A third letter from a gentleman in the country, to his friends in London, upon the subject of the penal laws and tests Penn, William, 1644-1718. 1687 Approx. 36 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 10 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2005-12 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A54229 Wing P1381 ESTC R5099 12187547 ocm 12187547 55852 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A54229) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 55852) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 615:12) A third letter from a gentleman in the country, to his friends in London, upon the subject of the penal laws and tests Penn, William, 1644-1718. 19 p. Printed for J.H. and T.S. ..., London : 1687. Reproduction of original in Harvard University Libraries. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. 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Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Dissenters, Religious -- England. Church and state -- England. 2005-07 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2005-08 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2005-09 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2005-09 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-10 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion A Third LETTER From a Gentleman in the COUNTRY , To his Friends in LONDON , Upon the Subject of the Penal Laws and Tests . Licensed , May the 16th 1687. LONDON , Printed , for J. H. and T. S. and to be had of most Booksellers in London and Westminster , 1687. My Honoured Friends , SInce my last Letter was so happy as to please more of the Party than my first Offended , and that even those are somewhat softened by it , I prevail'd with my self , once more , to give you my thoughts upon the same Subject : And though I think the Objections you have sent me , are come too far for an Answer , yet I will give you mine , with all the plainness , brevity and temper I can ; for they that seek the publick good , are not to be nice in their endeavours for it ; and such who go upon Principles , have the advantage of being secured by their Sincerity , even where their mistakes cannot be defended . But as I think I am not in the wrong , so I sincerely profess , if I knew I were , no temporal consideration should engage me against my Opinion ; for though I am for the Liberty of persuing ones own Judgment , I abhor the Latitude of Dissembling it . But to the point before us . You tell me , that the generality of the Soberest and Wisest of those , that would be esteemed Members of the Church of England , of your Acquaintance , do declare , They have no Aversion for Liberty of Conscience , and that they always liked an Indulgence to Dissenters , but they are angry at the present manner of it , and with the Addresses of Thanks the Dissenters have made to the King for It. To say nothing then of who they were that made the Penal Laws , or by whom they were Executed , or upon what Motives ; and less , what Prejudices thereby have followed to the Persons and Estates of Thousands of the Kings Subjects ( because that History might look harsh , and I resolve to be as healing as I can ) Let me ask , why these Gentlemen should be offended at the way of the Ease the King has graciously given ? 'T is certain , that some of them reproach'd the severe Conduct he has chang'd , and thought it ill in the Government to expose so many useful Men in their Persons and Estates to a pack of lewd Informers , that yet now quarrel the stop he has given to those severities . They will , I hope , pardon me if I say ; Christ's Answer to the Pharisees about the breach of the Sabboth came in my mind upon reading their Objection , What man among you that should have a Sheep fall into a Pit on the Sabboth day , will , not lay hold on it and lift it out ? He excused David and the Priests in a Case of the like nature , and thought a good deed was to be done at any time , when he healed the poor man. This was he that preferred Mercy before Sacrifice , and exalted the good Nature of the Samaritan above the strict Priest and Levite , that with all their Reverence to the Law , left the Rifled and Wounded unregarded . But to turn the stile of the Discourse : Why should any of the Church of England be offended , when it is a less Power than has been publickly maintained by the most venerable of their own Clergy , in all times since the Reformation ? You will find Arch-Bishop Whitgift , in his Letter to Q. Elizabeth , asserting her Power in Ecclesiastical Matters to rest wholly and absolutely in the Queen , & that he advises her , by no means to allow the Parliament to have the fingering of those things ; and that what Cannons were made by the Clergy in Convocation , by her Majesties Authority , might be OBSERVED or ALTERED at HER PLEASURE . And in another Letter to the Lords of the Council , he tells them , that the Queen her own self , had in express Words , immediately committed Causes Ecclesiastical to him , as to one , who was to make Answer to God and her Majesty in that behalf , and not to their Lordships , wherein , as he supposed , he had no Judge but her self . Arch-Bishop Laud , and Bishop Sanderson , Dr Heylin , Dr Hicks and several other dignified Divines of the Church of England , all grave and learned Authors , follow the same Sentiments touching Regal Power , in a more extended manner , as you may shortly see by an Ingenious hand , who hath exactly Transcribed their own Writings in this great Point . But in general , it is resolved by Dr Starky , in his Assise Sermon at St Edmonds-Bury , concerning the divine obgation of human Ordinances , Printed by John Field , Printer to the University of Cambridge , 1668. That Constitutions , as they had their Original and Establishment from the Reason of the supream Magistrate , consulting for the conveniency and good of the Society , so the condition of things and State altering , upon their Burthen and Inconvenience , may , by the Authority that established them , be altered , suspended , abrogated , and taken quite away . Thus a Divine of the Church of England ; but to proceed on that Lesson , argumentum ad hominem . For what greater Injury ( saith he ) canst thou put upon thy careful Governour , then when his Contrivances and Determinations are published for publick good , that his Directions should be Contemned , and by thy Rebellion that thou shouldst suggest to others ( what our disorderly nature is too ready to suspect ) that their Rules are the Results of erronious and corrupt men , which ought to be lookt upon as the determinations of sacred Authority derived from a most wise and just God. But if this were not so , is it the same thing to dispence with a Temporary , as a fundamental Law ? With that which says , thou shalt not go to a Conventicle , as with that which says , thou shalt not Kill or Steal ? are there not some Laws that are of that moral and enduring nature , no time or accident of State can Dispense with ? and such Laws as are so specially accommodated , that the reason of them may not live three Years to an end ? The Penal Laws about Religion were made for fear that divers Opinions in one Country might endanger the Government , & time shows us that nothing hazards it more then their execution . T is plain it puts us in a state of force , and that therefore People fly the Kingdom , and Trade dwindles to nothing : And since all Countrys are greater by their People and forraign Commerce , than by their Soyle and Domestick Labour and Consumption , whatever lessens them , impoverishes and weakens the Kingdom . Who will Trade where his gettings are none of his own ? or live , where he is not sure of his Principle ? Which is the Case of Dissenters in a Country using coertion for Religion . And when all this is said , the King is pleased to refer the matter to the concurrence of a Parliament , and such Power for the good of the Publick , was never denied by any man of sence , any where , to the wisdom and necessity of Government , and It must ever rest with that part of it , which is by the Constitution always in the way , which , we all know , our Parliaments are not . This Declaration seems to me no more than a Royal Bill without Doors , informing the Kingdom of his Majesties mind , and preparing both Houses to make it the Subject of their next Session : And I don't think I shall ever see a Parliament in England break with a King of his Justice and Valour , upon so reasonable and popular a Point . But to be free , it looks ill in any of the Sons of the Church of England , to Scandal this ease with the irregularity of the way of it , when nothing is more evident than that they cannot do it without flying in the face of that Loyalty , which made that Church so famous in 41. For as then the Distinction of the Natural and Political capacity of the King , was the great Doctrine of the Parliament against several Acts of State , which in part , gave rise to the misunderstandings and Wars that followed . So 't is certain , that the Generality of the Church of England opposed it as a pernitious Principle to the Monarchy , and rather than suffer so Plebean a notion to take place in the Government , drew their Swords for the Soveraignty of the Crown ; and we all know what endeavours have been used , and by whom , since the late Kings Restoration , to Damn that distinction as the very seed of Rebellion . This Reflection makes me beseech the dissatisfied Sons of the Church to Consider , how much wiser it were to approach the King with all possible Candour and Decency , and by assuring him , that their concern looks no further , than such a Legal and uncoercive security for themselves , as at the same time that others are safe from them , by the repeal of the Penal Laws , the Church may be secure that no one of those interests shall invade her Rights and Possessions , he may be induced to imbrace the Mediums that in such an occasion it were the easiest thing in the World to find , as well as that they might be the most agreeable and honorable in themselves for all our happinesses . Let her then betake her self to think of some happy expedients , and rebuke those Members of her Communion , that run up and down with the falsest , as well as angriest aggravations ; that we may all yet meet in some general and national Principle to adjust our several Interests upon . For can she take it ill of the King , that he receives the Dissenters as near him for his interest , as 't is plain she would take them to her for her security ? the Objection she makes against their former Disloyalty , vanisheth with their present Adherence and her Dissent ; for it both shows they are for the Government when that is for them , and that even she her self is for it no longer ; nay , it will be said by some , nor so long ; for she is ( say they ) not satisfied to be safe , nor yet to keep the Chair , nor will she thank the King for that , unless others may be confounded that cannot offer at her Altar ; who , as bad as they are , for this Gracious Reprieve , think him not only worthy of their thanks , but of their Estates and Lives when he wants them on so glorious an occasion : And it is not the foolishest thought that may come in her head , that having once lost the King to the side against which she could not maintain his Father , her case must be desperate upon the Contest , which God forbid . I confess , when I consider the Idea we have been taught to have of a Popish King , and what Persecuting , Massacring Murdering work was necessarily to attend his Raign , I cannot but say , I think the Church of England securer , in this Raign , upon the Kings Declaration , than any other worldly support she can flatter her self with ; and not to thank him , for an assurance she desir'd , and that is so generously given for a King of his circumstances , from whom , we were told worse things would have followed , and then too , when too many of her Children would indiscreetly have provok'd other resolutions , shows her less Christian and civil then I believe she desires to be thought , and I hope , upon the main , she deserves . But you tell me , that this liberty is by divers persons rendered dangerous to the Monarchy , in that it strengthens the hands of those People that have always been for a Common-wealth : This looks very kind and dutiful to the Royal Family : But tho no body more affectionately wishes the preservation and just succession of it than my self , I can't forbear to charge the Objection wit extream weakness , for it is remov'd with a word ; the King has an Army , Is that the way to set it up ? And what he leaves , his Children will finde . Is the love of Power first objected , and then a design to make a Common-Wealth with it ? But they will say , tho it ben't his design , it is consequent upon his measures . But I must tell them , no story shows us , that ever any Government was changed , making the People of it easie ; but often t'other way : Nor is it to be thought , that folks will Plot to loose , what they might be driven to Plot to get . Let the Church think as hardly of Dissenters as she will ; they cannot be any longer in pain when they are made easie . Besides , what have they further to seek , or which way can they possibly agree it ? While their Conscience and Property are safe , they have no more to ask , and no body was ever against that , which is for them ; nor any Government indanger'd by the People it seeks to preserve . The King has begun to show his inclinations to make us all easie & safe , and it will be her fault if we are not so , quickly and intirely . This is the way to prevent the mischiefs she fears ; and what she would have done in their case , to have prov'd her self a better Christian or a better Subject I can't tell . But 't is certain that the Church , by the power of the Monarchy , endeavour'd their ruin : That they fell in with that side that favoured their releif , is as true : Were it not better that 't were out of the power of both to do the same thing over again ? one to engage the Crown , and t'other to oppose it , for t'other Worlds matters ? Doubtless it were , and this Liberty must be the way . Those times , I am sure , have a double instruction to the present Church of England ; One , that she be not too stiff against a reasonable Accomodation ; the Other , that to support her self in it , she falls not into the inconveniencies she has objected against the Dissenters , whilest under far less provocation , if any at all . Let her remember , 't was her cause that first engaged the Kings Father , and by consequence , banisht his Brother , and nothing else but this Kings tenderness , least he should be too early with her in Declaring for Liberty of Conscience , when he came to the Crown , gave opportunity for the late Western Rebellion : For as he hath well observed in his Speech to the Council , how much the want of it went to promote our civil Wars , so 't is certain , that had he declared for Liberty of Conscience , when he told us of his Religion , there had been no Rebellion in the West : But the mis-guided Duke of Monmouth might have had his share at Buda , and the unhappy People of his train been alive at their Vocations . And if this delay was not for want of an Opinion that Liberty of Conscience was a just , necessary and popular thing , but his regard to the Church of England , that had serv'd him well , and might not presently take it the right way , or be prepared to fall in with him upon that interest , 't is certainly the highest proof how greatly he valued her concurrance , and desir'd to rely upon her Duty , Service and Friendship , and consequently , how much she is obliged to his goodness , and those of her Sons are in the wrong , that carry a present distance and coldness to his Administration . And when all is done , the King in this very point has but persued the sense of a Parliament very freely chosen ; for in that last Westminster Parliament , when the House of Commons apprehended their Dissolution , and that the black Rod was near the door to that purpose , they came to several Dying Votes , as a Legacy of their Aversion to the Court , and their Court to the King , dom , among which , this was not the least . Resolv'd , That it is the Opinion of this House , that the Prosecution of Protestant Dissenters , upon the Penal Laws , is at this time grievous to the Subject , a weaking of the Protestant Interest , an Encouragement to Popery , and dangerous to the Peace of the Kingdom . If the heat of those times could have left those two angry words out , it had carried the general Liberty now desired , and nothing would have hindred it in a time like this , with such a Parliament as that . For in the Raign of a King of a Popish Religion , that we laboured so much to Disappoint , to desire no more at our hands , after our fears of so much more than a meer Liberty of Conscience , indifferently fixed to all Dissenters , is such a Cure of our Fears , and an Assurance of all we can wish , that , we must be wanting to our selves in Wit , as well as to the King in Gratitude , if we reject the motion . Let her therefore be confident nothing excluded the Papists then , but our Apprehentions that they strove for all at our Cost ; and if we are offer'd to be secur'd against such Jealousies , a Parliament so Chosen , would naturally comprise them . But you tell me , that two things stick yet with Divers persons of that Church : One , That it is not reasonable the Dissenters should expect that they should pluck the Thorn out of their foot to put it in their own . The other , That in case the Penal Laws and Tests were removed by this Church-Parliament , another might be packt that might turn both Laws and Test upon th● present Church . In the first place , t is granted then , that the Laws are a Thorn in the Foot of the Dissenters . Is it not as just to think it ought to be pluck't out , and if the Church of England will do nothing towards it , are they not excusable that endeavour it themselves ? Tho when one enquires , first , who put the Thorn in , and next , that there is no necessity that she must put it into her own Foot , because she plucks it out of theirs ; it should not be so hard to perswade her to pluck it out , and in my Opinion , it should be as easie to fling it away , that it may trouble no body else for the future . But that perhaps she thinks is not possible to be done , and that impossibility is given for the reason , why she chuses to leave it where it is ; which naturally introduces my Answer to the second Objection viz. That if the Penal Laws and Tests were remov'd by this Church Parliament , another might be packt which might turn both Laws and Tests upon the present Church . In my last Letter , said something , that ought in my Opinion , to satisfie the most jealous in this particular : For first , all agree it is impossible to Repeal the Laws and Tests without a Parliament . Secondly , 't is not to be thought that the present Parliament will do it , without such a Provision as will secure us in the Point feared . To say there is none , is ridiculous ; for who can tell , what they may think upon , or from other heads , what may occur to them ? If they won't Repeal them , let us suppose an other Parliament , as freely Chosen at least ; can we imagin that such a Representative will be less careful to secure us against our fears , tho they were more inclinable to abolish those Laws ? If then both are like to go together , be it by the present , or another Parliament , I see no insecurity that is like to follow , either to the Church of England , or her Protestant Dissenters , who in that respect , are equally concerned , with her self . And for packing of a Parliament , if that were the business and Design at last ; why is it not attempted at first ? Certainly it is so easie to be done , that if the King did not seek a more agreeable , and lasting security to his Friends , to wit , a National one , there are men enough of no Religion to be packt to morrow , that would first conform to the Laws and Tests , and then mercenarily take them away . I know there are silly People of all Parties , for whom no body can answer ; but , t is astonishing , that such a jealousie should have so much room with men of any share of sense , that if this Parliament should Repeal the Laws and Tests , the Papists in the next , would come into Parliament , and then make their Religion National at our charges . For , First , it supposes no other expedient , which is easie to be found and obtain'd , or let the other remain . Secondly , it supposes that Roman Catholicks will be chosen , or return'd , tho they are not chosen ; The one 't is certain we don't fear , and methinks they only should be afraid of the other ; for since they cannot be their own security , and this they declare , by seeking a National one ; If the first would do , why don't they begin upon it , and pack a Parliament presently , and Repeal the Laws and Tests without any more to do ? And if they don't do this , not because they can't think upon it , but because they don't think it worth trying , why should they attempt by such a way an harder thing ? for no body would take it so ill of them to Repeal the Laws that vex them by an Indirect way , as they would if they went about to make their Religion National by it , and if they think it not assuring enough for the lesser , can they be tempted to imbrace it for effecting of the greater point . Some of them have read the Histories of their own Country , and can't but remember , that in times , even of their own Religion , Parliaments ill Chosen came to ill Ends. That the twenty first of Richard the second Repeal'd the Acts of the Parliament of the eleven of the same King ; and that the first of Henry the fourth , Repealed the twenty first of Richard the second : And that the thirty ninth of Henry the sixth , Repealed the Laws of the 38th of the same King , & Damn'd that Parliament , because VNDULY Elected ; which is the packing meant in the Objection : So that 't is not worth while to attempt it . If such a Parliament could be Immortal , or were able to Charm successive Raigns , or were not a violation of the Constitution of Parliaments , and of one of the tenderest points in our Government , or did not break faith with mankind , when most obliged to make a straight step , and by all this , treasure up wrath against the day of wrath upon the whole Party , which must dawn at the setting of our present King , it were something : but when all this will follow , as certain as the Night does the Day , To break all bounds of Law , and go by open Force , were an honest and wise thing to such a wooden Invention of Law , as this would be to all men living of common sence , and to the Ages that shall follow us , who of right , will have the censuring of our Actions . What then is left us , but to embrace this Gracious tender , and all Parties to meet the King in those methods , that are most likely to establish it with the greatest , satisfaction and certainty ? If no other security can be had , I say then , let this that is , remain , if there may be such a thing , why should we not imbrace it ? The Church of England disclaims Severity and Partiality , then let her part with those Instruments of both , and not suspect the shaking of the Laws of Property , for stopping the execution of the Laws that undermine it . I leave one Consideration with her , and so shall leave you at this time ▪ Let nothing that is Vnfair , or Indirect lie at her Door , I beg her , for Gods sake . Ought she to differ thus with any body ? and less with such a King , upon a point she cannot maintain , and that is better left then kept , take the Question , either as to Right or Prudence ? I will not be very particular , but enough to make way for a fuller discourse on the Subject . The Tests , the chief , if not the only thing in debate , have they any Foundation in our Constitution ? Should a Mans being of any Religion , hinder him from serving the Country of his Birth ? Does his going to a Conventicle naturally unqualifie him for a Constables Staff ? or believing Transubstantiation , render him uncapable of being a good Clark ? It were as reasonable to say , that 't is impossible for a Phanatick to be a good Shoomaker , or a Papist a good Tayler . The very Notion is Comical , And that must ever be the Consequence of going out of the way , and serving the Publick with such a Byass to a Party , for that is the softest way of speaking of the Error . But when we consider the Test in Relation to the Parliament , where the Objection lies strongest against the Repeal , it appears not one jot less unreasonable to continue it : For an Opinion of Religion is made to deprive a Peer of the highest Right of his Peerage : True , he is not totally Destroyed , but he 's Gelt of his chiefest Priviledge . For tho he looses not his Title , he has little else left him , Can the Peers of England to serve a turn , so mutely suffer a President to continue , that shakes their hereditary share in the Government , and so essential a part of our ancient & celebrate Constitution , and by which 't is made impossible to have an unconcerned House in Judgment ? Let us but look back to Seventy Five , and see what was done then , by divers Lords , in a case of this nature ; I will but repeat the Test and their Protest . I A. B. do declare , That it is not Lawfull , upon any pretence whatsoever , to take up Armes against the King , and that I do abhor that Trayterous Position of taking Arms by His Authority against His Person , or against those that are commission'd by Him in pursuance of such Commission ; And I do swear that I will not at any time endeavour the Alteration of the Government , either in Church or State , so help me God. The debate lasted Five several days before it was committed to a Committee of the whole House , which hardly ever happened to any Bill before : The Debates , were managed chiefly by the Lords , whole Names you will find to the following Protestation . We whose Names are under Written being Peers of this Realm , do according to our Rights and the ancient Vsage of Parliaments , declare that the Question having been put , whether the Bill ( entituled an Act to prevent the danger which may arise from Persons disafftected to the Government ) doth so far intrench upon the Priviledges of This House ; that it ought therefore to be cast out . It being resolved in the Negative , We do humbly conceive that any Bill which imposeth an Oath upon the Peers with a Penalty , as this doth that upon the refusal of that Oath , They shall be made uncapable of Sitting and Voting in this House , as it is a thing unpresidented in former Times , so is it , in Our . humble Opinion , THE HIGHEST INVASION OF THE LIBERTIES AND PRIVILEDGES OF THE PEERAGE , that possibly may be , and most destructive of the Freedom , which they ought to enjoy as Members of Parliament , because the Priviledge of Sitting and Voting in Parliament , is an Honor they have BY BIRTH , and a Right so INHERANT IN THEM , AND INSEPARABLE FROM THEM , AS THAT NOTHING CAN TAKE IT AWAY , but what by the Law of the Land , must withal , take away their Lives , and corrupt their Blood ; upon which ground we do here enter our Dissent from that Vote , and our Protestation against it . Buckingham Bridgwater Winchester Salisbury Bedford Dorset Aylisbury Bristol Denbigh Pagitt Holles Peter Howard E. of Berks Mohun Stamford Hallifax Delamer Eure Shaftsbury Clarendon Grey Roll. Say & Seal Wharton To say nothing here of the matter of the Test , 't is plain from the extent of their Argument , they were against all Tests that depriv'd Peers of this fundamental Right of Peerage , and that nothing could , in their opinion , do it , but such crimes as tainted their Blood and took away their lives . I know not if those living are still of that minde , but the honour I have for their Understanding and Integrity forbid me to doubt it . Now pray Suffer me to turn the Tables , and ask our Church-men one Question in the Language of their Fears ; Can the King makes Lords , and pack an House of Commons , that shall first take , and then abolish the Test ? Why then , it is not so great a security as they imagin ; and it is hardly worth while to be so stiff to support it . But by the same reason that they can Repeal this , they may Enact another , and if so , may not the House of Peers be quickly another set of Men ? For that Fire that Rosts a Goose can Rost a Gander . What Tides are these in Government ? and what State is safe , or happy , whose Foundations float upon such movable measures ? Besides , the Lords intended to be made the example of our Power in this affair , were generally observed to be some of the steadiest and best Voters upon all Questions that concern'd our Publick Right . I have done with this . T'other part of my Consideration is the other part of our Parliament , the House of Commons I mean. And here we are taught to believe , the Peoples choice is the Representatives Authority ; and if that be true , it is somewhat hard to imagine which way they can hinder a man from Session that the People have freely chosen . I grant , that where Competitors have made an Election disputable , the final Judgment is in the Representative Body ; but I cannot comprehend how that House can ever make void an undisputed Election , and such is a free choice of the People , of any County or Borrough ; and yet that is the very business of the Test of Seventy Eight . For if I believe the Doctrine of Transubstantiation , I cannot possibly fit in Parliament , let my Election , Ability , Integrity be what they will. In this matter , let us lay aside Prejudice , and look beyond Transubstantiation , like English-men , jealous of our Rights ; for here seems to be the Snake in the Grass ; what ! shall Opinion give rule to our Properties , and ( like Daniels King ) change Times and Laws at Pleasure ? There is nothing more miserable in Government then that it must alter with Religious Opinion , which yet we are not assur'd men shall not change , and that often in an Age. I say , this does not Rest at Transubstantiation ( tho if it did , and it were not just , 't were no argument to a good man ) The same Power that is assumed in that case , may make a Test of what it pleases , and a Mans Dissent , a reason of Exclusion from Session in Parliament , let not this be . We usually say , no Stream rises higher then its Fountain , and whether this sort of Testing be not an Inversion of the natural Current of Power , may not be amiss for English-men to deliberate : Nay , if it be not a breach of that part of the Constitution of the Government : For if those whom the People chuse , the Representatives may reject , for a reason of their own , that in the nature of Civil Government can be none , the Electors and Elected must needs be Divided , in that the one makes void the Power of the other , tho it be that by which the first House of Commons sat , and is the natural Authority of every House of Commons in this Kingdom . Nothing , in my Opinion , can cure this mischief better than a due consideration of the true nature of things : What properly falls under our Cognizance , and what not ; and then to adapt proper and sutable means to the just ends we aim at : For if the major vote in things not to be voted , could give any weight or Sanction , 't is to be feared the Jews were too much in the right , when they cryed , we have a Law , and by our Law he ought to Dye , however , upon these Principles , nothing is plainer than that every Martyr was felo de se , and Dyed a Malefactor instead of a Saint . Let us then be deliver'd of all Tests that run not on the side of the old Government of England ; and if we must have a Test , I shall pray that it may be translated from TRANSUBSTANTIATION to PERSECUTION . That is to say , that no Man shall propose or consent to any thing in Government within this Kingdom , that may infringe the Conscience or Property of any man in it ; for upon that ancient Policy our Government began ; and let the Excommunication and Anathama of the Government pass upon that Offender , to his perpetual civil Damnation . I shall say no more to you now , what ever I may do at another time , but that you use the utmost of your endeavours , to promote Piety and Charity : And as on the one hand , with all imaginable softness , you strive to oblige the Members of the Church of England to an impartial Consideration of these things , so on the other hand , you advise all Dissenters to Govern themselves towards those Gentlemen , in the use of this Liberty , with a decent and friendly Behaviour : Who knows , but that Conduct , with a little Time , may give them that sight of their Interest , and dispose them to those Compliances , which may end this present mis-understanding in the happiest civil Union , that any King and Kingdom were ever blest with . God of his Infinite Mercy grant us this great Blessing , and his Grace to use it , Amen . Once more , yours , with all my Heart , FINIS .