage of those who serue at the Altar . And againe : d to speake in one word , the office of sacrificing only excepted , the Emperour representeth the other priuiledges of a Bishop . And therefore St. Augustine e enu●ighed against the heresie of the Donatists ; in that they affirmed , that the Church ought not to vse either lawes or any assistance from Princes . And that speech of Donatus f was iustly condemned . Quid est imperatoricum ecclesia ? What hath the Emperour to do with the Church ? Two parts in the Church may separatly be considered , the externall forme , which consisteth in the politicall gouernment thereof ; and the essentiall forme , consisting in the true substance and foundation of faith . Concerning the first , we may find many things aunciently ordered in the Church by Christian Emperours . For so Constantine g the great , Anastatius h and Iustinian i the first established order , for expence and forme of funerals . The Emperours Gratian , Valentinian the second , and Theodosius the great k , prohibited that any corpes should be interred within the seates of the Apostles or Martyrs . Honorius and Theodosius ordeined , how many Deacons should be in the Church of Constantinople l ; and what immunities euery Church should enioy m . Leo and Anthemius forbad alienation of lands pertaining to the Church n . Valentinian , Theodosius , and Arcadius did prohibite o that any should be receiued for a Diaconisse , who was not aged aboue fiftie yeeres ; which was afterwards confirmed by Iustinian p . Honorius and Arcadius forbad q , that Clerkes should haue any thing to do with publike actions or pleas . Iustinian added r , that they should absteine from play , and from all open spectacles and shewes . Leo and Anthemius s enioyned Monkes and religious persons , not to depart out of their Monasteries , and to liue in that modesty and sincerity wherto the imperiall lawes did bind them : and that no Clergio man should be ordained by way of corruption t : or conuented in Iudgment , in a place farre distant from his abode u . Iustinian ordained x , that vpon a certaine day in the weeke Bishops should go and visite the prisons , to enquire for what cause euery prisoner is detained , and to admonish the Magistrates , to execute iustice . In another constitution y he ordeined , what manner of Clerkes should be ordained in the Church ; that Clerkes should not remoue themselues from a lesse Church , to a greater ; and that the rents of the Church should be expended to godly vses and acts . Hee appointed also z the time for monasticall profession , and the rules which Monkes should leade . He established his ordinance a for the election , life and behauiour of Bishops , and other Ecclesiasticall persons ; that they reside vpon their charge ; that they resort not to the Court , except they be expressely called ; that they celebrate not diuine offices in any place which is not consecrated to the seruice of God. b He declared what causes should be lawfull for diuorce and separation of mariage c ; as Theodosius the yonger , and Valent. the third had done before him d . He ordained also that the holy Scriptures should be read in the vulgar tongue , and appointed what translations should be in vse e . It would bee both tedious and vnnecessarie to make long stay vpon rehersall of those imperiall lawes , which haue bin both receiued and reuerenced for gouernment of the Church . For Iustinian professed f , that by authoritie of the lawes , both diuine and humane affaires were well ordered ; and againe , g there is nothing but may be examined by authoritie of the Emperour ; for hee receiueth from God a generall principallitie and gouernment ouer all men . The same is acknowledge by Pope Gregorie , in his epistle to Mauritius h : To this end is power ouer all persons giuen from heauen vnto my Lord , for assistance of good men , and enlargement of the way to heauen . Whereupon Espencaeus saith i ; that Gregorie the great did ingeniouslie acknowledge a soueraignetie in Emperours ouer priests . So Balsamon k hath said , that the Emperours had power to appoint patriarchall seas , according to the power giuen them from aboue . Whereto doth that of Isodore agree l ; Princes of the world haue their authoritie and power in the Church , that the ecclesiasticall discipline should bee held in strength ; that they who will not obserue it by admonition of the priest , should be constrained by force of the Magistrate . Yea , diuers of the papall decrees , for ordering of Ecclesiasticall affaires , were lawes made by Christian Emperours ; of which lawes many are yet extant in the Codex of Theodosius . The Canon Iudicantem m , expressing the office of a Iudge in cognisance of causes , attributed by Gratian to Pope Eleutherius , was made by the Emperor Constantine n . The Canon , si quis Iratus o , attributed to Pope Fabian , against accusers , is a law of the same Emperour Constantine , in the Codex of Theodosius . The Canons which goe vnder the names of the same Fabian p , of Sixtus q , and of Hadrian r , concerning the same subiect , are found to bee made by Gratian the sonne of Valentinian the first . The decrees of Pope Caius s , and of Pope Iohn t , for restitution of Church goods , taken from Bishops , when they were forced from their sea , are the Edictes of the same Emperour Gratian. The Canon qui ratione u attributed to Pope Damasus , for order in accusations , is comprised in Theodosius Code , vnder the name of the same Emperour . The Canon nullus x , vnder the name of Pelagius was made by the Emperours Honorius and Arcadius . The Canon quisquis y , vnder the name of Eutychian , was promulged by the Emperours Honorius and Theodosius . The Canon consanguineos z , for separation of marriage contracted within the prohibited degrees of consanguinity , is a constitution of the Emperour Constantine the great . The Canon Priuiligia a , for confirmation of the priuiledges of the Church , vnder the name of Anacletus , is a constitution of the Emperours Theodosius and Valentinian . In a word , the volume of decrees is filled with diuers constitutions of Christian Emperours , either assumed by Popes , or attributed vnto them , without expressing either the name or authoritie of the Emperours . And touching the rest , Pope Honorius b acknowledged , that it was by decree of the Emperour Iustinian c , that the Canons of th● Fathers should haue the force of lawes . Now , when any difference did arise in matters of faith ; when any great schisme or disturbance was maintained in the church ; the Emperours did vse to assemble their Bishops in common Councell , and those things that were by them decreed , were afterwards confirmed by Imperiall constitution . So Nicephorus d and Eusebius e doe write , that Constantine the great , hauing imployed Hosius Bishop of Corduba , for composing the difference betwixt Alexander Bishop of Alexandria , and Arrius ; wherewith the Church was exceedingly disturbed ; and perceiuing his good purpose thereby nothing aduanced ; assembled by his authority the Councel of Nice in Bithynia , which he honored with his presence , and defrayed the charge of 308. Bishops that were called to that Councell . Of whom Eustachius Bishop of Antioch , or rather ( as the Canon law affirmeth f ) Constantine himselfe was president g . The forme of faith agreed vpon in this Councell , was presently confirmed by Constantine , and both imparted and imposed vpon others , who had not bin present ; and charge giuen vnder paine of death , that none should secretly preserue any of the bookes of Arrius from the fire h . Afterwards the same faith was both declared and confirmed by constitution of the Emperours Gratian , Valentinian and Theodosius i . The generall Councel of Constantinople was assembled against the heresie of Macedonius , by Theodosius k the great . The Bishops assembled in this Councel wrote thus in humble maner vnto the Emperour Theodosius ; l We beseech your Maiestie , that as you haue honored the Church , by your letters , wherewith you haue called vs together , so it may please you to confirme the finall conclusion of our decrees with your sentence , and with your seale . The generall Councell of Ephesus was assembled by authoritie of Theodosius the yonger m against the heresie of Nestorius . The decrees of this Councell , together with the decrees of the Councell of Nice , containing the profession of Christian Faith , was confirmed by a constitution of Theodosius and Valentinian n , whereby also the writings of Nestorius are condemned to the fire . The fourth generall Councell was appointed by authoritie of the Emperour Martian o , first to be held at Nice , afterwards vpon certaine occasions it was assembled at Chalcedon . In this Councel , Euagrius p writeth , that both the Bishops and temporall Iudges did oftentimes suspend their decrees in this sort ; Vnto vs it seemeth right q , if it shall also like our most vertuous and godly Lord the Emperour . And in the end it is thus concluded ; r all our doings being referred to the Emperours Maiestie . Lastly , the decrees of this Councell touching Christian Faith , were confirmed by a publike constitution of the same Emperour Martian s . The fifth oecumenicall Councell was assembled by Iustinian the first t ; and the sixth by Constantine the third ; both of them in the Citie of Constantinople . The last of these Councels Constantine subscribed , after that he had commaunded that ten Bishops of the East , and ten of the West should repaire to his Court , and open to him the decrees of the Councell : u That he might consider ( saith Sozomenus ) whether they were agreed according to the Scriptures , and that he might further determine and conclude what were best to be done . In briefe , Cardinall Cusanus x doth acknowledge that he did euermore find y , that the Emperours and their Iudges , with the Senate , had the primacie , and office of presidence in the eight generall Councels . In regard whereof Odoacer z did in this sort expostulate with Pope Symachus , and the Clergie of Rome . a We marueile that any thing hath been attempted without vs ; for without vs nothing should haue been done , our Priest being aliue . In like manner Nicephorus b did write to the Emperour Emanuel Paleologus ; c You are the captaine of the profession of our faith , you haue reformed the Temple of God from Marchants and exchangers of the heauenly doctrine , and from heretickes , by the word of God. During this time , a stiffe strife did arise betwixt the Bishops of Rome , and the Bishops of Constantinople ( as did once among the Disciples of Christ d ) whether of them should be greatest . In the Councell of Nice it had been decreed e , that the first place should be giuen to the Sea of Rome , the second to Alexandria , and the third to Antioch : for the Citie of Constantinople at that time was not built , neither was Hierusalem then a patriarchall Sea. But after that Constantinople was aduanced to be the head of the Empire , the Bishop thereof did claime prerogatiue before all the rest ; affirming , as Platina , f and out of him g Sabellicus doe write , that where the head of the Empire was , there also should be the principall Sea. The Bishop of Rome answered , that the Citie of Rome , from whence a colonie was brought to Constantinople , was in right to be esteemed the head of the Empire : for the Graecians did vse to stile their Prince 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Emperour of the Romans : and they themselues were also called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Romans . In this contention Platina h affirmeth ; that diuers Emperours fauoured the Bishops of Constantinople . In the Councell of Chalcedon l it was decreed , that the Church of Constantinople should stand in one degree of dignitie , and enioy equall priuiledge with the Church of Rome . The same equalitie was also decreed in the second Councell of Constantinople k , and confirmed by constitution of Honorius and Theodosius l . By a constitution of Leo and Athemius m , the Bishop of Constantinople is declared to haue precedence of place n before all others : which law was alleadged by Photius o to confirme the primacie of the Patriarch of Constantinople p . Iustinian declareth q that the Church of Constanti●nople was the head of all other Churches . Which constitution is omitted in some editions of Iustinians Code . Mauritius r admonished Gregorie the first , to beare obedience to Iohn Bishop of Constantinople . Afterwards , Pope Gregorie the third , with much adoe ( as Platina writeth ) obtained of Phocas ▪ Emperour , or rather ( as Zonoras and P. Diaconus s do discribe him ) the wilde , drunken , bloodie , adulterous tyrant of Constantinople , that the Sea of Rome should be the chiefe of all other Churches . But this was an errour in the Emperours of Constantinople ; first , to settle so great dignitie and prerogatiue in a place , far distant from the principal seat and strength of the Empire . Secondly , to permit affaires of so high nature to depend vpon direction of any one within their Empire . For , by this meanes the Bishops of Rome did steale into such strength with the common people , that by their Interdictions only , they were of power to withdraw them from paying tribute , and bearing alleagance to the Emperours of Constantinople : vpon occasion , that Leo surnamed Iconomachus , had caused the Images of Saints to be taken downe . Finally , they pulled the west-part of the Empire from their subiection , and left the residue , with that mortall maime , to be a pray to the barbarous infidels . The west Empire flourished for a time , first in France , and afterwards in Germanie ; and the most apparant cause whereby it was broken and beaten downe , was the absolute & vnlimited power , which the Bishops of Rome challenged , principally in Ecclesiasticall affaires , and consequently in all . For , by entitling themselues the Vicars of Iesus Christ ; the Spouse of the Church ; the Soueraigne Bishop , and Prince of all others ; the Maisters and Lords of all the world ; ( for these are the titles which Innocent the third , Boniface the eight , Clement the fifth and diuers others haue assumed ) by exempting also both the persons and goods of all the Clergie , frō secular subiection ; and by binding all men to their obedience , in matters which concerne the soule ; they haue alwaies been able to stirre vp , not onlie weightie warres against the Emperours , but also most stiffe and vnnatural rebellions . Which disordered demeanour Carion accounteth the only cause , that brought the Empire to a feeble state . So Iohn the third combined with Berengar the third , aud Adalbar his sonne , who pretended themselues to be Kings of Italy , to make head against the Emperour Otho the great . Pope Iohn the eighteenth made league with Crescentius , and mutined the people against the Emperour Otho the third . Benedict . 9. to stay Henrie the blacke from entering into Italy , stirred Peter King of Hungarie to beare himselfe for Emperour ; to whom he sent a crowne with this inscription . Petra dedit Romam Petro , tibi Papa coronam . Gregorie the seuenth , who was the first that enterprised to cause himselfe to be elected and consecrated , without the consent and against the pleasure of the Emperour ; and who set forth a decree , whereby he excommunicated all those who should affirme , that either the consent or knowledge of the Emperour was herein necessarie ; opposed against the Emperour Henrie the fourth , first Rodulph Duke of Suauie , giuing charge to the Archbishops of Men●s and of Collen to consecrate him Emperour : to whom also he sent a crowne with this inscription . Petra dedit Petro , Petrus diadema Rudolpho . Afterwards , weary of nothing so much as of quiet , he stirred Ecbert Marquis of Saxonie against the same Emperour . Galasius the twelfth raised against Henrie the fifth Emperour , the most part of his subiects , and especially the Archbishop of Ments ; whom he so strongly seconded with the Normanes that were in Sicilie , that the Emperour was constrained to quit his quarrell , and to yeeld the collation of Bishoprickes to the Pope . Innocent the second raised against Lothaire the twelfth , Roger the Norman , whom he inuested in the Duchie of Pouille , which the Emperour claimed to be a fiffe of the Empire . At the last the contention was composed by mediation of S. Bernard , who then liued , and was with the Emperour ; wherein the Pope sped so well , that he was ioyned with the Emperour in holding Bauier . The same Innocent the second raised Guelphus Duke of Bauier against Conrade the third , whom hee aided with monie and all other conuenient meanes . This warre was so villanouslie cruell , that it giue beginning to the two factions of the Guelphes , who tooke their name from this Duke of Bauier ; and of the Gibelins , so called of Wi●bling , which was the place where the Emperour Conrade had bin brought vp . Against Fredericke Bar●arossa , who succeeded Conrade , Hadrian the fourth raised them of Milan , and the other Lumbards ; Alexander the third stirred the Dukes of Saxon and of Austrich , aiding them with all his power to intertaine disquiet in Almaine . Pope Celestine the third excōmunicated Henrie the sixth Emperour , the successour and sonne of Fredericke Barbarossa ; and depriued him of all his dignities : making this the meanes to auoide him out of Italie into Almaine . Against Philip , brother vnto Henerie the sixth , Pope Innocent the third caused Otho Duke of Saxonie to be elected Emperour ; whereby the Empire was embroiled with a bloodie warre . Against Fredericke the second , Pope Honorins the third raised the Lumbards in rebellion , adioyning the Sic●ians to the side , and the greatest part of the other Italians . All these troubles were so tempestuous , that the Emperour Radulph of Haspurge could neuer be perswaded to passe the Alpes for his coronation ; affirming , that Italie was the denne of the Lion , whereof the entrance was faire , but the issue fearefull . Clement the fifth armed and opposed Rebert King of Sicilie against the Emperour Henrie the seuenth ; because hee would not doe homage and sweare faith to the Sea of Rome : and in the end caused him to bee empoisoned by a Iacob●e , in giuing him the sacred host . What troubles had Lewes of Bauier against Frederick of Austrich , who was elected Emperour at the same time with him , by the faction of Pope Iohn the 22 ? The same troubles were continued by Pope Clement the sixth , who caused Charles the fourth King of Boheme , to be elected Emperour ; and yet he could not enioy the Empire vntill after the decease of Lewes . This Charles was a weake Prine , both in counsaile and courage ; who in fauour of the Popes did extreamely both enfeeble and abase the Empire of Rome . Nauclerus writeth , that he entred the citie of Rome on foote , in derision whereof a certaine Senatour began a speech which he made to the people with these words : Ecce Rex tuus venit tibi mansuetus ; Petrarch , who liued at that time , did also write betweene scorne and disdaine of this deiection of the imperiall Ma●estie . I omit the tragedies which Eugenius the fourth raised against the Emperour Sigismond , principally to impeach the Councell of Basil. I omit that which Paul the second did to chase Frederick the third out of Italie . Generally they alwaies endeauoured to endomage the Emperors ; not onely as hating them , ( for so Gu●cc●ardine a saith y● it grew into a proue●b ; It is proper to the Church to hate the Caesars ) but as fearing to be endomaged by them . In the end , partly by opposing enemies , and partly by raysing rebellions against the Emperours , the Popes haue bin able to expell their gouernment out of Italy . Whereof our countrie man Sanderi b in this sort hath written : It is a thing more admirable then can be vtte●ed , and able to make a man astonished , that when the most puissant Emperours did for many ages display all their forces to no purpose , for driuing the Roman Bishops from the citie of Rome ; now to the contrarie , the Roman Bishops without any power , haue remoued the Roman Emperours from the tower of the Empire , and made themselues Lords of the Palaces of Caesars , and turned the whole citie into their proper power . This is true ( Master Sanders ) which you haue said ; but neither is it worthie of any wonder , neither i● it all that which the Popes haue done . What maruaile is it that most puissant Emperours could never preuaile against the Bishops of Rome , when their owne subiects were persuaded , that they drew their swordes against heauen , and made offer ( like those Giants of whom the Poets write ) to scale the skies , and to pull God out of his throne ? Where subiects haue bin of other opiniō , there Princes haue preuailed against many Popes . Againe , what necessity had the Popes to vse force of armes , when the consciences of men were vnder their commaund ? whilest this rule held good , cloisters and Colledges were in stead of Castles vnto them ; and religious persons were in steed of many armies . These were their garrisons , these their soldiers ; these quelled the courage of all their enemies , by thundring forth threats against those who disobeyed them ; not of death , which might be peraduenture either contemned or else auoyded ; but of damnation , which as it is most terrible , so was it held for this cause vnauoydable . For so Boniface the eight decreed , that vpon necessitie of saluation all men must be subiect to the Bishop of Rome . These forces were plāted within euery state , and by these might any state be supplanted : By these meanes the Bishops of Rome were easily able , not onelie to driue the Romane Emperours from the chiefe tower and seate of the Empire , but also , making one wrong the cause of another , to reduce them to a very low degree , both of power and of authoritie within Almaine ; and to hold them as no better then vassalls to their Sea. * For , after that eight Emperours had been excōmunicate by Popes ; Namely , Frederick the first , Frederick the second . Philip , Conrade , Othe the fourth , Lawes of Bauaria , Henri● the fourth , and Henri● the fifth , ( which was occasion enough for their subiects to reuolt , and for other Princes to inuade ) the succeding Emperours , partly vnwilling , but principally vnable to sustaine so sad and heauie blowes , submitted themselues to the papall power ; renounced the right , which by long custome they claimed , in election of the Pope and of other Bishops . And to the contrarie , the Emperour Charles the fourth , acknowledged by his letters Patents , * that although he was elected Emperour by the Princes , yet hee was to bee confirmed by the Pope , and to receiue the Imperial crowne from him . Whereupon Pope Pius the fifth , did sharpely rebuke the Emperour Ferdinand by his Legat , for neglecting to receiue of him the Imperial Crowne ; neither would he admit the Emperours excuse , but had proceeded by excommunication to compel him , had he not by entreaty of the French King , and of King Philip of Spaine the Emperours kinseman , been otherwise appeased . In the forme of the coronation of the Emperours , which was approued by the Emperour Charles the fourth , and is kept in the Vaticane at Rome , many seruile ceremonies are contained . As , that the Emperour supplieth the office of a subdeacon , in ministring to the Pope when he saith Masse ; and that after diume seruice he holdeth the stirtop , whilest the Pope mounteth to horse ; and for a certaine space leadeth his horse by the bridle . Adde heereto the kissing of the Popes feete , as Charles the fifth did , at Bononia , at Rome , and last of all at Marsielles in Prouence , in the presence of diuers other great Princes : adde their humb●e subscriptions to the Pope ; I kisse the hands and feete of your holinesse : adde that they must seeke the Pope for receiuing the Imperiall crowne , whereforuer he shall be ; and follow him if he chance to remoue : with diuers like tokens and testimonies of de●ection of the Maiesty of that State , and subiection thereof to the Sea of Rome . For further declaration whereof , during the life of the Emperour , the Popes challenge to be his Iudge ; and the Emperiall feate being void , they claime the exercise of Imperiall power , and haue giuen inuestitures and receiued fealtie , of those who held of the Empire ; as of Iohn and Luchi● , Vicounts of Milane . * For which cause the Canonists also ( who set vp these strings to the highest strame ) doe maintaine opinion , that the Emperour cannot resigne his Imperiall dignitie to any other then the Pope : and that it is a streine of heresie * , not to beleeue that the Emperor is subiect to the Pope : and that the Emperour is but the Popes Minister * , to vse his sword only at his becke . Lastlie , Pope Clement the fifth , expressely declared by decree * , that the oath which the Emperour maketh to the Pope , is no other then an oath of fealtie . Neither hath it been against the Empire only , that the Popes haue had this power to preuaile , but against diuers other Christian countries ; in so much as they haue claimed to hold , either as feudataries or as trubutaties to their Sea , the kingdomes of Naples , Sicilie , Hierusalem , Sardinia , Corsica , Arragon , Portugale , Nauarre , Ireland , England , Scotland , Poland , Hungarie . to which Cuiacius t adioyneth the kingdome of France , which Pope Boniface the eight , declared to be deuolued to the Church , for the contempt and disobedience of King Philip the faire . And Pope Alexander the sixt in diuiding the late discouered parts of the world , betweene the Kings of Castile and Portugale , expressely reserued to his Sea , the Iurisdiction and soueraignety of them , by consent of both Kings ; who from that time became his vassals , of all the purchases and conquests which before they had atchieued , or intended to enterprise in times to ensue . Generally , they do challenge temporall soueraigntie in all countries u ; habitually at the least ; which at pleasure they may produce into act x , whereby the subiects of any State may haue recourse vnto them y ; to some complaint or suite against their Prince z ; to be relieued or protected by them , and to receiue priuiledges and immunities at their hands a . Whereby also they may iudge the actions of Princes ; and vpon such cause as they shal thinke meet , punish , excommunicate , de priue them , denounce publike warre against them b : free their subiects from subiection vnto them . As Pope Pius the first , not only absolued the subiects of England from their alleagance to the late Queene Elizabeth , but commanded them also to turn● traytours , and take armes against her . After which Bull few yeeres passed without some notable attempt , either against her person , or against the State. It would be very redious to giue but a light touch ; to all the desperate distresses that hereupon haue bin occasioned , in diuers foraine countries ; which out of their Annal ; may be furnished with ease . And the sequell now sheweth , that the chiefe encrease and establishment of the Turkish Empire , hath proceeded from the outragious warres , which by this meanes haue been occasioned among the Christians ; which made Europe on all sides to bath her limmes in the blood of her children . Against our owne State we cannot be ignorant , what heretofore hath bin acted ; especially vnder the raigne of King Iohn . What hath been lately , what freshly , what is daily attempted , it cannot possiblie escape the memorie of those that liue in this present age : and for helpe of those who are to succeed , report there of shall be made at large , in a historie Intended for the times lately passed , and now presently running . The accumulating of these examples in this place , would be a matter of some labour , for cleering that which hath litle doubt . Thus much in substance , but somwhat more briefly deliuered : it seemed that there was not any man in that presence , who , either in replie or in supplie , had not somewhat to say . That only was a hinderāce to the discharging of their minds , which is pleasantly said to haue dissolued the Parliament of women ; because they could not agree to speake one at once . Many shewed themselues so impatient of silence ; and they who vpon aduisement could haue said least , were vpon the suddaine most franke and forward in words . At the last , that which was the cause that no man could haue free libertie of speech , did driue them all into a dumbe dumpe : which opportunity was forthwith apprehended by a thick Theologian , whose formall attire , countenance and cariage , was a good supplie to other defects . And so , hauing composed himselfe to al complements of grauitie and grace , he began his speech after the set and solemne manner of those disputers , who , contenting themselues with commendation of memorie , doe more diligently endeuour to repeate then to reply . You haue declared vnto vs ( said he ) that the proper qualities of the rights of Maiestie are , to be both perpetuall , and also absolute ; as neither depending vpon any other , nor yet held either vpon charge , or with exception and restraint . That these rights cōsist in managing affaires of highest nature , which cannot be separated from the soueraigne power ; because vpon the guiding of them , all the fortunes of a State do follow . That nothing is of so high nature in a State , as is religion : and that therefore the ordering thereof is annexed , as a right of Maiestie , to the soueraigne power ; whether it be setled in a King , or in the Nobilitie , or in the people● For , seeing religion commandeth the conscience , and holdeth the soule in subiection , if supremac●● therin be acknowledged to be in a forren Prince , the sinewes of domesticall soueraigntie are cut in s●nder . You haue brought certaine examples of dangerous consequence , when either strangers or subiects haue bin followed for religion . You shewed y● for auoiding the like dangers , two policies were anciently obserued ; one consisted in excluding external ceremonies & rites ; the other , in setling the gouernment for matters in religion , in the supreame power and authority in the State. That this last was practised among the Iewes , Aegyptians & in diuers other countries . In the foure great Monarchies also , of Assyria , of Persia , of Graecia , and of Rome . Of Rome ( you say ) first , vnder the gouernment of Kings ; secondly , in the popular state ; thirdly , vnder Heathen Emperours ; and lastly , ( for a good space ) vnder Christian Emperors ; who in matters of circumstance and of external forme in religion , both vsed , and were acknowledged to haue supreame authoritie : of whose lawes , diuers were afterwards either assumed by Popes , or attributed vnto them . Concerning matters of substance , and of internall forme , they assembled generall Councels ; wherein they held the Primacie ; and confirmed the acts of them by Imperiall decree . You declared also , that when Constantinople was aduanced to be the head of the Empire , a stiffe strife did arise betwixt the Bishops of Constantinople and of Rome , whether should be greatest ; that diuers Emperours fauoured the Church of Constantinople ; but at the last , Pope Boniface obtained of the Emperour Phocas , that the Sea of Rome should be the chiefe of all other Churches . This you account an errour in gouernment ; to settle a power of so high qualitie , in a place farre distant from the principall strength of the Empire . For hereby the Bishops of Rome did grow to such greatnesse , that they drew the west part of the Emp●●e to reuolt ; and left the residue for a pray to the ba●barous Infidels . Lastly you haue shewed , that the Bishops of Rome , aduancing their authoritie by degrees , haue been of power , to reduce the west Empire to a feeble state ; and to hold , not the Emperour alone , but all the chiefe Kings in Europe , either as vassals or as tributaries to their Sea. Generally , that they haue challenged Soueraigne iurisdiction ouer all Kingdomes and Common-wealthes in the world : whereby they haue cast diuers countries , and among others this Realme of England into desperate distresses . Now , before answere should be offred to all these seuerall points , I would think it fit , ( vnder the leaue of better Iudgements ) to take some reasonable respite to aduise vpon them ; because questions of this high nature , are not alwaies the same which sodainly they seeme : and he bewrayeth too great opinion of his owne sufficiencie , who presently will vndertake a controuersie of this weight . But , if Christ hath committed supreame power in religion to the Sea of Rome , then is no place left to these rules and reasons of state . Nay ( answered N. ) I haue protested before , that we haue neither leasure nor lust to engulphe our selues in such an Ocean . If Christ hath committed to the sea of Rome ! This is a large supposall indeed ; and that which will neuer settle in the opinion of many , who are otherwise firmely affected to the doctrine of the Church of Rome . Yea , I am assuredly perswaded , that the violence of ambition hath pulled many Bishops of Rome from their owne iudgement , in making cla●me to that authoritie which they neuer had either title to hold , or abilitie to rule . For diuers of them being sodainely borne out of a low retired state ; namely , from some Cloister or heremitage , into an vnknowne Sea of absolute authoritie , they were ouerswayed therewith , like a small boate with too large a saile : And being men for the most part , spent in age , vntrained in experience , and neither by nature nor by education of abilitie , to conceiue the bounds and degrees of great affaires , they tooke to themselues a licentious libertie ; supposing it reasonable , yea altogether necessarie , that all the Kings and Princes of the earth , who hold their estate immediately from heauen , who receiue their power from the hand of God , should be subiect to the pleasure , the passions , the fierie furie ; the ignorance , the errors , the malice , of one haughtie and humerous man , whose weaknes is subiect ( as it hath bin plainelie declared by their liues ) to all immoderate motions of humanitie . And al this vpon no other ground but because Christ said to S. Peter ; Thou art Peter , and vpon this rock will I build my Church &c. But what is this to Supremacie ? what is this to the Bishop of Rome ? diuers questions must be cleered before this will serue the one or the other . For , first it is but weakely assured , that S. Peter euer was at Rome . Many reasons are alleaged against it ; and many authorities are brought for it . But it often happeneth that the common consent of writers is like vnto a flocke of fowles ; as one flieth all doe follow . Secondly , it is lesse assured that euer he was Bishop of Rome . For , being an Apostle , his charge was generall ; goe teach all nations ; and therefore not to be , as a Bishop , either limited or settled in any one particular place . Or if we wil say , that either by appointment or by choise , some part of this generall charge was apportioned to S. Peter ; then this seemeth , or rather is most assured to haue been Iudea , by that which S. Paul hath written : that , the Gospell of Circumcision was committed vnto Peter , as the Gospell of the vncircumcision was vnto him . And therefore we find in Scripture , that S. Paul was expressely sent to Rome ; but that S. Peter was euer at Rome , we hold it by tradition . This is further confirmed by the long aboade which S. Peter made in Iudea , and by the short stay which is possible he could haue made at Rome , euen by computation of them who best fauoured the dignitie of that Sea. With that he called for Onuphrius , and out of him read vnto vs , that S. Peter liued after the death of Christ 34. yeeres , 3. monethes and odde daies ; that the first nine yeeres he remained in Iudea ; that in the tenth yeere after Christs Passion , in the end of the second yeere of the Empire of Claudius , he departed from Iudea for feare of Agrippa , from whose imprisonment hee had been deliuered by an angell ; that after he had trauailed preaching through many coūtries , he came to Rome , and there contended with Simon Magus : That after foure yeeres , Agrippa being dead , for feare of whom he ●orsooke Iudaea , he returned to Ierusalem , and was there present at the Councell of the Apostles , wherein circumcision was abrogated : That after this he remained seuen yeeres at Antioch ; that in the beginning of the Empire , of Nero he returned to Rome , and from thence trauailed almost thorough all the parts of Europe : that comming againe to Rome in the last yeere of Nero , S. Paul and he were there martyred . To this agreeth that which Ireneus saith ; The blessed Apostles Peter and Paul , laying the foundation of the Church of Rome , committed to Linus the Bishopricke , or charge of administration of that Church . Now , said he , the third question is , whether by these words , Thou art Peter , &c. Christ gaue vnto S. Peter any speciall power or Iurisdiction , either spirituall or secular , more then vnto the residue of the Apostles ; where he did exercise ; when make claime to any such power ; by which of the Apostles it was acknowledged ; by what ancient father of the Church aduowed . For diuers testimonies of S. Paul do beare against it : S. Augustine , S. Cyprian and others of principall authoritie in the Church doe expressely denie it . Whereas the Scripture giueth so large and plaine testimonie , both for the title and authoritie of Kings , as it seemeth no greater can be added thereunto . The fourth question may bee , whether any power was giuen vnto S. Peter , as Bishop of Rome : ( which before the ascension of Christ hee could not bee ) otherwise , how falleth it , that the same should bee rather fixed in the Church of Rome , then in any of those Churches , where it is manifest by the scriptures that he remained many yeeres , imploying himselfe in the exercise of his charge ? Fiftly , what assurance can we haue , that the power which is said to be committed to S. Peter , was to be transmitted entirely to any of his successors in place , who are so farre from being mentioned , as it is nothing probable that euer they were ment . For , as Matthias was not the worse for succeeding vnto Iudas in place ; so is not any man the better , onely for his locall succession to S. Peter . Lastly , seeing the promises of God are with exception ; if we continue in obedience to his wil : and therefore , although all the land of Canaan was expresly promised to Abraham and to his seede for an euerlasting possession , yet was the posteritie of Abraham , for their disobedience , first cast out of the greatest part thereof , and afterwards dispossessed of all . And although the kingdome of Israel was expresly promised to Dauid and to his seede for euer , yet the succession was broken off , by reason of their sinnes . Againe , seeing the Church of Ephesus , although furnished with many excellent vertues , was threatned notwithstanding , that the candlesticke should bee remoued out of his place , onely for that their first loue was abated . If wee should suppose ( supposall is free ) that expresse promise was made to S. Peter , and to his successours the Bishops of Rome , that they should represent the authoritie of Christ vpon earth ; it will be a hard piece to perswade men , who haue not abandoned their owne iudgement , that this power was not long since either expired or reuoked , by reasō of the dissolute disorders , the irregular outrages and impieties , which haue bin ordinarie in that Sea. Marc●lline sacrificed vnto Idols ; Liberius was an A●ian ; another a Nestorian ; Anastasius the second embraced the errour of Acatius . Sabinian was a man of base behauiour , and altogether opposite to the vertues of S. Gregorie ▪ Constantine the second procured himselfe to be elected by corruption and force . Ioan the eighth , was a woman and a harlot . Romanus , Theodorus , Iohn the tenth , and Christopher , were infamous for seditions , symonie , lust , and other base abuses in life . Iohn 11. the bastard of Pope Sergius , was elected by fauour of Theodora his mistrisse . Iohn the 13. was accused of many vile villanies before the Emperour Otho the great . Boniface the 7. attained his place by corruption , and maintained it by sacrilege . Siluester the second , was a Magician , and came to his dignitie by couenanting with the diuell . Benedict the 10. was compelled to quit his place , because of his Symony . Boniface the 8. was aduanced like a Foxe , reigned like a Lion , and died like a dogge . What ? shall we say , that all these were the oracles of heauen ? the heads of the Church ? the guides and grounds of religion ? the successors of S. Peter ? the Vica●s generall of Iesus Christ ? wil worldly Princes endure such , who are not only vnseruiceable vnto them , but dishonorable , but rebellious , for their liefetenants ? And seeing good life is a sruite of faith , seeing faith is expressed by actions of life , shall we say that these men who liued in this sort , could neither erre nor faile in faith ? Alas , how then would they haue liued , if they could haue erred or failed in faith ? I will not digge deep into this dunghill ; I will not speak of the heresies of Iohn the 23. of the scandalous deportments of Eugenius the 4. of the Incests , Sorceries , poysonings , & cutthroat cruelties of Alexander the 6. of the couetousnes , the cruelties , the periuries , the blasphemies , the adulteries , the Sodometries , the disdainfull pride , the cunning dissimulatiō , and other infamous behauior of diuers other Bishops of Rome . I will not speake of the two monsters lately hatched within that Sea , to the broad blemish of religion , to the vtter ouerthrow of ciuill societie : the one aequiuocation ; the other par●icide of Princes , & raising rebellions for the cause of religion . In one word to the point of our purpose , as Christ denied the Iewes to be the children of Abraham , because they did not the workes of Abraham ; and as S. Paul said , that the children , not of the flesh , but of the faith of Abraham , were to bee accounted his seede : in regard whereof , S. Iohn also said , that many affirmed themselues to be Iewes , who were not : so we may safely defend , that the true succession of S. Peter , and of the other Apostles consisteth , not in comming after thē in place , but in holding their doctrine , and imitating their godlines in life . This ( saith Gregorie Nazianzene ) ( and not succession in place ) is in proper sense to bee taken for succession . For to expresse the same iudgement and mind , is to possesse the very same Chaire ; the difference of Sea , is the difference in opinion , for doctrine and for life . This is a succession in truth and indeed ; that is only a succession in name . Strato●les published in the citie of Athens , that whatsoeuer the tyrant Demetrius should ordaine , the same was to be esteemed holy before God , and iust before men . When Cambyses was desirous to espouse his Sister , the fact was iustified by this law of the Persians ; The King may do what soeuer he please . Doubtlesse , ( said he ) many Bishops of Rome in claiming Hyperbolicall power , to beare through Diabolicall dristes , haue bin rather successors to these men , then vnto any of the Apostles . To conclude , with answere vnto those who can find a difference betweene the Pope and the Pope ; betweene the Pope as being a man , and the Pope as being Bishop of Rome ; betweene the Pope in his Consistory , and the Pope in his Palace , or among his Souldiers in the field ; betweene the Imperiall and Pontificall Pope ; I will tell you what Fulgosius , he that was throwen out of state in Liguria , reported of a certaine Archbish●p of Colen . As this Archbishop being also Duke of Colen , passed through a small Village in Germanie , with so great a trame of armed men ( according to the fashion of that people ) that it neerly approched the greatnes of an armie ; a certain countrie fellow brake forth into a loude laughter against him . And being therefore presented before the Archbishop , hee boldly said , that hee could not refraine both to laugh and to admire , considering the great pouertie , the great humilitie , wherein the Apostles passed the trauailes of this life , that they who carrie themselues for the Apostles successours , should thus plunge themselues both in plentie and in pride . Simple fellow , said the Archbishop , I doe now beare the state and presence of a Duke ; I represent an Archbishop when I am within the church . At this speech , the fellow did ●ise into a more broad and bolde laughter . And being demaunded the cause thereof , I pray you , said hee , whilest this Duke ruineth the Church , both by action and example , how is the Bishop in the meane time busied ; and when this Duke for this cause shall goe to the diuell , what shall then become of the Bishop ? There was not any amongs vs , who did not countenance this conceit with a smile . And this had put a period to our discourse , had not one maintained it with further speech ; that he would gladly heare these questions so fullie followed , as then hee saw them fairely laid . Assirming , that thereby he supposed it would appeate , that it is impossible to find a worke of so great waight , as is the supremacie of the Bishop of Rome , vpon so weake and feeble a foundation . But this will require ( said hee ) both the leasure and labour of some excellent Diuine . True ( answered N. ) and yet many of these questions haue a mixture of humanitie : a mixture also both of the Ciuill and Canon law . And I haue often maruailed ( with that he cast a side countenance vpon me ) by what meanes it falleth , when in other countries the professers of these lawes are most accomplished schollers , and fittest for matters of mixt professions ; that in England only , either they are not so , or are not so ( at leastwise ) reputed . I was forward to haue answered . But it appeared that the intent of N. was , by crossing into this question to cut off the other . For , refer●ing this point to a more priuate conference between him and me , he fell into varietie of other talke . So , the time being well spent , after some ceremonies of curtesie , all of vs withdrew , whither our particular occasions did leade . FINIS . Errata . Pag. 9. lin . 5. reade Synesius . pag. 10. in marg . read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ▪ p. 11. in marg . ● . read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ibid 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . p. 16. l. 30. read Dianae . p. 17. lin . 21. read Diodorus . p. 21. lin . 10. read Virgil. ibid. lin . 13. read Festus . p. 25. lin . 15. read ceremonies . p. 31. in marg . ● . read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . p. 33. lin . 10. read Constantinople . ● pag. 38. in marg . reade c. tibi domin● . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A02862-e470 a Euseb. lib. 6. cap. 34. b Euseb. lib. 6. cap. 46. & lib. 7. cap. 5. & 9. c De Nat. deo . lib. 1. d Phil. de leg●● . e Chrysost. in Act. homil . 33. f Singuli dicunt , ego verum dico . g Non tamen possit delictorum veniam tributre , aut litteras saluiconductus reis criminū dare . h Alex. in l. filiae qua de lib. & post . Card. Flor. & Ias. in prooem . s●●● . Mart. l aud . in c. 1. qui feud . da. Imola . in Rub. ae ●e●b . obl●g . i Baid . in prooem . seud . k Cyn. in l. si viua . c. de bo mat . Bald in auth . hoc amplius . c. de side● com . Ang. Bald. in l. om●es C. de praescript . Plat. in l. si quis decurto . Feli. in Rub de praese 10. And● in cap. vlt. de praeb . lib. 6. Alex. cons. 141. lib. 1. no. 2. l In Bacchis : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . m Eu●●p . 〈◊〉 supplic . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . n Trast . de ●ra . cap. 12. re●●gto & ●imor deisolus est qui custodit hominam inter sesoctetatc● . o Plut. contra Colot . p 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . q Orat. de regno . r 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . s Plut. contra Colot . t 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . u ●●u lib. 1. x Omntum primum rem ad multitudinem imperitam efficacissima , deorum metum inveiend● ratus . y Valcr . lib. 1. cap. 1. z Om●ia post religi●●en ponenda ciuita● nostra duxit . a Arist. 7. P●l●t . cap. 8. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . c Xenoph. P●d . lib. 8. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . d A●ud La●tantium 11. inst cap. 16. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . e Cic orat de 〈◊〉 . rest on non call●ditate ●word ●robo●c sed pie●a●e ac relligione omnes gentes nation 〈◊〉 super au●sse . f Va 〈◊〉 lib. 1. cap. 1. Non dubitauerunt sacris imperia seraire : it s sererum humanarum futura regimen existimantia , si diuinae po●●●●●ae bene atque constaater essent samelata . g H●rat . h Arist. Rhet. ad Alex. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . i Plut. in Camillo . k 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . l 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . m Plut. in Sertorio . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . n Senec. epist. 124. Superstitio error insanus est , am●dos colit , quos colit violat . o Cic. 1. de siuib . superstitione qui est imbutus , quietus esse non potest . p Herm. cap. 12. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . q Cic. 5. in Ver. omnia prospera eueniunt colentibus D●os , aduersa speraeatibus . r De nat . deo li. 2. eorum imperus remp . amplificatam qui religio●●●s paruissent . s l. 16. in qualibet . de Episc. & cle . C. Theod. t Nouel . 42. circa fi . u 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . x Afer episc . Religio debet esse in rep . non contra . y 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . z 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . a Arist. Polit. lib. 3. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . b Iustin. lib. 8. Iure ille à dijs proximus habetur , per quem deorum maiestas vindicatur . c Lib. 14. nat . hist. Religione vitae constat . d Cic. in 5. in Verrem . omnes religione mouentur . e tiu lib. 4. quibus quaestui sunt capti superstitione animi . f Curt. lib. 4. vbi vana religione capta est , melius vatibus quam ducibus suis paret . g Lib. 6. cap. 10 h Flo. 3. cap. 16. i Ioseph . 2. bel . Iud. cap. 12. k Tac. 2. hist. l Bodin . lib. 1. m Leo. lib. 2. n Leo. lib. 3. o Annal. Turc . p Ioseph . lib. 2. co●it . sp●●● . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . q Ne qui ●isi Romani dij , neue alto more quam patrio colerc●tur . r Liu. lib. 15. ne quis in publico sacroue loco , nouo au● externo ritu sacrificaret . s Lib. 39. quoties patrum auorumque aetate negotiu magisti , atibus datum est , vt sacra externa sicri vitarent . t Dio lib. 52. u 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 x Iustin lib. 36. mos est apud Iudaeos , vt cosdem reges & sacerdotes hab rent . y 2. Chron. 35. 2. z 1. Reg. 2. 25. a Deut. 17. 19. b Lib. 1. Ecclesihist . c Lib. 3. hist. Iudaeis sacerabtij hon●s firmamentum potentiae erat . e In praef . lib. Trismeg . f Serm 41. g Lib. 2. cap. 3. h Strab. lib. 11. i Aduers . Valent . k Stra. lib. 5. l In Calig c. 35 m De arte amand . lib. 1. n Lib 3. o Argonant . lib. 2 p Epigram . 64. lib. 9. q I● bel . Alexand . r Aeneid . 3. s Lib. 6. cap. 10 t Lib. 12. Iust. lib. 11. u De mor , Ger. x Lib. 12. y Lib. 2. cap. 8. z Lib. 17. cap. 4. a Oros. lib. 4. cap. 6. b Paus. in Baeot. siue lib. 9. c Herodian . lib. 5. d Lib. 1. hist. Ind. cap. 14. n Cic. de diuinat . e Apud Arist. Rhet. 3. cap. 10. f Iust. lib. 5. g Contra Neaeram . h De Repub. Laced . i Q Curt. k Lib. 10. Aeneid . super illud Virgilij . Vigilas ne deū gens ? Aenaea ? vigila . l Fast. m Liu. lib. 1. n Hali. lib. 2. o Plut. in Numa . p Liu. lib 1. Dec. 1. q Cic. lib 2. de nat . Deo. r Lau. 1. Decad. lib. 2. s 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . t Nequa Bacchamalia Romae neue in Italia essent , si quis tale sacrum solenne ac necessarium duceret , nec sine religione ac piaculo se id omit . lere posse , apud pr●torem vrbanum profiteretur , partor senatum consuleret : Si ei permissum esset cum in senatu centum , non minus essent , ita id sacrum fieret , dum ne plus quinque sacrificio interessent . u Liu. lib. 2. x Gell. lib. 10. cap. 15. y Festus Pompeius lib 17. z Dio● . Halic . lib. 4. a Dionys. vbi 5. b Plut. Probl. cap. 63. c Ae●eid . 8. super illud Virgilij . Nec no Tarquinnium ciectum Porsenna Iubebat accipere . d Li● . 1. Dec. lib. 2. D on●s . lib. 5. Feuestel . de sacer● . c. 1● e Gell. lib. 10. cap. 15. f Fea●stel . de sacred Rom. g Festus Pomp. lib. 9. h Macrob. & Ouid. de ●ast . i Lin 1. Dec. lib. 10. k App●an . Plut. Plin. secundus de vir . illust . cap. 75. l Liu. lib. 1. m Cic. de legib . lib. 2. n Cic. de orat . lib. 2. o Lib. 3. Saturn . ca. 2. p Varr. lib. 1. de ling. lat . Plut. in Numa . q Marlianus in topographia vet Rom. r Halicar . lib. 3 & 5. Plin lib. 36. cap. 11. s Deling . lat . t Lib. 11. u Lib. 1. cap. 1. x Plut. Prebl . cap. 113. y Plut. Probl. cap. 39. Gellius lib 10. cap. 15. Festus Pompeius lib. 5. z Plut. d. ca. 39. a Lau. 3. Decad. lib. 8. b ●●u . 4. Decad. lib. 3. c Plut. Probl. ca. 13. d Florus epist. lib. 47. e Plut. Prebl . cap. 113. f Liu. Decad. 3. lib. 5. g Liu. Decad. 1. lib. 1. h Plia . lib. 15. cap. 30. i Halicar . lib. 2 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . k Apul. apol . 1. l Plut. Probl. cap. 111. m Boet. in top . Ciccr. lib. 2. n Tertul. de exhor cast . & ad vxorem l. 1 . & in praescript . o Ioseph . antiq . 3. cap. 10. p Liu. 3. Decad. lib. 10. q Liu 4. Decad. lib. 10. r Cicer. in orat . del . Agraria . & in lib. de amic ti● . Halicar lib. 2. Pater c. lib. 2. Su●t . in N●rcn● . ●a . 2 s Liu. 4. Decad. lib. 10. t Tertul. in apolog . u A Deo setuxdi , post cum primi , ante omnes & super omnes . x Tert●ad Scapulam . Colimus Imperatorem vt hominem à Dio secundū , solo Deo minorem . y Epist. Elutherij citat . inter ll . E. 1. z Vos es●is Vicarius Dei in regno , iuxta prophetam Regium . a In C. Caesare . ca. 13. b Ad 1. 3. & 6. Aencid . c In Galba . c. 8 d In Claudio . cap. 22. d Tacit. Annal. 〈◊〉 . 3. e Tacit. lib. 14 f Veg. lib. 2. c. 5 & 6. g L. qui statuas . l. non contra . bit . D. ad Iud. maiest . h Tacit. lib. 3. i In Tiberio . cap. 58. k De benefic . lib. 3. l In Iob. cap. 1. m Priuilegium offe●endi primogenitis , vel maxime Regibus debebatur . n Tacit. 2. annal . o Desacris ludaicis Aegyptijsque pellendis . p Viderent pontifices quae retinenda firmandaque Aruspicum essent . q In Seuero . r In Proaem . lib. 5. s 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 t Ad Pop. Antioch . hom . 2. u Summitatem & caput . x Parem vllum super terram non habet . y Debes Imperator incunctanter aduertere , regiam potestatem tibi , non solum ad mundi regimen , sed maxime ad ecclesiae praesidium esse collatam . z Epist. lib. 3. ca. 100. & 103 a Contra Parmen . lib. 13. super Imperatorem non est nisi solus Deus qui fecit Imperatorem . b In respons . O●●ent . c Imperator , vt communis 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ●●istens & nominatus . synodalibus praeest sententijs , & robur tribuit : ecclesiasticos ordines componit , & legem dat vitae politi●que corum qui altari seruiunt . d Vt vno verbo dica , solo sacrificand● 〈◊〉 ininisterio , reliqua pontificalia priuilegia Imperator representat . e Cont Coe●●on . & epist. 48. & epist. 50. f Donat. Mel●uit . l. 2. g nouel . 43. & 49. in princ . h l. 18. C. de sacros . eccles . i D nouel . 43. & 49. k l. 2. C. de sacros . eccles . l l. 4. C. co . m l. 5. C. co . n l. 14 C. co . o l. 9. C. de episc . & cler . p nouel . 6. ca 6. q l. 17. C. de episc . & cler . r nouel . 123. ca. 10. s l. 29. C. de episc . & cler . t l. 30. C. co . u l. 31. C. co . x l. 22. C. de episc . audien . y nouell . 3. z nouell . 5. a nouell . 6. b nouell . 58. c nouell . 117. d l. 8. C. de repud . e nouel . 146. f l. 1. C. de vet . iur . enuc legu authoritas & diuinas & humanas res bene disponit . g nouel 133. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . h lib. 2. epist. 100 Ad hoc potestas super omnes homines dominorū meorū pictati coesitus data est , &c. i Espenc . com . in Tit. 3. digres . 10. Gregorius magnus agno se●bat , Imperatoribus conc●ssum esse dominari sacerdotibus . k Bals. in Concil Chalced. cap. 12. l c. Principes 23. q. 5. m 13. q. 5. n l. 1. C. de Iudic . in C. Theod. o 2. q. 3. de poe . di . 1. p 3. q. 6. c. 1. q 3. q. 6. c. 16. & 17. & 2. q. 8. c. 4. r 2. q. 3. c. 3. s c. Episcopis . 3. q. 5. t c. reintegranda . q. e. u 3. q. 9. x 2. q. 7. y 2. q. 8. z 35. q. 6. a 25. q. 2. b c. 1. ext . de iu●am calum . c Imperator Iustinianus decreuit , vt canones patrū vim legum habere oporteat . d Niceph. lib 8. cap. 14. e Euseb. lib. 2. de vita Constantini . f c. futuram . 12. q. 1. g Constantinus praesid●●s sa●ctae synodo , quae apud 〈◊〉 congregata est . h Socrat. lib. 1. cap. 6. i l. 2. C. de sum . trin . k Niceph. lib. 12 ca. 10. l Obsecramus clementiam tuam , vt , quemadmodum literis h●norasti ecclesiam , quibus nos con●ocasti , ita sinalem conclusionem nostrorum decretorii corrobores sententia tua & sigillo . m Niceph. lib. 14. ca. 34. n l. 3. C. desum . trin . o Euagr. lib. 1. ca. 2. p Lib. 2. cap. 4. q 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . r Vid. d. conc . Chalc. s l. 4. C. de sum . trin . t 3. vol concil . u 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . x Cus. de conc . l. 3. ca. 16. y Sciendum est quod in vniuersalibus octo concilus semper inuen●o imperatores , & Iudices suos , cum senatu primatum hab●isse . z Conc. Ro. 3. a Miramur quicquam tentatum fuisse sine nobis ; nam viuente nostro presbytero sine nobis nihil tentari oportuit . b Niceph. in praesat . ad Emanuel . c Tu es dux professionis fidei nostrae &c. d Marc. 9. 35. Luc. 9. 46. e Can. 8. f Plat●n vita 〈◊〉 3. g Sabel . Aencid . 8. lib. 6. h In vita Bonifacij 3. l Can. 28. k In trip . hist. lib. 9. cap. 13. l l. 6. C. de sacros . eccles . ●vnic . C. de priuil . vrb . Const. lib. 11. m l. decernimus C. de sacros . eccles . n 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . o Nomoca . tit . 1. cap. 5. p l. Constantino ▪ p●litana 24 C. de sacros . eccl . q Constantinopolitana ecclesia omniū aliarum est caput . r Platin. in vita Gregor●● 1. s In vit . Pho●● . Car. lib. 4. sceleribus pontificum hoc imperium languesactum est . Luit prand . lib. 6. ca. 6. Cuspinian & Theodo . de Nihem . in vita Otho 3. Bart. in tract . de Gaelph . & Gib . Gen. 46. a Guice . in comment . polit . b Sand. lib. 4. de clau . Dauid . Stupenda res , & supra quam dici potest admiranda , vt cum pot●utissi●i qu● que imp● . 〈◊〉 per al●quot saecula ownem suam vim in exterminandis ex vrbe Roma ponti●icibus Romanis , frustra explicuissent ; nun● è contrari● , pontifices Romani abs● vlia vi , Romanos Imperatores ex ar●● Imperij semou●runt ; palat●s Caesarum alque ad●o tota vrbe in su●● potestatem conuersa . In extrauag . vnam sanctam . Porto subesse Rom Pont ▪ omnem humanam creaturam declaramus , dicimus , diffiaimus & pronuntiamus omnino esse de necessitate salutis . * Tibi d●mina . 63 dist . c. ●enerab●lem . de elect . 〈◊〉 . in c licet . n. 8. de so . comp . * Incip . post pedum oscula . Pan. c. causam . qui fil . fi . le . &c. solita . de ma. & ob . c nou●● . de 〈◊〉 . &c. 〈◊〉 . n. 8. des● comp . & in c. ● . n. 2. 3. 4. depro bat . * Anno 1341. * Feli. in c. firmissime , n. 1. de haeret . * Molina . tract . 2. de Iust. disput . 29. * Cle. Romani de Iurc●●● . t Cuia● c. 7. de Imp. u Pan. in c. fi . de Baptism . x Pan. in c. 1. de so . comp . & in c. 1. de probat . y Pan. in c. si duobus de appell . z Pan. in c. 1. de prob . n. 2. & 3. & n. 6. a Pan. in c. per vencrabilem . n. 1. qui fil su●t legitti . b Pan. in d. c. per vencrabilem . & in c sicut . n. 12. de iureiur . & in c. & sinecesse . de do . inter vir . & vx . Pius 5. in bulla . Matth. 16. Matth. 28. Galath . 2. 7. Act. 23. 11. Act. 12. Iren. de bares . lib. 3. cap. 5. Fundātes beati Apostoli Petrus & Paulus Romanam ecclesiam , adminish and●● ecclesiae ●p●sc●patum tradidcrunt l●no . Aug●tract . 50. ad cap. 12 lo. Cypr. in tract . de simpli●cler . Gen. 17. 8. 2. Sam. 7. 16. Psal. 89. 36. Apoc. 2. Ioh. 8. 39. Rom. 4. 16. & 9. 7. Galat. 3. 7. Reuel . 2. 9. De laudibus Athanas● , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Fulg. collectan . lib. 6.