24755 ---- None 34634 ---- Transcriber's Note - Footnotes are located at the end of the text, before the index. - In general, geographical references, spelling, hyphenation, and capitalization have been retained as in the original publication. - Minor typographical errors have been corrected without note. - Significant typographical errors have been corrected. A full list of these corrections is available in the Transcriber's Corrections section at the end of the book. * * * * * Hawaiian Historical Society Reprints, (No. 2) (1779) A Narrative of the Death OF Captain James Cook By DAVID SAMWELL Surgeon of The Discovery LONDON: Printed for G. C. J. and J. Robinson, Pater-Noster-Row MDCCLXXXVI (The Edition of this Reprint is Limited to 500 Copies) [Illustration: _CAPTAIN JAMES COOK_] A N A R R A T I V E OF THE D E A T H OF C A P T A I N J A M E S C O O K. TO WHICH ARE ADDED SOME P A R T I C U L A R S, CONCERNING HIS L I F E A N D C H A R A C T E R. AND O B S E R V A T I O N S RESPECTING THE I N T R O D U C T I O N OF THE V E N E R E A L D I S E A S E INTO THE S A N D W I C H I S L A N D S. BY D A V I D S A M W E L L, SURGEON OF THE DISCOVERY. L O N D O N: PRINTED FOR G. C. J. AND J. ROBINSON, PATER-NOSTER-ROW, MDCCLXXXVI. [Photographic reproduction of the original title page.] Foreword In presenting this reprint to our members the editor wishes to express his thanks to Professor W. T. Brigham of the Bishop Museum for furnishing him with a photograph of Captain Cook, from which the cut in this reprint was made; to Mr. John F. G. Stokes of the Bishop Museum for his assistance in identifying the Hawaiian names, and to Mr. J. W. Waldron for furnishing a typewritten copy of the book of which this is a reprint. The modern Hawaiian names are inserted in brackets following those given in the text. This reprint was edited and indexed for the Hawaiian Historical Society by Bruce Cartwright, Jr. Preface To those who have perused the account of the last voyage to the Pacific Ocean, the following sheets may, at first sight, appear superfluous. The author, however, being of the opinion, that the event of Captain Cook's death has not yet been so explicitly related as the importance of it required, trusts that this Narrative will not be found altogether a repetition of what is already known. At the same time, he wishes to add his humble testimony to the merit of the account given of this transaction by Captain King. Its brevity alone can afford an excuse for this publication, the object of which is to give a more particular relation of that unfortunate affair, which he finds is in general but imperfectly understood. He thinks himself warranted in saying this, from having frequently observed, that the public opinion seemed to attribute the loss of Captain Cook's life, in some measure, to rashness or too much confidence on his side; whereas nothing can be more ill-founded or unjust. It is, therefore, a duty which his friends owe to his character, to have the whole affair candidly and fully related, whatever facts it may involve, that may appear of a disagreeable nature to individuals. The author is confident, that if Captain King could have foreseen, that any wrong opinion respecting Captain Cook, would have been the consequence of omitting some circumstances relative to his death; the goodnatured motive that induced him to be silent, would not have stood a moment in competition with the superior call of justice to the memory of his friend. This publication, he is satisfied, would not have been disapproved of by Captain King, for whose memory he has the highest esteem, and to whose friendship he is under many obligations. He is sanguine enough to believe that it will serve to remove a supposition, in this single instance, injurious to the memory of Captain Cook, who was no less distinguished for his caution and prudence, than for his eminent abilities and undaunted resolution. The late appearance of this Narrative has been owing to the peculiar situation of the writer, whose domestic residence is at a great distance from the metropolis, and whose duty frequently calls him from home for several months together. He has the pleasure of adding, that, in publishing the following account of Captain Cook's death, he acts in concurrence with the opinion of some very respectable persons. Narrative of the Death of Captain Cook In the month of January, 1779, the "Resolution" and "Discovery" lay about a fortnight at anchor in the bay of Kerag,e,goo,ah[1] (Kealakekua), in the Island of Ou-why-ee (Hawaii). During that time, the ships were most plentifully supplied with provisions by natives, with whom we lived on the most friendly terms. We were universally treated by them with kind attention and hospitality; but the respect they paid to Captain Cook, was little short of adoration. It was, therefore, with sentiments of the most perfect good-will towards the inhabitants, that we left the harbour, on the fourth of February. It was Captain Cook's intention to visit the other islands to leeward, and we stood to the westward, towards Mowee (Maui), attended by several canoes full of people, who were willing to accompany us as far as they could, before they bade us a final adieu. On the sixth, we were overtaken by a gale of wind; and the next night, the "Resolution" had the misfortune of springing the head of her foremast, in such a dangerous manner, that Captain Cook was obliged to return to Keragegooah (Kealakekua), in order to have it repaired; for we could find no other convenient harbour on the island. The same gale had occasioned much distress among some canoes, that had paid a visit from the shore. One of them, with two men and a child on board, was picked up by the "Resolution," and rescued from destruction: the men, having toiled hard all night, in attempting to reach the land, were so much exhausted, that they could hardly mount the ship's side. When they got upon the quarter-deck, they burst into tears, and seemed much affected with the dangerous situation from which they had escaped; but the little child appeared lively and cheerful. One of the "Resolution's" boats was also so fortunate as to save a man and two women, whose canoe had been upset by the violence of the waves. They were brought on board, and, with the others, partook of the kindness and humanity of Captain Cook. On the morning of Wednesday, the tenth, we were within a few miles of the harbour; and were soon joined by several canoes, in which appeared many of our old acquaintances; who seemed to have come to welcome us back. Among them was Coo,aha[2] (Kuaha), a priest: he had brought a small pig, and some cocoa nuts in his hand, which, after having chaunted a few sentences, he presented to Captain Clerke. He then left us, and hastened on board the "Resolution," to perform the same friendly ceremony before Captain Cook. Having but light winds all that day, we could not gain the harbour. In the afternoon, a chief of the first rank, and nearly related to Kariopoo (Kalaniopuu), paid us a visit on board the "Discovery." His name was Ka,mea,mea (Kamehameha): he was dressed in a very rich feathered cloke, which he seemed to have brought for sale, but would part with it for nothing except iron daggers. These, the chiefs, some time before our departure, had preferred to every other article; for having received a plentiful supply of hatchets and other tools, they began to collect a store of warlike instruments. Kameamea (Kamehameha) procured nine daggers for his cloke, and being pleased with his reception, he and his attendants slept on board that night. In the morning of the eleventh of February, the ships anchored again in Keragegooah bay (Kealakekua Bay), and preparation was immediately made for landing the "Resolution's" foremast. We were visited but by few of the Indians, because there were but few in the bay. On our departure, those belonging to other parts, had repaired to their several habitations, and were again to collect from various quarters, before we could expect to be surrounded by such multitudes as we had once seen in that harbour. In the afternoon I walked about a mile into the country, to visit an Indian friend, who had, a few days before, come near twenty miles, in a small canoe, to see me, while the ship lay becalmed. As the canoe had not left us long before a gale of wind came on, I was alarmed for the consequence; however, I had the pleasure to find that my friend had escaped unhurt, though not without some difficulties. I take notice of this short excursion, merely because it afforded me an opportunity of observing, that there appeared no change in the disposition or behaviour of the inhabitants. I saw nothing that could induce me to think, that they were displeased with our return, or jealous of the intention of our second visit. On the contrary, that abundant good nature which had always characterised them, seemed still to glow in every bosom, and to animate every countenance. The next day, February the twelfth, the ships were put under a taboo, by the chiefs, a solemnity, it seems, that was requisite to be observed before Kariopoo (Kalaniopuu), the king, paid his first visit to Captain Cook, after his return. He waited upon him the same day, on board the "Resolution," attended by a large train, some of which bore the presents designed for Captain Cook, who received him in his usual friendly manner, and gave him several articles in return. This amicable ceremony being settled, the taboo was dissolved, matters went on in the usual train, and the next day, February the thirteenth, we were visited by the natives in great numbers; the "Resolution's" mast was landed, and the astronomical observatories erected on their former situation. I landed, with another gentleman, at the town of Kavaroah (Kaawaloa), where we found a great number of canoes, just arrived from different parts of the island, and the Indians busy in constructing temporary huts on the beach, for their residence during the stay of the ships. On our return on board the "Discovery," we learned that an Indian had been detected in stealing the armourer's tongs from the forge, for which he received a pretty severe flogging, and was sent out of the ship. Notwithstanding the example made of this man, in the afternoon another had the audacity to snatch the tongs and a chizel from the same place, with which he jumped overboard, and swam for the shore. The master and a midshipman were instantly dispatched after him, in the small cutter. The Indian seeing himself pursued, made for a canoe: his countrymen took him on board, and paddled as swift as they could towards the shore; we fired several muskets at them, but to no effect, for they soon got out of the reach of our shot. Pareah (Palea), one of the chiefs, who was at that time on board the "Discovery," understanding what had happened, immediately went ashore, promising to bring back the stolen goods. Our boat was so far distanced, in chasing the canoe which had taken the chief on board, that he had time to make his escape into the country. Captain Cook, who was then on shore, endeavoured to intercept his landing; but it seems, that he was led out of the way by some of the natives, who had officiously intruded themselves as guides. As the master was approaching near the landing-place, he was met by some of the Indians in a canoe; they had brought back the tongs and chizel, together with another article, that we had not missed, which happened to be the lid of the water-cask. Having recovered these things, he was returning on board, when he was met by the "Resolution's" pinnace, with five men in her, who, without any orders, had come from the observatories to his assistance. Being thus unexpectedly reinforced, he thought himself strong enough to insist upon having the thief, or the canoe which took him in, delivered up as reprizals. With that view he turned back; and having found the canoe on the beach, he was preparing to launch it into the water when Pareah (Palea) made his appearance, and insisted upon his not taking it away, as it was his property. The officer not regarding him, the chief seized upon him, pinioned his arms behind, and held him by the hair of his head: on which, one of the sailors struck him with an oar: Pareah (Palea) instantly quitted the officer, snatched the oar out of the man's hand, and snapped it in two across his knee. At length, the multitude began to attack our people with stones. They made some resistance, but were soon overpowered, and obliged to swim for safety to the small cutter, which lay farther out than the pinnace. The officers, not being expert swimmers, retreated to a small rock in the water, where they were closely pursued by the Indians. One man darted a broken oar at the master; but his foot slipping at the time, he missed him, which fortunately saved that officer's life. At last, Pareah (Palea) interfered, and put an end to their violence. The Gentlemen, knowing that his presence was their only defense against the fury of the natives, entreated him to stay with them, till they could get off in the boats; but that he refused, and left them. The master went to seek assistance from the party at the observatories; but the midshipman chose to remain in the pinnace. He was very rudely treated by the mob, who plundered the boat of everything that was loose on board, and then began to knock her to pieces, for the sake of the ironwork: but Pareah (Palea) fortunately returned in time to prevent her destruction. He had met the other gentleman on his way to the observatories, and suspecting his errand, had forced him to return. He dispersed the crowd again, and desired the gentlemen to return on board; they represented, that all the oars had been taken out of the boat: on which he brought some of them back, and the gentlemen were glad to get off, without further molestation. They had not proceeded far, before they were overtaken by Pareah (Palea), in a canoe; he delivered the midshipman's cap, which had been taken from him in the scuffle, joined noses with them, in token of reconciliation, and was anxious to know, if Captain Cook would kill him for what had happened. They assured him of the contrary, and made signs of friendship to him in return. He then left them, and paddled over to the town of Kavaroah (Kaawaloa), and that was the last time we ever saw him. Captain Cook returned on board soon after, much displeased with the whole of this disagreeable business; and the same night, sent a lieutenant on board the "Discovery," to learn the particulars of it, as it had originated in that ship. It was remarkable, that in the midst of the hurry and confusion attending this affair, Kanynah[3] (Kanaina), a chief who had always been on terms particularly friendly with us, came from the spot where it happened, with a hog to sell on board the "Discovery:" it was of an extraordinary large size, and he demanded for it a pahowa (pahoa), or dagger, of an unusual length. He pointed to us, that it must be as long as his arm. Captain Clerke not having one of that length, told him, he would get one made for him by the morning; with which being satisfied, he left the hog, and went ashore without making any stay with us. It will not be altogether foreign to the subject, to mention a circumstance, that happened to-day on board the "Resolution." An Indian Chief asked Captain Cook at his table, if he was a Tata Toa (Hakaka Koa); which means a fighting man, or a soldier. Being answered in the affirmative, he desired to see his wounds: Captain Cook held out his right-hand, which had a scar upon it, dividing the thumb from the finger, the whole length of the metacarpal bones. The Indian, being thus convinced of his being a Toa (Koa), put the same question to another gentleman present, but he happened to have none of those distinguishing marks: the chief then said, that he himself was a Toa (Koa), and showed the scars of some wounds he had received in battle. Those who were on duty at the observatories, were disturbed during the night, with shrill and melancholy sounds, issuing from the adjacent villages, which they took to be the lamentations of the women. Perhaps the quarrel between us, might have filled their minds with apprehensions for the safety of their husbands: but, be that as it may, their mournful cries struck the sentinels with unusual awe and terror. To widen the breach between us, some of the Indians in the night, took away the "Discovery's" large cutter, which lay swamped at the buoy of one of her anchors: they had carried her off so quietly, that we did not miss her till the morning, Sunday, February the fourteenth. Captain Clerke lost no time in waiting upon Captain Cook, to acquaint him with the accident; he returned on board, with orders for the launch and small cutter to go, under the command of the second lieutenant, and lie off the east point of the bay, in order to intercept all canoes that might attempt to get out; and, if he found it necessary, to fire upon them. At the same time, the third lieutenant of the "Resolution," with the launch and small cutter, was sent on the same service, to the opposite point of the bay; and the master was dispatched in the large cutter, in pursuit of a double canoe, already under sail, making the best of her way out of the harbour. He soon came up with her, and by firing a few muskets, drove her on shore, and the Indians left her: this happened to be the canoe of Omea (Mea), a man who bore the title of Orono (Lono). He was on board himself, and it would have been fortunate, if our people had secured him, for his person was held as sacred as that of the king. During this time, Captain Cook was preparing to go ashore himself, at the town of Kavaroah (Kaawaloa), in order to secure the person of Kariopoo (Kalaniopuu), before he should have time to withdraw himself to another part of the island, out of our reach. This appeared the most effectual step that could be taken on the present occasion, for the recovery of the boat. It was the measure he had invariably pursued, in similar cases, at other islands in these seas, and it had always been attended with the desired success: in fact, it would be difficult to point out any other mode of proceeding on these emergencies, likely to attain the object in view. We had reason to suppose, that the king and his attendants had fled when the alarm was first given; in that case, it was Captain Cook's intention to secure the large canoes which were hauled upon the beach. He left the ship about seven o'clock, attended by the lieutenant of marines, a serjeant, corporal, and seven private men: the pinnace's crew were also armed, and under the command of Mr. Roberts. As they rowed towards the shore, Captain Cook ordered the launch to leave her station at the west point of the bay, in order to assist his own boat. This is a circumstance worthy of notice; for it clearly shows, that he was not unapprehensive of meeting with resistance from the natives; or unmindful of the necessary preparation for the safety of himself and his people. I will venture to say, that from the appearance of things, just at that time, there was not one, beside himself, who judged that such precaution was absolutely requisite; so little did his conduct on the occasion bear the marks of rashness, or a precipitate self-confidence! He landed, with the marines, at the upper end of the town of Kavaroah (Kaawaloa): the Indians immediately flocked round, as usual, and showed him the customary marks of respect, by prostrating themselves before him. There were no signs of hostilities, or much alarm among them. Captain Cook, however, did not seem willing to trust to appearances; but was particularly attentive to the disposition of the marines, and to have them kept clear of the crowd. He first enquired for the king's sons, two youths[4] who were much attached to him, and generally his companions on board. Messengers being sent for them, they soon came to him, and informing him that their father was asleep, at a house not far from them, he accompanied them thither, and took the marines along with them. As he passed along, the natives every where prostrated themselves before him, and seemed to have lost no part of that respect they had always shown to his person. He was joined by several chiefs, among whom was Kanynah (Kanaina), and his brother Koohowrooah (Kuhaulua?). They kept the crowd in order, according to their usual custom; and being ignorant of his intention in coming on shore, frequently asked him if he wanted any hogs, or other provisions; he told them that he did not, and that his business was to see the king. When he arrived at the house he ordered some of the Indians to go in, and inform Kariopoo (Kalaniopuu), that he waited without to speak with him. They came out two or three times, and instead of returning any answer from the king, presented some pieces of red cloth to him, which made Captain Cook suspect that he was not in the house; he therefore desired the lieutenant of marines to go in. The lieutenant found the old man just awaked from sleep, and seemingly alarmed at the message; but he came out without hesitation. Captain Cook took him by the hand, and in a friendly manner, asked him to go on board, to which he very readily consented. Thus far matters appeared in a favourable train, and the natives did not seem much alarmed or apprehensive of hostility on our side; at which Captain Cook expressed himself a little surprized, saying, that as the inhabitants of that town appeared innocent of stealing the cutter, he should not molest them, but that he must get the king on board. Kariopoo (Kalaniopuu) sat down before his door, and was surrounded by a great crowd: Kanynah (Kanaina) and his brother were both very active in keeping order among them. In a little time, however, the Indians were observed arming themselves with long spears, clubs, and daggers, and putting on thick mats, which they use as armour. This hostile appearance increased, and became more alarming, on the arrival of two men in a canoe from the opposite side of the bay, with the news of a chief, called Kareemoo (Kalimo), having been killed by one of the "Discovery's" boats, in their passage across: they had also delivered this account to each of the ships. Upon that information, the women, who were sitting upon the beach at their breakfasts, and conversing familiarly with our people in the boats, retired, and a confused murmur spread through the crowd. An old priest came to Captain Cook, with a cocoa nut in his hand, which he held out to him as a present, at the same time singing very loud. He was often desired to be silent, but in vain: he continued importunate and troublesome, and there was no such thing as getting rid of him or his noise: it seemed, as if he meant to divert their attention from his countrymen, who were growing more tumultuous, and arming themselves in every quarter. Captain Cook, being at the same time surrounded by a great crowd, thought his situation rather hazardous: he therefore ordered the lieutenant of marines to march his small party to the water-side, where the boats lay within a few yards of the shore: the Indians readily made a lane for them to pass, and did not offer to interrupt them. The distance they had to go might be about fifty or sixty yards; Captain Cook followed, having hold of Kariopoo's (Kalaniopuu's) hand, who accompanied him very willingly: he was attended by his wife, two sons, and several chiefs. The troublesome old priest followed, making the same savage noise. Keowa (Keoua)[5], the younger son, went directly into the pinnace, expecting his father to follow; but just as he arrived at the water-side, his wife threw her arms about his neck, and, with the assistance of two chiefs, forced him to sit down by the side of a double canoe. Captain Cook expostulated with them, but to no purpose: they would not suffer the king to proceed, telling him, that he would be put to death if he went on board the ship. Kariopoo (Kalaniopuu), whose conduct seemed entirely resigned to the will of others, hung down his head, and appeared much distressed. While the king was in this situation, a chief, well known to us, of the name of Coho (Koho), was observed lurking near, with an iron dagger, partly concealed under his cloke, seemingly, with the intention of stabbing Captain Cook, or the lieutenant of marines. The latter proposed to fire at him, but Captain Cook would not permit it. Coho (Koho) closing upon them, obliged the officer to strike him with his piece, which made him retire. Another Indian laid hold of the serjeant's musket, and endeavoured to wrench it from him, but was prevented by the lieutenant's making a blow at him. Captain Cook, seeing the tumult increase, and the Indians growing more daring and resolute, observed, that if he were to take the king off by force, he could not do it without sacrificing the lives of many of his people. He then paused a little, and was on the point of giving his order to reimbark, when a man threw a stone at him; which he returned with a discharge of small shot, (with which one barrel of his double piece was loaded). The man, having a thick mat before him, received little or no hurt; he brandished his spear, and threatened to dart it at Captain Cook, who being still unwilling to take away his life, instead of firing with ball, knocked him down with his musket. He expostulated strongly with the most forward of the crowd, upon their turbulent behaviour. He had given up all thoughts of getting the king on board, as it appeared impracticable; and his care was then only to act on the defensive, and to secure a safe embarkation for his small party, which was closely pressed by a body of several thousand people. Keowa (Keoua), the king's son, who was in the pinnace, being alarmed on hearing the first firing, was, at his own entreaty, put on shore again; for even at that time, Mr. Roberts, who commanded her, did not apprehend that Captain Cook's person was in any danger: otherwise he would have detained the prince, which, no doubt, would have been a great check on the Indians. One man was observed, behind a double canoe, in the action of darting his spear at Captain Cook, who was forced to fire at him in his own defence, but happened to kill another close to him, equally forward in the tumult: the serjeant observing that he had missed the man he aimed at, received orders to fire at him, which he did, and killed him. By this time, the impetuosity of the Indians was somewhat repressed; they fell back in a body, and seemed staggered; but being pushed on by those behind, they returned to the charge, and poured a volley of stones among the marines, who, without waiting for orders, returned it with a general discharge of musketry, which was instantly followed by a fire from the boats. At this Captain Cook was heard to express his astonishment: he waved his hand to the boats, called to them to cease firing, and to come nearer in to receive the marines. Mr. Roberts immediately brought the pinnace as close to the shore as he could, without grounding, notwithstanding the showers of stones that fell among the people; but Mr. John Williamson, the lieutenant, who commanded in the launch, instead of pulling in to the assistance of Captain Cook, withdrew his boat further off, at the moment that everything seems to have depended upon the timely exertions of those in the boats. By his own account, he mistook the signal: but be that as it may, this circumstance appears to me, to have decided the fatal turn of the affair, and to have removed every chance which remained with Captain Cook, of escaping with his life. The business of saving the marines out of the water, in consequence of that, fell altogether upon the pinnace; which thereby became so much crowded, that the crew were, in a great measure, prevented from using their fire-arms, or giving what assistance they otherwise might have done, to Captain Cook; so that he seems, at the most critical point of time, to have wanted the assistance of both boats, owing to the removal of the launch. For notwithstanding that they kept up a fire on the crowd from the situation to which they removed in that boat, the fatal confusion which ensued on her being withdrawn, to say the least of it, must have prevented the full effect, that the prompt co-operation of the two boats, according to Captain Cook's orders, must have had, towards the preservation of himself and his people. At that time, it was to the boats alone, that Captain Cook had to look for his safety; for when the marines had fired, the Indians rushed among them, and forced them into the water, where four of them were killed: their lieutenant was wounded, but fortunately escaped, and was taken up by the pinnace. Captain Cook was then the only one remaining on the rock: he was observed making for the pinnace, holding his left-hand against the back of his head, to guard it from the stones, and carrying his musket under the other arm. An Indian was seen following him, but with caution and timidity; for he stopped once or twice, as if undetermined to proceed. At last he advanced upon him unawares, and with a large club,[6] or common stake, gave him a blow on the back of the head, and then precipitately retreated. The stroke seemed to have stunned Captain Cook: he staggered a few paces, then fell on his hand and one knee, and dropped his musket. As he was rising, and before he could recover his feet, another Indian stabbed him in the back of the neck with an iron dagger. He then fell into a bite of water about knee deep, where others crowded upon him, and endeavoured to keep him under: but struggling very strongly with them, he got his head up, and casting his look towards the pinnace, seemed to solicit assistance. Though the boat was not above five or six yards distant from him, yet from the crowded and confused state of the crew, it seems, it was not in their power to save him. The Indians got him under again, but in deeper water: he was, however, able to get his head up once more, and being almost spent in the struggle, he naturally turned to the rock, and was endeavouring to support himself by it, when a savage gave him a blow with a club, and he was seen alive no more. They hauled him up lifeless on the rocks, where they seemed to take a savage pleasure in using every barbarity to his dead body, snatching the daggers out of each other's hands, to have the horrid satisfaction of piercing the fallen victim of their barbarous rage. I need make no reflection on the great loss we suffered on this occasion, or attempt to describe what we felt. It is enough to say, that no man was ever more beloved or admired; and it is truly painful to reflect, that he seems to have fallen a sacrifice merely for want of being properly supported; a fate, singularly to be lamented, as having fallen to his lot, who had ever been conspicuous for his care of those under his command, and who seemed, to the last, to pay as much attention to their preservation, as to that of his own life. If any thing could have added to the shame and indignation universally felt on the occasion, it was to find, that his remains had been deserted, and left exposed on the beach, although they might have been brought off. It appears, from the information of four or five midshipmen, who arrived on the spot at the conclusion of the fatal business, that the beach was then almost entirely deserted by the Indians, who at length had given way to the fire of the boats, and dispersed through the town: so that there seemed no great obstacle to prevent the recovery of Captain Cook's body; but the lieutenant returned on board without making the attempt. It is unnecessary to dwell longer on this painful subject, and to relate the complaints and censures that fell on the conduct of the lieutenant. It will be sufficient to observe, that they were so loud, as to oblige Captain Clerke publicly to notice them, and to take the depositions of his accusers down in writing. The Captain's bad state of health and approaching dissolution, it is supposed, induced him to destroy these papers a short time before his death. It is a painful task, to be obliged to notice circumstances, which seem to reflect upon the character of any man. A strict regard to truth, however, compelled me to the insertion of these facts, which I have offered merely as facts, without presuming to connect with them any comment of my own: esteeming it the part of a faithful historian, "to extenuate nothing, nor set down ought in malice." The fatal accident happened about eight o'clock in the morning, about an hour after Captain Cook landed. It did not seem, that the king, or his sons, were witnesses to it; but it is supposed that they withdrew in the midst of the tumult. The principal actors were the other chiefs, many of them the king's relations and attendants: the man who stabbed him with the dagger was called Nooah (Nuaa). I happened to be the only one who recollected his person, from having on a former occasion mentioned his name in the journal I kept. I was induced to take particular notice of him, more from his personal appearance than any other consideration, though he was of high rank, and a near relation of the king: he was stout and tall, with a fierce look and demeanour, and one who united in his figure the two qualities of strength and agility, in a greater degree, than ever I remembered to have seen before in any other man. His age might be about thirty, and by the white scurf on his skin, and his sore eyes, he appeared to be a hard drinker of Kava (awa). He was a constant companion of the king, with whom I first saw him, when he paid a visit to Captain Clerke. The chief who first struck Captain Cook with the club, was called Karimano-craha[7] (Kalaimanokahoowaha), but I did not know him by his name. These circumstances I learnt of honest Kaireekea (Keliikia), the priest; who added, that they were both held in great esteem on account of that action; neither of them came near us afterwards. When the boats left the shore, the Indians carried away the dead body of Captain Cook and those of the marines, to the rising ground, at the back of the town, where we could plainly see them with our glasses from the ships. This most melancholy accident, appears to have been altogether unexpected and unforeseen, as well on the part of the natives as ourselves. I never saw sufficient reason to induce me to believe, that there was any thing of design, or a pre-concerted plan on their side, or that they purposely sought to quarrel with us: thieving, which gave rise to the whole, they were equally guilty of, in our first and second visits. It was the cause of every misunderstanding that happened between us: their petty thefts were generally overlooked, but sometimes slightly punished: the boat, which they at last ventured to take away, was an object of no small magnitude to people in our situation, who could not possibly replace her, and therefore not slightly to be given up. We had no other chance of recovering her, but by getting the person of the king into our possession: on our attempting to do that, the natives became alarmed for his safety, and naturally opposed those whom they deemed his enemies. In the sudden conflict that ensued, we had the unspeakable misfortune of losing our excellent Commander, in the manner already related. It is in this light the affair has always appeared to me, as entirely accidental, and not in the least owing to any previous offence received, or jealousy of our second visit entertained by the natives. Pareah (Palea) seems to have been the principal instrument in bringing about this fatal disaster. We learnt afterwards, that it was he who had employed some people to steal the boat: the king did not seem to be privy to it, or even apprized of what had happened, till Captain Cook landed. It was generally remarked, that at first, the Indians shewed great resolution in facing our fire-arms; but it was entirely owing to ignorance of their effect. They thought that their thick mats would defend them from a ball, as well as from a stone; but being soon convinced of their error, yet still at a loss to account how such execution was done among them, they had recourse to a stratagem, which, though it answered no other purpose, served to show their ingenuity and quickness of invention. Observing the flashes of the muskets, they naturally concluded, that water would counteract their effect, and therefore, very sagaciously dipped their mats, or armour in the sea, just as they came on to face our people: but finding this last resource to fail them, they soon dispersed, and left the beach entirely clear. It was an object they never neglected, even at the greatest hazard, to carry off their slain; a custom, probably, owing to the barbarity with which they treat the dead body of an enemy, and the trophies they make of his bones.[8] Some Particulars Concerning the Life and Character of Captain Cook Captain Cook was born at Marton, in Cleaveland, in the county of York, a small village, distant five miles south-east from Stockton. His name is found in the parish register in the year 1729 (so that Captain King was mistaken, in placing the time of his birth in the year 1727). The cottage in which his father formerly lived, is now decayed, but the spot where it stood is still shewn to strangers. A gentleman is now living in that neighbourhood, with whom the old man formerly worked as a common day-labourer in the fields. However, though placed in this humble station, he gave his son a common school education, and at an early age, placed him apprentice with one Mr. Saunderson, a shopkeeper at Staith (always pronounced Steers), a small fishing-town on the Yorkshire coast, about nine miles to the northward of Whitby. The business is now carried on by the son of Mr. Saunderson, in the same shop, which I had the curiosity to visit about a year and a half ago. In that situation young Cook did not continue long, before he quitted it in disgust, and, as often happens in the like cases, betook himself to the sea. Whitby being a neighbouring sea-port, readily offered him an opportunity to pursue his inclination; and there we find he bound himself apprentice, for nine years, in the coal trade, to one Mr. John Walker, now living in South Whitby. In his employ, he afterwards became mate of a ship; in which station having continued some time, he had the offer of being master, which he refused, as it seems he had at that time turned his thoughts towards the navy. Accordingly, at the breaking out of the war in 1755, he entered on board the "Eagle," of fifty-four guns, and in a short time after, Sir Hugh Palliser was appointed to the command of that ship, a circumstance that must not be passed unnoticed, as it proved the foundation of the future fame and fortune of Captain Cook. His uncommon merit did not long escape the observation of that discerning officer, who promoted him to the quarter-deck, and ever after patronized him with such zeal and attention, as must reflect the highest honour upon his character. To Sir Hugh Palliser is the world indebted, for having first noticed in an obscure situation, and afterwards brought forward in life, the greatest nautical genius that ever any age or country has produced. In the year 1758, we find him master of the "Northumberland," then in America, under the command of Lord Colville. It was there, he has been heard to say, that during a hard winter he first read Euclid, and applied himself to the study of astronomy and the mathematics, in which he made no inconsiderable progress, assisted only by his own ingenuity and industry. At the time he thus found means to cultivate and improve his mind, and to supply the deficiency of an early education, he was constantly engaged in the most busy and active scenes of the war in America. At the siege of Quebec, Sir Hugh Palliser made him known to Sir Charles Saunders, who committed to his charge the conducting of the boats to the attack of Mount Morenci, and the embarkation that scaled the heights of Abraham. He was also employed to examine the passage of the river St. Laurence, and to lay buoys for the direction of the men of war. In short, in whatever related to the reduction of that place in the naval department, he had a principal share, and conducted himself so well throughout the whole, as to recommend himself to the commander in chief. At the conclusion of the war, Sir Hugh Palliser having the command on the Newfoundland station, he appointed him to survey that Island and the coast of Labradore, and gave him the "Grenville" brig for that purpose. How well he performed that service, the charts he has published afford sufficient testimony. In that employment he continued till the year 1767, when the well known voyage to the South Sea, for observing the transit of Venus, and making discoveries in that vast ocean was planned. Lord Hawke, who then presided at the Admiralty, was strongly solicited to give the command of that expedition to Mr. Alexander Dalrymple; but through the interest of his friend Sir Hugh Palliser, Captain Cook obtained the appointment, together with the rank of lieutenant. It was stipulated, that on his return, he should, if he chose it, again hold the place of surveyor of Newfoundland, and that his family should be provided for, in case of an accident to himself. He sailed from England in the "Endeavour," in the year 1768, accompanied by Mr. Banks and Dr. Solander, and returned in 1771; after having circumnavigated the globe, made several important discoveries in the South Sea, and explored the islands of New Zealand, and great part of the coast of New Holland. The skill and ability with which he conducted that expedition, ranked his name high as a navigator, and could not fail of recommending him to that great patron of naval merit, the Earl of Sandwich, who then presided at the board of Admiralty. He was promoted to the rank of master and commander, and a short time afterwards, appointed to conduct another expedition to the Pacific Ocean, in search of the supposed Southern continent, and added many valuable discoveries to those he had before made in the South Sea. His own account of it is before the public, and he is no less admired for the accuracy and extensive knowledge which he has displayed in that work, than for his skill and intrepidity in conducting the expedition. On his return, he was promoted to the rank of post-captain, and appointed one of the captains of Greenwich hospital. In that Retirement he did not continue long: for an active life best suiting his disposition, he offered his services to conduct a third expedition to the South Sea, which was then in agitation, in order to explore a northern passage from Europe to Asia: in this he unfortunately lost his life, but not till he had fully accomplished the object of the voyage. The character of Captain Cook will be best exemplified by the services he has performed, which are universally known, and have ranked his name above that of any navigator of ancient or of modern times. Nature had endowed him with a mind vigorous and comprehensive, which in his riper years he had cultivated with care and industry. His general knowledge was extensive and various: in that of his own profession he was unequalled. With a clear judgment, strong masculine sense, and the most determined resolution; with a genius particularly turned for enterprize, he pursued his object with unshaken perseverence:--vigilent and active in an eminent degree:--cool and intrepid among dangers; patient and firm under difficulties and distress; fertile in expedients; great and original in all his designs; active and resolved in carrying them into execution. These qualities rendered him the animating spirit of the expedition: in every situation, he stood unrivalled and alone; on him all eyes were turned; he was our leading-star, which at its setting, left us involved in darkness and despair. His constitution was strong, his mode of living temperate: why Captain King should not suppose temperance as great a virtue in him as in any other man, I am unable to guess. He had no repugnance to good living; he always kept a good table, though he could bear the reverse without murmuring. He was a modest man, and rather bashful; of an agreeable lively conversation, sensible and intelligent. In his temper he was somewhat hasty, but of a disposition the most friendly, benevolent, and humane. His person was above six feet high, and though a good-looking man, he was plain both in address and appearance. His head was small, his hair, which was a dark brown, he wore tied behind. His face was full of expression, his nose exceedingly well-shaped, his eyes, which were small and of a brown cast, were quick and piercing; his eyebrows prominent, which gave his countenance altogether an air of austerity. He was beloved by his people, who looked up to him as to a father, and obeyed his commands with alacrity. The confidence we placed in him was unremitting; our admiration of his great talents unbounded; our esteem for his good qualities affectionate and sincere. In exploring unknown countries, the dangers he had to encounter were various and uncommon. On such occasions, he always displayed great presence of mind, and a steady perseverance in pursuit of his object. The acquisition he has made to our knowledge of the globe is immense, besides improving the art of navigation, and enriching the science of natural philosophy. He was remarkably distinguished for the activity of his mind: it was that which enabled him to pay an unwearied attention to every object of the service. The strict economy he observed in the expenditure of the ship's stores, and the unremitting care he employed for the preservation of the health of his people, were the causes that enabled him to prosecute discoveries in remote parts of the globe, for such a length of time as had been deemed impracticable by former navigators. The method he discovered for preserving the health of seamen in long voyages, will transmit his name to posterity as the friend and benefactor of mankind: the success which attended it, afforded this truly great man more satisfaction, than the distinguished fame that attended his discoveries. England has been unanimous in her tribute of applause to his virtues, and all Europe has borne testimony to his merit. There is hardly a corner of the earth, however remote and savage, that will not long remember his benevolence and humanity. The grateful Indian, in time to come, pointing to the herds grazing his fertile plains, will relate to his children how the first stock of them was introduced into the country; and the name of Cook will be remembered among those benign spirits, whom they worship as the source of every good, and the fountain of every blessing. It may not be amiss to observe, that the plate engraved by Sherwin, after a painting by Dance, is a most excellent likeness of Captain Cook; and more to be valued, as it is the only one I have seen that bears any resemblance to him. Observations Respecting the Introduction of the Venereal Disease Into the Sandwich Islands This publication affording a convenient opportunity, I embrace it, to offer a few remarks upon a subject in some degree affecting the reputation of the late voyages to the South Sea Islands. If we for a moment suppose, that they have been the means of disseminating the venereal disease among the inhabitants, the evil is of such a magnitude, that we are induced to wish they had never been undertaken. For who would not sooner remain ignorant of the interesting discoveries which have been made, than bear the reflection of their having been attended with such an irreparable injury to a happy and uncontaminated race of people! It is a point of dispute between Captain Wallis and Mons. Bougainville, which of their ships it was, that introduced the disease to Otaheite. And we find, that Captain Cook was apprehensive of his people having left it at the Friendly Islands. Without enquiring into the grounds of conviction they had in former voyages, I am strongly inclined to believe, from my observations in the last, that it is a subject about which they are very liable to be deceived; and that what is laid down as positive fact, could be no more than matter of opinion. In the last voyage, both Captains Cook and King were of opinion, that the inhabitants of Sandwich Islands received that distemper from our people. The great deference I pay to their judgment on every occasion, will hardly allow me to dissent from it in the present instance; and yet I must be allowed to say, that the same evidence which proved convincing to them in this case, did by no means appear so to me, and I will endeavour to assign my reasons. When we first discovered Sandwich Islands, in the month of January, 1778, the ships anchored at two of them (viz. Atowai (Kauai) and Neehaw (Niihau)) where parties were sent ashore for water, and to purchase provisions of the natives. On this occasion, I must bear my testimony (for I was then in the "Resolution") to the very particular care taken by Captain Cook, to prevent any of his people who were not in perfect health, from having communication with the shore, and also to prevent women from coming on board the ships. That this humane precaution answered the intended purpose, we had great reason to believe; for not one of those who did go on shore was afterwards in the surgeon's list, or known to have any complaint; which was the most convincing proof we could have, of their being well at the time. We therefore were under no apprehensions on this head, when we visited these islands a second time, about eleven months from our first discovering them. We then fell in with two islands, (viz. Mowee (Maui) and Ouwhyee (Hawaii)) belonging to the group, which we had not seen before; and very soon found that the venereal disease was not unknown to the natives. This excited no little concern and astonishment among us, and made us anxious to learn whether or no, so dreadful a calamity had been left at Atowai (Kauai) by our ships, and so propagated to these islands. But the scanty knowledge we had of their language, made this a matter of great difficulty, and rendered the best intelligence we could get, but vague and uncertain. While we were cruising off Ouwhyee (Hawaii), I was told, that some Indians had visited the "Resolution" with that complaint upon them, and that they seemed to intimate, that our ships had left it at Atowai (Kauai); whence it had found its way to this island. This account, I confess, appeared at once very improbable to me, and rendered me very desirous of an opportunity to examine some of them myself: for I found the above story gaining universal belief, and felt somewhat hurt, that we should take to ourselves the ignominy of such an imputation, without sufficient proof of its being just. During our stay at Keragegooah bay (Kealakekua Bay), where we had constant opportunities of directing our enquiries to the most intelligent of the natives, I met with none who could give me any information on the subject, nor could I learn that they had the least idea of our having left it at Atowai (Kauai), or that it was a new thing amongst them. This circumstance, added to the very slight reliance, which experience had taught me to place in any intelligence obtained from the Indians, through the medium of their language, confirmed me in the opinion I had entertained from the first, that the meaning of those Indians had been misunderstood on board the "Resolution." An instance happened soon afterwards which convinced me, that no credit whatsoever is to be given to such information. We had not been long arrived at Atowai (Kauai) a second time, before an Indian came on board the "Discovery," who appeared to the gentleman who first spoke to him, clearly to charge us with having left the disease at that island, on our former visit. As I was known to be an unbeliever, the man was at last referred to me; and, I confess, I was a little staggered at first with the answers he gave me; but presently, suspecting from his manner, that he would answer every question proposed to him in the affirmative, I asked him, if they did not receive the disease first from Oahoo (Oahu); a neighbouring island, which we had not touched at, when we were in these parts before: the man directly answered, that they had; and strenuously persisted in the same, every time the question was put to him, either by myself, or the gentleman who had first examined him. Such contradictory accounts as these, prove nothing, but our ignorance of their language, and consequently, how apt we are to be misled in enquiries of this sort. I never put any confidence in them myself, and have often been surprised to see others put so much. Yet those who have maintained that we left the disease at Sandwich Islands, have no better foundation than this, to rest their opinion upon. Whether it be sufficient to support such an accusation, I will leave others to judge, after what I have related above; and proceed to point out such other circumstances as tend to prove, that the disease was not left at these islands by our ships. From everything we could learn, it appeared, that there is but little intercourse between Atowai (Kauai) and the islands to windward, especially Ouwhyee (Hawaii), which is about fifty leagues distant; and the nearest to Atowai (Kauai), which is Oahoo (Oahu), is five and twenty leagues. There is generally some misunderstanding between them, and, excepting for hostile purposes, the inhabitants rarely visit each other. But were we even to allow, that there is a frequent intercourse between them, which from the distance alone is highly improbable, yet it is hardly possible, that the disease should have spread so far, and so universally, as we found it at Ouwhyee (Hawaii), in the short space of time which intervened between our first and second visit to the Sandwich Islands. On the same supposition, it will appear very extraordinary, that we should have found it more common by far at Ouwhyee (Hawaii) than at Atowai (Kauai), the place where we are supposed to have first left it. That this was the case, however, from my situation at that time, as surgeon of the "Discovery," I am able to pronounce with some certainty. The priests pretended to be expert at curing it, and seemed to have an established mode of treatment; which by no means implied, that it was a recent complaint among them, much less that it was introduced only a few months before. Whence, or at what time, the inhabitants of those islands received disease, or whether or not it be indigenous among them, is what I do not pretend even to guess: but from the circumstances above-mentioned, I think myself warranted in saying, that there are by no means sufficient proofs of our having first introduced it; but that, on the contrary, there is every reason to believe, that they were afflicted with it before we discovered those islands. FOOTNOTES: [1] I take it for granted, that most of those into whose hands these pages may fall, have perused Captain Cook's last Voyage, and therefore, I have all along mentioned the names of the principal actors in this account, as people with whom they are already acquainted. But as I differ so much in the orthography of the language of the Sandwich Islands from that used in the printed Voyage, it becomes necessary for me to explain the names I use in this narrative, by those already known. It may appear strange, how we should differ so much; but so it is:--which is the most accurate, some future visitor may determine. Karakakooa I call Ke,rag,e,goo,ah (Kealakekua) Terreeoboo ---- Kariopoo (Kaleiopuu, better known as Kalaniopuu) Kowrowa ---- Kavaroah (Kaawaloa) Kaneecabareea ---- Kaneekapo,herei (Kanekapulei) Maiha maiha ---- Ka,mea,mea (Kamehameha) [2] Called Koah by Cook.--Ed. [3] Called Kaneena by Cook; Kanina by Fornander.--Ed. [4] Keoua Kuahuula and Keoua Peeale.--Ed. [5] Probably Keoua Peeale.--Ed. [6] I have heard one of the gentlemen who were present say, that the first injury he received was from a dagger, as it is represented in the Voyage; but, from the account of many others, who were also eye-witnesses, I am confident, in saying that he was first struck with a club. I was afterwards confirmed in this, by Kaireekea (Keliikia), the priest, who particularly mentioned the name of the man who gave him the blow, as well as that of the chief who afterwards struck him with the dagger. This is a point not worth disputing about: I mention it, as being solicitous to be accurate in this account, even in circumstances, of themselves, not very material. [7] Fornander II, page 193, identifies a Kalaimanokahoowaha as Kanaina.--Ed. [8] A remarkable instance of this I met with at Atowai (Kauai). Tamataherei (Kamakahelei), the queen of that island, paid us a visit one day on board the "Discovery," accompanied by her husband Taeoh (Kaeokulani), and one of her daughters by her former husband Oteeha (Kiha). [Possibly another name for Kaneoneo, the first husband of Kamakahelei and father of Lelemahoalani.] The young princess, whose name was Ore-reemo-horanee (Lelemahoalani), carried in her hand a very elegant fly-flap, of a curious construction: the upper part of it was variegated with alternate rings of tortoise shell and human bone, and the handle, which was well polished, consisted of the greater part of the os humeri of a chief, called Mahowra (Meheula). He had belonged to the neighbouring island of Oahoo (Oahu), and, in a hostile descent he made upon this coast, had been killed by Oteeha (Kiha), who was then sovereign of Atowai (Kauai). And thus we found Orereemohoranee (Lelemahoalani) carrying his bones about, as trophies of her father's victory. The queen set a great value upon it, and was not willing to part with it for any of our iron ware; but happening to cast her eyes upon a wash-hand bason of mine, it struck her fancy, and she offered to exchange; I accepted of her proposal, and the bones of the unfortunate Mahowra (Meheula) came at last into my possession. INDEX Atowai (_see_ Kauai) Clerke, Captain, 6, 9, 10, 15, 16 Coho (_see_ Koho) Cooaha (_see_ Kuaha) Cook, Captain, 4, 5, 6, 9, 10, 11, 12, 13, 14, 16, 17, 18, 19, 20, 21, 22 Cook, Life of Captain James, 18, 19, 20, 21 Disease, Introduction of in Hawaii, 22, 23, 24 Hawaii, 5, 23, 24 Kaawaloa, 5, 7, 9, 10 Kaeokulani (k), 17 Kaireekea (_see_ Keliikia) Kalaimanokahoowaha (k), 16 Kalaniopuu (k), 5, 6, 7, 10, 11, 12 Kaleiopuu (_see_ Kalaniopuu) Kalimo (k), 12 Kamakahelei (w), 17 Ka,mea,mea (_see_ Kamehameha) Kamehameha (k), 5, 6 Kanaina (k), 9, 11, 16 Kaneecabareea (_see_ Kanekapulei) Kaneena (_see_ Kanaina) Kanekapo,herei (_see_ Kanekapulei) Kanekapulei (w), 5 Kaneoneo (k), 17 Kanina (_see_ Kanaina) Kanynah (_see_ Kanaina) Karakakooa (_see_ Kealakekua) Kareemoo (_see_ Kalimo) Karimano,craha (_see_ Kalaimanokahoowaha) Kariopoo (_see_ Kalaniopuu) Kauai, 17, 22, 23, 24 Kavaroah (_see_ Kaawaloa) Kealakekua, 5, 6, 23 Keliikia (k), 14, 16 Keoua Kuahuula (k), 11 Keoua Peeale (k), 11, 12, 13 Keowa (_see_ Keona Peeale) Kerag,e,goo,ah (_see_ Kealakekua) Kiha (_see_ Kaneoneo) King, Captain, 4, 22 Koho (k), 12 Koohowrooah (_see_ Kuhaulua) Kowrowa (_see_ Kaawaloa) Kuaha (k), 6 Kuhaulua (k), 11 Lelemahoalani (w), 17 Lono (_see_ Mea) Mahowra (_see_ Meheula) Maihamaiha (_see_ Kamehameha) Maui, 5, 23 Mea (k), 10 Meheula (k), 17 Mowee (_see_ Maui) Neehaw (_see_ Niihau) Niihau, 22 Nooah (_see_ Nuaa) Nuaa (k), 16 Oahoo (_see_ Oahu) Oahu, 17, 23, 24 Omea (_see_ Mea) Ore,reemo,horanee (_see_ Lelemahoalani) Orono (_see_ Lono) Oteeha (_see_ Kiha) Ou,why,ee (_see_ Hawaii) Palea (k), 7, 8, 17 Pareah (_see_ Palea) Roberts, Mr., 10, 13 Taeoh (_see_ Kaeokulani) Tamataherei (_see_ Kamakehelei) Terreeoboo (_see_ Kalaniopuu) Vessels: "Discovery", 6, 7, 9, 12, 17, 23, 24 "Resolution", 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 22, 23 Williamson, Mr. John, 13 * * * * * Transcriber's Corrections Following is a list of significant typographical errors that have been corrected. - Page 4, "explicity" changed to "explicitly" (so explicitly related). - Page 10, "Resoluion" changed to "Resolution" (third lieutenant of the "Resolution"). - Page 16, "unforseen" changed to "unforeseen" (unexpected and unforeseen). - Page 18, "the the" changed to "the" (towards the the navy). - Page 21, "proscute" changed to "prosecute" (enabled him to prosecute). 23267 ---- The Cannibal Islands, by R.M. Ballantyne. ________________________________________________________________________ This book describes some of the voyages of Captain Cook to Tahiti and other islands in the Pacific. Tahiti had been previously discovered by a Captain Wallis, and Cook was sent out there in order to make some astronomical observations that could not be done in Europe. The island was very verdant, and it was scarcely necessary for its people to work at all, so that they were very indolent. They were also inclined to steal, although they realised that it was wrong to do so. There is a description of some of the more revolting habits of certain Pacific islanders, for instance preparing the body of a slain rival so that it could be "worn" by slipping the head through a hole made right in the middle of the body. There was also cannibalism on some of the islands, which of course laid people open to CJD and similar diseases that are slow to take effect, but very devastating when they do. The book tells in great detail the final episode of his life when he was murdered by the islanders, whom he had been so glad to know. ________________________________________________________________________ THE CANNIBAL ISLANDS, BY R.M. BALLANTYNE. CHAPTER ONE. A HERO WHO ROSE FROM THE RANKS. More than a hundred years ago, there lived a man who dwelt in a mud cottage in the county of York; his name was Cook. He was a poor, honest labourer--a farm servant. This man was the father of that James Cook who lived to be a captain in the British Navy, and who, before he was killed, became one of the best and greatest navigators that ever spread his sails to the breeze and crossed the stormy sea. Captain Cook was a true hero. His name is known throughout the whole world wherever books are read. He was born in the lowest condition of life, and raised himself to the highest point of fame. He was a self-taught man too. No large sums of money or long years of time were spent upon his schooling. No college education made him what he was. An old woman taught him his letters, but he was not sent to school till he was thirteen years of age. He remained only four years at the village school, where he learned a little writing and a little figuring. This was all he had to start with. The knowledge which he afterwards acquired, the great deeds that he performed, and the wonderful discoveries that he made, were all owing to the sound brain, the patient persevering spirit, the modest practical nature, and the good stout arm with which the Almighty had blessed him. It is the glory of England that many of her greatest men have risen from the ranks of those sons of toil who earn their daily bread in the sweat of their brow. Among all who have thus risen, few stand so high as Captain Cook. Many bold things he did, many strange regions he visited, in his voyages round the world, the records of which fill bulky volumes. In this little book we shall confine our attention to some of the interesting discoveries that were made by him among the romantic islands of the South Pacific--islands which are so beautiful that they have been aptly styled "gems of ocean," but which, nevertheless, are inhabited by savage races so thoroughly addicted to the terrible practice of eating human flesh, that we have thought fit to adopt the other, and not less appropriate, name of the Cannibal Islands. Before proceeding with the narrative, let us glance briefly at the early career of Captain James Cook. He was born in 1728. After receiving the very slight education already referred to, he was bound apprentice to a shopkeeper. But the roving spirit within him soon caused him to break away from an occupation so uncongenial. He passed little more than a year behind the counter, and then, in 1746, went to sea. Young Cook's first voyages were in connection with the coasting trade. He began his career in a collier trading between London and Newcastle. In a very short time it became evident that he would soon be a rising man. Promotion came rapidly. Little more than three years after the expiry of his apprenticeship he became mate of the _Friendship_, but, a few years later, he turned a longing eye on the navy--"having," as he himself said, "a mind to try his fortune that way." In the year 1755 he entered the King's service on board the _Eagle_, a sixty-gun ship, commanded by Sir Hugh Palliser. This officer was one of Cook's warmest friends through life. In the navy the young sailor displayed the same steady, thorough-going character that had won him advancement in the coasting trade. The secret of his good fortune (if secret it may be called) was his untiring perseverance and energy in the pursuit of one object at one time. His attention was never divided. He seemed to have the power of giving his whole soul to the work in hand, whatever that might be, without troubling himself about the future. Whatever his hand found to do he did it with all his might. The consequence was that he became a first-rate man. His superiors soon found that out. He did not require to boast or push himself forward. His _work_ spoke for him, and the result was that he was promoted from the forecastle to the quarter-deck, and became a master on board the _Mercury_ when he was about thirty years of age. About this time he went with the fleet to the Gulf of Saint Lawrence, and took part in the war then raging between the British and French in Canada. Winter in that region is long and bitterly cold. The gulfs and rivers there are at that season covered with thick ice; ships cannot move about, and war cannot be carried on. Thus the fleet was for a long period inactive. Cook took advantage of this leisure time to study mathematics and astronomy, and, although he little thought it, was thus fitting himself for the great work of discovery which he afterwards undertook with signal success. In this expedition to Canada Cook distinguished himself greatly-- especially in his surveys of the Gulf of Saint Lawrence, and in piloting the fleet safely through the dangerous shoals and rocks of that inland sea. So careful and correct was he in all that he did, that men in power and in high places began to take special notice of him; and, finally, when, in the year 1767, an expedition of importance was about to be sent to the southern seas for scientific purposes, Cook was chosen to command it. This was indeed a high honour, for the success of that expedition depended on the man who should be placed at its head. In order to mark the importance of the command, and at the same time invest the commander with proper authority, Cook was promoted to the rank of lieutenant in the Royal Navy. He had long been a gentleman in heart and conduct; he was now raised to the social position of one by the King's commission. From this point in his career Cook's history as a great navigator and discoverer began. We shall now follow him more closely in his brilliant course over the world of waters. He was about forty years of age at this time; modest and unassuming in manners and appearance; upwards of six feet high, and good-looking, with quick piercing eyes and brown hair, which latter he wore, according to the fashion of the time, tied behind in a pig-tail. It was not until the end of his first voyage that he was promoted to the rank of captain. CHAPTER TWO. SHOWS WHAT MEN WILL DO AND DARE IN THE CAUSE OF SCIENCE. Men who study the stars tell us strange and wonderful things--things that the unlearned find it hard to understand, and harder still to believe, yet things that we are now as sure of as we are of the fact that two and two make four! There was a time when men said that the sun moved round the earth; and very natural it was in men to say so, for, to the eye of sense, it looks as if this were really the case. But those who study the stars have found out that the earth moves round the sun--a discovery which has been of the greatest importance to mankind--though the importance thereof cannot be fully understood except by scientific men. Among other difficult things, these astronomers have attempted to measure the distance of the sun, moon, and stars from our earth. Moreover, they have tried to ascertain the exact size of these celestial lights, and they have, to a considerable extent, been successful in their efforts. By their complicated calculations, the men who study the stars can tell the exact day, hour, and minute when certain events will happen, such as an eclipse of the sun or of the moon. Now, about the year 1768 the attention of the scientific world was eagerly turned to an event which was to take place in the following year. This was the passage of the planet Venus across the face of the sun. Astronomers term this the _Transit of Venus_. It happens very seldom: it occurred in 1769, but not again till 1874, and 1882. By observing this passage--this transit--of Venus across the sun from different parts of our earth, it was hoped that such information could be obtained as would enable us to measure not only the distance of the sun from the earth with greater accuracy than heretofore, but also the extent of the whole host of stars that move with our earth around the sun and form what is called our Solar System. An opportunity occurring so seldom was not to be lost. Learned men were sent to all parts of the world to observe the event. Among others, Captain Cook was sent to the south seas--there, among the far-off coral isles, to note the passage of a little star across the sun's face--an apparently trifling, though in reality important, event in the history of science. So much for the object of Cook's first voyage. Let us now turn to the details thereof. The vessel chosen by him for his long and dangerous voyage to unknown seas was a small one of only 370 tons burden. It was named the _Endeavour_. The crew consisted of forty-one seamen, twelve marines, and nine servants--these, with the officers and the scientific men of the expedition, made up a body of eighty-five persons. The scientific men above mentioned were, Mr Green, an astronomer; Mr Banks, a naturalist, who afterwards became Sir Joseph Banks and a celebrated man; Doctor Solander, who was also a naturalist; and two draughtsmen, one of whom was skilled in drawing objects of natural history, the other in taking views of scenery. The _Endeavour_ was victualled for a cruise of eighteen months. She was a three-masted vessel of the barque rig, and carried twenty-two large guns, besides a store of small arms,--for the region of the world to which they were bound was inhabited by savages, against whom they might find it necessary to defend themselves. When all was ready, Captain Cook hoisted his flag, and spread his sails, and, on the 26th of August 1768, the voyage began--England soon dropped out of sight astern, and ere long the blue sky above and the blue sea below were all that remained for the eyes of the navigators to rest upon. It is a wonderful thought, when we come to consider it, the idea of _going to sea_! To sailors who are used to it, the thought, indeed, may be very commonplace, and to lazy minds that are not much given to think deeply upon any subject, the thought may not appear very wonderful; but it is so, nevertheless, to us, men of the land, when we calmly sit down and ponder the idea of making to ourselves a house of planks and beams of wood, launching it upon the sea, loading it with food and merchandise, setting up tall poles above its roof, spreading great sheets thereon, and then rushing out upon the troubled waters of the great deep, there, for days and nights, for weeks and months, and even years, to brave the fury of the winds and waves, with nothing between us and death except a wooden plank, some two or three inches thick! It seems a bold thing for man to act in this fashion, even when he is accustomed to it, and when he knows all about the sea which he sails over; but when, like Cook, he knows very little about the far-off ocean to which he is bound, his boldness seems and really is, much greater. It is this very uncertainty, however, that charms the minds of enterprising men, and gives interest to such voyages. The Bible says, "They that go down to the sea in ships, that do business in great waters; these see the works of the Lord, and His wonders in the deep." Navigators in all ages have borne testimony to the truth of this. The very first pages in Cook's journal mention some of these wonders. He says that, while they were off the coast of Spain, Mr Banks and Dr Solander, the naturalists, had an opportunity of observing some very curious marine animals, some of which were like jelly, and so colourless that it was difficult to see them in the water except at night, when they became luminous, and glowed like pale liquid fire. One, that was carefully examined, was about three inches long, and an inch thick, with a hollow passing quite through it, and a brown spot at one end, which was supposed to be its stomach. Four of these, when first taken up out of the sea in a bucket, were found to be adhering together, and were supposed to be one animal; but on being put into a glass of water they separated and swam briskly about. Many of them resembled precious stones, and shone in the water with bright and beautiful colours. One little animal of this kind lived several hours in a glass of salt water, swimming about with great agility, and at every motion displaying a change of colours. These _Medusae_, as they are called, have been spoken of by many travellers, who tell us that in some parts of the sea they are so numerous that the whole ocean is covered with them, and seems to be composed of liquid fire, usually of a pale blue or green colour. The appearance is described as being of great splendour. Even in the seas on our own coasts this beautiful light is often seen. It is called phosphoric light. Something of the same kind may be seen in the carcass of a decaying fish if taken into a dark room. Not long after this, they saw flying-fish. Cook says that when seen from the cabin windows they were beautiful beyond imagination, their sides having the colour and brightness of burnished silver. When seen from the deck they did not look so beautiful, because their backs were of a dark colour. It must not be supposed that these fish could fly about in the air like birds. They can only fly a few yards at a time. They usually rise suddenly from the waves, fly as if in a great hurry, not more than a yard or two above the surface, and then drop as suddenly back into the sea as they rose out of it. The two fins near the shoulders of the fish are very long, so that they can be used as wings for these short flights. When chased by their enemy, the dolphin, flying-fish usually take a flight in order to escape. They do not, however, appear to be able to use their eyes when out of the water, for they have been seen to fly against ships at sea, get entangled in the rigging, and fall helpless on the deck. They are not quite so large as a herring, and are considered very good eating. On drawing near to Cape Horn, on the extreme south of South America, the voyagers began to prepare for bad weather, for this Cape is notorious for its storms. Few mariners approach the Horn without some preparation, for many a good ship has gone to the bottom in the gales that blow there. It was here that they first fell in with savages. The ship having approached close to that part of the land named Tierra del Fuego, natives were observed on shore. As Mr Banks and Dr Solander were anxious to visit them, a boat was lowered and sent ashore. They landed near a bay in the lee of some rocks where the water was smooth. Thirty or forty of the Indians soon made their appearance at the end of a sandy beach on the other side of the bay, but seeing that there were twelve Europeans in the boat they were afraid, and retreated. Mr Banks and Dr Solander then advanced about one hundred yards, on which two of the Indians returned, and, having advanced some paces, sat down. As soon as the gentlemen came up the savages rose and each threw away a small stick which he had carried in his hand. This was intended for a sign of peace. They then walked briskly towards their companions, who had halted about fifty yards behind them, and beckoned the gentlemen to follow, which they did. They were received with many uncouth signs of friendship, and, in return, gave the savages some beads and ribbons, which greatly delighted them. A feeling of good-will having been thus established, the two parties joined and tried to hold converse by means of signs. Three of the Indians agreed to accompany them back to the ship, and when they got on board one of the wild visitors began to go through some extraordinary antics. When he was taken to any new part of the ship, or when he was shown any new thing, he shouted with all his force for some minutes, without directing his voice either to the people of the ship or to his companions. Some beef and bread being given to them, they ate it, but did not seem to relish it much. Nevertheless, such of it as they did not eat they took away with them. But they would not swallow a drop either of wine or spirits. They put the glass to their lips, but, having tasted the liquor, they returned it with looks of disgust. Cook says he was much surprised at the want of curiosity in these savages of the Cape, and seems to have formed a very low opinion of them. They were conducted all over the ship, yet, although they saw a vast number of beautiful and curious things that must have been quite new to them, they did not give vent to any expression of wonder or pleasure--for the howling above spoken of did not seem to be either,-- and when they returned to land they did not seem anxious to tell what they had seen, neither did their comrades appear desirous of hearing anything about their visit to the ship. Altogether, they seemed a much lower race of people than the inhabitants of the South-Sea Islands whom Cook afterwards visited. CHAPTER THREE. DESCRIBES AN ADVENTURE IN THE MOUNTAINS, AND TELLS OF TIERRA DEL FUEGO. One of the main objects that Mr Banks and Dr Solander had in view in going with Captain Cook on this voyage was to collect specimens of plants and insects in the new countries they were about to visit. The country near Cape Horn was at that time almost unknown: indeed, it is not much known even at the present day. The two naturalists of the expedition were therefore anxious to land and explore the shore. Accordingly, early one fine morning a party went ashore to ascend one of the mountains. It consisted of Mr Banks and Dr Solander with their servants, two of whom were negroes; Mr Buchan, the draughtsman; Mr Monkhouse, the surgeon of the ship; and Mr Green, the astronomer. These set off to push as far as they could into the country, intending to return before night. They were accompanied by two seamen, who carried their baggage. The hills, when viewed from a distance, seemed to be partly wooded; above the wood there was a plain, and beyond that bare rocks. Mr Banks hoped to get through the woods, and made no doubt that beyond it he would find new sorts of plants which no botanists had ever yet heard of. They entered the wood full of hope, and with much of the excitement that men cannot but feel when exploring a country that has never been trodden by the foot of a civilised man since the world began. It took them, however, much longer to get through the pathless wood than they had expected. It was afternoon before they reached what they had taken for a plain, but which, to their great disappointment, they found to be a swamp covered with low bushes, which were so stubborn that they could not break through them, and were therefore compelled to step over them, while at every step they sank up to the ankles in mud--a mode of progress so fatiguing that they were all very soon exhausted. To make matters worse, the weather became gloomy and cold, with sudden blasts of piercing wind accompanied by snow. They pushed on vigorously notwithstanding, and had well-nigh crossed the swamp when Mr Buchan was suddenly seized with a fit. This compelled a halt. As he could not go further, a fire was kindled, and those who were most fatigued were left behind to take care of him, while the rest continued to advance. At last they reached the summit of the mountain, and were rewarded for their toil by the botanical specimens discovered there. It was late in the day by that time, and as it was impossible to get back to the ship that night, they were obliged to make up their minds to bivouac on the mountain, a necessity which caused them no little uneasiness, for it had now become bitterly cold. Sharp blasts of wind became so frequent, however, that they could not remain on the exposed mountain-side, and were obliged to make for the shelter of the woods in the nearest valley. Mr Buchan having recovered, and the whole party having reassembled, they set out to recross the swamp, intending, when they should get into the woods, to build a hut of leaves and branches, kindle a fire, and pass the night there as well as they could. But an overpowering torpor had now begun to seize hold upon some of the party, and it was with the greatest difficulty the others could prevent the drowsy ones from lying down to sleep in the snow. This almost irresistible tendency to sleep is common in cold countries. It is one of the effects of extreme cold upon exhausted men, and is a very dangerous condition, because those who fall into it cannot resist giving way to it, even though they know that if they do so they will certainly die. Dr Solander, who had formerly travelled on the snow-topped mountains of Norway, was aware of the danger of giving way to this feeling, and strove to prevent his companions from falling into the fatal rest. "Whoever sits down," said he, "will sleep, and whoever sleeps will awake no more." Strange to say, Dr Solander was the first to disregard his own warning. While they were still pushing across the naked side of the mountain, the cold became suddenly so intense that it increased the effect they dreaded so much. The doctor found the desire to rest so irresistible that he insisted on being suffered to lie down. Mr Banks tried to prevent him, but in vain. Down he lay upon the ground, covered though it was with snow, and all that his friends could do was to keep shaking him, and so prevent him from falling into the fatal sleep. At the same time one of the negro servants became affected in a similar manner. Mr Banks, therefore, sent forward five of the company with orders to get a fire ready at the first convenient place they could find, while himself with four others remained with the doctor and the negro, whom partly by entreaty and partly by force, they roused up and brought on for some little distance. But when they had got through the greatest part of the swamp they both declared they could go no further. Again Mr Banks tried to reason with the two unfortunate men, pointing out their extreme danger, and beseeching them to make an effort to advance. But all he could say had no effect. When the negro was told that if he would not go on he must, in a short time, be frozen to death, he answered that he desired nothing but to be allowed to lie down and die. Dr Solander, on being told the same thing, replied that he was willing to go on but that he must "_first take some sleep_," forgetting apparently that he had before told his comrades that to sleep was to perish. As Mr Banks and his companions could not carry them, there was no help for it--they were suffered to sit down, being partly supported by the bushes. In a few minutes they were both sound asleep. Providentially, just at that time, some of the people who had been sent forward returned with the welcome news that a fire had been lighted not more than a quarter of a mile off. Renewed attempts were therefore made to rouse the sleepers. But the negro was past help. Every effort failed to awaken him. With Dr Solander they were more successful, yet, though he had not slept five minutes he had almost lost the use of his limbs, and the muscles were so shrunken that the shoes fell off his feet. Staggering and stumbling among the slush and snow, more dead than alive, he was half carried, half dragged by his comrades to the fire. Meanwhile the other negro and a seaman were left in charge of the unfortunate black servant, with directions to stay by him and do what they could for him until help should be sent. The moment Dr Solander was got to the fire, two of the strongest of the party who had been refreshed were sent back to bring in the negro. In half an hour, however, they had the mortification to see these two men return alone. They had been unable to find their comrades. This at first seemed unaccountable, but when it was discovered that the only bottle of rum belonging to the party was amissing, Mr Banks thought it probable that it had been in the knapsack of one of the absent men, that by means of it the sleeping negro had been revived, that they had then tried to reach the fire without waiting for assistance, and so had lost themselves. It was by this time quite dark, another heavy fall of snow had come on, and continued for two hours, so that all hope of seeing them again alive was given up, for it must be remembered that the men remaining by the fire were so thoroughly knocked up that had they gone out to try to save their comrades they would in all probability have lost their own lives. Towards midnight, however, a shout was heard at some distance. Mr Banks, with four others, went out immediately, and found the seaman who had been left with the two negroes, staggering along with just strength enough to keep on his legs. He was quickly brought to the fire, and, having described where the other two were, Mr Banks proceeded in search of them. They were soon found. The first negro, who had sunk down at the same time with Dr Solander, was found standing on his legs, but unable to move. The other negro was lying on the snow as insensible as a stone. All hands were now called from the fire, and an attempt was made to carry them to it, but every man was so weak from cold, hunger, and fatigue that the united strength of the whole party was not sufficient for this. The night was extremely dark, the snow was very deep, and although they were but a short distance from the fire, it was as much as each man could do to make his way back to it, stumbling and falling as he went through bogs and bushes. Thus the poor negroes were left to their sad fate, and some of the others were so near sharing that fate with them that they began to lose their sense of feeling. One of Mr Banks's servants became so ill, that it was feared he would die before he could be got to the fire. At the fire, however, they did eventually arrive, and beside it passed a dreadful night of anxiety, grief, and suffering. Of the twelve who had set out on this unfortunate expedition in health and good spirits two were dead; a third was so ill that it was doubtful whether he would be able to go forward in the morning; and a fourth, Mr Buchan, was in danger of a return of his fits. They were distant from the ship a long day's journey, while snow lay deep on the ground and still continued to fall. Moreover, as they had not expected to be out so long, they had no provisions left, except a vulture which chanced to be shot, and which was not large enough to afford each of them quarter of a meal. When morning dawned nothing was to be seen, as far as the eye could reach, but snow, which seemed to lie as thick upon the trees as on the ground, and the wind came down in such sudden violent blasts, that they did not dare to resume their journey. How long this might last they knew not. Despair crept slowly over them, and they began gloomily to believe that they were doomed to perish of hunger and cold in that dreary waste. But the Almighty, who often affords help to man when his case seems most hopeless and desperate, sent deliverance in a way most agreeable and unexpected. He caused a soft, mild breeze to blow, under the influence of which the clouds began to clear away, the intense cold moderated, and the gladdening sun broke forth, so that with revived spirits and frames the wanderers were enabled to start on the return journey to the coast. Before doing so, they cooked and ate the vulture, and it is probable that they devoured that meal with fully as much eagerness and satisfaction as the ravenous bird itself ever devoured its prey. It was but a light breakfast, however. After being skinned, the bird was divided into ten portions, and every man cooked his own as he thought fit, but each did not receive above three mouthfuls. Nevertheless it strengthened them enough to enable them to return to the ship, where they were received by their anxious friends with much joy and thankfulness. The month of December is the middle of summer in the land at the extreme south of South America. That land occupies much about the same position on the southern half of this world that we occupy on the northern half; so that, when it is winter with us, it is summer there. The climate is rigorous and stormy in the extreme, and the description given of the natives shows that they are a wretched and forlorn race of human beings. Captain Cook visited one of their villages before leaving the coast. It contained about a dozen dwellings of the poorest description. They were mere hovels; nothing more than a few poles set up in a circle and meeting together at the top, each forming a kind of cone. On the weather side each cone was covered with a few boughs and a little grass. The other side was left open to let the light in and the smoke out. Furniture they had none. A little grass on the floor served for chairs, tables, and beds. The only articles of manufacture to be seen among the people were a few rude baskets, and a sort of sack in which they carried the shell-fish which formed part of their food. They had also bows and arrows, which were rather neatly made--the arrows with flint heads cleverly fitted on. The colour of those savages resembled iron-rust mixed with oil; their hair was long and black. The men were large but clumsy fellows, varying from five feet eight to five feet ten. The women were much smaller, few being above five feet. Their costume consisted of skins of wild animals. The women tied their fur cloaks about the waists with a thong of leather. One would imagine that among people so poor and miserably off there was not temptation to vain show, nevertheless they were fond of making themselves "look fine"! They painted their faces with various colours; white round the eyes, with stripes of red and black across the cheeks, but scarcely any two of them were painted alike. Both men and women wore bracelets of beads made of shells and bones, and, of course, they were greatly delighted with the beads which their visitors presented to them. Their language was harsh in sound; they seemed to have no form of government, and no sort of religion. Altogether they appeared to be the most destitute, as well as the most stupid, of all human beings. CHAPTER FOUR. EXPLAINS HOW CORAL ISLANDS ARE MADE. Soon after this adventurous visit to the land of Tierra del Fuego, the _Endeavour_ doubled Cape Horn--and entered the waters of the great Pacific Ocean; and now Cook began to traverse those unknown seas in which his fame as a discoverer was destined to be made. He sailed over this ocean for several weeks, however, before discovering any land. It was on Tuesday morning, the 10th of April, that he fell in with the first of the coral islands. Mr Banks's servant, Peter Briscoe, was the first to see it, bearing south, at the distance of about ten or twelve miles, and the ship was immediately run in that direction. It was found to be an island of an oval form, with a lake, or lagoon, in the middle of it. In fact, it was like an irregularly-formed ring of land, with the ocean outside and a lake inside. Coral islands vary a good deal in form and size, but the above description is true of many of them. To this island the crew of the _Endeavour_ now drew near with looks of eager interest, as may well be believed, for an unknown land necessarily excites feelings of lively curiosity in the breasts of those who discover it. It was found to be very narrow in some places, and very low, almost on a level with the sea. Some parts were bare and rocky; others were covered with vegetation, while in several places there were clumps of trees-- chiefly cocoa-nut palms. When the ship came within a mile of the breakers, the lead was hove, but no bottom was found with 130 fathoms of line! This was an extraordinary depth so near shore, but they afterwards found that most of the coral islands have great depth of water round them, close outside the breakers. They now observed that the island was inhabited, and with the glass counted four-and-twenty natives walking on the beach. These all seemed to be quite naked. They were of a brown colour, and had long black hair. They carried spears of great length in their hands, also a smaller weapon, which appeared to be either a club or a paddle. The huts of these people were under the shade of some palm-trees, and Captain Cook says that to him and his men, who had seen nothing but water and sky for many long months, except the dreary shores of Tierra del Fuego, these groves appeared like paradise. They called this Lagoon Island. As night came on soon after they reached it, however, they were compelled to sail away without attempting to land. Not long afterwards another island was discovered. This one was in the shape of a bow, with the calm lake, or lagoon, lying between the cord and the bow. It was also inhabited, but Cook did not think it worth his while to land. The natives here had canoes, and the voyagers waited to give them an opportunity of putting off to the ship, but they seemed afraid to do so. Now, good reader, you must know that these coral islands of the Pacific are not composed of ordinary rocks, like most other islands of the world, but are literally manufactured or built by millions of extremely small insects which merit particular notice. Let us examine this process of island-making which is carried on very extensively by the artisans of the great South-Sea Factory! The coral insect is a small creature of the sea which has been gifted with the power of "secreting" or depositing a lime-like substance, with which it builds to itself a little cell or habitation. It fastens this house to a rock at the bottom of the sea. Like many other creatures the coral insect is sociable; it is fond of company, and is never found working except in connection with millions of its friends. Of all the creatures of earth it shows perhaps the best example of what mighty works can be accomplished by _union_. One man can do comparatively little, but hundreds of men, united in their work, can achieve wonders, as every one knows. They can erect palaces and cathedrals towering to the skies; they can cover hundred of miles of ground with cities, and connect continents with telegraphs, but, with all their union, all their wisdom, and all their power, men cannot build islands--yet this is done by the coral insect; a thing without hand or brain, a creature with little more than a body and a stomach. It is not much bigger than a pin-head, yet hundreds of the lovely, fertile islands of the Pacific Ocean are formed by this busy animalcule. Many of those islands would never have been there but for the coral insect! When corallines (as they are called) set about building an island, they lay the foundation on the top of a submarine mountain. The ordinary islands of the sea are neither more nor less than the tops of those mountains which rise from the bottom of the sea and project above the surface. Some of these sea-mountains rise high above the surface and form large islands; some only peep, so to speak, out of the waves, thus forming small islands; others again do not rise to the surface at all-- their highest peaks being several feet below the level of the ocean. It is on these water-covered mountain-tops that the coral insects lay the foundations of their islands. As few mountain-peaks are level, however, whether above or below water, the insect finds it more convenient to form a ring round the sides of the mountain-top than to build on the exact top itself. Then they set to work with the busy industry of bees. Their talents are few; apparently they have received only one, but they turn that one to good account. They fulfil the work for which they were created. No creature can do more! They begin to build, and the work advances rapidly, for they are active little masons. The ring round the mountain-top soon begins to shoot upwards and extend outwards. As the labourers continue their work their families increase. It is a thriving and a united community. There are neither wars nor disputes--no quarrelling, no mis-spent time, no misapplied talents. There is unity of action and design, hence the work advances quickly, steadily, and well. In process of time the coral ring becomes a solid wall, which gradually rises above the highest peak of the submarine mountain, and at length approaches the surface of the sea. When it reaches this point the work is done. The coral insect can only work under water. When its delicate head rises above the waves it ceases to build, and, having done its duty, it dies. Those which reach the surface first, die first. The others that are still below water work on, widening and strengthening the wall until they too reach the fatal surface, peep for one moment as it were on the upper world and then perish. Thus the active builders go on adding to the width of the structure, and dying by successive relays; working with their little might during their brief existence, and knowing nothing of the great end which is to result from their modest busy lives. With the death of the coral insects the foundation-stone of the island is laid, in the form of a ring just peeping out of the ocean. Thenceforth other creatures continue the work. The waves lash and beat upon the uppermost coral cells and break them up into fine white sand. Currents of ocean throw upon this beach pieces of sea-weed and drifting marine substances of various kinds. The winds convey the lighter seeds of land plants to it, and sea-birds that alight upon it to rest do the same thing. Thus, little by little, things accumulate on the top of the coral ring until the summit rises above the reach and fury of the waves. No sooner is this accomplished than the genial sun of those regions calls the seeds into life. A few blades of green shoot up. These are the little tokens of life that give promise of the luxuriance yet to come. Soon the island ring is clothed with rich and beautiful vegetation, cocoa-nut palms begin to sprout and sea-fowl to find shelter where, in former days, the waves of the salt sea alone were to be found. In process of time the roving South-Sea islanders discover this little gem of ocean, and take up their abode on it; and when such a man as Cook sails past it, he sees, perchance, the naked savage on the beach gazing in wonder at his "big canoe," and the little children swimming like ducks in the calm waters of the lagoon or gambolling like porpoises among the huge breakers outside that roll like driven snow upon the strand. During their formation, these islands are fraught with danger to ships, for sometimes, in parts of the ocean where charts show deep water, the sailor finds an unexpected coral reef, and, before he is aware, the good ship runs on this living wall and becomes a wreck. Many a noble vessel goes to sea well appointed and with a good brave crew, but never more returns;--who knows how many such have, when all on board thought themselves secure, been dashed to pieces suddenly, and lost upon the coral reefs of the Pacific? These circular islets of coral never rise more than a few feet above the surface of the sea, but there are many other islands in the South Seas-- some of which have been thrown up by the action of volcanoes, and are wild, rugged, mountainous, and of every conceivable shape and size. The busy corallines before mentioned are so numerous in the South Seas that they build their coral walls everywhere. As they have an objection apparently to commence building in shallow water, they are obliged to keep off the shore a distance of a mile or more, so that when they reach the surface they enclose a belt of water of that width, which is guarded by the reef from the violence of the waves, and forms a splendid natural harbour. Almost every South-Sea island has its coral reef round it, and its harbour of still water between the reef and the shore. It would seem as if the beneficent Creator had purposely formed those harbours for man's convenience, because narrow openings are found in all the reefs, without which, of course, the sheltered waters within could not have been entered. These openings are usually found to occur opposite valleys where the streams from the mountains enter the sea. It is therefore supposed that fresh water kills the coral insects at these places, thus preventing the reef from forming an unbroken circle. Low islets are usually formed on each side of the openings on which a few cocoa-nut trees grow; so that the mariner is thus furnished with a natural beacon by which to guide his vessel clear of the reef safely into the harbour. One of the most interesting of the larger islands of the Pacific is Otaheite (now spelt and pronounced Tahiti), at which Captain Cook arrived on the 4th of April 1769. It had been discovered, however, nearly two years before the date of his visit--as the next chapter will show. CHAPTER FIVE. DISCOVERY BY CAPTAIN WALLIS OF OTAHEITE OR TAHITI. The beautiful island of Tahiti was discovered by Captain Wallis in the year 1767. It was on a bright day in June when he first saw it from the deck, but when his vessel (the _Dolphin_) came close to it, a thick mist descended like a veil and shut it out from view of the impatient mariners, who were compelled to lie to until the mist should clear away. At length it rolled off, and disclosed one of the most lovely and delightful scenes that could be imagined. The _Dolphin_ being the first ship that ever touched at Tahiti, the natives, as we may well imagine, were filled with amazement at its vast size and curious shape. No sooner did the ship draw near than she was surrounded by hundreds of canoes, containing altogether nearly a thousand naked savages. At first the poor creatures were afraid to draw near. They sat in their little barks gazing at the "big canoe" in silent wonder or talking to each other about her in low eager tones, but never for a moment taking their eyes off this great sight! At last, after consulting together, they began to paddle slowly round the ship, and make signs of peace and friendship, which those on board were not slow to return, endeavouring to induce some of them to come on deck. This they were naturally afraid to do, but at length one fellow took heart and began by making a speech, which lasted for full fifteen minutes. As none of the sailors understood a word of it, they were not much enlightened; but the savage, who held a branch of the plantain-tree in his hand during his oration, concluded by casting this branch into the sea. This was meant as a sign of friendship, for soon after, a number of similar branches were thrown on the ship's deck, and then a few of the islanders ventured on board. There was "much talk," however, on the part of the savages, before they began to feel at ease. Trinkets of various kinds were now offered to them, and they gazed around them with great interest, gradually losing their fears under the kindness of Captain Wallis and his companions. This happy state of things, however, was suddenly interrupted by a goat belonging to the ship, which, not liking the appearance of the strangers, attacked one of them unceremoniously, and butted at him with its head. Turning quickly round, the savage was filled with terror on beholding a creature, the like of which he had never seen before, reared on its hind legs, and preparing to repeat the blow. Without a moment's hesitation he rushed in consternation to the ship's side, and plunged into the sea, whither he was followed by all his countrymen in the twinkling of an eye. A storm of musket bullets could not have cleared the deck more quickly than did the attack of that pugnacious goat! In a short time they recovered from their terrors, the ill-behaved goat was removed, and some of the natives were again induced to return on board, where they were treated with the utmost kindness, and presented with such trifling gifts as beads and nails, etcetera, much to their delight. Notwithstanding this, however, the visit terminated inharmoniously in consequence of one of the natives snatching a gold-laced hat from an officer's head, and jumping with it into the sea! After this Wallis stood in-shore, intending to anchor, and sent his boats still closer to the land to take soundings. Here they were immediately surrounded by a great number of canoes, and the captain, suspecting the natives of hostile intentions, fired a nine-pounder over their heads. They were much startled by the unknown and terrible sound, but, seeing that no result followed, they proceeded to attack the boats, sending showers of stones into them, and wounding some of the men. It now became necessary to act in earnest, so a musket-shot was discharged at the savage who began the attack. The ball pierced his shoulder, whereupon the whole host paddled to the shore in great terror and confusion. Notwithstanding this, the islanders soon returned to the ship with their boughs of peace: a speech was made by one of them. A few trinkets were given by the Europeans, and friendship was again restored; but next morning, when the boats were in-shore searching for fresh water, a second attack was made upon them. Three large canoes ran against the ship's cutter, and stove in some of her upper planks. The natives were about to leap on board when a volley was fired into them, and two of their number fell into the sea. On seeing this they instantly retired, and the wounded men were dragged into the canoes. Never having seen the effects of fire-arms before, the astonished savages apparently could not understand what was wrong with their comrades. They set them on their feet, but finding they could not stand, they tried to make them sit upright. One of them being only wounded, was able to remain in this position, but the other was dead, so they had to lay him in the bottom of their canoe. Once again they made peaceful signs, and Wallis, who was most anxious to avoid bloodshed, met them more than half-way. Traffic was speedily opened, and a considerable quantity of fruit, fowls, and hogs was obtained in exchange for scissors, knives, beads, and small trinkets of little value. But this did not last long. Warlike preparations were renewed by the natives, and many of their canoes were seen to be filled with large pebbles. At last an attack was made on the ship itself, and a regular battle was fought. This happened early in the morning when the sailors were engaged trafficking with the people in the canoes that contained provisions. Captain Wallis observed, with some anxiety, that, besides those provision canoes, many others of large size and filled with stones were gradually crowding round the ship; he therefore kept part of the crew armed, and loaded his guns. More canoes were putting off from shore and crowding round until there were about three hundred of them, with upwards of two thousand men, some of whom sang a gruff sort of war-song, while others blew into a shell as if it were a trumpet, and some played on an instrument resembling a flute. In the midst of these discordant noises one canoe, larger than the others, and with a canopy over it, pushed alongside, and a naked warrior handed up a bunch of red and yellow feathers. This was, of course, supposed to be a sign of peace, but such was not the case. Immediately afterwards the canoe pushed off and the leader threw into the air the branch of a cocoa-nut tree. This was the signal. A general shout burst from the savages; the canoes made for the ship, and showers of stones were thrown on board. Many of these stones were fully two pounds weight, and as they were thrown with great force, some of the sailors were severely wounded. The crew of the _Dolphin_ rushed to quarters. The watch on deck instantly opened a fire of musketry on those nearest the ship, and two of the quarter-deck swivel guns, which happened to be loaded with small-shot, were also discharged. This warm and vigorous reception checked the attack for a few minutes; but the courage of the savages was aroused. They quickly renewed the assault, coming on in all directions, and receiving constant reinforcements from the shore. But now the great guns of the ship were brought into play; the thunder of artillery echoed, for the first time, from the mountain-sides of Tahiti; and, as the heavy balls tore up the sea and crashed upon the shore, the terrified natives in the canoes nearest the ship took to flight. Seeing this, the Captain at once ordered the fire to cease, being anxious to do as little harm as possible. This, however, had the effect of restoring confidence to the natives, who lay for some time gazing at the ship from a considerable distance. They had evidently profited by their short experience in this new style of warfare, for, observing that the terrible iron shower came thundering only from the _sides_ of the ship, they made their next attack on the bow and stern--advancing with much daring, and throwing their stones with great violence and good aim, insomuch that some more of the men were severely hurt. There is no saying what might have been the end of this fight, had not a lucky cannon-shot, fired from one of the great guns that had been run out at the bow, hit the canoe of the savage chief, and cut it in two. A result so tremendous had the effect of filling the hearts of the savages with terror. Every canoe turned tail and made for the shore in dire confusion, while the people who had crowded the beach took to their heels and ran over the hills in the utmost haste, as if they felt their only safety lay in placing the mountains between them and the terrible strangers in the big canoe. In half an hour not a single canoe was to be seen! Captain Wallis now hoped that the natives would feel his immense superiority, and cease a useless contest, but he was mistaken. He was not yet done with them. They were a very determined set of men. Soon after this fight they were observed making preparations for a renewed attack. They could be seen pouring over the hills in all directions, and lurking in the thickets, while, round the point, numbers of war-canoes came paddling to the beach, where fresh warriors and bags of stones were embarked. It was evident that a grand attack was to be made; so Wallis prepared to repel it. Soon after, the bay was crowded with canoes as they paddled straight and swift toward the ship. At once the great guns opened with terrible effect, and so tremendous a fire was kept up that the entire flotilla was almost instantly dispersed. Many of the canoes were run ashore and deserted; others fled round the point, and the savages took to the woods. Into these the fire was then directed, and the natives, who doubtless imagined that no danger could penetrate from such a distance into the heart of their thick bushes, were driven, astonished and horrified, up a hill on which thousands of women and children had taken up their position to witness the fight. Here they deemed themselves quite safe, but Captain Wallis resolved to show them that they were not so. He thought that the best thing he could do would be to inspire them with a wholesome dread of his tremendous artillery, so he ordered the guns to be fired at the crowded hill. The shots tore up the earth near a tree under which a dense crowd was collected. It need scarcely be added that the whole host fled on the wings of terror, and in less than two minutes not a man, woman, or child was to be seen. The natives now at length submitted. Not many hours after the close of this fight, a few of them came down to the beach carrying green boughs which they stuck into the sand, and placed beside them a peace-offering of hogs and dogs and bundles of native cloth. Of course Wallis was right glad to accept it, and in return gave them presents of hatchets, nails, and other things. Peace was now thoroughly established, and the two parties engaged in amicable traffic with as much good-will as if they had neither quarrelled nor fought. The queen of the island visited the ship, and from that time till the _Dolphin_ left everything went smoothly. The ignorance of the natives as to the relative value of various metals was curiously shown one day. In order to find out what things they liked best, Captain Wallis spread before them a coin called a johannes, a guinea, a crown piece, a Spanish dollar, a few shillings, some new halfpence, and two large nails, and made a sign to them to help themselves. The nails were first seized with great eagerness, and then a few of the glittering new halfpence, but the silver and gold lay neglected! The friendship thus established continued to increase as long as Wallis remained there, and when at length he took his departure the natives exhibited every sign of extreme regret--the queen especially was inconsolable, and wept bitterly when she bade them farewell. Such were a few of the scenes that occurred at the discovery of Tahiti, an island which has since become famous as the scene of the residence of the mutineers of the _Bounty_, and the field of much earnest and deeply interesting missionary labour. CHAPTER SIX. CAPTAIN COOK'S VISIT TO TAHITI. Less than two years after the discovery of Tahiti by Wallis, Captain Cook arrived in the _Endeavour_ at the same island. He first saw its high mountains rise on the horizon on the 11th of June 1769, and soon afterwards a few canoes came off to the ship, but the natives were timid at first. They evidently had not forgotten the thundering guns and crashing shot of the _Dolphin_. In every canoe there were young plantains and branches of trees, which latter were intended as tokens of peace and friendship. The people in one of the canoes ventured to the ship, and handed these branches up the side, making signals at the same time with great earnestness. At first the sailors were unable to make out their meaning, but at length, guessing that they wished those symbols to be placed in some conspicuous part of the ship, they immediately stuck them about the rigging, upon which the natives expressed the greatest satisfaction. Cook then purchased the cargoes of the canoes, consisting of cocoa-nuts and various kinds of fruits, which, after their long voyage, were most acceptable. Next morning the _Endeavour_ was safely anchored in a bay called by the natives Matavai. Here the visitors were received with much kindness. The natives regarded them with great respect and awe; the first man who approached them crouching so low that he almost crept on his hands and knees. Then two of the chiefs came forward, and each selected his friend. One chose Cook, and the other selected Mr Banks, and each, taking off the greater part of his clothes, put them solemnly on his chosen friend. On visiting their houses afterwards, they passed through delightful groves of trees which were loaded with cocoa-nuts and bread-fruit. These were found to be most excellent food. Before becoming quite ripe the liquid inside the cocoa-nut is said to resemble lemonade, when riper it is more like milk; and the bread-fruit nut, when properly dressed, is like the crumb of wheaten bread; so that it may be said of those favoured regions, with some degree of truth, that the people find something like bread and milk growing on the trees! There is indeed little occasion there for men to work. The fruits of the earth grow luxuriantly in a wild state; hence the natives, although a strong and active race, are habitually indolent. It has been proved, however, that when the blessed influence of the Christian religion is brought to bear on them, the South-Sea islanders are, in mind and body, good specimens of mankind. One of the houses visited by Cook, in company with Messrs. Banks and Monkhouse, Dr Solander and others, on his first landing, was that of Tootahah, a middle-aged man, who seemed to be a person of rank. He received them hospitably, spread mats for the party, desired them to sit down by his side, and gave them an excellent dinner of bread-fruit, cocoa-nuts, plantains, and fish--the latter raw as well as dressed. Cook naturally preferred his fish cooked, but the natives seemed to relish it raw! Thereafter Tootahah presented Mr Banks and Captain Cook with a cock and hen, which curious gifts they accepted with many thanks, and in return gave Tootahah a laced silk neckcloth and a pocket handkerchief, in which he immediately dressed himself with immense satisfaction. Mr Banks seems to have been a favourite with the savage ladies, for they plied him earnestly with cocoa-nut milk. He, as well as Cook, received a further gift of native cloth, which, although rough in texture, was agreeably perfumed. Beads and other ornaments were presented to the women, and altogether the new friends were becoming mutually delighted with each other when a sudden interruption to the harmonious meeting was caused by the discovery that some of the savages had acquired the art of picking pockets. A snuff-box belonging to Mr Monkhouse disappeared, and an opera-glass in a shagreen case, the property of Dr Solander, vanished. To pass over a first act of this kind lightly would have led to interminable pilferings and quarrellings. Mr Banks therefore started up angrily and struck the butt of his musket violently on the ground. Whereupon the most of the natives were panic-stricken, and darted out of the hut with the utmost precipitation. The chief endeavoured to appease the wrath of his guests by offering them gifts of cloth; but they were not thus to be silenced. They insisted on the restoration of the stolen articles, so the chief went out and shortly after returned with a beaming countenance--he had found them both; but his countenance fell when, on opening the case of the opera-glass, the glass itself was not there. With immense energy he resumed his detective duties, and was so fortunate as to recover the glass in a short time. Thus peace was restored, and the natives were taught to feel that their propensity to steal would prove a source of great annoyance and some danger to them, should they venture to give way to it in future. Soon after this Cook selected a spot on the beach, not far from the ship, and, pitching his tent there, began to arrange for making the astronomical observations which had brought him to the South Seas. They had not remained long, however, before they found that the islanders were all addicted to stealing. Cook tells us that men and women of all ranks were the "arrantest thieves upon the face of the earth," yet they seemed to feel that the act of theft was wrong, for if charged with being guilty when they were in reality innocent, they were often moved to passionate indignation. One day, when a large number of natives visited the ship, the chiefs employed themselves in stealing what they could in the cabin, while their dependants were no less industrious in other parts of the ship. They snatched up everything that it was possible for them to secrete till they got on shore. Two knives had been lost on shore, one of them belonging to Mr Banks, who taxed a man named Tubourai Tamaide, whom he suspected, with the theft. The man denied it stoutly, but upon Mr Banks saying firmly that, no matter who had taken it, he was determined to have it back, another native, feeling alarmed for his own safety, stepped forward and produced a rag in which three knives were tied up. One belonged to Dr Solander, another to Captain Cook; the owner of the third was not known. Mr Banks continued to charge Tubourai Tamaide with the theft of his knife, and the poor man continued to deny it indignantly. Not long after, it was discovered to have been mislaid by Mr Banks's own servant, who at length found it. Upon this demonstration of his innocence, Tubourai expressed strong emotions of mind. The fellow was, doubtless, as great a thief as the rest of his comrades, but on this occasion he felt himself to be an injured innocent, and refused to be comforted until Mr Banks expressed great sorrow for his unjust accusation, and made him a few trifling presents, whereupon he immediately forgot his wrongs and was perfectly reconciled! In his dealings with these natives Captain Cook invariably acted with the gentleness, firmness, and wisdom of a truly great man, and at all times treated evil-doers with impartial justice. One day a chief came to the tent on the beach in a state of intense excitement, and, hastily seizing Mr Banks by the arm, made signs that he should follow him. Mr Banks immediately complied, and soon came to a place where they found the ship's butcher with a reaping-hook in his hand. Here the chief stopped, and in a transport of rage explained, as well as he could by signs, that the butcher had threatened to cut his wife's throat with the hook. Mr Banks assured him that, if he could fully explain the offence, the man should be punished. Upon this he became calm, and explained that the offender, having taken a fancy to a stone hatchet which lay in his house, had offered to purchase it of his wife for a nail; that she having refused to part with it, he had seized it, and, throwing down the nail, threatened to cut her throat if she made any resistance. As the nail and hatchet were produced in proof of this charge, and the butcher had little to say in his defence, there was no reason to doubt its truth. On the matter being reported to Cook, he took the opportunity of the chief and his wives with a number of natives being on board the ship, to call up the butcher, and, after repeating the charge and proof, he gave orders that the man should be punished. The natives looked on with fixed attention while the man was being stripped and tied up to the rigging, waiting in silent suspense for the event; but as soon as the first stroke was given they interfered with great agitation, earnestly entreating that he might be forgiven. Cook, however, did not think it advisable to agree to this. He would not consent, and, when they found that their entreaties were of no avail, they gave vent to their pity in tears. CHAPTER SEVEN. SHOWS WHAT VANITY WILL INDUCE MEN AND WOMEN TO DO. It fills one with wonder to think of the strange and absurd things that men, in all ages and in all parts of the world, have done to themselves in order to improve their personal appearance. The flat-head Indian of North America squeezes his forehead out of shape; the Eastern beauty blackens her teeth and nails; the Chinaman shaves the hair off his head, leaving a tuft on the top; the Englishman shaves the hair off his face, leaving a tuft on each cheek,--and all of these deluded mortals run thus deliberately in the face of nature, under the impression that by so doing they are improving their personal appearance! Not to be behindhand, the South-Sea islanders tattoo themselves. In other words, they prick a multitude of little holes in their skins, and rub into these some colouring matter, which, when thoroughly fixed, cannot again be washed out. The ornamental devices with which they thus, more or less, cover their persons are sometimes very cleverly and tastefully done, and they would be really admirable if depicted on a piece of wood or a sheet of paper; but when applied to the human body they are altogether ridiculous. The operation of tattooing is a very painful one; so much so, that a great deal of it cannot be done at one time, and it is said that persons sometimes die during the process. The inhabitants of nearly all the islands practise it. Usually it is commenced at the age of eight or ten, and continued at intervals till the individual is between twenty and thirty years of age. So important and difficult is the art of tattooing, that men devote themselves to it professionally, and these professors are well paid for their work. Here is an account of the operation. The professor, having his victim on the ground before him, takes up his instrument of torture. This consists of a small piece of stick with sharp bones of birds or fishes attached to it. Having previously sketched with a piece of charcoal the pattern intended to be tattooed, he dips the points of the sharp bones into a colouring matter (which is a beautiful jet black, procured from the kernel of the candle-nut), applies it to the surface of the skin, and strikes it smartly with a piece of stick held in his right hand. The skin is punctured in this way, and the dye injected. With the calmness of an operator, and the gravity of an artist, the professor proceeds as long as his patient can endure the pain. Then he ceases, and when the part is sufficiently recovered, the operation is continued until the device or pattern is finished. These patterns vary among different islanders. They consist of circular and curving lines, and representations of palm-trees, animals, etcetera, on the face and body; and to such an extent is tattooing carried, that the whole body is sometimes covered so as nearly to conceal the original colour of the skin. Mr Ellis, who wrote long after the gallant Cook was in his grave, tells us in his most interesting work on the South-Sea Islands, (Ellis's _Polynesian Researches_), that the inhabitants of Tahiti were more simple in their tattooing, and displayed greater taste and elegance than some of the other islanders. "Though some of the figures are arbitrary, such as stars, circles, lozenges, etcetera, the patterns are usually taken from nature, and are often some of the most graceful. A cocoa-nut tree is a favourite object; and I have often admired the taste displayed in the marking of a chief's leg, on which I have seen a cocoa-nut tree correctly and distinctly drawn; its roots spreading at the heel, its elastic stalk pencilled as it were along the tendon, and its waving plume gracefully spread out on the broad part of the calf. Sometimes a couple of stems would be twined up from the heel and divide on the calf, each bearing a plume of leaves. "The ornaments round the ankle and upon the instep, make them often appear as if they wore the elegant Eastern sandal. The sides of the legs are sometimes tattooed from the ankle upward, which gives the appearance of wearing pantaloons with ornamental seams. From the lower part of the back, a number of straight, waved, or zigzag lines rise in the direction of the spine, and branch off regularly towards the shoulder. But, of the upper part of the body, the chest is the most tattooed. Every variety of figure is to be seen here,--cocoa-nut and bread-fruit trees, with convolvulus wreaths hanging round them, boys gathering fruit, men engaged in battle, in the manual exercise, triumphing over a fallen foe; or, as I have frequently seen it, they are represented as carrying a human sacrifice to the temple. Every kind of animal--goats, dogs, fowls, and fish--may at times be seen on this part of the body; muskets, swords, pistols, clubs, spears, and other weapons of war are also stamped upon their arms and chest." These figures are not all crowded upon the same person, but each man makes a selection according to his fancy. The women also tattoo their persons, but not to such an extent as the men, and their designs and figures are usually more tasteful. Cook says that Mr Banks saw this operation performed on the back of a girl about thirteen years old. The instrument used upon this occasion had thirty teeth; about a hundred strokes were given in the minute, and each stroke drew a little blood. The girl bore it bravely for about a quarter of an hour; but at the end of that time the pain of so many hundred punctures became unbearable. She first complained in murmurs, then wept, and at last burst into loud lamentations, earnestly beseeching the operator to stop. He, however, firmly refused, and when she began to struggle, she was held down by two women, who sometimes soothed and sometimes scolded her, and, now and then, when she became very unruly, gave her a smart blow. Mr Banks stayed in a neighbouring house an hour, and the operation was not over when he went away, yet it was performed only on one side of the back; the other had been tattooed some time before, and the loins had still to be done. Tahiti is now one of the civilised islands of the South Seas. At the time of Cook's visit the natives were absolutely savages. They lived in a state of partial nakedness, and their manners and customs were of the grossest description. Their religion and superstitions were degrading in the extreme, and, until Christianity obtained a hold upon them, they delighted in war, and practised horrible cruelties on their enemies. Yet, even in their low condition, there were good points about those islanders. Cook says that they were as large as the largest-sized Europeans. The men were tall, strong, well-limbed, and finely shaped. The tallest he saw, on a neighbouring island, was a man who measured six feet three inches and a half. The women of the superior rank were above our middle stature, but those of the inferior class rather below it. Their complexion was a kind of clear olive or _brunette_, and the skin of the women was smooth and soft. They had no colour in their cheeks, but their faces were comely; the cheekbones were not high, neither were the eyes hollow. Their eyes were sparkling and full of expression, and their teeth good, but their noses being flat did not correspond with his ideas of beauty. Their hair was black and coarse. The men had beards, which they wore in many fashions, always, however, plucking out great part of them, and keeping the rest perfectly clean and neat. In most countries it is the custom of the men to wear short and the women long hair. Here, however, Cook found this custom reversed. The women cut it short round the ears, and the men--except the fishermen, who were almost continually in the water--suffered it to flow in large waves over their shoulders, or tied it up in a bunch on the top of their heads. They were in the habit of anointing it with cocoa-nut oil, which had the effect of rendering their heads very filthy; but in other respects the natives of Tahiti were remarkable for cleanliness. Their clothing consisted of native-made cloth or matting, and was very scanty, but in many cases was tastefully put on and intermingled with flowers. Some of the men wore a feather in their hair; others wore a wig made of the hair of men and dogs. Both sexes wore ear-rings made of pieces of stones, shells, or berries, which were speedily exchanged, however, for the beads given them by the sailors, for, like all other savages, they delighted in gay ornaments. The houses of these people were very simple. They consisted of nothing more than a thatched roof mounted upon pillars. They had no walls whatever, and were open to every wind of heaven, but in so warm a climate this was not considered a disadvantage. There were no rooms or partitions of any kind in them, and they were usually large. Some belonged to families, others were the public property of a district, and these last were sometimes two hundred feet long by thirty broad. All the houses were built in the woods that lay between the sea and the mountains. No more ground was cleared for each house than was just sufficient to prevent the droppings of the branches from falling on the roof; so that the inhabitant could step at once from his cottage into the shade of the forest, which was the most delightful and romantic that could be imagined. It consisted of groves of bread-fruit and cocoa-nut trees without underwood, and paths led in all directions through it from one house to another. Only those travellers who have experienced the intense overpowering heat of tropical countries can form a just conception of the enjoyableness of a ramble through the shady groves of Tahiti. The food eaten by the natives was chiefly vegetable. They had tame hogs, dogs, and poultry, but these were not plentiful, and the visit of Cook's ship soon diminished the numbers of animals very considerably. When a chief killed a hog it was divided almost equally amongst his dependants, and as these were numerous, the share of each individual at a feast was not large. Dogs and fowls fell to the lot of the lower classes. Cook says that he could not commend the flavour of their fowls, but he and his crew unanimously agreed that a South-Sea dog was little inferior to English lamb! He conjectured that their excellence was owing to the fact that they were fed exclusively upon vegetables. Like everything else in Tahiti, the art of cooking was somewhat peculiar. The preparation of a dog for dinner is thus described:-- "The dog, which was very fat, we consigned over to Tupia, who undertook to perform the double office of butcher and cook. He killed him by holding his hands close over his mouth and nose, an operation which continued above a quarter of an hour. While this was going on, a hole was made in the ground about a foot deep, in which a fire was kindled, and some small stones were placed in layers alternately with the wood to get heated. The dog was then singed by holding him over the fire, and by scraping him with a shell the hair came off as clean as if he had been scalded in hot water. He was then cut up with the same instrument, and his entrails being taken out, were sent to the sea, where, being carefully washed, they were put into cocoa-nut shells with what blood came from the body. "When the hole was sufficiently heated, the fire was removed, and some of the stones,--which were not so hot as to discolour anything that touched them,--being placed in the bottom, were covered with green leaves. The dog and the entrails were then placed upon the leaves, other leaves were placed above them, the whole was covered up with the remainder of the hot stones, and the mouth of the hole was closed with mould. In somewhat less than four hours it was again opened and the dog taken out excellently baked. Nearly all the fish and flesh eaten by the inhabitants is dressed in this way." The sea in those regions affords the natives great variety of fish; the smaller of which they usually eat raw. They have also lobsters, crabs, and other shell-fish, all of which they are very fond of. Indeed, nothing seems to come amiss to them. They even eat what sailors call _blubbers_, though some of these are so tough that they have to allow them to become putrid before they can chew them. Their chief vegetable, the bread-fruit, is so curious a plant that it merits particular notice. It costs them no more trouble or labour to procure it than the climbing of a tree. In regard to this tree Cook says that it does not indeed shoot up spontaneously, but if a man plants ten of them in his lifetime, which he may do in about an hour, he will sufficiently fulfil his duty to his own and to future generations. True, the bread-fruit is not always in season; but when its ready-made loaves are not to be had, the South-Sea islander has plenty of cocoa-nuts, bananas, plantains, and other fruits to supply its place. The bread-fruit tree is large and beautiful. Its trunk, which is light-coloured and rough, grows to a height of twelve or twenty feet, and is sometimes three feet in diameter. Its leaves are broad, dark green, and a foot or eighteen inches long. The fruit, about the size of a child's head, is round, covered with a rough rind, and is at first of a light pea-green hue; subsequently it changes to brown, and when fully ripe, assumes a rich yellow colour. It hangs to the branches singly, or in clusters of two or three together. One of these magnificent trees, clothed with its dark shining leaves and loaded with many hundreds of large light green or yellowish fruit, is one of the most beautiful objects to be met with among the islands of the south. The pulp of the bread-fruit between the rind and the core is all eatable. The core itself, which is about the size and shape of the handle of a knife, is uneatable. The bread-fruit is never eaten raw. The usual mode of dressing it is to remove the rind and the core, divide the pulp into three or four pieces, and bake it in an oven similar to the one just described. When taken out, in somewhat less than an hour, the outside of the fruit is nicely browned, and the inner part so strongly resembles the crumb of wheaten bread as to have suggested the name of the tree. It is not, however, quite so pleasant to the taste, being rather insipid and slightly sweet. Nevertheless it is extremely good for food, and is much prized by the natives, to whom it may almost be said to be the staff of life. The tree on which this excellent fruit grows, besides producing two, and, in some cases, three crops in a year, furnishes a species of gum, or resin, which oozes from the bark when cut, and hardens when exposed to the sun. It is used for pitching the seams of canoes. The bark of the young branches is employed in making several varieties of native cloth. The wood of the tree is also valuable for building houses and canoes. There are nearly fifty varieties of the bread-fruit tree, for which the natives have distinct names, and as these varieties ripen at different times, there are few months in the year in which the fruit is not to be had. Not less valuable to the natives of these islands is the cocoa-nut tree, the stem of which is three or four feet in diameter at the root, whence it tapers gradually without branch or leaf to the top, where it terminates in a beautiful tuft or plume of long green leaves which wave gracefully in every breeze. One of the singular peculiarities of this tree is its power of flourishing in almost any soil. It grows equally well on the mountain-side, in the rich valleys beside the streams, and on the barren sea-beach of the coral reefs, where its only soil is sand, and where its roots are watered by the waves of every rising tide. Another peculiarity is, that fruit in every stage may be seen on the same tree at one time--from the first formation, after the falling of the blossom, to the ripe nut. As the tree is slow in growth, the nuts do not probably come to perfection until twelve months after the blossoms have fallen. The successive ripening of the nuts, therefore, seems to have been purposely arranged by our beneficent Creator, with a special view to the comfort of man. Each nut is surrounded by a tough husk, or shell, nearly two inches thick, and when it has reached its full size it contains a pint, or a pint and a half, of the juice usually called cocoa-nut milk. The kernels of the tough outer husks, above referred to, are the "cocoa-nuts" which we see exposed for sale in this country, but these nuts give no idea of the delightful fruit when plucked from the tree. They are old and dry, and the milk is comparatively rancid. In the state in which we usually see cocoa-nuts they are never used by the natives except as seed, or for the extraction of oil. Some varieties of this tree grow to a height of sixty or seventy feet. As all the nuts are at the top the gathering of them would be an extremely difficult matter were it not for an ingenious contrivance by which the natives manage to climb the trees; for it may be easily understood that to _shin_ up an exceedingly rough pole of seventy feet high, with bare legs, would try the mettle of most men--civilised as well as savage. The plan is simple. The native strips off a piece of tough bark from a branch, and therewith ties his feet together, leaving them, however, several inches apart, grasping the trunk with his arms he presses his feet against each side of the tree so that the piece of bark between them catches in the roughnesses of the stem; this gives him a purchase by which he is enabled to leap or vault up like a monkey. The wood of the tree is excellent. The natives make pillars for their houses and their best spears from it. A species of what we may call natural cloth is found, ready-made, on its leaves, with which they make sacks, and shirts, and jackets. Plaited leaflets form coverings for their floors. Baskets are made from the leaves, matting and cordage of the fibrous husk, and oil is extracted from the nut. Besides all this, the shells of the old nuts are used as water-bottles, and, when carved and highly polished, they form elegant drinking-cups. The perfect adaptation of the bread-fruit and cocoa-nut trees to the varied wants of the South-sea islanders tells, more eloquently than could be told in words, of the wisdom and benevolence with which the Almighty cares for His creatures, even while those creatures are living in the habitual neglect of Himself, and in the violation of all His laws. CHAPTER EIGHT. TREATS OF SAVAGE WARFARE AND SOME OF ITS CONSEQUENCES. It has been said that the natives of the innumerable islands of the South Seas are fond of war. All travellers to those regions bear witness to this fact. When Cook went there, the natives of all of them were absolute savages. At the present time a great number of the islands have been blessed with the light of Christianity, but some of them are still lying in the state of degradation in which they were first found. At this moment, reader, while you ponder these lines, there are men of the South Seas who wander about in a state of nudity and idleness; who practise every species of abomination, and kill, roast, and eat each other, just as they did a hundred years ago. The eating of human beings, or, as it is called, cannibalism, is no idle tale invented by travellers. Men of the highest character for truth, who have had ample opportunity for observation, from the time of Cook to the present day, have assured us that the natives of those lovely regions are cannibals: that they not only eat the bodies of enemies slain in war, but even kill and eat their own slaves. Of this you shall hear more anon; meanwhile, let us turn aside to see how these savage warriors go forth to battle. When it has been decided that they shall go to war, the natives of the South-Sea islands commence their preparations with human sacrifices to the god of war. After many strange, bloody, and superstitious rites, the warriors arm themselves and prepare for the fight. Their weapons, which they use with great dexterity, are slings for throwing heavy stones, pikes headed with the bones of sting-rays, and clubs about six or seven feet long, made of a very hard and heavy wood. In some instances these are richly carved. The chief of each district leads his own subjects to the field, and reports the number of his men to the leading chief. When all are assembled they sally forth. If the fight is to take place on land, it is sometimes begun by the celebrated warriors of each army marching to the front of their respective lines, and sitting down on the ground. Several of these then step forward, and boastfully challenge each other to combat. The challenge is usually accepted at once, and after taunting each other for some time, they engage in furious battle. When one falls, a man from his side rises and steps forward to fill his place and continue the fight. If either party gives way, then the main body of the army to which it belongs rushes forward to its support. The opposing army of course springs forward to meet them, and thus the fight becomes general. The main bodies advance in ranks four deep. In the first rank are the bravest men, armed with spears; in the second rank they are armed with clubs to defend the spearmen. The third row consists of young men with slings, and the fourth is composed of women, who carry baskets of stones for the slingers, and clubs and spears for the other combatants. There is no science displayed in their mode of fighting. The opposing armies rush upon each other with terrible fury, dealing deadly blows and thrusts with their murderous weapons. The din and clamour of the fray is increased by a class of men whose duty it is to animate the troops by voice and gesture. These may be styled the orators of battle, and are usually men of commanding stature and well-tried courage. They mingle in the thickest of the fight; hurry to and fro, cheering the men with the passionate recital of heroic deeds, and, in every possible way, rousing their courage and urging them on to deeds of valour. Pressing through the host with flashing eyes and thundering voice, they shout such abrupt sentences as the following:-- "Roll onward like the billows! Break on them with the ocean's foam and roar when bursting on the reefs! Hang on them as the forked lightning plays above the foaming surf! Give out the vigilance; give out the anger--the anger of the devouring wild dog--till their line is broken; till they flow back like the receding tide!" Amid such cries, mingled with the shouts of maddened combatants, and the yells of stricken men, the fight goes on. They use no shields. Believing that the gods direct their weapons, they make no attempt to guard, but lay about them with fury. Blows do not often require to be repeated. Skulls are cleft or battered in; and hearts are pierced with one blow or thrust, and, when noted warriors fall on either side, shouts of triumph echo along the line and strike a panic through the enemy's ranks. The first wounded man who can be seized before being quite dead is offered in sacrifice by his foes. He is not taken to their temple for that purpose, but his head is bound round with sacred cinet brought from the temple, and he is then laid alive on a number of spears and borne on men's shoulders along the ranks, the priest of the god of war walking alongside and watching the writhings of the dying man. If a tear falls from his eye it is said he is weeping for his land. If he should clench his fist it is supposed to be a sign that his party will resist to the last. If a great chief falls, the party to which he belongs retires a short distance, collects some of the bravest men, and then rushes with incredible fury and yells of vengeance upon the foe to "clear away the blood." The shock is terrific when the contending parties meet, and numbers usually fall on both sides. During the battle the armies sometimes separate a little distance for a time, leaving a space between them; then the slingers of stones advance. The most expert of these slingers are renowned warriors, and when they are recognised a shout arises from the opposite ranks, "Beware! a powerful stone is such an one." At short range the stones about the size of a hen's egg are thrown straight at the enemy with such force that it is almost impossible to avoid them, so that they do much execution. But soon again the lines close and the fight is renewed hand to hand. At length one of the lines begins to waver. Seeing this, the others are encouraged to renewed efforts; their enemies at last break and fly, and then a scene of terrible carnage follows. The vanquished rush to their canoes, or fly to the strongholds of the mountains. The victors continue the pursuit, slaughtering men and women indiscriminately. A fallen warrior perchance cries for mercy, "Spare me! may I live?" says he. If the name of his conqueror's chief or king is invoked, the request is sometimes granted; if not, the only reply is a taunt, followed by a thrust or a deadly blow. Thus the scene of murder and blood goes on until the fugitives have reached their strongholds, or until the shades of evening put an end to the pursuit. Such were the scenes that took place in the days of Captain Cook, and such or similar scenes still occur frequently at the present time on the coral isles of the Pacific. When their wars are conducted on the sea, the islanders embark in war-canoes, which are so large as to be able to carry from sixty to eighty and even a hundred men. Captain Cook tells us that the ingenuity of these people appears in nothing more than in their canoes. They are long and narrow. One that he measured was sixty-eight and a half feet long, five feet broad, and three feet and a half deep. The bottom was sharp, with straight sides like a wedge. Each side consisted of one entire plank sixty-three feet long, ten or twelve inches broad, and an inch and a quarter thick. The bottom part of the canoe was hollowed out, and these planks were lashed to it with strong plaiting. A grotesque ornament projected six feet beyond the head, and it had a sort of stern-post that rose to a height of about fourteen feet. Both the head and the stern-post were beautifully carved, and the canoe was propelled by means of short paddles, the men sitting with their faces in the direction in which they were going. The heads of many of the canoes were curious, in some cases it was the figure of a man with a face as ugly as can well be conceived, with a monstrous tongue thrust out of the mouth, and white shells stuck in for eyes. In such canoes they went forth to war upon the water, and their sea-fights were not less sanguinary than those of the land. In one battle that was fought between the people of Huahine and those of Raiatea immense slaughter took place. The fleet of one side consisted of ninety war-canoes, each about a hundred feet long, and filled with men. They met near a place called Hooroto, when a most obstinate and bloody engagement ensued. Both parties lost so many men that, when piled up on the day after the battle, the dead bodies formed a heap "as high as the young cocoa-nut trees." The captives taken in these wars are usually murdered on the spot, unless reserved for slaves to their conquerors. One of the results of these sanguinary fights is the existence of a number of what may be called wild men in the mountains of the islands. Ellis, in his _Polynesian Researches_, tells us that he once saw one of these men who had been caught in the mountains and was at that time comparatively tame, yet his appearance was very remarkable. He was about the middle size, large boned, but not fleshy. His features and countenance were strongly marked. His complexion was dark, and his aspect agitated and wild. His beard was long, and the hair of his head upwards of a foot and a half in length. It was parted on his forehead, but was matted and dishevelled. The colour of his hair was singular. At the roots it was black, six inches from his head it was light brown, and the extremities were light yellow. He was quite naked, with the exception of a _maro_ or girdle round the loins. This poor creature had been driven to the mountains in time of war, and had remained in solitude for many years. Probably extreme terror had affected his mind, for he was gloomy, and seemed to take no interest in anything going on around him. Evidently those "wild men" were poor creatures whose misfortunes had driven them mad. One of them was captured on another occasion by a party which had gone into the mountains to collect the bark of a certain tree which is used for dyeing cloth. On their way they perceived a man lying asleep on the ground. They surrounded him with as little noise as possible, but when they approached he awoke. Leaping up, he flung his wild locks over his shoulders and gazed at them with a startled look; then he darted into the woods, where he was caught by one of the men and secured. Had he not been enfeebled from recent illness, they could neither have caught nor retained this man. On being taken he exhibited signs of extreme terror. It was in vain that his captors assured him they meant him no harm; he continued to exclaim, "Ye are murderers, ye are murderers! do not murder me, do not murder me!" Even after he had been taken to the settlement and treated with great kindness, he could not be prevailed on to say anything more than "Do not kill me," and did not rest until he had made his escape into the woods! CHAPTER NINE. TOUCHES ON CANNIBALISM. The cruelties inflicted on the wretched prisoners taken in these wars were inconceivably horrible and disgusting. Some of our readers may, perhaps, think we might have passed over the sickening details in silence, but we feel strongly that it is better that truth should be known than that the feelings of the sensitive should be spared. Ellis tells us that the bodies of men slain in battle were usually left to be devoured by the hogs and wild dogs. This was doubtless the case in some of the groups of islands where cannibalism was perhaps not very much practised, but in other groups--especially among those known by the name of the Feejees--the slain were more frequently devoured by men and women than by hogs or dogs. The victors used to carry off the lower jaw-bones of the most distinguished among the slain as trophies, and also the bones of the arms and legs, from which they formed tools of various kinds and fish-hooks, and the skulls they converted into drinking-cups. The dead bodies were sometimes laid in rows along the beach, and used as rollers, over which the canoes were launched. One of their practices with the dead was ludicrously horrible. Sometimes, when a man had slain his enemy, in order to gratify his revenge he would beat the body quite flat, and then, cutting a hole through the back and stomach, would pass his head through it and actually rush into the fight wearing the body round his neck, with the head and arms hanging down in front, and the legs behind! The bodies of celebrated warriors and chiefs were hung by a rope to a tree, after the legs and arms had been broken; cords were attached to their feet, and then they were drawn up and down for the amusement of the spectators, while other dead bodies were beaten as drums, to make a hideous music to this horrible dance. Other brutalities were practised upon the slain, which were of such a nature that decency forbids our doing more than merely alluding to them here. In order to show that many of the savages of the South Seas were as bad, only a few years ago, as they were in former times, we give the following account of a scene which is published and vouched for in a recent work, named the _Journal of a Cruise among the Islands of the Western Pacific_, by Captain Erskine of the Royal Navy. About twenty years ago Bonavidongo, one of the chiefs of the Feejee Islands, paid a visit to another chief named Tuithakau, for the purpose of asking his assistance in quelling a disturbance that had arisen in a neighbouring island. The latter agreed; all the warriors of the island and the surrounding district were gathered together, and an army of two thousand men finally set forth on this expedition in forty war-canoes. Among the people was an English sailor named Jackson. He was of a roving disposition; had been kidnapped at one of the islands, from which he escaped, and afterwards wandered for two years among the South-Sea Islands--learned the language of the natives, and wrote an account of his adventures, which Captain Erskine added to his volume in the form of an appendix. Not being able to carry provisions for so large a body of men for any length of time, the Feejeeans made a short stay at a place called Rambe, for the purpose of refreshing the people. Here they procured immense quantities of yams and crabs, with which, after eating and drinking to their hearts' content, they loaded the canoes and continued the voyage. From Rambe, as well as from other places along the route, they were joined by additional canoes and warriors, so that their numbers rapidly increased. Frequently they were obliged to sleep in the canoes instead of on shore, on which occasions they were jammed up in such a manner from want of space as to be actually lying in layers on the top of each other! At one place where they called they could not obtain a sufficient supply of provisions for the whole party on account of its being small and containing but few inhabitants, so they made up the deficiency with dogs, cats, snakes, lizards, and the large white grubs with black heads that are found in decayed wood. The dogs and cats they knocked on the head, more for the purpose of stunning than killing, and threw them on a fire, and, after letting them lie five minutes or so on one side, turned them over on the other, then drew them from the fire and devoured them. The grubs they ate raw. Jackson was much surprised at what he terms, "this beastly way of feeding," because in his previous experience he had found the Feejeeans to be extremely particular in all preparations of food. On inquiring the cause of the change, however, he was informed, "that they felt proud that they were able to endure such hard fare, and that it was essential to their warlike customs, as they could not expect to sleep as well in war-time as in peace, and that they must endure every inconvenience, and pay no attention whatever to comfort!" At length they arrived at the island of Mouta, where they landed to announce their arrival to the king, and to present him with a gift of whales' teeth, which are much prized, and used on nearly all such occasions. In order to reach the town they had to proceed up a long, serpentine, narrow river, each bank of which was so thickly covered with mangrove trees that they overshadowed it completely--rendering it exceedingly dark and dismal. In the middle of the town stood the king's house, and directly opposite was the "bure," or temple. The whole town contained about one hundred and fifty houses. Having presented the whales' teeth to his savage majesty, they related all that had happened on the voyage, detailing the minutest particulars, after which they went to the temple to do honour to the god of war; and here the story of the voyage was repeated to the priest, who replied in a long speech. This speech was listened to with the deepest attention, because it was considered prophetic. The priest finished off by encouraging all present to be obedient to the god of war, and to do their best to gratify his appetite, adding, that the success of the whole expedition depended on their obedience. He reminded them that the god was a great lover of animal food, especially of human flesh. Jackson afterwards found that the appetite of the priest was quite as peculiar and strong as that of the god in this respect, and that the king was a greater cannibal than the priest! Next morning they re-embarked and started for Male, in the disturbed district. The inhabitants of Male lived on the top of a mountain shaped like a sugar-loaf, and having only one path leading up it. At the top this path could be easily defended by a small body of men against ten times their number, as they could roll down large stones upon their enemies while they approached. Knowing the strength of their position, the natives of this place had become the pest of the neighbourhood. They sallied forth and committed great depredations on the villages near them--carrying away the women into slavery, and killing the men for food! On approaching the place the war-party saw that the natives, by their antics, were challenging and defying them. When they landed and could hear what they said, they made out their speech of defiance to be, "We are extremely tired of waiting for you, especially as we have been expecting this visit so long: but as you have at last made your appearance, we are quite ready to begin at once. We would remind you, at the same time, that we are well supplied with stones, and, if these fail, we have also a good store of British sand (gunpowder), and plenty of pills (musket-balls), which we will bestow upon you very generously. We see that you have got the Feejees and Tongas with you, but we hope you will not have the folly and impudence to attack us until you have collected the whole world to help you!" To this contemptuous speech the war-party made a somewhat similar reply. After they had thus abused each other for some time, three of the people of the hill ventured half-way down the path, where they stood and dared any, or the whole, of their enemies to come up. As it was not, however, the intention of the war-party to assault the stronghold at that time, they declined the invitation, but, happening to possess several old muskets, which they had procured, no doubt, from traders, they fired a volley at the three challengers, killed them all on the spot, and, rushing up, caught the bodies as they rolled down the path. The corpses were then fastened to a pole in a sitting posture, and placed in the canoe of the chief, who resumed his voyage, his warriors singing out, "Satiko, satiko," (Good-bye, good-bye), and telling the people of Male that they would call again upon them shortly, as their place was so conveniently situated, and take a few more bodies, just enough at a time for the priest of the god of war--in short, that they would take them in the same way as a man kills his pigs; and they were to be sure to feed themselves well, for their chief was fond of fat meat! With this supply of food they returned to Mouta. Here the bodies, which had been carefully painted with vermilion and soot, were handed out and placed, sitting up, in front of the king's house; but before proceeding to their loathsome banquet they enacted scenes in which there was a dreadful mingling of the ludicrous and the horrible. The whole of the people being assembled, and dead silence secured, an old man advanced to the bodies, and, laying his hand upon each, began talking to it in a low tone, asking it, "why he had been so rash in coming down the hill," and telling it, "that he was extremely sorry to see him in such a predicament; and did he not feel ashamed of himself now that he was obliged to encounter the gaze of such a crowd." By degrees the old orator worked himself into a state of excitement, till at last he shouted at the full strength of his voice, and finally finished off by kicking the bodies down, amid bursts of laughter from the spectators, who then rushed forward, and, seizing each by a leg or an arm, dragged them over stones and dust and swamps for the general amusement of the people. At last they pulled them up to a place at the back of the town which was used for the purpose of cutting up, cooking, and eating human flesh. In front of this dreadful place lay a heap of human bones bleached by the weather. Here the priest was seated, with his long beard hanging down on a little table before him. On this table were two skulls converted into drinking-cups, and several others were lying about the floor. Without going further into the disgusting details, it may be sufficient to add that the three bodies were cut up by the priest and cooked in an oven heated by means of hot stones, after which they were devoured as a great treat, and with infinite relish, by the king and his chief men. It was long before people in the civilised world would give credit to stories such as that just related; and even now there may be some who doubt the truth of them. But the number and the characters of the travellers who have visited these islands since the days of Cook, and who have brought home similar reports, put the matter beyond question. Men ought neither to doubt these shocking details because they seem incredible, nor turn away from them because they are disgusting. Like the surgeon who calmly and steadily examines the most hideous of wounds or sores that can affect the human body, so ought the Christian and the philanthropist to know and consider in detail the horrible deeds that are done by our fellow-men in the Cannibal Islands. It is good for us to be made acquainted with the truth in order that we may be filled with strong pity for the degraded savages, and in order, also, that our hearts and hands may be opened towards those noble missionaries who venture themselves into the midst of such awful scenes for the sake of souls, and in the name of Jesus Christ. CHAPTER TEN. VISIT TO NEW ZEALAND. Captain Cook left Tahiti after a stay of three months. During the greater part of this period the sailors and natives had lived together in the most cordial friendship, and in the perpetual interchange of kindly acts. It must be borne in mind that, though the unchristianised natives of the South-Sea Islands are all degraded, cruel, and savage, all are not equally so. Those inhabiting the Feejee group are generally reported to be the worst in all respects. Those who inhabited Tahiti, on the other hand, were, at the time of Cook's visit, said to be comparatively amiable. At all events, the departure of the _Endeavour_ called forth a strong display of tender feeling on the part of the natives of that island. In writing of this Cook says-- "On the next morning, Thursday, the 13th July, the ship was very early crowded with our friends, and surrounded by multitudes of canoes, which were filled with natives of an inferior class. Between eleven and twelve we weighed anchor, and as soon as the ship was under sail the Indians on board took their leave, and wept with a decent and silent sorrow, in which there was something very striking and tender. The people in the canoes, on the contrary, seemed to vie with each other in the loudness of their lamentations, which we considered rather as an affectation than grief. Tupia (a chief who had made up his mind to sail with us) sustained himself in this scene with a firmness and resolution truly admirable. He wept, indeed, but the effort that he made to conceal his tears concurred with them to do him honour. He sent his last present, a shirt, to a friend on shore, and then went to the mast-head, where he continued waving to the canoes as long as they were in sight." Thus ended the visit of the great navigator to Tahiti, an island which afterwards became the scene of one of the most romantic incidents that was ever recorded in the annals of maritime adventure, namely, the mutiny of the men in H.M.S. _Bounty_, and the consequent colonisation of Pitcairn Island. Tahiti is now civilised, and under the protective government of the French. The produce of the island is bread-fruit, cocoa-nuts, bananas of thirteen sorts, plantains, a fruit not unlike an apple, which, when ripe, is very pleasant, sweet potatoes, yams, sugar-cane, which the natives eat raw, besides many other kinds of fruits, roots, and vegetables, all of which grew wild when Cook was there, or with so little culture that the islanders are almost altogether exempted from labour. Setting sail from Tahiti, the _Endeavour_ visited several other isles, and at length arrived at the celebrated island of New Zealand. This is one of the largest in the South Seas, and is now the site of several thriving British settlements. Flourishing cities have been built on its rich soil; large portions of it have been brought under cultivation; gold-mines have been discovered; churches and schools have been erected, and many of the natives have become partially civilised. Very different indeed was the state of things when Captain Cook first drew near to its shores in the year 1769. He cast anchor on the 8th of October in a bay near the mouth of a small river about half a league from shore. The sides of the bay were white cliffs of great height, and inland the hills rose one behind another, towering upwards until they terminated in a chain of mountains in the far distance. Some natives had been seen on the beach, so, when the ship was secured, Cook took two of his boats, and, accompanied by Mr Banks and Dr Solander, with a party of men, went on shore. They landed on the east side of the river, but finding it too deep to cross, and seeing some natives on the other side, they took one of the boats--the yawl--and went over, leaving the other boat--the pinnace--behind them. When the navigators drew near to the place where the natives were assembled, the latter ran away. The sailors then landed, and, leaving four boys in charge of the boat, walked up to some huts which were two or three hundred yards from the beach. But they had not gone far from the water-side when four men, armed with long lances, rushed out of the woods, and ran to attack the boat. They would certainly have succeeded in overpowering the four boys and making off with the boat, had they not fortunately been seen by the people left in the pinnace, who called out to warn the boys of their danger, telling them to push off and drop down stream. The boys obeyed instantly. Being closely pursued by the savages, one of them fired a musket over their heads. At this they stopped in surprise and looked round them, but in a few minutes renewed the pursuit, brandishing their lances in a threatening manner, as if about to cast them into the boat, which they could easily have done. The boys then fired a second shot over their heads, but of this they took no notice, and one of them lifted his spear with the intention of darting it; another musket was therefore fired, which shot the savage dead. When he fell the other three stood motionless for some time, as if petrified with astonishment. As soon as they recovered they went back to the woods, dragging the dead body, but they soon dropped it and fled when they saw Cook and his companions running to the rescue. The dead body was examined, and found to be that of a man of middle size, with brown complexion and a tattooed face. He was covered with a kind of native cloth, and wore his hair tied up in a knot on the top of his head. Cook immediately returned to the ship, from the deck of which he could hear the voices of the natives on shore talking with great earnestness and in a very loud tone. Being anxious to enter into friendly intercourse with these people, Cook renewed the attempt next morning. He ordered three boats to be manned with seamen and marines, and proceeded towards the shore, accompanied by Mr Banks and Dr Solander, also by Tupia, the Tahitan, to act as interpreter. About fifty natives came to the beach and sat down to await their landing. In order to prevent them taking fright, Cook landed first and advanced, accompanied only by the two gentlemen above named and Tupia. But they had not proceeded many paces before the savages started up, and every man produced either a long pike or a small weapon of green talc extremely well polished, about a foot long, and thick enough to weigh four or five pounds. Tupia endeavoured to appease them, but this could not be managed until a musket was fired wide of them. The ball struck the water, and on observing its effect they ceased their menaces. Meanwhile the marines were landed and marched to a commanding position, where they were drawn up, while Captain Cook again advanced. When they came near enough, Tupia explained that they wanted provisions and water, for which they would give iron in exchange. He then asked them to lay down their arms, but they would not consent to do so. The river still lay between the two parties, and Cook invited the natives to come over and trade. They were unwilling at first, but in a short time one, bolder than the rest, stripped himself and swam over without his arms. He was immediately followed by two or three more, and soon after by most of the others. These last, however, brought their arms with them. Presents of iron and beads were now made to the savages, but they seemed to care little for these things, and in a few minutes they attempted to snatch the arms out of the sailors' hands. In this they failed, and Cook ordered Tupia to tell them that if they tried to do that again, he would be compelled to kill them. In a few minutes Mr Green, one of the gentlemen, happened to turn about; immediately one of them snatched away his sword and ran to a little distance, waving it round his head with a shout of triumph. Seeing this, the rest became extremely insolent, and more savages came to join them from the other side of the river. It therefore became necessary to check them, and Mr Banks fired with small-shot at the man who had taken the sword. The shot had only the effect of stopping his shouts and causing him to retire a little farther off, still flourishing the sword, however. Seeing this, Mr Monkhouse fired with ball, and the man dropt instantly. Upon this the main body of the natives, who had retired to a rock in the middle of the river, began to return. Two that were near the man who had been killed ran to the body, and one seized his weapon of green talc, while the other tried to secure the sword, but Mr Monkhouse ran up in time to prevent this. Three muskets loaded with small-shot were then fired at the party, which wounded several, and caused them to retire to the opposite side of the river, after which Cook returned to the ship. This was a matter of great disappointment to the voyagers, because they were much in want of fresh water. Cook now resolved to seize some of the natives if possible, and prove to them, by kind treatment, that they had nothing to fear. Soon after he had an opportunity of trying this plan. Two canoes were seen coming in from sea; one under sail, the other worked by paddles. Taking three boats full of men he gave chase to them; but the people in the nearest canoe perceived them, and turning aside made with all possible haste for a point of land and escaped. The other canoe was intercepted, and Tupia called to them to come alongside and they would receive no harm; but they took down the sail, took to their paddles, and made off so quickly that the boats could not overtake them. Cook then ordered a musket-ball to be fired over them. On hearing the shots they stopped paddling and began to strip, intending, no doubt, to leap into the sea. But they quickly changed their minds and resolved not to fly but to fight. When the boats came up they began the attack with their paddles and with stones so vigorously, that the voyagers were obliged to fire at them in self-defence. Unhappily four were killed, and the three who remained leaped into the sea. These were soon captured, and were found to be mere boys--the eldest about nineteen, and the youngest about eleven. Cook deeply regretted this unfortunate affair, and blamed himself for it, but remarked, in justification of himself, that, "when the command has once been given to fire, no man can restrain its excess or prescribe its effect." As soon as the poor wretches were taken out of the water into the boat they squatted down, expecting, no doubt, to be instantly put to death. But when they found that instead of being killed they were treated with kindness, they became exceedingly joyful. On reaching the ship they were offered some bread, which they devoured with a voracious appetite. They asked and answered a great many questions, and when the people sat down to dinner expressed a desire to touch and taste everything they saw. The food that pleased them most was salt pork. At night they made a hearty supper, and after they had each drunk above a quart of water, they lay down to sleep on a locker well pleased with their treatment. During the night, however, their true condition as prisoners seemed to be impressed on them. Possibly they thought of their slain friends, for they began to moan dismally, and it was all Tupia could do to comfort them. Next morning they devoured an enormous breakfast, after which they were dressed, and adorned with bracelet, anklets, necklaces, etcetera, and sent on shore in the hope that they might carry a good report of the strangers to their friends. Nothing came of this, however, at the time. The natives still remained unfriendly, and Cook finally weighed anchor and set sail in search of a part of the coast where the people, it was hoped, would be more hospitable. Soon after this a number of canoes came off to the ship, and the natives, to the number of fifty, came on board without fear, saying that they had heard such an account of the kindness of the sailors from the three boys, that they had come to trade with them. And they did trade with them, to such an extent that they parted with everything they had, even stripping off their clothes, and offering them in exchange for trinkets of little value! About an hour before sunset, the canoes put off from the ship to return to shore, and then it was discovered that three natives had been left behind. Tupia hailed the canoes and told them of this, but they would not return; and what seemed more surprising, the three savages did not seem to care but remained on board eating and drinking, and entertaining the ship's company with dancing and singing of a very remarkable kind, after which they had their suppers and went quietly to bed. But they were dreadfully horrified on awaking next morning to find that the ship was sailing swiftly away with them; and they remained in a state of consternation until a canoe happened to put off from shore, and after much persuasion came alongside and took them away. The men in the canoe were very timid about coming on deck, and they could not be got to do so until the three savages assured them that the white people "did not eat men!" Cook then continued his voyage of discovery round New Zealand, making careful notes of the coast, and naming the various headlands as he went. As the island is fully as large as Great Britain, it took him some time to accomplish the survey. He had many adventures, and saw many strange things by the way, besides running considerable danger from the natives, who showed themselves extremely hostile. On one occasion, while they were entangled among some shoals, the hurry on board in working the ship led the savages to suppose the voyagers were alarmed, so taking advantage of this, four large canoes full of armed men put off and came towards them with the intention, apparently, of making an attack. A musket was fired over them, but as it did no harm they continued to come on. A four-pounder, loaded with grape, was then fired a little to one side of them. This caused them all to start up with a shout of surprise, after which they returned quietly to the shore. On all occasions Captain Cook exerted himself to the utmost to prevent bloodshed; but the natives were everywhere so warlike and treacherous, that this could not always be avoided. One day several canoes full of armed men came alongside, and were induced to trade--exchanging native cloth and arms for the usual trinkets. Tupia, the interpreter, had a little son with him named Tayeto. This little fellow was employed to stand outside the bulwarks of the ship to hand down the things from the ship to the savages in the canoes. One of these rascals, watching his opportunity, suddenly seized the lad and dragged him down into the canoe. Two of them held him down in the fore part of it, and the others with great activity paddled off-- the rest of the canoes following as fast as they could. Upon this the marines were ordered to fire. The shot was directed to that part of the canoe which was farthest from the boy. One man dropped, upon which the others quitted their hold of the boy, who sprang nimbly into the water and swam towards the ship. A large canoe turned to recapture him, but some muskets and a great gun being fired at it, the rowers desisted from farther pursuit. The ship was immediately brought to, a boat was lowered, and poor Tayeto was picked up, very much terrified, but unhurt, and none the worse for his adventure. After this the discoverers had the most convincing proof that the inhabitants of New Zealand were cannibals. One day Mr Banks, Dr Solander, Tupia, and others, went ashore and visited a party of natives who appeared to have just concluded a repast. The body of a dog was found buried in their oven, and many provision-baskets stood around. In one of these they observed two bones, pretty cleanly picked, which did not seem to be the bones of a dog. On nearer inspection they were found to be those of a human being. That the flesh belonging to them had been eaten was evident, for that which remained had manifestly been dressed by fire, and in the gristles at the ends were the marks of the teeth which had gnawed them. To put an end to doubt, Tupia asked what bones they were, and the natives answered without the least hesitation that they were the bones of a man, and they had eaten the flesh off them. Upon one of the visitors pretending not to believe this, and saying that they were the bones of a dog, a native seized his own forearm with his teeth and made a show of eating it with great relish. He also took one of the bones which Mr Banks held in his hand and bit and gnawed it, drawing it through his lips, and showing by signs that it afforded a delicious repast! As if to relieve, somewhat, the feelings of disgust with which they were oppressed by such sights, the voyagers were regaled with the most delicious music on the following morning. About two o'clock they were awakened by the sweet singing of birds, the number of which was incredible, and their energy so great that they appeared to strain their throats in emulation of each other. This wild melody was infinitely superior to anything they had ever heard of the same kind; it seemed to be like small bells most exquisitely tuned;--perhaps the distance of the ship from shore, and the water between, may have lent additional charms to the sound. Ere long the birds ceased to sing, and the disagreeable subject of the previous day was recalled by the appearance of a small canoe, in which was an old man, who, on coming on deck, at once revived the conversation about eating human flesh. "But," said Tupia, after some minutes' talk, "I did not see any heads of your enemies; what do you do with them? do you not eat them too?" "No," replied the old man, "we only eat the brains, and the next time I come I will bring off some of them to convince you that what I have told you is true." That same day some of the sailors found on shore near an oven three human hip-bones, which they brought on board, and Mr Monkhouse, the surgeon, discovered and took on board the hair of a man's head. Here also they saw practised a remarkably simple and ingenious method of catching fish, which we think might be tried with advantage on our own coasts. Happening to observe a man in his canoe fishing, they rowed alongside and asked him to draw up his line, which he readily did. At the end of it they found a net of a circular form, extended by two hoops about seven or eight feet in diameter. The top was open, and sea-ears were fastened to the bottom as bait. This he let down so as to lie upon the ground until he thought fish enough had assembled over it. Then he drew it up by an extremely gentle and even motion, so that the fish rose with it, scarcely sensible (it is supposed) that they were being lifted, until near the surface of the water, when they were brought out in the net by a sudden pull! The ingenuity of the New Zealanders appeared in nothing more than in their canoes, of which the following description is in Cook's own words: "They are long and narrow, and in shape very much resemble a New England whale-boat; the larger sort seem to be built chiefly for war, and will carry from forty to eighty or a hundred armed men. We measured one which lay ashore at Tolago. She was sixty-eight feet and a half long, five feet broad, and three feet and a half deep. The bottom was sharp, with straight sides like a wedge, and consisted of three lengths hollowed out to about two inches, or an inch and a half thick, and well fastened together with strong plaiting. Each side consisted of one entire plank sixty-three feet long, ten or twelve inches broad, and about an inch and a quarter thick, and these were fitted and lashed to the bottom part with great dexterity and strength. A considerable number of thwarts were laid from gunwale to gunwale, to which they were securely lashed on each side, as a strengthening to the boat. The ornament at the head projected five or six feet beyond the body, and was about four feet and a half high. The ornament at the stern was fixed upon that end as the stern-post of a ship is fixed upon its keel, and was about fourteen feet high, two feet broad, and an inch and a half thick. They both consisted of boards of carved work, of which the design was much better than the execution." The smaller canoes, which were of one piece hollowed out by fire, usually had "outriggers,"--boards projecting from, and parallel to, the canoes--to prevent their overturning, and occasionally two canoes were joined together for the same purpose, as, if unsupported, they were extremely liable to upset. The tools with which these canoes and their other implements and utensils were made consisted of axes and adzes made of a hard black stone, or of a green talc, which latter stone is not only hard but tough. They had chisels made of small fragments of jasper, and of human bones. These also served the purpose of augers for boring holes. Fish-hooks were of bone or shell; these, however, were not well made, but in the fabrication of most of their implements, canoes, war-clubs, baskets, etcetera, they displayed a considerable degree of taste, neatness of hand, and ingenuity. Our space forbids us following Captain Cook very closely in his many voyages throughout the great archipelago of the South Seas. In this volume we have touched but lightly here and there on the immense variety of subjects which came under his observation. Those who wish for fuller information will find it in the work entitled _The Voyages of Captain Cook round the World_, which contains his own most interesting journals. Passing over the years which intervene between the period of which we have been writing and the last voyage he ever made to the islands of the South Seas, we leap at once, in the next chapter, to the sad closing scenes of the great navigator's career. CHAPTER ELEVEN. THE LAST VOYAGE AND SAD END OF THE GREAT DISCOVERER. In the spring of 1776 Captain Cook set sail on his last voyage, in command of the _Resolution_, accompanied by the _Discovery_ under Captain Clerke, an able officer, who had been Cook's second lieutenant on board the _Resolution_ in his second voyage round the world. The expedition was well supplied with everything that might conduce to its success, or to the comfort of those engaged in it, and many useful articles were put on board to be given to the South-Sea islanders, with a view to improve their condition--among other things, some live-stock, which, it was hoped, would multiply on the islands--such as a bull, and two cows with their calves, and some sheep; besides a quantity of such European garden seeds as were likely to thrive in those regions. It says much for the perseverance and energy of Captain Cook that, although his education had been so defective that he only began to study Euclid and Astronomy at the age of thirty-one, he was nevertheless competent to conduct, without the aid of a scientific man, the astronomical department of this voyage. The vessels touched at the Cape of Good Hope in passing, and sailed thence on their voyage of discovery, which extended over three years, during which period they visited Van Diemen's land, on the south of Australia, New Zealand, the Society Islands, Sandwich Islands, and other groups of the Pacific; also the western and northern coasts of North America, and saw new and beautiful regions, as well as strange and wonderful--in some cases terrible--sights, the mere enumeration of which, without going into detail, would fill many pages. We hasten, therefore, to that point in the narrative which describes the visit of the expedition to the island of Owhyhee, where its heroic commander terminated his brilliant career. On January 1779 the _Resolution_ and the _Discovery_ put into a large bay named Karakakooa on the west of the island, for the purpose of refitting the ships and laying in an additional supply of water and provisions. They moored on the north side of the bay, about quarter of a mile from the shore. Here they were well received by the inhabitants, who at first were extremely hospitable. Captain King, in his journal of the transactions at this place, writes:-- "As soon as the inhabitants perceived our intention of anchoring in the bay, they came off in astonishing numbers, and expressed their joy by singing and shouting, and exhibiting a variety of wild and extravagant gestures. The sides, the decks, and rigging of both ships were soon completely covered with them, and a multitude of women and boys, who had not been able to get canoes, came swimming round us in shoals; many of them not finding room on board, remained the whole day playing in the water!" Afterwards Captain Cook went ashore and was received with many extraordinary ceremonies, which bore a strong resemblance to religious worship, but in regard to this he and his companions could only form conjectures, and were very glad to find that their entertainers were so friendly. Next morning Captain King went ashore with a guard of eight marines to erect an observatory in such a situation as might best enable him to superintend and protect the waterers and other working parties that were to be on shore. The spot chosen was immediately marked off with wands by the friendly native priests, who thus consecrated the ground, or placed it under "taboo"--a sort of religious interdiction, which effectually protected it from the intrusion of the natives--for none ever ventured, during their stay, to enter within the _tabooed_ space without permission. Very different was it on board the ships. These, not being tabooed, were overwhelmed with visitors, particularly women, who flocked on board in such numbers that the men were obliged to clear the decks almost every hour in order to have room to attend to their duties--on which occasions two or three hundred women were frequently made to jump into the water at once, where they continued swimming and playing about until they could again obtain admittance! While, however, the priests of the island were very attentive to their visitors--sending them gifts of pigs and vegetables with extreme liberality, and expecting nothing in return, the warrior chiefs were not so disinterested. They expected and received many gifts, and they were so much addicted to theft that a constant watch had to be kept upon them, while examples had occasionally to be made of those who were caught in the act. Soon after their arrival the ships were visited in state by the King of the island, whose name was Terreeoboo. Some of his chiefs accompanied him, and all of them were dressed in rich feathered cloaks and helmets, and armed with long spears and daggers. Along with them they brought their idols, which were gigantic busts made of wicker-work, curiously covered with small feathers. Their eyes were made of large pearl oysters, with a black nut fixed in the centre of each; double rows of dogs' teeth ornamented their mouths, and their features were strangely distorted. The King and his friends were hospitably received. Presents were made, and expressions of good-will and friendship interchanged. Thus everything went on prosperously. The refitting and provisioning were completed; games and ceremonies were witnessed; and finally the ships left the island with the good wishes of a people who had treated their visitors with singular kindness and hospitality during the whole period of their sojourn. Unfortunately, soon afterwards, the _Resolution_ was so much damaged in a gale, that it was found necessary to return to Karakakooa Bay for repairs. To the surprise of the voyagers their reception on this occasion was very different from what it had been at first. There was no shouting, no bustle, no coming off in shoals--only here and there a canoe was seen stealing along the solitary shore. On inquiry, they were told that King Terreeoboo was absent, and had laid the bay under taboo! This looked very suspicious. However, as there was no help for it, they landed their men with the foremast of one of the ships, which required repair, and for two or three days pushed forward their work busily, expecting that when the king returned and removed the interdict, the natives would flock round them with the same good feeling as before. Things went on in their usual quiet way till the afternoon of the 13th of February. On the evening of that day the watering-party was interfered with by natives who had armed themselves with stones, and were becoming very insolent. On the appearance, however, of Captain King with one of the marines, they threw away the stones, and some of the chiefs drove the mob away. Captain Cook, on hearing of this, ordered the sentinels to load with ball, and to fire if the interference should be repeated. Soon after that the party on shore were alarmed by a fire of musketry from the _Discovery_. It was directed at a small canoe which was paddling to the shore in great haste, pursued by one of the ship's boats. The canoe reached the shore first, and the natives, who had been stealing, made their escape. Captain Cook and Captain King pursued them into the woods for about three miles, but failed to overtake them. During Cook's absence a serious difference occurred on the shore. One of the officers conceived it to be his duty to seize one of the native canoes. This chanced to belong to a great man named Pareea, who soon afterwards claimed his property. The officer refused to give it up, and a scuffle ensued, in which Pareea was knocked on the head with an oar. The natives immediately attacked the sailors with a shower of stones, which compelled them to retreat precipitately into the sea and swim off to a rock at some distance from the shore, leaving the pinnace in the hands of the natives, who at once ransacked it. They would probably have demolished it entirely had not Pareea, who soon recovered from his blow, come forward, and, with an admirable spirit of forgiveness, rescued it from their hands, returned it to the sailors, and afterwards rubbed noses with the officer who caused all the mischief, in token of his reconciliation! During that night the cutter of the _Discovery_ was stolen, and next morning Captain Cook, landing with nine marines, went up to the village. It had been his usual practice, whenever anything of importance was lost at any of the islands in that ocean, to get the king or some of the chief men on board, and keep them as hostages until the missing article should be restored. This method, which had been always attended with success, he meant to pursue on the present occasion. Meanwhile, the boats of both ships were ordered out, and well manned and armed. Captain Cook then marched into the village, where he was received with the usual marks of respect--the people prostrating themselves before him, and bringing him their accustomed offerings of small hogs. We cannot help remarking here that Cook was to be blamed for permitting the natives to treat him with a degree of ceremonious solemnity which was obviously meant as an act of worship. The only thing that can be said in his defence, we think, is, that in a region where many remarkable, and to him incomprehensible, customs prevailed, he could not certainly assure himself that the people were not paying to him the ordinary homage which they were accustomed to pay to every great chief who visited their island. He found the old king just awakening from sleep, and, after a short conversation about the loss of the cutter, the captain invited him to return in the boat and spend the day on board the _Resolution_. The king readily consented, but while on his way to the beach one of his wives, who evidently suspected treachery, besought him with many tears not to go on board. At the same time, two of his chiefs laid hold of him, and, insisting that he should go no farther, forced him to sit down. The natives had by this time collected in prodigious numbers, and the Englishmen were so surrounded that it would have been impossible for them to use their arms if any occasion had required it. Captain Cook, therefore, was obliged to give up his efforts to induce the old king to go on board. As yet the captain had not expected or feared any attempt at personal violence, and it is probable that he would have succeeded in coming off scatheless on this occasion, as he had done many a time before, had not an unfortunate incident occurred, which gave a fatal turn to the affair. The boats of the ship, which had been stationed across the bay, fired at some canoes that were attempting to escape, and unfortunately killed a chief of the first rank. The news of his death reached the village just as Captain Cook was leaving the king, and the excitement occasioned was very great. One evidence that the natives meant to be revenged was that all the women and children were immediately sent off, and they made their intention still more apparent by putting on their war-mats, and arming themselves with spears and stones. Just before this, however, the nine marines had been ordered to extricate themselves from the crowd and line the rocks along the shore. One of the natives having a stone in one hand, and a long iron spike in the other, came up to the captain in a defiant manner, flourishing his weapon, and threatening to throw the stone. Cook told him to desist, but he persisted in his threatening actions, and at length provoked the captain to fire a charge of small-shot into him, having on his war-mat, however, it had no other effect than to stir up his wrath. Several stones were now thrown at the marines, and a native attempted to stab one of the party with his spear; in this, however, he failed, and was knocked down with the butt-end of a musket. Captain Cook now felt that the safety of the party depended on prompt, decisive action, for the more he exercised forbearance the more did the savages threaten. He therefore fired his second barrel, which was loaded with ball, and killed one of the foremost. A general attack with stones immediately followed. This was met by a discharge of muskets from the marines and the people in the boats. Contrary to expectation, the natives stood the fire with great firmness. From the accounts given of the transaction, it would appear that all the marines had discharged their muskets--none having reserved fire. This was a fatal mistake, because, before they had time to reload the natives rushed upon them in overwhelming numbers, and with fearful yells. Then followed a scene of indescribable horror and confusion. Captain King, Cook's intimate friend, says, in regard to this closing scene, that four of the marines were cut off among the rocks in their retreat, and fell a sacrifice to the fury of the enemy; three more were dangerously wounded. The lieutenant, who had received a stab between the shoulders with a _pahooa_, having fortunately reserved his fire, shot the man who had wounded him just as he was going to repeat the blow. The unfortunate Captain Cook, when last seen distinctly, was standing at the water's edge, calling out to the men in the boats to cease firing and to pull in. If it be true, as some of those who were present have imagined, that the marines and boatmen had fired without his orders, and that he was desirous of preventing further bloodshed, it is not improbable that his humanity, on this occasion, proved fatal to him; for it was remarked that while he faced the natives none of them had offered him any violence, but that having turned about to give his order to the boats, he was stabbed in the back, and fell with his face into the water. On seeing him fall the savages gave a great shout, rushed upon him, and dragged him on shore. They then surrounded him, and, snatching the daggers out of each other's hands, showed a savage eagerness to have a share in his destruction. "Thus," continues King, "fell our great and excellent commander! After a life of so much distinguished and successful enterprise, his death, as far as regards himself, cannot be reckoned premature, since he lived to finish the great work for which he seems to have been designed, and was rather removed from enjoyment than cut off from the acquisition of glory. How sincerely his loss was felt and lamented by those who had so long found their general security in his skill and conduct, and every consolation under their hardships in his tenderness and humanity, it is neither necessary nor possible for me to describe, much less shall I attempt to paint the horror with which we were struck, and the universal dejection and dismay which followed so dreadful and unexpected a calamity." In commenting on Captain Cook's services, the same gentleman says: "Perhaps no science ever received greater additions from the labours of a single man than geography has done from those of Captain Cook. In his first voyage to the South Seas he discovered the Society Islands; determined the insularity of New Zealand, discovered the Straits which separate the two islands, and are called after his name, and made a complete survey of both. He afterwards explored the eastern coast of New Holland, hitherto unknown, to an extent of twenty-seven degrees of latitude, or upwards of two thousand miles." In succeeding years he settled the disputed point of the existence of a great southern continent traversing the ocean there between the latitudes of 40 degrees and 70 degrees in such a way as to show the impossibility of its existence, "unless near the pole, and beyond the reach of navigation." (We may be permitted, in these days of general advancement, mental and physical, to doubt whether any part of the globe is _absolutely_ "beyond the reach of navigation!") He discovered also the islands of New Caledonia and Georgia, and the Sandwich Islands; explored the western coasts of North America into the frozen regions, and ascertained the proximity of the two great continents of Asia and America. In short,-- to use the words of his biographer, which compress the nature and value of the great navigator's services into a small and easily comprehended point--"if we except the sea of Amur and the Japanese Archipelago, which still remain imperfectly known to Europeans, he has completed the hydrography of the habitable globe." ------------------------------------------------------------------------ Captain Cook has passed away, and the generation of men, with those whom he benefited and those who slew him, has gone to its account, but the coral islands remain as they were of old, resplendent with the beautiful works of God, though not, _as of old_, marred so terribly by the diabolical devices of man. "Cannibal Islands" some of them still are, without doubt, but a large proportion of them have been saved from heathen darkness by the light of God's Truth as revealed in the Holy Bible, and many thousands of islanders--including the descendants of those who slew the great Captain of the last generation--have enrolled themselves under the banner of the "Captain of our salvation," and are now, through God's mercy, clothed and in their right mind. THE END. 10842 ---- (PLATE: CAPTAIN COOK. FROM THE PORTRAIT BY N. DANCE, R.A., IN THE PAINTED HALL, GREENWICH HOSPITAL.) THE LIFE OF CAPTAIN JAMES COOK THE CIRCUMNAVIGATOR BY ARTHUR KITSON. WITH PORTRAIT AND MAP. 1907 TO MY WIFE LINDA DOUGLAS KITSON. PREFACE. In publishing a popular edition of my work, Captain James Cook, R.N., F.R.S., it has, of course, been necessary to condense it, but care has been taken to omit nothing of importance, and at the same time a few slight errors have been corrected, and some new information has been added, chiefly relating to the disposition of documents. I must not omit this opportunity of thanking the Reviewers for the extremely kind manner in which they all received the original work--a manner, indeed, which far exceeded my highest hopes. ARTHUR KITSON. LONDON, 1912. CONTENTS. CHAPTER 1. EARLY YEARS. CHAPTER 2. 1755 TO 1757. H.M.S. EAGLE. CHAPTER 3. 1757 TO 1759. H.M.S. PEMBROKE. CHAPTER 4. 1759 TO 1762. H.M.S. NORTHUMBERLAND. CHAPTER 5. 1763 TO 1767. NEWFOUNDLAND. CHAPTER 6. 1768. PREPARATIONS FOR FIRST VOYAGE. CHAPTER 7. 1768 TO 1769. PLYMOUTH TO OTAHEITE. CHAPTER 8. 1769. SOCIETY ISLANDS. CHAPTER 9. 1769 TO 1770. NEW ZEALAND. CHAPTER 10. 1770. AUSTRALIA. CHAPTER 11. 1770 TO 1771. NEW GUINEA TO ENGLAND. CHAPTER 12. 1771. PREPARATIONS FOR SECOND VOYAGE. CHAPTER 13. 1772 TO 1774. SECOND VOYAGE. CHAPTER 14. 1774 TO 1775. SECOND VOYAGE CONCLUDED. CHAPTER 15. 1775 TO 1776. ENGLAND. CHAPTER 16. 1776 TO 1777. THIRD VOYAGE. CHAPTER 17. 1777 TO 1779. THIRD VOYAGE CONTINUED. CHAPTER 18. 1779 TO 1780. THIRD VOYAGE CONCLUDED. CHAPTER 19. APPRECIATION AND CHARACTER. JAMES COOK, R.N., F.R.S. CHAPTER 1. EARLY YEARS. James Cook, the Circumnavigator, was a native of the district of Cleveland, Yorkshire, but of his ancestry there is now very little satisfactory information to be obtained. Nichols, in his Topographer and Genealogist, suggests that "James Cooke, the celebrated mariner, was probably of common origin with the Stockton Cookes." His reason for the suggestion being that a branch of the family possessed a crayon portrait of some relation, which was supposed to resemble the great discoverer. He makes no explanation of the difference in spelling of the two names, and admits that the sailor's family was said to come from Scotland. Dr. George Young, certainly the most reliable authority on Cook's early years, who published a Life in 1836, went to Whitby as Vicar about 1805, and claims to have obtained much information about his subject "through intercourse with his relatives, friends, and acquaintances, including one or two surviving school companions," and appears to be satisfied that Cook was of Scotch extraction. Dr. George Johnston, a very careful writer, states in his Natural History of the Eastern Borders, that in 1692 the father of James Thomson, the author of The Seasons, was minister of Ednam, Roxburghshire, and a man named John Cook was one of the Elders of the Kirk. This John Cook married, on the 19th January 1693, a woman named Jean Duncan, by whom he had a son, James, baptised 4th March 1694, and this child, Johnston positively asserts, was afterwards the father of the future Captain Cook. The dates of the marriage and baptism have been verified by the Reverend John Burleigh, minister of Ednam, and they agree with the probable date of the birth of Cook's father, for he died in 1778 at the age of eighty-five. Owing to the loss of the church records for some years after 1698, Mr. Burleigh is unable to trace when this James Cook left Ednam to "better himself," but he would take with him a "testificate of church membership" which might possibly, but not probably, still exist. Attracted, perhaps, by the number of Scotch people who flocked into the north of Yorkshire to follow the alum trade, then at its height, James Cook settled down and married; and the first positive information to be obtained is that he and his wife Grace (her maiden name has so far escaped identification, though she is known to have been a native of Cleveland) resided for some time at Morton, in the parish of Ormsby, and here their eldest child, John, was born in January 1727. Dr. Young says that James Cook had a superstition that his mother's farewell was prophetic of his marriage, for her words were "God send you Grace." BIRTH-PLACE. Shortly after the birth of John, the Cooks left Morton for Marton, a village a few miles away, and the similarity of the two names has caused some confusion. At Marton the father worked for a Mr. Mewburn, living in a small cottage built of mud, called in the district a clay biggin. This cottage was pulled down in 1786, when Major Rudd erected a mansion near the spot. Afterwards, when the mansion was burned to the ground, the site of the cottage was planted with trees, and was popularly known as Cook's Garth. Dr. Young was shown the spot by an old shoemaker whose wife's mother was present at Captain Cook's birth, and he says there was a willow-tree occupying the site, but no vestige of the walls was left. Mr. Bolckow, the present owner of Marton Hall, says: "The cottage was found destroyed when my uncle bought Marton in 1854, but we came across the foundations of it when the grounds were laid out." A granite vase has been erected on the spot. The pump which Besant says still exists, and was made by Cook's father to supply his house with water, was "put there after Cook's time," and has disappeared. In this humble clay biggin James Cook, the Circumnavigator, was born on 27th October 1728, and was registered as baptised on 3rd November in the Marton church records, being entered as "ye son of a day labourer." He was one of several children, most of whom died young; John, the eldest, who lived till he was twenty-three, and Margaret, who married a Redcar fisherman named James Fleck, being the only two that came to maturity. The Cooks remained at Marton for some years, during which time they removed to another cottage, and young James received some instruction from a Mistress Mary Walker, who taught him his letters and a little reading. Dr. Young and Kippis call her the village schoolmistress, but Ord, who was a descendant on his mother's side, says: "she was the daughter of the wealthiest farmer in the neighbourhood, and wife of William Walker, a respectable yeoman of the first class residing at Marton Grange." Young James, a lad of less than eight years old, worked for Mr. Walker: "tended the stock, took the horses to water, and ran errands for the family, and in return for such services the good lady, finding him an intelligent, active youth, was pleased to teach him his alphabet and reading." In 1736 Cook's father was appointed to the position of hind or bailiff by Mr. Skottowe, and removed with his family to Airy Holme Farm, near Ayton. According to Besant, a hind was one who, residing on a farm, was paid a regular wage for carrying on the work, and handed over the proceeds to the landlord. Young James, now eight years of age, was sent to the school on the High Green kept by a Mr. Pullen, where he was instructed in writing and arithmetic as far as the first few rules--"reading having apparently been acquired before." He is said to have shown a special aptitude for arithmetic, and it is believed that owing to the good reports of his progress, Mr. Skottowe paid for his schooling. According to Dr. Young, his schoolfellows gave him the character of being fond of his own way, and, when any project was on foot for birds-nesting or other boyish amusement, and discussion arose as to the method to be pursued, he would propound his own plans, and insist on their superiority; should his views not meet with approval, he would pertinaciously adhere to them, even at the risk of being abandoned by his companions. STAITHES. Most authorities say that Cook was bound apprentice to Mr. Saunderson, a grocer and haberdasher of Staithes, at the age of thirteen; but Mrs. Dodds, Saunderson's daughter, told Dr. Young that, after leaving school, he remained on the farm, helping his father, till 1745, when he was seventeen years old and then went to Staithes to her father on a verbal agreement without indentures, and would thus be free to leave or be discharged at any time. The shop and house where he was engaged was situated about three hundred yards from the present slipway, and close to the sea, in fact so close that in 1812 it was threatened by the water, and was pulled down by Saunderson's successor, Mr. John Smailey, and the materials, as far as possible, were used in erecting the building in Church Street which is now pointed out as Cook's Shop. The late Mr. Waddington of Grosmont, near Whitby, says he visited Staithes in 1887 and found the original site covered by deep water. He was informed by an old man, who, as a boy, had assisted in removing the stock from the old shop, that not only were the stones used again in Church Street, but also most of the woodwork, including the present door with its iron knocker, at which, probably, Cook himself had knocked many a time. At Staithes Cook remained as Saunderson's assistant for about eighteen months, and it may easily be imagined how this growing lad listened with all his ears to the tales of the old sailors recalling brave deeds and strange experiences in storm and shine on that element which for so many years was to be his home, and at length, impelled by some instinctive feeling that on it lay the path ready at his feet to lead him on to future distinction, he vowed to himself that he would not bind down his life to the petty round of a country storekeeper. At length the opportunity came, which is related, in a breezy and life-like manner, by Besant as follows. After painting Saunderson's character in colours of a rather disagreeable hue, as one too fond of his grog for himself and his stick for his apprentices, he says that Cook stole a shilling out of the till, packed up his luggage in a single pocket-handkerchief, ran away across the moors to Whitby, found a ship on the point of sailing, jumped on board, offered his services as cabin boy, was at once accepted, showed himself so smart and attentive that he completely won the heart of the sour-visaged mate, and through his good graces was eventually bound apprentice to the owners of the ship, and thus laid the foundation of his fortunes. This account does not explain how it was that the dishonest runaway apprentice it depicts continued to retain the friendship and esteem of his master and Mrs. Dodds. APPRENTICED TO THE SEA. There undoubtedly was a difficulty about a shilling, and Dr. Young's version, gathered from those who knew Cook personally and lived in Staithes and Whitby at the time, is more probable. He says that Cook had noticed a South Sea shilling, and being struck by the unusual design (it was only coined in 1723), changed it for one of his own. Saunderson had also noticed it, and when he missed it, enquired for it perhaps in somewhat unmeasured terms, but, on the matter being explained, was fully satisfied. Afterwards, seeing that the boy was bent upon a sea life, he obtained the father's permission, and took young James to Whitby himself, where he introduced him to Mr. John Walker, a member of a shipping firm of repute, to whom he was bound apprentice (not to the firm), and with whom he never lost touch till the end of his life. The period of apprenticeship was, on the authority of Messrs. John and Henry Walker, three years, and not either seven or nine as is usually stated, and the difficulty about being apprenticed to both Saunderson and Walker is, of course, set at rest by Mrs. Dodd's explanation. Whitby was at the time a very important centre of the coasting trade, and possessed several shipbuilding yards of good reputation, and it was in a Whitby-built ship, the Freelove, that Cook made his first voyage. She was a vessel of about 450 tons (some 80 tons larger than the celebrated Bark Endeavour), was employed in the coal trade up and down the east coast, and no doubt Cook picked up many a wrinkle of seamanship and many a lesson of the value of promptitude in the time of danger which would prove of service when he came to the days of independent command: for the North Sea has, from time immemorial, been reckoned a grand school from which to obtain true sailormen for the Royal Service. As usual in those days, Cook stayed in his employer's house in the intervals between his trips, and his time ashore was longer during the winter months as the ships were generally laid up. The house in Grape Street, at present occupied by Mr. Braithwaite, is pointed out as the one where he lived whilst with Mr. Walker; but this is incorrect, for Mr. Waddington ascertained from the rate books that Mr. Walker's mother was living there at that time, and Mr. Walker lived in Haggargate from 1734 to 1751, removing thence to the north side of Bakehouse Yard in that year, and to Grape Street in 1752, after his mother's death. That is, he did not reside in Grape Street till three years after Cook's apprenticeship was ended, when, following the usual custom, he would have to fend for himself. During these periods of leisure between his voyages, Cook endeavoured to improve his store of knowledge, and it is believed he received some instruction in elementary navigation. He made great friends with Mr. Walker's housekeeper, Mary Prowd, from whom he obtained the concession of a table and a light in a quiet corner away from the others, where he might read and write in peace. That he worked hard to improve himself is evident from the fact that Mr. Walker pushed him on at every opportunity, and gave him as varied an experience of things nautical as lay in his power. After several voyages in the Freelove (which is stated by the Yorkshire Gazette to have been "lost, together with one hundred and fifty passengers and the winter's supply of gingerbread for Whitby, off either the French or Dutch coast" one stormy Christmas, the date not given) Cook was sent to assist in rigging and fitting for sea a vessel, called the Three Brothers, some 600 tons burden, which was still in existence towards the close of last century. When she was completed, Cook made two or three trips in her with coals, and then she was employed for some months as a transport for troops from Middleburg to Dublin and Liverpool. She was paid off by the Government at Deptford in the spring of 1749, and then traded to Norway, during which time Cook completed his apprenticeship, that is, in July 1749. Cook told the naturalist of the second South Sea voyage, Mr. Forster, that on one of his trips to Norway the rigging of the ship was completely covered with birds that had been driven off the land by a heavy gale, and amongst them were several hawks who made the best of their opportunities with the small birds. OFFERED COMMAND. When his apprenticeship had expired he went before the mast for about three years. In 1750 he was in the Baltic trade on the Maria, owned by Mr. John Wilkinson of Whitby, and commanded by Mr. Gaskin, a relative of the Walkers. The following year he was in a Stockton ship, and in 1752 he was appointed mate of Messrs. Walker's new vessel, the Friendship, on board of which he continued for three years, and of which, on the authority of Mr. Samwell, the surgeon of the Discovery on the third voyage, who paid a visit to Whitby on his return and received his information from the Walkers, he would have been given the command had he remained longer in the mercantile marine. This was rapid promotion for a youth with nothing to back him up but his own exertions and strict attention to duty, and tends to prove that he had taken full advantage of the opportunities that fell in his way, and had even then displayed a power of acquiring knowledge of his profession beyond the average. About this time Cook's father seems to have given up his position at Airy Holme Farm and turned his attention to building. A house in Ayton is still pointed out as his work, but has apparently been partially rebuilt, for Dr. Young speaks of it as a stone house, and it is now partly brick, but the stone doorway still remains, with the initials J.G.C., for James and Grace Cook, and the date 1755. The old man has been represented as completely uneducated, but this cannot have been true. Colman in his Random Recollections, writing of a visit he paid to Redcar about 1773, relates how a venerable old man was pointed out who: "only two or three years previously had learnt to read that he might gratify a parent's pride and love by perusing his son's first voyage round the world. He was the father of Captain Cook." If it is true that he was the son of an Elder of the Scottish Church, it is extremely improbable that he was entirely uneducated, and the position he held as hind to Mr. Skottowe would necessitate at any rate some knowledge of keeping farming accounts. More convincing information still is to be found in the Leeds Mercury of 27th October 1883, where Mr. George Markham Tweddell, of Stokesley, writes: "I may mention that Captain Cook's father was not the illiterate man he has been represented; and I have, lying on my study table as I write, a deed bearing his signature, dated 1755; and the father's signature bears a resemblance to that of his distinguished son." Reading is invariably learnt before writing, and as in 1755 the old man was sixty-one, it is evident he did not wait till he was eighty to learn to read. FATHER'S GRAVE. He claimed to have carved the inscription on the family tombstone in Great Ayton churchyard, and after spending the last years of his life under the roof of his son-in-law, James Fleck of Redcar, he died on 1st April 1778, aged eighty-four years. He was buried in Marske churchyard, but there was nothing to mark his grave, and its place has long been forgotten. His death is registered as that of a "day labourer." CHAPTER 2. 1755 TO 1757. H.M.S. EAGLE. Notwithstanding the Treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle, 1748, troubles were constantly arising between the French and English in which the American Colonies of both nations took a conspicuous part, and ultimately led to open war. The first shot was fired on 10th June 1755, although war was not formally declared till May 1756. In June 1755 the Friendship was in the Thames, and it is said that to avoid the hot press which had been ordered Cook first went into hiding for some time and then decided to volunteer. This is untrue, for, as has been shown, he had already made up his mind and had refused Messrs. Walker's offer of the command of one of their ships, the acceptance of which would have saved him from the press as Masters were exempt. He now saw his opportunity had come. He knew that experienced men were difficult to obtain, that men of a certain amount of nautical knowledge and of good character could soon raise themselves above the rank of ordinary seamen, and had doubtless in his mind many cases of those who entering as seamen found their way to the quarterdeck, and knowing he had only to ask the Walkers for letters of recommendation for them to be at his service, he determined to take the important step and volunteer into the Royal Navy. It must be remembered that this act of leaving employment which, to most men of his position, would have seemed most satisfactory, was not the act of hot-headed youth, no step taken in mere spirit of adventure, but the calmly reasoned act of a man of twenty-seven years and some eight or nine years experience of both the rough and smooth sides of maritime life. Several letters were written to Mr. Walker, one or two of which relating to a later period were seen and copied by Dr. Young, but they fell into the hand of a niece, who unfortunately, not recognising their value, destroyed them shortly before her death, which occurred some years ago. However, it is certain that he wrote one about this time and evidently received a favourable reply, for he shortly afterwards wrote again acknowledging the service done him. ENTERS NAVY. Having made up his mind how to proceed, Cook went to a rendezvous at Wapping and volunteered into H.M.S. Eagle, a fourth-rate, 60-gun ship, with a complement of 400 men and 56 marines, at that time moored in Portsmouth Harbour. On the Muster Roll, preserved in the Records Office, the following entry occurs: "161 from London rendezvous, James Cook, A.B., entry, June 17th 1755, first appearance June 25th 1755." On the 24th July, that is, thirty-seven days after the date of entry into the Navy, he is rated as Master's mate, a position he held till 30th June 1757, when he quitted H.M.S. Eagle. His appointment was facilitated by the difficulty experienced in obtaining men for the Service, as may be gathered from Captain Hamar's letters, who writes applying to the Admiralty for permission to break up his London Rendezvous, as he says it has "procured very few men, and those only landsmen." Again, he complains of the quality of the men he has received, and says he is one hundred and forty short of his complement. In another letter: "I do not believe there is a worse man'd ship in the Navy. Yesterday I received from the Bristol twenty-five supernumeraries belonging to different ships, but not one seaman among them: but, on the contrary, all very indifferent Landsmen." These complaints were endorsed by Captain Pallisser, who succeeded Hamar on the Eagle, for he wrote that some of the crew were turned over from ship to ship so often that he was quite unable to make out their original one: "they being such that none choose to own them. Of forty-four said to belong to the Ramilies, she wanted only six the other day, but her boatswain could find out only those amongst them that he thought worth having." In the face of these deficiencies in quantity and quality of men, and remembering the good character he doubtless obtained from Mr. Walker, there can be no surprise that when Cook sailed out of an English port for the first time as a Royal Navy sailor he held the rating of Master's mate. It is usual to look upon him as an explorer and surveyor only, but a little enquiry shows that he played an active part in some of the most stirring events of the next few years. The records of his personal deeds are wanting, but his ships saw service, and from his character it is certain that when duty called, James Cook would not be found wanting. Many of the men under whom he served have left behind names that will always be associated with the construction of the present British Empire, and with most of them he was in immediate personal contact, and obtained in every case their respect, in some their close personal friendship. PALLISSER COMMANDS. On the 1st July the Eagle was ordered to fit and provision for the Leeward Islands, but having received 62 men and 53 marines, the orders were changed to cruise between Scilly and Cape Clear, and she sailed on the 4th August. She was caught in a gale off the old Head of Kinsale and received some damage, and her main mast was reported as sprung, so she returned to Plymouth for survey and repairs. Thinking that the removal of the mast would be a good opportunity to scrape his ship, which was very foul, Captain Hamar had her lightened for that purpose, but on examination the mast was found to be in good order, and the Admiralty was so annoyed at the absence of the ship from her cruising ground that they ordered Captain Pallisser to take over the command and prepare for sea without further loss of time. This he did on the 1st October, and sailed from Plymouth on the 7th, and after cruising about in the Channel and making a few small captures he returned on the 22nd November, remaining till the 13th March; and during this time Cook had a short spell of sickness, but it can hardly be called serious, as he was only in hospital for ten days, being back to his duty on the 17th February. In April, when "off the Isle of Bass, brought to and sent on board the cutter a petty officer and five men with arms, provisions, etc." This extract from the log records Cook's first independent command; the cutter was one of two hired vessels which had joined the squadron the previous day under convoy, and the armed party was probably put on board as a precaution against privateers who were at that time pretty busy on the French coast. Cook took her into Plymouth Sound, and he and his five men went on board the St. Albans, and in her rejoined his own ship on the 2nd May, and then returned to Plymouth on the 4th June. Pallisser, in reporting his arrival to the Secretary of the Admiralty, said that he had: "put ashore to the hospital 130 sick men, most of which are extremely ill: buried in the last month twenty-two. The surgeon and four men died yesterday, and the surgeon's two mates are extremely ill: have thirty-five men absent in prizes and thirty-five short of complement, so that we are now in a very weak condition." This sickness and mortality was attributed to the absolute want of proper clothing, many of the men having come on board with only what they stood in and some in rags, so the Captain asked for permission to issue an extra supply of slops, a request that was immediately granted. DUC D'AQUITAINE. After another short cruise the Eagle returned to Plymouth with Pallisser very ill with fever. He obtained sick leave, and Captain Proby was ordered to take command, but was detained so long in the Downs by contrary winds that Pallisser, who had heard a rumour of a French squadron having been seen in the Channel, shook off his fever and resumed the command of his ship, which was almost ready for sea. Every part of the Channel mentioned in the rumour was carefully searched, but no signs of the enemy were seen, and the author of the report, a Swede, was detained in Portsmouth for some months. On the 19th November the Eagle's crew was increased to 420 men, and she was kept cruising throughout the winter, and on the 4th January 1757 she was caught in a heavy gale off the Isle of Wight, where she had most of her sails blown out of her. On 25th May she sailed from Plymouth Sound in company with H.M.S. Medway, and a day or two afterwards they fell in with and chased a French East Indiaman, the Duc d'Aquitaine, in rather heavy weather. The Medway was leading, but when getting close, had to bring to in order to clear for action, as otherwise she would be unable to open her lee ports. Pallisser, on the other hand, was all ready, and pressed on, bringing the chase to action. After a hard set-to, lasting about three-quarters of an hour, the Frenchman struck, having lost 50 men killed and 30 wounded, whilst the Eagle lost 10 killed and 80 wounded; and the list of damages to the ship reported to the Admiralty shows that the action was sharp though short. The Medway was only able to afford assistance by firing a few raking shots, and suffered no damage except having ten men wounded by an accidental explosion of gunpowder. The masts and sails of the prize were so much damaged that she lost them all in the night; one of the masts in falling sank the Medway's cutter. It was found she had a complement of 493 men, and was armed with 50 guns. She had landed her East Indian cargo at Lisbon, and then proceeded to cruise for fourteen days on the look-out for an English convoy sailing in charge of H.M.S. Mermaid. She had succeeded in picking up one prize, an English brig, which was ransomed for 200 pounds. This was Cook's first experience of an important naval action, and Pallisser was complimented by the Lords of the Admiralty for his gallant conduct. The Duc d'Aquitaine was purchased for the Navy, and was entered under her own name as a third-rate, 64 gun ship, with a complement of 500 men. The Eagle returned with her consort and her prize to Plymouth, and soon afterwards Cook's connection with her came to an end. According to Dr. Kippis, Mr. Walker had interested the Member for Scarborough, Mr. Osbaldiston, on the subject of Cook's promotion, but the rule was that candidates for Lieutenancy must have been employed on board a king's ship for a period of not less than six years, and an order had recently been issued that this regulation was to be strictly adhered to. Captain Pallisser therefore wrote to Mr. Osbaldiston that Cook: "had been too short a time in the service for a commission, but that a Master's warrant might be given him, by which he would be raised to a station that he was well qualified to discharge with ability and credit." The result of this correspondence is shown in the Eagle's muster roll, for on 27th June James Cook attended his last muster, and on the 30th he was discharged. The succeeding rolls registering "D. 30th June 1757. Solebay prefmnt." THE MERCURY COOK. At this point all the writers on Captain Cook have been led into error by following the lead of Dr. Kippis. Everyone (with the single exception of Lord Brougham, who by an evident slip of the pen puts him on board the Mersey) writes that he was appointed Master of H.M.S. Mercury, and that he joined the fleet of Admiral Saunders in the Gulf of St. Lawrence at the time of the capture of Quebec in that ship. From the Public Records it has been ascertained that the Mercury was not in the Gulf of St. Lawrence with Saunders, but in the latter half of 1759 was sent to New York, thence to Boston, and was at Spithead in April the following year. The same source also shows that not only was the Circumnavigator never on board the Mercury in any capacity, but in all probability he never even saw her. He is also said to have been Master's mate on the Pembroke, and Dr. Kippis has him appointed to three different ships on three consecutive days: the Grampus, but she sailed before Cook could join her; the Garland, but she was found to have a Master when Cook joined; and, lastly, the Mercury. The explanation of this confusion as far as the Mercury is concerned (the rest was imagination) is that there was a second James Cook in the service, who was appointed Master of the Mercury under a warrant dated 15th May 1759 and entered on his duties immediately. He was with his ship at Sheerness on 12th July, at which time his namesake was before Quebec. On the return of the Mercury from Boston her Master was returned for some time as "sick on shore," and on 11th June 1760 was superseded by one John Emerton. Soon after he was appointed third lieutenant of the Gosport, his commission bearing date 1st April 1760, that is before he left the Mercury. He was with his new ship at the recapture of St. John's, Newfoundland, in 1762, with John Jervis, afterwards Lord St. Vincent, as his Captain. In 1765 he was on the Wolf on the Jamaica station, and was selected by Admiral Burnaby to carry despatches to the Governor of Yucatan. This duty he successfully carried out, and in 1796 published a pamphlet describing his adventures during the journey. On his return to England he applied to the Duke of Newcastle for the command of a cutter, and the letter is now in the British Museum, having been included in a collection in mistake for one written by his celebrated namesake. There is a certain similarity in the writing, but in the signature he writes the Christian name as Jas, whilst Captain Cook usually wrote Jams. The Mercury Cook was lieutenant of the Speedwell in 1773, and having had some property left him in Jersey he received leave of absence in August. He never rose above lieutenant, and disappears from the Navy List after July 1800. A manuscript log kept by James Cook whilst Master's mate of the Eagle is now in the possession of Mr. Alexander Turnbull of Wellington, New Zealand. CHAPTER 3. 1757 TO 1759. H.M.S. PEMBROKE. Cook joined H.M.S. Solebay on the 30th July 1757 at Leith, where she was then stationed, but the date of his warrant has not been ascertained, although the Public Records and Trinity House have both been searched for the purpose. His stay was not long, for after a cruise of a few days she returned to Leith, and on 17th September Cook was superseded by John Nichols; in fact, his time on board was so short that his signature is not appended to any of the rolls. In April 1757 Mr. Bissett, who was Master of the Eagle when Cook was Master's mate, and who therefore would have a better chance than any one else to measure his subordinate's character and capabilities, was appointed Master of H.M.S. Pembroke, a new ship, and superintended her fitting for sea. On 26th October he found himself transferred to the Stirling Castle, and it is only reasonable to suppose that, having formed a high opinion of Cook's work, and knowing of his ambition to rise in the service, he would give information of the opportunity and, as far as he could, push forward his friend's interests. At any rate, the Muster Rolls show that in less than six weeks from leaving the Solebay, Cook was established on board the Pembroke as Master, under a warrant bearing date 18th October 1757, and entered upon his duties on 27th October, the twenty-ninth anniversary of his birth; and from that date to his discharge into the Northumberland he signed the usual documents. At the time of his joining, the ship was fitting and victualling for sea at Portsmouth, and on 8th November she sailed for the Bay of Biscay, under the command of Captain Simcoe, returning to Plymouth on 9th February 1758. LOUISBERG. The British Government had decided on making a determined effort to wrest the Colony of New France from the hands of the French, and one of the few steps was to attempt the capture of the port of Louisburg, at the entrance to the Gulf of St. Lawrence; a place which the enemy were said to have rendered almost impregnable at an expenditure of some million and a quarter pounds. They looked upon it as second only to Quebec in its importance to the safe keeping of the colony. In order to carry out this design a fleet was prepared under Admiral Boscawen (known to his men as Old Dreadnought, and, from a peculiar carriage of the head, said to have been contracted from a youthful habit of imitating one of his father's old servants, Wry-necked-Dick), to convey a small army under Major-General Amherst to the scene of action. Boscawen sailed with his fleet, one member of which was the Pembroke, for Halifax, where they arrived, via Madeira and the Bermudas, on 8th May. Having completed his arrangements, Boscawen left Halifax on 28th May with 17 sail of the Royal Navy and 127 transports, picking up 2 more men-of-war and 8 transports just outside, and a couple more of the latter a few hours later. He had to leave behind at Halifax, with orders to rejoin him as soon as they were fit, several ships, the Pembroke being one, as their crews were so weakened by scurvy during the voyage from England. The Pembroke had lost 29 men, but was sufficiently recovered to be able to sail with 3 transports, 2 schooners, and a cattle sloop on 7th June, and arrived off Louisburg on the 12th, four days too late to take part in the landing which had been successfully carried out in the face of great difficulties caused by the roughness of the weather, the rocky coast, and the opposition of the enemy. In fact, James Wolfe, who was a Brigadier throughout the siege, and on whose shoulders a very large portion of the work seems to have fallen, says: "Our landing was next to miraculous." There were 3 officers and 49 men killed; 5 officers and 59 men wounded of the army; 11 men killed, and 4 officers and 29 men wounded of the navy; and 19 men wounded of the transport service. The weather was so bad that no stores or artillery could be landed for several days, the first gun being got ashore on the 16th, so Cook was in plenty of time to take his share in the difficult task of landing supplies; a task so dangerous that the fleet lost one hundred boats in this duty alone. As well as forming the supply base for the army, the fleet also provided 583 men to act as gunners and engineers ashore; but none of these were from the Pembroke. The nature of the ground rendered the work of constructing the approaches and batteries extremely difficult, and it was not till 20th June that the first gun opened fire. Wolfe formed a battery on Lighthouse Point, one side of the entrance to the harbour whilst the town was on the other side, with a fortified island in between; and the harbour held a French fleet which, at the time of the arrival of the British, consisted of nine men-of-war. One escaped on the very day of the landing, and was shortly afterwards followed by two more. One L'Echo, was captured by Sir Charles Hardy, and was taken into the British Navy; whilst the other, though chased for some distance, made good its escape to L'Orient with the first news of the siege. Previously to the coming of the British, two ships had been sunk in the harbour's mouth to render entrance therein difficult; two more were added to these, and then a fifth. One ship was blown up by a British shell, and setting fire to two others that lay alongside her, they also were destroyed. The fate of the other two is described in the Pembroke's log, kept by Cook, as follows: "In the night 50 boats man'd and arm'd row'd into the harbour under the command of the Captains La Foure [Laforey] of the Hunter, and Balfour [of the Etna] in order to cut away the 2 men-of-warr and tow them into the North-East Harbour one of which they did viz.: the Ben Fison [Bienfaisant] of 64 guns, the Prudon [Prudent] 74 guns being aground was set on fire. At 11 A.M. the firing ceased on both sides." The boats concerned in this attack, which Boscawen describes as "a very brilliant affair, well carried out," were a barge and pinnace or cutter from all the ships, except the Northumberland, which was too sickly, commanded by a lieutenant, mate or midshipman, and Dr. Grahame in his History of the United States of North America, says: "The renowned Captain Cook, then serving as a petty officer on board of a British ship-of-war, co-operated in this exploit, and wrote an account of it to a friend in England. That he had distinguished himself may be inferred from his promotion to the rank of lieutenant in the Royal Navy, which took place immediately after." This statement that he was in the affair may be true, but there is no evidence on the point, and as he was a warrant and not petty officer, and as his promotion did not take place for several years, Dr. Grahame's story may well be doubted. It is believed that Cook did write to Mr. Walker from Louisburg, but the letter was one of those so unfortunately destroyed. The loss on this occasion to the British was very slight, there being only 7 killed and 9 wounded. The Bienfaisant having been surveyed, was received into the Navy and given to Captain Balfour whilst the command of L'Echo was conferred on Captain Laforey. In consequence of this success and the threat of an immediate assault on the town, the French commander, M. Drucour, decided to surrender on the following day. This success was highly esteemed in England, and Admiral Boscawen and General Amherst received the thanks of the Houses of Parliament. WOLFE AND HARDY. After the siege Wolfe wrote to Lord George Sackville, speaking in warm terms of Boscawen and his men, and says: "Sir Charles Hardy, too, in particular, and all the officers of the Navy in general have given us their utmost assistance, and with the greatest cheerfulness imaginable. I have often been in pain for Sir Charles's squadron at an anchor off the harbour's mouth. They rid out some very hard gales of wind rather than leave an opening for the French to escape, but, notwithstanding the utmost diligence on his side, a frigate found means to get out and is gone to Europe charge de fanfaronades. I had the satisfaction of putting 2 or 3 hautvizier shells into her stern and to shatter him a little with some of your Lordship's 24 pound shot, before he retreated, and I much question whether he will hold out the voyage." The Pembroke formed one of this squadron under Sir Charles Hardy, and after the capitulation of the town, was despatched with nine other ships, and a small body of troops under Wolfe to harry the French settlements around Gaspe Bay as a preparation for the attack on Quebec it was intended to make in the following year. Several settlements and magazines were destroyed, four guns and a pair of colours were captured, and then the squadron returned to Halifax for the winter. Admiral Sir Charles Saunders was selected to command the fleet that was to be employed in this new movement against the capital of New France; a man of whom Horace Walpole wrote: "The Admiral was a pattern of the most sturdy bravery, united with the most unaffected modesty. No man said less, or deserved more. Simplicity in his manners, generosity, and good-nature adorned his genuine love of his country." WITH DURELL'S SQUADRON. He left Spithead on 17th February 1759, with the intention of calling at Louisburg, the appointed rendezvous for the expedition, on his way to Halifax; but the season had been so severe that Louisburg, usually free from ice, was found to be unapproachable, so he went on, arriving at Halifax on 30th April. Admiral Durell had been sent out earlier from England, and was now despatched from Halifax with a squadron, of which the Pembroke was one, to prevent, if possible, the entry into the river of the usual spring fleet from France with supplies and reinforcements for Quebec, and to keep the French from putting up any fortifications on the Ile aux Coudres, thereby adding to the difficulties of the fleet in ascending this dangerous portion of river. The weather was bad, and the trouble caused by fog and ice so great that Durell found the fleet of 18 sail, convoyed by two frigates, had escaped him, but one or two small store ships were captured which proved of service to the British afterwards. On the way up the Gulf, Captain Simcoe of the Pembroke died, and the ship was given temporarily to Lieutenant Collins of Durell's ship, and afterwards to Captain Wheelock, who remained in her till after Cook left. Durell's squadron arrived off the Ile aux Coudres on the 25th, and on the 28th the Pembroke landed the troops she had on board, "as did ye rest of ye men of warr," and they took possession of the island, which was found to be deserted by its inhabitants. The troops that were on board Durell's ships were under the command of Colonel Carleton, the Quartermaster-General of the force, and Wolfe's great friend, whose services had only been obtained from the king with the greatest difficulty. Whilst awaiting the arrival of Saunders with the remainder of the expeditionary force, every endeavour was made to gain knowledge of the difficulties of the river, and Cook's log notes how the boats were out "sounding ye channel of ye Traverse"; and on the 11th June there is: "Returned satisfied with being acquainted with ye Channel." The Traverse here spoken of is that channel running from a high black-looking cape, known as Cape Torment, across into the south channel, passing between the east end of the Ile d'Orleans and Ile Madame. It is still looked upon as one of the worst pieces of the river navigation. The British had some charts of the river showing the course taken by the French vessels, for in a note to the orders issued by Saunders on 15th May to the Masters of Transports, special attention is called to "a plan or chart showing the route which His Excellency intends to make from Louisburg Harbour to the Island of Bic"; and this chart was most probably taken from one captured by Boscawen in 1755, and published in September 1759 by T. Kitchen in the London Magazine having the Traverse shown on a larger scale. The soundings taken at the time Durell was waiting would be to verify those shown on this chart. After a short delay in Halifax, Saunders left for Louisburg to gather up the remainder of the forces and stores, and on his arrival still found the port hampered by ice; in fact, Major Knox, of the 43rd Regiment, relates that even so late as 1st June men were able to get ashore from their ships, stepping from one piece of ice to another. There was also further cause for dissatisfaction, delay in the arrival of the ships with soldiers and stores. Some of the troops had been directed to other work without any intimation to Wolfe, whilst others were in a very bad state from scurvy and measles; some had lost their entire equipment, and it was with the greatest difficulty replaced; the supply of money was criminally small, and yet it is pleasant to read on the authority of Major Knox that: "I had the inexpressible pleasure to observe at Louisburg that our whole armament, naval and military, were in high spirits; and though, by all accounts, we shall have a numerous army and a variety of difficulties to cope with, yet, under such Admirals and Generals, among whom we have the happiness to behold the most cordial unanimity, together with so respectable a fleet and a body of well-appointed regular troops, we have every reason to hope for the greatest success." ORDERS TO TRANSPORTS. Before leaving, Saunders issued his instructions as to the order of sailing. He divided the transports into two divisions, the Starboard flying a red flag, and the Larboard a white one: he assigned to each vessel its position and duties, and pointed out to each Master of a hired transport that if the orders of his officers were not promptly and exactly carried out they would be fired on, adding with a touch of grim humour that the cost of the powder and shot so expended would be carefully noted and charged against the hire of the offending ship. On the 6th June Saunders was off Newfoundland with 22 men-of-war and 119 transports, and the cold winds blowing off the snow-covered hills of that island were severely felt by the troops. On the 18th, when off the Island of Bic, they were joined by Wolfe in the Richmond, and five days after picked up Durell at the Ile aux Coudres. Here Saunders transferred his flag to the Stirling Castle, which he had selected in England for the purpose, owing to her handiness (Cook's friend, Mr. Bissett, was still on board), and leaving Durell with eleven of the deepest draught to guard against any interference from a French fleet, he proceeded up the river with the remainder. The work was hard, constantly anchoring and weighing to take every advantage of wind and tide, and the progress was slow; but at length the whole of the ships passed the Traverse, and on the 26th the fleet anchored off St. Laurent, on the Ile d'Orleans, and the troops were landed on the following day. Thus the much-dreaded passage up the St. Lawrence had been carried out, and the fact that no loss of any kind had occurred to either man-of-war or transport, reflects the very greatest credit on all engaged in the operation. Knox relates how the Master of the transport he was on, a Brother of Trinity House and Thames pilot, named Killick, refused the services of a French prisoner as pilot, and observing, "Damme, I'll show them an Englishman can go where a Frenchman dar'n't show his nose," took his ship up himself, chaffing the occupants of the mark boats as he passed, and in the end declared that it was no worse than the Thames. The wonderful success of their passage was emphasised the afternoon after their arrival at St. Laurent when a heavy gale struck the fleet, driving several ships into collision or ashore, and causing considerable loss in anchors and cables. As soon as possible the men-of-war boats were out rendering every assistance, and all the vessels were secured but two, which were too firmly fixed to be towed off shore, and these were soon afterwards burnt by the enemy. FIREWORKS. Thinking to profit by the disorder which must necessarily have been caused by the storm, the French made a determined attempt to destroy the fleet by means of eight fireships which were floated down stream on the unsuspecting British. Fortunately they were ignited prematurely, and the boats of the Pembroke and other ships were again out, employed in the hazardous task of towing these undesired visitors into such places as would permit them to burn themselves out without danger to the shipping. Six were quickly got into safety, whilst the other two grounded and burnt out without causing further inconvenience. Captain Knox describes the scene as a display of "the grandest fireworks that can possibly be conceived." The only result was to cause the retirement of a picket at the western end of the Ile d'Orleans, and the officer in command, who thought he was about to be attacked in force, was to have been tried by court-martial, but being advised to throw himself on Wolfe's mercy, was pardoned for his error of judgment. To guard against a repetition of such an attack, a system of guard boats, some moored across the river and some patrolling, was established, entailing considerable extra work on the sailors. An examination of the position showed Admiral Saunders that the safety of the fleet, and therefore the interests of the army, would be best consulted if he proceeded into the Basin of Quebec, as to remain cooped up in the south channel added to the danger if a further attempt should be made to fire the fleet. He therefore pointed out to Wolfe that the small battery established by the French on Point Levi, which threatened any ship entering into the Basin, should be taken, and the Point occupied. This was at once carried out by Monckton's brigade, and a battery was established which did serious damage to the town. When too late the French sent over three floating batteries to aid in repulsing the English, but they were driven back by one broadside from a frigate Saunders moved up for the purpose. Montcalm had entrenched his army on the north bank of the St. Lawrence, between the rivers Charles and Montmorenci, and Wolfe determined to seize on a piece of high ground to the east of the Montmorenci, to form a camp there, and endeavour to force on a general action. In pursuance of this design, a body of about 3000 men were landed successfully on 9th July, under the protecting fire of some of the fleet, and a camp was formed, and the next few days provided employment for the boats of the Pembroke and other ships in landing men, stores, and artillery. The bombardment of the town opened on 12th July from the batteries erected at Point Levi and a portion of the fleet, and continued with little intermission till 13th September. When fire was opened on the town other ships in the Basin and guns at the camp at Montmorenci opened on Montcalm's lines at Beauport. On the 18th two men-of-war, two armed sloops and two transports succeeded in passing the town without loss, but a third ship, the Diana, ran aground in trying to avoid collision with a transport, and was attacked by the enemy's boats, but was brought off by the Pembroke and Richmond. She was so seriously damaged that she had to be sent to Boston for repairs and then returned to England. On the 20th Wolfe joined the up-river squadron in a barge, and in passing the town had his mast carried away by a shot from the Sillery Battery, but no further damage was done. He made a short reconnaissance which led to nothing at the time, but may have had an important influence in the choice of a landing-place afterwards. ATTACK ON BEAUPORT. On his return to his camp at Montmorenci he decided to make an attack on the left of the French lines from boats and from his camp over a ford which was available at low tide between the falls of Montmorenci and the St. Lawrence. This attack was to be supported by the Centurion, moored in the north channel, and by two armed cats which were to be run aground as near as possible to some small redoubts, the first object of the attack. Here it is certain that Wolfe and Cook came into personal contact, for on the latter fell the duty of taking the necessary soundings for the position to be occupied by the cats, and Wolfe refers in a despatch to a conversation he had with Cook upon the matter. The attack took place on 31st July, aided by the fire of the Pembroke, Trent, and Richmond, which were "anchored clear over to the north shore before Beauport, a brisk firing on both sides," but the boats were thrown into confusion by a reef (marked on the chart as visible at low water), and were some time before they could effect a landing, then a heavy storm of rain came on, rendering the ground, which was steep, very slippery. The troops occupied one redoubt, but were so dominated by the French musketry that they could get no further, and Wolfe deemed it desirable to recall them and to stop the advance across the ford. The two cats were burnt to prevent them falling into the hands of the enemy, and the losses of the English in killed, wounded, and missing were 443, those of the French being estimated at 200. Cook says the repulse was solely owing to the heavy fire from the entrenchments, "which soon obliged our Troops to retreat back to the Boats and Montmorency"; whilst Wolfe, in a general order, throws the blame on the Louisburg Grenadiers, a picked body of men from several regiments, whom he considers got out of hand. He also, in a despatch submitted to Saunders, threw some amount of blame on the Navy, but to this the Admiral strongly objected, and it was withdrawn, Wolfe saying: "I see clearly wherein I have been deficient; and think a little more or less blame to a man that must necessarily be ruined, of little or no consequence." It has been asserted that Cook led the boats to the attack, but as this was done by Wolfe himself, according to his own letters, and as Saunders was also out with them, both officers having narrow escapes, it seems more probable that Cook would be on his own ship, where, as she was engaged, his services would be wanted, for it was one of the Master's most important duties to work her under the Captain's orders when in action. A few days before this attack on Beauport was made, the French again paid the fleet the undesired attention of a large fire raft composed of several small vessels chained together and laden with all sorts of combustibles--shells, guns loaded to the muzzle, tar barrels, etc., and again this was grappled by the boats and towed away to a place of safety; and then Wolfe, sending in a flag of truce the next morning, said that if the performance were repeated he should cause the instrument of destruction to be towed alongside two ships in which he had Canadian prisoners, and there let it do its worst. This somewhat cold-blooded threat was sufficient, and the experiment was not repeated. A NARROW ESCAPE. During the time the fleet was occupying the Basin, the Masters of the ships were constantly out making observations and sounding, partly for the necessities of the fleet and partly to throw dust in the eyes of the French; and on one occasion Cook had a narrow escape from capture, his men had to row for it to get away from the enemy, and reaching the Isle of Orleans landed just in time, for as Cook, the last man, sprang ashore from the bows an Indian boarded over the stern. The hospital picket turned out, and the French retreated. His friend, Mr. Bissett, was not so fortunate, being taken prisoner on 7th July whilst sounding in the north channel; but he was either exchanged or escaped, for he was only absent from his ship for a few days. Wolfe, who was almost always ailing, had an attack of fever, and the worry of the repulse at Beauport rendered him incapable of duty for some days; he therefore laid before his Brigadiers plans of future movements, asking their opinions and advice. These plans were not approved, but it was suggested that an attempt should be made to land on the western side of the town and there bring the enemy to action, and Wolfe writes: "I have acquiesced in their Proposal, and we are preparing to put it into execution." The up-river detachment had been strengthened by the addition of a few more vessels, and Murray with 1200 men had joined in an unsuccessful attempt to get at the French supply fleet which had retreated to a place of safety. He had outwitted De Bougainville, who was detached to watch him, and succeeded in destroying a magazine containing clothing, powder, and other stores, and intercepted letters which told of the surrender of Niagara and the retirement of Bourlemaque upon the Ile aux Noix, to which place Amherst was preparing to follow. When Wolfe's resolve was taken to follow the advice of his Brigadiers, Saunders again strengthened the force above the town, placing the squadron under the command of Admiral Holmes, and on 3rd September his boats withdrew the artillery and troops from Montmorenci to Point Levi, and on the night of the 4th all the available boats and small craft were sent up, one of the last to pass being a small schooner armed with a few swivels, and called by the sailors The Terror of France. She sailed by in broad daylight, drawing the fire of every gun that could be brought to bear on her, but was untouched, and, anchoring close alongside the Admiral's ship, gave him a salute from the whole of her armament. The troops which had been quietly marched some distance up the south bank from Point Levi were taken on board the ships, the last detachment on the night of the 12th; and Admiral Holmes sailed up the river as if to beat up the French communications, but when night fell he returned, and the landing was successfully accomplished, and is described by Saunders in his despatch as follows: "The night of their landing, Admiral Holmes with the ships and troops was about three leagues above the intended landing-place. General Wolfe with about half his troops set off in the boats, and dropped down with the tide, and were by that means less liable to be discovered by the sentinels posted all along the coast. The ships followed them about three-quarters of an hour afterwards, and got to the landing-place just at the time that had been concerted to cover the landing, and considering the darkness of the night, and the rapidity of the current, this was a very critical operation, and very properly and successfully conducted." In the meantime the ships in the Basin, some fifteen in number, distracted the attention of the French by a heavy cannonade on the Beauport lines, and the boats made a feint as if an attack were contemplated; buoys had been laid in such a way as to lead to the idea that the ships were going to moor as close in as possible as if to support an assault, and every effort was made to draw attention away from the movement up above. THE PLAINS OF ABRAHAM. Lieutenant Norman, of the Pembroke, shortly describes the battle in his log: "At 4 A.M. General Wolfe landed just below Cape Diamond with the whole army. At 8 the signal of Boats man'd and arm'd to go to Point Levi, weighed and dropped hier up. About 10 the enemy march'd up and attacked General Wolfe, the action lasted not 10 minutes before the Enemy gave way and run in the Greatest Confusion and left us a compleat Victuary. Our Army encamped on the plain a back of the Town and made the necessary disposition for carrying on ye siege. Admiral Holmes hoisted his flag on board the Lowestaff, just off the Landing place. In this action fell General Wolfe, of the enemy General Montcalm and his two seconds." Cook does not mention the death of Wolfe, but says "the troops continued the pursuit to the very gates of the city, afterward they begun to form the necessary dispositions for carrying on the siege." Cook is said by some writers to have piloted the troops to the landing-place, and has even been set within hearing of the legendary recitation by Wolfe of Gray's Elegy, but as he was out with the Pembroke's boats in the Basin at the time Holmes started up the river, and was probably on his ship, with his hands full driving the bombardment, and the recital of the Elegy at such a time was probably a myth, the traditions may be put down to imagination. The boats were piloted to the landing by Captain Chads of H.M.S. Vesuvius. The town having surrendered five days after the battle, the movements made by Saunders in the Basin no doubt aiding M. de Ramesay, the Governor, in coming to a decision, General Murray was left with a garrison, and the fleet sailed for England, sending a detachment of the Northumberland and six others to Halifax with orders that Captain Lord Colville was to hoist the Broad Pennant as Commander-in-Chief of the North American Station, and as soon as the season opened he was to return to the St. Lawrence to render support to any further movements made in Canada. APPOINTMENT TO H.M.S. NORTHUMBERLAND. Before the fleet left, however, Cook's connection with H.M.S. Pembroke came to an end. Captain King, who was with Cook on his last voyage, writes to Dr. Douglas that he does not know the exact date of Cook's appointment to the Northumberland, but he was certainly Master of that ship in 1758. Here King is in error, for Lieutenant James Norman, of the Pembroke, has the following entry in his log under date 23rd September 1759: "Mr. Cook, Master, superseded and sent on board the Northumberland, per order of Admiral Saunders." It has been said that Lord Colville made this appointment, but of course he could not do so, though he may perhaps have applied for Cook's services, but it is far more probable that the appointment was made by Saunders for the special purpose of having the survey of the St. Lawrence thoroughly well carried out. CHAPTER 4. 1759 TO 1762. H.M.S. NORTHUMBERLAND. On the way down the river from Quebec, the fleet appears to have found the passage very difficult, the dangers of the Channel being aggravated by the strength of the current and bad weather. The Captain, Vesuvius, and Royal William were aground for some time, but were ultimately got off again without much damage; and the Terrible, which was drifting and in great danger, was only brought up by means of an anchor constructed for the occasion by lashing one of the quarter-deck guns to two small anchors. When her large anchors were hauled up they were found to be broken; and so great was the loss of these articles that Lord Colville was obliged to press the Admiralty for a fresh supply to be sent out immediately, as he found it impossible to replace those lost in the Traverse either at Boston or any other place in America. RELIEF OF QUEBEC. Colville's squadron arrived in Halifax on 27th October, Cook's thirty-first birthday, and as soon as the winter was over, and the ships were cleaned and fitted for sea as well as the limited appliances would permit, it left for the St. Lawrence, sailing on 22nd April 1760, but was "so retarded by frozen fogs, seas of compacted ice, and contrary winds," that it did not arrive off the Ile de Bic before 16th May. Here they were met by a sloop with the news that Quebec was in urgent need of help. General Murray, hearing of the approach of General de Levis, with a French force, had left the shelter of the forts, and notwithstanding he was greatly outnumbered, had offered battle in the open. He had at first chosen a strong position, but hearing from spies that the French were busy cleaning their arms after being caught in a heavy storm the night before, he advanced upon them, and owing to the sudden attack and the superiority of his artillery, at first gained a considerable advantage, but afterwards the weight of numbers told, and the British were forced to retire to the town with sadly reduced numbers, and Quebec was again besieged. On receipt of this news Colville pushed on with his squadron, and the arrival of the Vanguard and Diamond on the 17th, followed by the Northumberland and the remainder on the next day, caused the French to retire. During the next four months the fleet passed an uneventful time in the Canadian waters, the flagship being moored in the Basin, and then on the 12th September they received the acceptable news that Montreal and the rest of the province of New France had surrendered to General Amherst, and on 10th October the squadron again returned to Halifax to winter quarters. On 19th January 1761, Lord Colville records in his Journal that he had "directed the storekeeper to pay the Master of the Northumberland, fifty pounds in consideration of his indefatigable industry in making himself master of the pilotage of the River St. Lawrence." This is the first official recognition that has been found of the fact that Cook had gone beyond the ordinary duties incumbent on every Master in His Majesty's Service, namely: "To observe all coasts, shoals, and rocks, taking careful notes of the same." There is no record in any of the official documents that Cook was specially engaged in surveying the river, but it is very evident from this entry that he must have done the work during the four months that his ship was moored in the Basin of Quebec. That is to say, his promotion to the Northumberland was previous to, and not a consequence of his survey of the river, and that it was on account of his fitness for the work, and not because it had been done, as is constantly asserted, that he had been selected. THE NORTH AMERICAN PILOT. Admiral Saunders had issued orders the previous year, that the general instructions of the Admiralty as to taking observations, soundings, and bearings were to be carefully carried out, and the information obtained was, as opportunity offered, to be forwarded to him "so that all existing charts may be corrected and improved." This information, in the ordinary course, would be handed to Mr. Bissett, the Master of the flagship, for comparison and compilation, and he, knowing Cook's fitness for the work, may have asked for his assistance and thus introduced him to the notice of Saunders, noted for his quick eye for merit, who, seeing his aptitude, selected him for the completion of the task. Saunders, after his return to England, wrote to the Secretary of the Admiralty, on 22nd April 1760, saying that he had, ready for publication, a Draught of the River St. Lawrence with its harbours, bays, and islands, and asked for their Lordships' directions thereon. With their Lordships' approval it was published, and may be found at the end of The North American Pilot, London, 1775, together with other maps, some of which are Cook's work. At the commencement of the book is a letter from Cook to the compiler of the volume, congratulating him on the collection, and referring to the fact that some of the charts contain his work, but he does not lay claim to any special ones. On Saunders' chart there is a long note which concludes: "The distances between Isle Coudre and Isle of Orleans, the Pillar Rocks and Shoals in the south channel were accurately determined by triangles. The other parts of this chart were taken from the best French Draughts of this River." It is doubtful if this triangulation could have been carried out by Cook during his passage up and then down the river, the only time he had in 1759, but if it were, it argues much greater knowledge of nautical surveying than he is generally supposed to have had at the time. During the winters that the Northumberland stayed in Halifax Harbour, Cook employed his spare time in improving his knowledge of all subjects that were likely to be of service to him in his profession. He read Euclid for the first time, and entered upon a study of higher mathematics, especially devoting himself to astronomy. King in his sketch of Cook's life, says, on the authority of the man himself, that these studies were carried on "without any other assistance than what a few books and his own industry afforded him." At the opening of the season, Lord Colville dispersed his squadron to those stations where their services appeared most necessary, and remained with his ship at Halifax, as it was considered inadvisable to leave such an important naval post open to attack from the French or the Spaniards. He had been advised by despatches, dated 26th December 1761, that war had been declared with the latter nation. During this period of waiting the words "nothing remarkable" are in constant use in Captain Adams's (the second Captain of the Northumberland) Journal. Cook utilised this time to make a thorough survey of Halifax Harbour, the notes of which are now in the United Service Museum, Whitehall. At length the period of inaction was ended. Captain Charles Douglas, H.M.S. Syren, who was cruising off Cape Race, received information that a squadron of four French ships of the line, having some 1500 picked troops on board, had made a descent on Newfoundland, and had captured St. John's, the capital, which had been most shamefully neglected, and its garrison reduced to 63 men. The Grammont, 22-gun sloop, was unfortunately in harbour at the time, and was also taken. Douglas at once pressed two English merchant vessels into the service, and putting a petty officer in command of one, the William, and his Master in the other, the Bonetta, despatched them to cruise in search of Captain Graves, the reappointed Governor of Newfoundland, who was daily expected from England. The Bonetta soon fell in with the Antelope, Graves's ship, and she immediately joined Douglas, and then proceeded to strengthen the Isle of Boys as far as time would allow. Then going to Placentia, a place of as much importance as St. John's, and more capable of defence, they set about making preparations to beat off any attack, leaving a garrison of 99 men and as many marines as could be spared. Graves then despatched Douglas with the remainder of the Syren's marines to take possession of Ferryland, and sent the ship herself off with letters to Lord Colville, but the William having missed the Antelope, made her way to Halifax with the news of what had occurred. RECAPTURE OF ST. JOHN'S. Colville at once sent word to General Amherst, Commander-in-Chief in America, asking him to forward any troops he could spare, and started, accompanied by the Gosport, and an armed colonial vessel, the King George, 20 guns, to cruise off the Newfoundland coast in order to prevent the arrival of French reinforcements or supplies. He met Graves at Placentia on 14th August, and landed all the marines he could, and then continued his cruise. Amherst collected every available man from New York, Halifax, and Louisberg, and putting them under the command of his brother, Colonel William Amherst, ordered him to use every despatch and join Lord Colville without delay. This the Colonel succeeded in doing on 12th September off Cape Spear, and the next day they landed at Torbay, some three leagues north of St. John's. They drove in the French outposts and took possession of a small harbour named Quidi Vidi, which had been blocked at the entrance by the French. Clearing away the obstructions they landed their stores and some artillery, and advancing on St. John's, compelled its surrender on the 17th. Notwithstanding that, as Captain Graves reported, "the French had put St. John's in a better state of defence than ever we had it in." On the 16th a strong gale blew the English ship some distance off the coast, and was followed by a thick fog, during which the French squadron managed to tow out of the harbour, but were in such a hurry to get away that they did not stop to pick up their boats and immediately made sail, being so far out of reach in the morning, that though some of them were seen by the British, it was not realised that they could be the French escaping from a squadron inferior in strength. Lord Colville, writing to the Admiralty, says: "At six next morning it being calm with a great swell, we saw from the masthead, but could not bring them down no lower than halfway to topmast shrouds, four sail bearing South-South-East, distance 7 leagues. We lost sight about seven, though very clear, and sometime after a small breeze springing up from the South-West quarter, I stood towards Torbay in order to cover the shallops that might be going from thence to Kitty Vitty. In the afternoon I received a note from Colonel Amherst, acquainting me that the French fleet got out last night. Thus after being blocked up in St. John's Harbour for three weeks by a squadron of equal number, but smaller ships with fewer guns and men, M. de Ternay made his escape in the night by a shameful flight. I beg leave to observe that not a man in the squadron imagined the four sail, when we saw them, were the enemy; and the pilots were of opinion that they must have had the wind much stronger than with us to overcome the easterly swell in the harbour's mouth. I sent the King George as far as Trepassy, to bring me intelligence if the enemy should steer towards Placentia; and I directed Captain Douglas of the Syren to get the transports moved from Torbay, a very unsafe road, to the Bay of Bulls." As soon as information was received in England that an expedition had been sent from France, the Admiralty despatched a squadron under Captain Pallisser in pursuit, and as it arrived in St. John's only four days after M. de Ternay left, they must have been very close to a meeting. COOK MEETS COOK. Whilst the movements leading up to the recapture of St. John's were being carried on, communication between Colville and Amherst was kept up by the boats of the fleet under the charge of the third lieutenant of H.M.S. Gosport, Mr. James Cook, formerly Master of H.M.S. Mercury, who performed this duty to the complete satisfaction of Lord Colville as signified in his despatches to the Admiralty. It is certain, therefore, that the two namesakes must have come face to face here, and most probably previously in Halifax Harbour. Entering St. John's Harbour on 19th September, the flagship remained till 7th October, during which time Cook was very busily employed in assisting to place the island in a better state of defence. In a despatch of Lord Colville's, dated "Spithead, 25th October 1762," he says: "I have mentioned in another letter, that the fortifications on the Island of Carbonera were entirely destroyed by the enemy. Colonel Amherst sent thither Mr. Desbarres, an engineer, who surveyed the island and drew a plan for fortifying it with new works: when these are finished the Enterprise's six guns will be ready to mount on them. But I believe nothing will be undertaken this year, as the season is so far advanced, and no kind of materials on the spot for building barracks or sheds for covering the men, should any be sent there. Mr. Cook, Master of the Northumberland, accompanied Mr. Desbarres. He has made a draught of Harbour Grace and the Bay of Carbonera, both of which are in a great measure commanded by the Island, which lies off a point of land between them. Hitherto we have had a very imperfect knowledge of these places, but Mr. Cook, who was particularly careful in sounding them, has discovered that ships of any size may lie in safety both in Harbour Grace and the Bay of Carbonera." Mr. Desbarres's design for the fortification of Carbonera, drawn by John Chamberlain, dated 7th April 1763, is to be found in the British Museum; he was afterwards Governor of Cape Breton. On the return of the Northumberland to Spithead, where she arrived on 24th October, her Master, James Cook, was discharged, the Muster Roll merely noting "superseded" on 11th November, and the pay sheet records the deductions from his wages as: "Chest, 2 pounds 1 shilling 0 pence; Hospital, 1 pound 0 shillings 6 pence. Threepence in the pound, 3 pounds 14 shillings 9 pence," leaving a balance due of 291 pounds 19 shillings 3 pence. He also received from Lord Colville for the Secretary to the Admiralty the following letter which shows the estimation he was held in by his immediate superiors, and would doubtless be of weight when the appointment of a man to execute greater undertakings came under the consideration of their Lordships. London, 30th December 1762. Sir, Mr. Cook, late Master of the Northumberland, acquaints me that he has laid before their Lordships all his draughts and observations relating to the River St. Lawrence, part of the coast of Nova Scotia, and of Newfoundland. On this occasion I beg to inform their Lordships that from my experience of Mr. Cook's genius and capacity, I think him well qualified for the work he has performed and for greater undertakings of the same kind. These draughts being made under my own eye, I can venture to say they may be the means of directing many in the right way, but cannot mislead any. I am, sir, your most obedient and most humble servant, Colville. MARRIAGE. Before the close of the year Cook took upon himself further responsibilities as set forth in the following extract from the register of St. Margaret's Church, Barking, Essex: "James Cook of ye Parish of St. Paul, Shadwell, in ye County of Middlesex, Bachelor, and Elizabeth Batts, of ye parish of Barking in ye County of Essex, Spinster, were married in this Church by ye Archbishop of Canterbury's Licence, this 21st day of December, one thousand seven hundred and sixty-two, by George Downing, Vicar of Little Wakering, Essex." Besant, who obtained his information from Mrs. Cook's second cousin, the late Canon Bennett, who as a boy knew her well, speaks most highly of her mental qualities and personal appearance, and says the union appears to have been a very happy one. It covered a period of about sixteen years; but taking into consideration the times he was away on duty, sometimes for long periods, Cook's home life in reality only extended to a little more than four years, and Mrs. Cook must often have been months, sometimes years, without even hearing of the existence of her husband. Her family were fairly well-to-do; her grandfather, Mr. Charles Smith, was a currier in Bermondsey; her cousin, also Charles Smith, was a clockmaker of repute in Bunhill Row. Her mother, Mary Smith, married first John Batts of Wapping, and secondly, John Blackburn of Shadwell. Miss Batts is described as of Barking in the Marriage Register, so may perhaps have been living with relations there, and may have met Cook when on a visit to her mother in Shadwell, where he was residing. The engagement must have been very short, for from the time of his joining the Navy in 1755 to his return from Newfoundland in 1762, his leave on shore had been very limited, and, with the exception perhaps of a day or two between leaving the Eagle and joining the Solebay, and again when leaving the latter ship for the Pembroke, none of his time was spent in London. There is a story that he was godfather to his wife, and at her baptism vowed to marry her, but as at that time, 1741, Cook was assisting his father on Airy Holme Farm, the tale is too absurd, but has for all that been repeatedly published. After their marriage Mr. and Mrs. Cook lived for a time in Shadwell, and then removed to Mile End Old Town, where Cook purchased a house, which was their home till after his death. This house, which he left to his wife, has been identified as Number 88 Mile End Road, and a tablet has been placed on the front to mark the fact. CHAPTER 5. 1763 TO 1767. NEWFOUNDLAND. The commission as Governor of Newfoundland, which now included Labrador from Hudson's Straits to the St. John's River, the island of Anticosti, the islands off the Labrador coast, and the Madelines in the Gulf of St. Lawrence, had again been conferred on Captain (afterwards Admiral Lord) Graves. He had early recognised the fact that it was necessary to have a thorough survey of the coasts of his territory, and therefore made an application to the Board of Trade to have the one commenced as far back as 1714 by Captain Taverner, but only carried on in a desultory fashion, put in hand and completed as quickly as possible. This application resulted in a Representation from the Board to His Majesty, dated 29th March 1763, to be found in the Shelbourne manuscripts, asking that an allowance should be made for the purpose. Graves had seen during the previous year the work done by Cook at Harbour Grace and Carbonera, and had evidently made up his mind that he had found the man for his purpose, in which opinion he would be backed up by Colville and further supported by the favourable knowledge that the Admiralty had of his work. The Representation was immediately acted on, for in the Records Office is a hurried note from Graves to Mr. Stephens, Secretary to the Admiralty, probably written on the 5th April, in which he asks: "what final answer he shall give to Mr. Cook, late Master of the Northumberland, who is very willing to go out to survey the Harbours and Coasts of Labradore." A draughtsman is also mentioned, and one is recommended who was on the Bellona and was willing to go out, ranking as schoolmaster; he did join Cook after a time. On 6th April Graves again wrote to Stephens, telling him he had instructed Cook to get ready to start as soon as the Board gave him orders, and that he was to have ten shillings per diem whilst employed on that service. He also says that Cook had been to the Tower to try to secure a draughtsman, and towards the end of the letter applies for the instruments necessary to carry on the operations. Graves was hurriedly called away to his ship, the Antelope, as the spirit of discontent, then very rife in the Navy, was developing itself in a very threatening manner during his absence. However, on his arrival on board, by judicious reforms, which he saw were carried out, and by quietly replacing some few of the most dangerous of the malcontents, he was very shortly able to report himself ready for sea with a complete and fairly contented crew. On 15th April he writes to Stephens asking if there was "any change of resolution taken about Mr. Cook, the Master, and an assistant for him, and whether they are to go out with me?" On the 18th he writes again, saying that when in London he had been informed that he was to receive orders to purchase two small vessels of about 60 tons each when he arrived in Newfoundland, one of which he was "to send with Mr. Cook upon the surveys of the coast and harbours," but he was afraid the orders had been forgotten, and he again makes suggestions as to instruments, etc., required for the work. Cook had at the same time made application in proper form for the articles he would require, and was informed that some would be supplied to him from the Government Stores, and for the remainder, he was to purchase them and transmit the bills to their Lordships. COOK'S SAILING ORDERS. On 19th April Cook received his orders as follows: Sir, My Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty, having directed Captain Graves, of His Majesty's Ship, the Antelope, at Portsmouth, to receive you on board and carry you to Newfoundland in order to your taking a Survey of Part of the Coast and Harbours of that Island. I am commanded by their Lordships to acquaint you therewith: that you must repair immediately on board the said ship, she being under sailing orders, that you are to follow such orders as you shall receive from Captain Graves relative to the said service and that you will be allowed ten shillings a day during the time you are employed therein. I am, etc. etc., PHILLIP STEPHENS. Mr. James Cook, ---- Town. Mr. William Test, Tower, to be paid 6 shillings per day. On 8th May Graves acknowledged the receipt of the orders he had asked for, authorising him to purchase two small vessels, and announced that Mr. Cook had joined the ship, but that the assistant, Mr. Test, had not been heard of; he therefore proposed that he should endeavour to obtain someone else to fill the vacancy. Mr. Stephens replied that a difficulty had arisen with the Board of Ordnance with regard to Mr. Test's pay; they were not inclined to continue it during his absence as they would have to put some one else in his place, and since hearing this, as the Admiralty had heard nothing further from Mr. Test, Captain Graves was authorised to fill the vacancy at a suitable allowance, and he at once secured the services of Mr. Edward Smart, who sailed from Plymouth in H.M.S. Spy, and joined Cook in Newfoundland. In this letter Graves also says that he intends to start Cook on the survey of St. Pierre and Miquelon as they had to be handed over to the French under treaty, whilst he should make some stay upon the coast in order to afford proper time for survey before they had to be surrendered. The possession of these islands carried with it certain fishing and curing rights conferred by the Treaty of Utrecht and confirmed by that of Paris, and the possession of the islands and rights have been a continual cause of irritation to the fishermen of both nations till lately, but now the differences have been satisfactorily settled. It is said that the Earl of Bute was the cause of the inclusion of the clause concerning these islands in the Treaty, and that he received the sum of 300,000 pounds for permitting it to stand. It was specially stipulated that the islands were not to be fortified, and the number of the garrison was to be strictly limited to a number sufficient for police duty alone; but from the very commencement of the peace, it was one continual struggle to evade the terms by one side, and to enforce them by the other, without coming to an actual rupture. JUDICIOUS PROCRASTINATION. According to his expressed intention, Captain Graves, on arriving at St. John's, despatched Captain Charles Douglas in the Tweed to superintend the removal of the British settlers from the two islands, and Cook accompanied him with orders to press on the survey as rapidly as possible in order that it might be completed before the arrival of the French. Unfortunately, M. d'Anjac, who was charged with the duty of receiving the islands on behalf of the French king, arrived on the same day as the Tweed, off the islands. Captain Douglas refused to permit the French to land until the islands had been formally handed over by his superior officer, and by a little judicious procrastination in communicating with Captain Graves, and persistent energy on the part of Cook in conducting the survey, sufficient time was gained to complete it. Graves writes to the Admiralty on 20th October 1763: "Meanwhile the survey went on with all possible application on the part of Mr. Cook. At length, Monsieur d'Anjac's patience being quite exhausted, I received a letter from him on the 30th of June, of which I enclose a copy together with my answer returned the same day. This conveyance brought me a letter from Captain Douglas, expressing his uneasiness on the part of Monsieur d'Anjac and pressing to receive his final instructions, and at the same time gave me the satisfaction to learn St. Peter's was completely surveyed, Miquelon begun upon and advanced so as to expect it would be finished before the French could be put in possession: so that any interruption from them was no longer to be apprehended." In a paper amongst the Shelbourne manuscripts, said to be an extract from a Journal of Cook's, there is a short description of these islands, and it conveys the impression that the writer looked upon them as absolutely worthless as either naval or military stations, but for all that Captain Graves's successor, Pallisser, was kept continually on the alert to defeat the efforts of the French to strengthen their position. THE KING'S SURVEYOR. After the official surrender of these islands, Cook was engaged in surveying different places which the Admiralty had specially marked out, and was borne on the books of either the Antelope or Tweed as might be convenient. He is to be found on the latter ship, entered "for victuals only," as "Mr. James Cook, Engineer, and Retinue." As the dates in the two ships often run over each other it is somewhat difficult to place him, but he was certainly in the neighbourhood of St. John's for some two months, and on 5th November he was discharged from the Antelope into the Tweed, together with Mr. Smart, for the passage to England, where he remained till the spring of the following year. On 4th January the Admiralty authorised the payment up to the end of the previous year of the allowances of 10 shillings and 6 shillings per day, respectively, to Mr. Cook and Mr. Smart. This allowance of 10 shillings per day was the same as that made to the Commander of a Squadron, so, from a financial point of view, Cook's position must be considered one of importance. It was apparently superior to that of a Master surveying under the directions of the Governor, for in a report that Captain Pallisser, when Governor of Newfoundland, gives of an interview between the French Ambassador and himself in London in 1767, on the subject of the fisheries, he says he produced Cook's chart, and decided the question of the rights of France to the use of Belle Isle for fishing purposes against the Ambassador by its means, and he speaks of Cook officially as the King's Surveyor. Pallisser was appointed to succeed Graves as Governor in 1764, and at once set aside the schooner Grenville, which Graves had used as a despatch boat for the sole use of the survey party. She had been manned from the ships on the station, but Pallisser wrote to the Admiralty on the subject, and the Navy Board were instructed to establish her with a proper person to take command of her, and a complement of men sufficient to navigate her to England when the surveying season was over, in order that she might be refitted and sent out early in the spring, instead of being laid up in St. John's and waiting for stores from England, "whereby a great deal of time is lost." The establishment was to consist of ten men, i.e. a Master, a Master's mate, one Master's servant, and seven men. The Master and mate were to receive the pay of a sixth rate, and the former was "to be charged with the provisions and stores which shall be supplied to the schooner from time to time, and to pass regular accounts for the same." On 2nd May Stephens wrote to Pallisser that Cook was appointed Master of the Grenville, and as soon as the season was over he was to be ordered to Portsmouth, and on arrival to transmit his Charts and Draughts to the Admiralty. On receipt of this letter Pallisser wrote to Cook, and this communication, together with autograph copies of letters written by Cook having reference to the Grenville, a receipt for her husband's pay, signed by Mrs. Cook, and some other papers of interest relating to his voyages, are now in the hands of Mr. Alexander Turnbull, of Wellington, New Zealand. It would appear that it was at this time that the friendship between Pallisser and Cook really commenced, for previously there can have been no opportunity for the former to have known anything of Cook's personality. A Captain of a man-of-war saw nothing of a Master's mate, and knew nothing of him except whether he did his duty or not, and that only through the Master's report. In this particular case, as soon as his attention was called to him by outside influence, Cook was withdrawn from his knowledge, and when they again came in contact had already made his mark. Had they been on the very friendly terms that Kippis suggests, it is unlikely that he would have made so many incorrect statements as to Cook's early career in the Navy. On 23rd April Cook received his orders, and was told at the same time that as he had expressed a doubt about being able to get suitable men in Portsmouth, he would be provided with conduct money and free carriage of chests and bedding for those he could raise in London, and they should be transferred to Portsmouth in the Trent. Mr. William Parker was appointed Master's mate, and the whole crew left Portsmouth on 7th May in H.M.S. Lark, arriving in St. John's on the 14th June. They took possession of their ship on the same day, and the first entry in the Grenville's log runs as follows: "June 14th, 1764, St. John's, Newfoundland. The first and middle parts moderate and hazy Weather, the Later foggy. At 1 P.M. His Majesty's Ship the Lark anchored here from England, on board of which came the Master and the company of this Schooner. Went on board and took possession of Her. Read over to the crew the Master's Warrant, Articles of War, and Abstract of the late Act of Parliament." ACCIDENT TO HAND. After getting the guns and stores on board, and fitting the ship for her new duties, they left St. John's on 4th July for the north. A base line was laid out at Noddy's Harbour, and the latitude of Cape Norman was found to be 51 degrees 39 minutes North; soundings were taken every mile. On 3rd August Cook left the ship in the cutter to continue his work, but having met with a nasty accident he had to return on the 6th. It seems he had a large powder horn in his hand, when, by some means not stated, the powder ignited, and the horn "was blown up and burst in his hand, which shattered it in a terrible manner, and one of the people which was hard by suffered greatly by the same accident." The Grenville left at once for Noddy's Harbour, where there was a French ship which had a doctor on board, arriving there at eleven o'clock, was able to secure some sort of medical assistance, though probably in the eye of a modern medical man, of a very rough nature. At that time surgery, especially on board ship, was very heroic; a glass of spirits the only anodyne, and boiling pitch the most reliable styptic. In reference to this accident the Lords of the Admiralty wrote to Lord Halifax, quoting a letter they had received from Captain Pallisser, dated 14th November 1764: "Mr. Cook, the surveyor, has returned. The accident to him was not so bad as it was represented. Nor had it interrupted his survey so much as he (Captain Pallisser) expected. He continued on the coast as long as the season would permit, and has executed his survey in a manner which, he has no doubt, will be satisfactory to their Lordships. I have ordered him to proceed to Woolwich to refit his vessel for the next season, and to lay before the Board, Draughts of his surveys with all his remarks and observations that may be useful to Trade and Navigation in those parts." Pallisser did not see Cook till some time after the accident, when the worst was over, and it is quite in keeping with Cook's character to minimise his sufferings, and to insist on the work being kept going as far as possible. The surgeon, Mr. Samwell, relates that after the murder at Owhyee they were enabled to identify his hand by the scar which he describes as "dividing the thumb from the fingers the whole length of the metacarpal bones." Whilst Cook was laid up with his hand, and Mr. Parker was engaged with the survey, some of the men were employed brewing, and either the brew was stronger than usual or, the officer's eye being off them, they indulged too freely, for on 20th August it is noted that three men were confined to the deck for drunkenness and mutinous conduct, and the next day the ringleader was punished by being made to "run the Gantelope." Early in September, being then in the Bay of St. Genevieve, Cook went ashore for six days and ran roughly the course of several small rivers, noting the chief landmarks, and then on their way back to St. John's, off Point Ferrol, their small boat was dashed to pieces on a ledge of rock, and its occupants were saved with great difficulty by the cutter which by great good fortune happened to be near at the time. They returned to England for the winter, and crossing the Banks, a series of soundings were made and the nature of the bottom carefully noted. When Cook arrived at Woolwich, he pointed out to their Lordships that the completion of his charts would entail his being absent from his ship, and he would be unable to supervise everything that had to be done on board, he therefore suggested that she should be sent to Deptford yard. This was at once agreed to, and Cook was able to devote his whole time to his charts. His own work had to be supplemented by the observations made by six men-of-war stationed in Newfoundland waters as their commanding officers had received special instructions to take ample soundings and careful observations, and to make charts which were to be sent to Captain Pallisser, who was informed that he would be held responsible if these orders were not carried out in their entirety. It is very certain that an order so emphatically enforced on his notice would not be permitted to remain a dead letter. GRENVILLE'S RIG CHANGED. Whilst at Deptford, the rig of the Grenville was altered from schooner to brig, as Cook thought that her sailing qualities would be improved by the change, and she also received a thorough overhaul. In the previous year her armament had been supplied from the flagship, and of course had to be returned, so now she was established with "6 swivel guns, 12 Musquets, and powder and shot" of her own, and her crew was augmented to twenty, including a midshipman and a carpenter's mate, paid as on board a sixth rate. Isaac Smith, Mrs. Cook's cousin, afterwards Admiral, who lived with her at Clapham, was the midshipman. On 25th March 1765 the Grenville again left for Newfoundland, arriving at St. Lawrence Harbour on 2nd June to recommence her work. On 14th July, whilst "moored in a bay by Great Garnish, we picked up two men who had been lost in the woods for near a month. They came from Barin, intending to go to St. Lawrence Harbour, and were almost perishing for want of subsistence." Going into Long Harbour, 23rd July, the Grenville ran on a rock and remained so fast that she had to be unloaded before she could be floated off the next day, when she was found to have suffered considerable damage to her forefoot. From the log of the Grenville it appears that the survey was not carried out continuously, and this may be accounted for by the fact that the Governor was being called upon to settle disputes with the French fishermen, who were only too apt to place the broadest construction on the treaty rights accorded to them. It is very possible that Cook, during this year, rendered assistance to Captains Debbieg and Bassett, engineers, who were engaged in surveying important points and harbours with a view to fortification, and Pallisser had been instructed to give them every help. There is no positive record that Cook did assist, but his ship was several times engaged near where they were at work, and it seems very reasonable to suppose that he worked with them, especially as such work might be very important to both parties. Cook returned to Spithead on 30th November, and from thence to Deptford for the winter, and in February obtained permission from the Admiralty to publish the charts he had completed; Captain Pallisser, who made the application, said he was of opinion that they "would be of great encouragement to new adventurers on the fisheries upon those coasts." ECLIPSE OF THE SUN. He again left Deptford on 20th April 1766, and arrived at Bon Bon Bay, 1st June, to survey the south-west and south coasts. At the Burgeo Islands, near Cape Ray, which were reached on 24th July, Cook was able to take an observation of an eclipse of the sun occurring on 5th August. On his return to England at the end of the year, he handed the results of his observations to Dr. Bevis, a prominent Fellow of the Royal Society, who communicated them to that body on 30th April 1767, and the account is to be found in the Philosophical Transactions of that year. Dr. Bevis describes Cook as "a good mathematician, and very expert at his business," and says he was supplied with very good instruments; that there were three observers "with good telescopes, who all agreed as to the moment of beginning and ending"; that he had shown Cook's results to Mr. George Mitchell, who had calculated therefrom the difference of longitude between the Burgeo Islands and Oxford, where another good observation had been taken. Cook makes no reference to the eclipse in the log of the Grenville, but it appears that he was peculiarly lucky in the weather, for the five days preceding are described as "foggy," and the four or five succeeding are "raining with squalls." This observation was a most fortunate one for Cook, as it brought him to the favourable notice of the Royal Society, a body of eminent men, outside his own profession, which was able, soon after, to advance his interests, and in course of time to admit him into its own ranks as an ornament of which it is still proud. On 4th November the Grenville left St. John's for winter quarters at Deptford, and the log ends on 24th November, "Dungeness light North-East by East 2 miles." Mr. Parker, his assistant, was promoted to a lieutenancy, and Mr. Michael Lane, who was mentioned for the post by Captain Graves in 1763, and who was now schoolmaster on the Guernsey, was appointed in his place. On 5th April 1767 the Grenville had completed her refit, warped out of dock, and was at anchor waiting for the tide to turn in order to drop down to Woolwich, when the Three Sisters, a Sunderland collier, Thomas Boyd, Master, "fell athwart her hawse and carried away her bowsprit, cap, and jibboom," which had to be replaced. The story is that this accident happened to the Endeavour, and that Mr. Cook, who was naturally very indignant, sent for the offending Master of the collier to give him a sound rating for running foul of one of His Majesty's ships; but when he found himself face to face with an old schoolfellow of the Ayton days, he took him down into his cabin, treated him to the best he had on board, and spent a good time with him talking over the old days when they were boys together. From Cook's character the story may well be true, excepting it has been applied to the wrong ship. When the repairs were executed the Grenville sailed for Newfoundland, arriving off Cape Race on 9th May, and Cook at once set to work on the survey of the west coast. He landed in September at the mouth of the Humber, and made a rapid examination of that river, discovering several lakes, and getting a good general idea of that part of the island. He returned to St. John's for the last time on 14th October, having practically completed the survey of the general run of the coast, and added very considerably to the knowledge of some of the interior parts of the island. In 1762 a map was published, compiled from the very latest information, and on it is the note: "The inland parts of this island are entirely unknown." Cook is said to have discovered valuable seams of coal, but there is no note of anything of the kind amongst his records. THE GRENVILLE ASHORE. He sailed for England on 23rd October, and anchored off the Nore in very heavy weather on 11th November. It was soon found that the anchors would not hold, and at length one parted and the ship "trailed into shallow water, striking hard." After a while she again struck heavily, and "lay down on her larboard bilge." As there seemed no prospect of the gale moderating, everything was made as snug as time would allow, and, putting his crew into the boats, Cook made for Sheerness. The weather at length improved, so obtaining assistance he returned and found that fortunately his ship had sustained very little damage, and the next day he successfully floated her, and got her up to Deptford yards on the following Sunday, and then Cook was able to set to work on his charts. On 3rd February, Pallisser wrote to Mr. Stephens asking him to obtain permission from the Lords to publish, and at once obtained the necessary authority. Some of these charts had been published in 1766, and now the complete series appeared with sailing directions for the south and east coasts of the islands. Admiral Sir W.J.L. Wharton, the late hydrographer to the Admiralty, says: "The Charts he made during these years in the schooner Grenville were admirable. The best proof of their excellence is that they are not yet wholly superseded by the more detailed surveys of modern times. Like all first surveys of a practically unknown shore, and especially when that shore abounds in rocks and shoals, and is much indented with bays and creeks, they are imperfect in the sense of having many omissions; but when the amount of the ground covered, and the impediments of fogs and bad weather on that coast is considered, and that Cook had at the most only one assistant, their accuracy is truly astonishing." On the publication of his charts, Cook's connection with Newfoundland was concluded, and on 12th April 1768 Mr. Lane was "appointed to act as Master of the brig Grenville, and surveyor of the coasts of Newfoundland and Labrador in the absence of Mr. Cook, who is to be employed elsewhere." Mr. Lane was to be paid an allowance of five shillings per day over and above his pay as Master of a sixth rate. Cook and he were paid their allowances up to 31st December 1767, and on 17th June the Navy Board were ordered to complete Cook's allowance up to 12th April. From the wording of Mr. Lane's appointment it would appear that the surveyor's position was to be left open for Cook if it was thought desirable for him to resume it. CHAPTER 6. 1768. PREPARATIONS FOR FIRST VOYAGE. Till a few years ago writers on the subject were content to draw their information as to the first voyage of Cook to the South Seas from the so-called history of Dr. Hawkesworth. This gentleman, who posed as a stylist (Boswell calls him a "studious imitator of Dr. Johnson"), was introduced by Dr. Charles Burney to Lord Sandwich for the express purpose of writing an account of the expedition, and was supplied with all the records in the possession of the Admiralty relating to it, he had access to the Journal of Sir Joseph Banks, the Notes of Dr. Solander and others who accompanied Cook, and, more than all, he had the opportunity of personal communication with the leaders of the party. Notwithstanding these advantages he interpolated so much of his own speculations, conclusions, and dissertations, as to render his voluminous work not only extremely unreliable but often extremely ridiculous. Travellers to the South Seas record that the accounts of things and places described as seen by Cook are remarkably correct, but that the inferences drawn are wrong. They do not realise that the statements of fact are Cook's, whilst the deductions and ornamentations are Hawkesworth's, and were strongly resented by Cook. Boswell relates that he told Johnson that he had met Captain Cook at dinner at Sir John Pringle's (then President of the Royal Society), and gave him an account of a conversation they had together. Johnson: "was much pleased with the conscientious accuracy of that celebrated circumnavigator, who set me right as to many of the exaggerated accounts given by Dr. Hawkesworth of his voyages." Cook's opinion on the subject may be seen from his determination to prepare his Journals for the press himself in the future. Within the last few years the Journal of the Endeavour has been published under the able supervision of the late Admiral Sir W.J.L. Wharton, and the Journal of Sir Joseph Banks, which was missing for a long time, has been recovered and published by Sir Joseph Hooker; and these two books may be preferred with safety over all others that have been written on the subject. MEMORIAL TO THE KING. It had been calculated that a Transit of Venus would occur in 1769, observations of which would be of great importance to astronomical science, and several of the European nations, notably Russia, were intending to establish points of observation. The Royal Society decided that as England had hitherto taken a lead in astronomy, she should not now fall behind, and appointed a committee to report on the places where it would be desirable to take observations, the methods to be pursued, and the persons best fitted to carry out the work. This committee advised that two observers should be sent to Hudson's Bay, two to the South Pacific and, if Sweden did not send there, two to the North Cape. They also advised that the Government should be asked to supply a ship to convey the party to some island to be decided on in the South Seas, and several gentlemen were suggested as observers, Mr. Maskelyne, President of the Society, especially recommending Mr. Dalrymple as "a proper person to send to the South Seas, having a particular turn for discoveries, and being an able navigator and well skilled in observation." Mr. Maskelyne estimated the voyage would take about two years, and that a sum of ten shillings and six pence per day would be a reasonable allowance for expenses, together with a gratuity the amount of which was to be settled hereafter. A Memorial on the subject was prepared and forwarded to the King, setting forth that as a Transit of Venus over the Sun's disc was expected to occur, and that other nations were intending to take observations thereof in the interests of navigation, it would be desirable that as the British Nation had been justly celebrated for its knowledge of Astronomy, and an Englishman, Mr. Jeremiah Horrox, had been the first person who calculated the passage of the planet over the sun, in 1639, the Government should support the Royal Society in its attempt to take a proper position in the matter, by a grant of money and a ship to take a party to the South Seas. Four thousand pounds was the sum named, and on 24th March the President was able to inform the Council that the King had been pleased to order that it should be placed in his hands, "clear of fees," for the purpose of defraying the expenses of the expedition. In the end, after paying all accounts, there was a considerable balance left, which the King placed at the disposal of the Society, and a portion of it was expended on the bust of His Majesty, by Nollekins, now in its possession. The gentlemen whose names had been suggested as observers were asked to appear before the Council if they were willing to accept the position, and Mr. Dalrymple wrote in reply to say there was only one part of the world where he would go to take observations, that was the South Seas, and he would only go if he had "the management of the ship intended for the service." Mr. Maskelyne told the Council he had recommended Mr. Dalrymple to the Admiralty for the command of the ship, the use of which had been granted, but had been informed that such an appointment would be "entirely repugnant to the regulations of the Navy." It is said that Sir Edward Hawke, having in his mind the disastrous result of giving Halley the command of a King's ship in 1698, when a serious mutiny occurred, positively refused to sign such a commission, saying that he would "rather cut off his right hand than permit any one but a King's officer to command one of the ships of His Majesty's Navy." Dalrymple, originally a clerk in the East India Company's service, had spent some years trading amongst the islands of the Malay Archipelago and China, returned to England and published a couple of pamphlets on the East Indies, and in 1767 a book on the discoveries in the South Pacific Ocean, which brought him to the notice of the Royal Society. He was afterwards for a time hydrographer to the East India Company, and was then appointed the first hydrographer to the Admiralty. He was dismissed from this position for exceeding his powers, and soon afterwards died. He appears to have been a clever man, but of an extremely overbearing disposition and a very high opinion of himself. In writing to Dr. Hawkesworth on one occasion, he said: "I never write on any subject I do not thoroughly understand." What makes the remark more interesting is that he was quite in the wrong on the subject under discussion. He appears never to have forgiven Cook for having been successful in obtaining the command of the expedition to observe the Transit of Venus, and for completely upsetting his pet theory of a large continent in the Southern Ocean. PURCHASE OF THE ENDEAVOUR. The Navy Board, having been ordered by the Admiralty to propose a proper vessel to convey the observers to the South Seas, first suggested the Tryal Sloop, and then the Rose, but both being found unsuitable they were ordered to purchase one. On 29th March the Board wrote to Stephens that they had bought: "a cat-built Bark, in Burthen 368 Tuns and of the age of three years and nine months, for conveying such persons as shall be thought proper to the Southward..." At the same time, instructions were sought as to fitting and arming her for the service, and as to the name under with she was to be registered on the list of the Navy. A cat-built ship is described in the Encyclopaedias as one with round bluff bows, a wide deep waist, and tapering towards the stern. The name is derived from the Norwegian kati, a ship. The cat-built bark, the now immortal Endeavour, was built by Messrs. Fishburn of Whitby, and owned by Mr. William Milner of that port. Dr. Young says that her original name was the Earl of Pembroke, but Sir Evan Macgregor wrote to Mr. Waddington in 1888 that she was purchased "under the name of the Endeavour, and was entered as a barque." The Warrant Entry Book from Board of Trade proves that Dr. Young was right, as the following entries will show: "Deptford, March 23rd 1768. Two cats called the Valentine and the Earl of Pembroke to be surveyed and report which is the properest to be purchased." "Deptford, March 28th 1768. Ship Earl of Pembroke to be received." "Deptford, April 7th 1768. Ship purchased to be sheathed, filled, and fitted for a voyage to the southward. To be called The Endeavour Bark." From the Records of the Survey Office, List of H.M. Navy, 1771 to 1776, it has been ascertained that her price was 2,800 pounds, and the cost of fitting her for the voyage was 2,294 pounds. The reason she was named officially either the Bark Endeavour or Endeavour Bark, was that there was another Endeavour in the Navy, stationed at that time at the Nore. Kippis says that Pallisser was entrusted with the selection of the ship, and that he called on Cook for assistance in the matter, and the fact that a Whitby-built ship was chosen, of a kind in which Cook had had considerable experience, adds to the probability of his statement. Dalrymple enters a claim, in letters to Dr. Hawkesworth, to having chosen the Endeavour for the voyage, but as she was not ordered to be surveyed, with a view to purchase, till 23rd March, when it was well-known the Admiralty had refused to allow him the command of the expedition, there is little force in his claim. COPPER SHEATHING. Admiral Wharton assumes that as Cook expresses himself averse from having exploring ships sheathed in copper, owing to the difficulty of making repairs in case of accident far from proper facilities, and from the frequent mention of "heeling and boot-topping" in the Journal of the Endeavour, it is most probable that she was sheathed in wood. This assumption is correct, for there is no mention of copper sheathing in the Surveyor's books, nor at the time of her being repaired at the Endeavour River, nor at Batavia, when it is impossible that any account of her damaged bottom could be given without the mention of copper if any such sheathing had been used. The Naval Chronicle says the first ship of the Royal Navy to be sheathed with copper was the Alarm frigate in 1758; and it is also said that the Dolphin, the ship in which Captain Wallis sailed round the world, was the only coppered ship in the service at this time, and she remained the only one for some years. On 5th May, at a Council Meeting of the Royal Society, Captain John Campbell, R.N., proposed that Cook, who was in attendance, and had been appointed by the Admiralty to the command of the Endeavour, was a fit and proper person to be one of the observers for the Society in the Southern Seas. Cook was called in, and accepted the position in consideration of such a gratuity as the Society should think proper, and an allowance of 120 pounds per year "for victualling himself and another observer in every particular." Mr. Green was also called in, and accepted the place as the other observer for the gratuity of 200 guineas for the two years the voyage was expected to take, and at the rate of 100 guineas a year afterwards. A list of the instruments to be supplied by the Society was also prepared at the same meeting, and the workmen engaged on them were ordered to show them to Messrs. Green and Cook, and give any desired information. A portable observatory, said to have been designed by Smeaton, the builder of the Eddystone Lighthouse, framed of wood and covered with canvas, was also prepared. Mr. Maskelyne, knowing the value of a good watch when observing for longitude, lent the Society one of his own, made by Graham, to be entrusted to Mr. Green, and it was signed for with the other instruments supplied. Chronometers, of course, at that time were in process of evolution, several makers were endeavouring to gain the prize which had been offered for a reliable timekeeper. Shortly after, at a second meeting, Cook agreed to accept a gratuity from the Society of 100 guineas for taking the observations, and was paid 120 pounds sustenance money for Mr. Green and himself, with authority to draw on the Society during the voyage for a further amount not exceeding 120 pounds. In the Commissions and Warrants Book, under date 26th May 1768, appears the following entry: MR. JAMES COOK (2nd) 1st Lieutenant Endeavour Bark. E.H., C.T., C.S. The initials signify Edward Hawke, Charles Townshend, and Lord Charles Spencer. The "(2nd)" evidently refers to the fact that there was already one James Cook, a lieutenant in the Navy, namely, the former Master of the Mercury, and Third Lieutenant of the Gosport. PENDANT HOISTED. Having received his orders Cook proceeded to Deptford and hoisted his pendant on H.M.S. Endeavour on 27th May, and at once started to prepare for sea. A considerable quantity of coal was taken on board to use for drying the ship, as it occupied so much less room than wood. Captain Wallis returned from his voyage round the world about this time, and in consequence of his report, the Island of Georgeland, afterwards called by Cook Otaheite and now Tahiti, was fixed upon by the Royal Society as the most desirable place for the observations, and the Admiralty were requested to issue the proper orders, notifying at the same time that Mr. Charles Green and Lieutenant James Cook had been appointed observers. They also in the same letter write that: "Joseph Banks, Esquire, Fellow of this Society, a Gentleman of large fortune, who is well versed in Natural History, being desirous of undertaking the same voyage, the council very earnestly request their Lordships that in regard to Mr. Banks' great personal merit and for the advancement of useful knowledge, he also, together with his suite, being seven persons more (that is eight persons in all) together with their baggage, be received on board of the ship under command of Captain Cook." They also requested that the expedition might be landed a month or six weeks before the 3rd June in order that the instruments might be got into proper working order, and for fear the ship might not be able to reach Georgeland, a table of the limits within which the observations might be taken, was enclosed. Full instructions were also given to the two observers, and a list of the fixed stars to be observed was drawn up by Mr. Maskelyne. The order to receive Mr. Green and Mr. Banks and party was issued on 22nd July, "for victuals only"--i.e., they were to be supplied with the same as the rest of the ship's company whilst on board. The members of Banks's party were: Dr. Solander, naturalist; H. Sporing, assistant naturalist; A. Buchan, S. Parkinson, and Jno. Reynolds, artists; James Roberts and Peter Briscoe, white servants; Thomas Richmond and J. Dorlton, coloured servants. It was owing to the personal friendship between them that Banks was permitted by Lord Sandwich, the First Lord of the Admiralty, to accompany Cook. He had taken up the study of Botany when at Eton, and at an early age had been elected F.R.S. He seems quickly to have formed a just estimate of Cook's worth; indeed, Sir John Barrow says he took a liking to him at the first interview, and a firm friendship sprang up between them which endured to the end. Many instances are to be found of his interest in and his support to Cook after their return home; and this friendship speaks volumes for Cook, for, though Banks was a most kindly natured man, he had at times a very overbearing manner. Sir Joseph Hooker, in his introduction, quotes a most interesting letter from Mr. John Ellis, F.R.S., to Linnaeus, the great botanist, in which he says that Mr. Banks, a gentleman of 6000 pounds a year, has persuaded Dr. Solander to go out with him to the South Seas to collect "all the natural curiosities of the place," and after the observations are taken, they are "to proceed on further discoveries." He goes on to mention the library of Natural History and splendid outfit Banks is taking, and says, "in short, Solander assured me this expedition would cost Mr. Banks 10,000 pounds." The Endeavour left Deptford on 21st July, and, calling at Galleons Reach, took in her guns and gunners' stores. Her armament was originally to have been six carriage guns, four pounders, and eight swivels, but they were increased to ten carriage guns and eight swivels, and at Plymouth four more swivels were added for use in the boats. The complement of men was also increased to 85, including 12 marines who were to join at Plymouth, and a third Lieutenant had been appointed in July. She had dropped down the river and anchored in the Downs on 3rd August, Cook joining her on the 7th and, discharging his pilot, sailed the next day. He had a very tedious passage down the Channel, and did not arrive a Plymouth till the 14th, when he immediately sent word to Messrs. Banks and Solander, who were still in London, that he was ready for sea, and was only waiting for a fair wind to sail. They therefore started at once, their baggage being already on board, and joined Cook on 20th August. CREW WELL SATISFIED. Having received his extra guns, marines, twelve barrels of powder, and other stores, Cook mustered his men, paid them two months advance, and explained to them that they were not to expect any additional pay for the intended voyage. He says, "they were well satisfied, and expressed great cheerfulness and readiness to prosecute the voyage." The orders under which he sailed were secret, and, unfortunately, are not to be found. Admiral Wharton says the covering letter is in existence, but the orders which should be on the next page are missing. Cook writes: "I was ordered, therefore, to proceed directly to Otaheite; and, after the astronomical observations should be completed, to prosecute the design of making discoveries in the South Pacific Ocean by proceeding to the South as far as the latitude of 40 degrees: then, if I found no land, to proceed to the west between 40 and 35 degrees till I fell in with New Zealand, which I was to explore, and thence return to England by such route as I should think proper." His last letter to the Admiralty, before leaving England, was written on the day of his arrival at Plymouth, informing them of that fact, and announcing his intention of proceeding to sea with all possible despatch. CHAPTER 7. 1768 TO 1769. PLYMOUTH TO OTAHEITE. After waiting for some days for a fair wind, Cook eventually sailed at 2 P.M. on 26th August, having, as he says in his Journal, "94 persons, including officers, seamen, Gentlemen and their servants; near 18 months' provisions, 10 carriage guns, 12 swivels, with good store of ammunition, and stores of all kinds" on board. On 1st September they had heavy gales lasting for about four-and-twenty hours, and a small boat belonging to the boatswain was washed away, and "between three and four dozen of our poultry, which was worst of all," were drowned. The ship was found to be very leaky in her upper works, and the sails in the store got very wet. Banks notes that they caught two birds in the rigging that had evidently been blown off the coast of Spain. On 13th September they anchored in Funchal Roads, and during the night "the Bend of the Hawser of the stream anchor slip'd owing to the carelessness of the person who made it fast." The anchor was hauled up into a boat in the morning, and carried further out, but, unfortunately, in heaving it into the water, a Master's mate, named Weir, got entangled in the buoy rope, was carried overboard, and drowned before any assistance could be rendered. Whilst shifting her berth to a more convenient spot, the Endeavour was fired on by one of the forts owing to some misunderstanding, but satisfactory apologies and explanations were made, and it was thought so little of that neither Cook nor Banks mention it in their Journals. This incident is probably the origin of the story told by Forster in his Journal of the Second Voyage. He says: "Captain Cook in the Endeavour battered the Loo Fort at Madeira in conjunction with an English Frigate, thus resenting an affront which had been offered to the British flag." When the Endeavour arrived at Funchal, the only British man-of-war there was H.M.S. Rose, which sailed the following day with her convoy, and neither her Captain's Journal nor his ship's log make any reference whatever to a dispute with the Portuguese. No other British man-of-war came into the port whilst the Endeavour was there, and afterwards, at Rio, Cook expressly informed the Viceroy that he had been well received by the Portuguese at Madeira. Fresh water, meat, vegetables, and wine were taken on board; wine, fruit, and water being good and cheap, but the meat and poultry, obtained as a favour, were dear. Two men, a marine and a sailor, received twelve lashes for refusing to eat their allowance of fresh meat. This appears to be harsh treatment, but it must be remembered that the lash was at that time almost the only recognised method of punishment in the Navy, however trivial the offence might be; and Cook knew from experience how important it was to prevent the scurvy from getting foothold on board, and he already had determined to fight, by every means in his power, this dread scourge, almost his most dangerous foe. He did conquer it even on this first voyage, and, considering his means, in a most marvellous manner. He would have claimed the victory had it not been for an untoward event, which will be told hereafter, leading him to postpone his claim till he could give further proof. It is important to notice how on every possible occasion he obtained, wherever he could, some change of diet and fresh water. EDEN BEFORE THE FALL. Whilst they were at Funchal, Banks spent five days with the English Consul, and he describes the place as very pretty, but the people as primitive, idle, and uninformed; all their instruments of the rudest make; and he thought that the appliances used in the manufacture of wine must have been similar to those used by Noah, "although it is not impossible that he might have used better if he remembered the methods he had seen before the flood." One of the Governors left it on record that, so averse from change were the people, he thought it most fortunate the island was not Eden before the fall, as in that case the inhabitants could never have been induced to wear clothes. He explored as much of the island as he could, but says he could never get more than three miles away from the town as his time was so much broken up. The Governor visited them on one of the days he says was so wasted, but relates, with evident glee, how he took his revenge. There was an electrical machine on board, and His Excellency was most curious on the subject; it was sent for and explained to him, and Banks goes on, "they gave him as many shocks as he cared for; perhaps more." A visit was paid to a convent, where the nuns, hearing they were distinguished scientists, plied them with all sorts of questions, and for the half-hour the visit lasted their tongues were going "all the time at an uncommonly nimble rate." At a monastery they visited they were well received, and the monks, regretting they were then unprepared, invited them to come the next day and, though it would be Friday, they would have roast turkey for dinner. On 19th September, at midnight, they weighed, sighted Teneriffe on the 23rd, and the day following their first flying fish found its way into Mr. Green's cabin. On the 28th they tried steaks for dinner cut from a young shark, which Banks and Solander reported as very good, but the crew refused to taste them. Cape de Verde was seen on the 30th, and about a fortnight afterwards the line was crossed in 29 degrees 24 minutes West longitude, and the following day the event was celebrated. Lieutenant Hicks had crossed before, so a list was given to him of all on board, including the dogs and cats, and all were mustered on deck, those who had already crossed being separated from the others. Any one who wished could purchase immunity for four days' allowance of wine, but the others had to pay the penalty of ducking. Banks compounded for himself and party, and Cook also seems to have got off, but the others were hauled up to the end of the main-yard on a boatswain's chair, and then at the sound of the whistle dropped into the sea, an operation repeated three times. Cook says the "ceremony was performed to about twenty or thirty, to the no small diversion of the rest." Whilst near the Equator, great inconvenience was felt from the damp heat; everything was mouldy or rusty, and several of the crew were on the sick-list with a sort of bilious complaint; but it fortunately did not grow into a serious matter. RECEPTION AT RIO. They struck soundings on 6th November, and on heaving the lead again found a difference of less than a foot in three or four hours. Land was sighted near Cape Frio, Brazil, in latitude 21 degrees 16 minutes South, on the 8th, and they came across a boat manned by eleven blacks who were engaged in catching and salting fish. Banks purchased some fish, and was surprised to find they preferred to be paid in English rather than Spanish coin. On the 13th they arrived off Rio de Janeiro, where they were very ungraciously received by the Viceroy. They were not permitted to land except under a guard; some of the men who had been sent ashore on duty were imprisoned. Mr. Hicks, who had gone to report their arrival and ask for the services of a pilot, was detained for a time, and it was only with difficulty, and at an exorbitant rate, that they obtained fresh food and water. Consequently little was seen of the place, except from the ship, and Cook took all possible observations from thence, and made a sketch map of the harbour, to which he added all the information he was able to pick up from the pilot. Writing to the Royal Society, he says he is quite unable to understand the true reason of his treatment, and contrasts it with that received by a Spanish ship which came in whilst he was there. This Spanish ship willingly undertook to carry to Europe and forward to the Admiralty copies of the correspondence that passed between Cook and the Viceroy, which Cook describes as "a paper war between me and His Excellency, wherein I had no other advantage than the racking his invention to find reasons for treating us in the manner he did, for he never would relax the least from any one point." To every remonstrance the Viceroy pleaded his instructions and the custom of the port. He seems to have been quite unable to grasp the object of the expedition, and Cook says his idea of the transit of Venus was, "the North Star passing through the South Pole. His own words." The crew were accused of smuggling, and it was repeatedly asserted that the Endeavour was not a king's ship. Parkinson, one of Mr. Banks's staff, says that frequently some of them let themselves down from the cabin window at midnight into a boat, and driving with the tide till they were out of hearing of the guard boat established over them, rowed ashore and made short excursions into the country, "though not so far as we could have wished to have done." Banks, speaking of the supplies obtained at Rio, says the beef was cheap but very lean and dry; the bread tasted as if made with sawdust, and justified its name of Farinha de Pao (wooden meal); the fruits, excepting the oranges, were very indifferent, and he takes particular exception to the banana, which he had not tasted before, it was not at all to his liking. The water also was very bad, and the crew preferred what they had brought with them, though it was very stale. M. de Bougainville reports that when he visited Rio he was at first received in a very friendly manner by this same Viceroy, but after a time the treatment was altered, and he had to put up with even greater insolence than Cook. THE SECOND DEATH. When the stores had been received on board, the anchor was weighed in order to take up a more favourable position for making a start, but, unfortunately, shortly after the ship got underway, a man named Peter Flowers fell from the main-shrouds into the sea and was drowned before assistance could be rendered: the second death since leaving England. The next day the wind was contrary, but every one was so anxious to turn their backs on the place that Cook ordered out the boats to tow, but they were immediately brought up by a shot from the fort of Santa Cruz. A remonstrance was sent ashore, and received the lame excuse that the permit for leaving had been signed but had been delayed on its way, and the officer in command could not allow the vessel to leave till it was received. Another attempt to get away was soon after made, but the anchor fouled a rock, and there was again delay; at length, on the 7th December, they were able to make a start, discharge their pilot, and bid farewell to the guard boat which had so constantly kept watch over them. They were informed that an Englishman, named Foster, an officer in the Portuguese service, who had been of great use to them, was imprisoned for his kind attentions. On 9th December they met with bad weather and lost their foretop-gallant mast, but the rough handling they got was credited with improving the sailing qualities of the ship, as it took some of the stiffness out of her upperworks. A meteor was noted on the 23rd, like a small bright cloud, emitting flames, travelling rapidly westward, and disappearing slowly with two sharp explosions. The same day an eclipse of the sun was observed. Christmas Day, for which the men had been saving up their allowances of grog, passed in the usual manner, that is, in considerable over-indulgence. Banks speculates as to what might have happened if they had had bad weather, whilst Cook dismisses the occurrence very shortly: "The people none of the soberest." On the 27th they crossed the mouth of the River Plate, the water being very discoloured, and a good many land insects were found in it. On 2nd January 1769, they saw some of the shoals of red lobsters like those mentioned by Dampier and Cowley, but they were not found in such quantities as those navigators reported. On the 11th the shores of Tierra del Fuego were sighted, and on working in closer, the country was found to be less desolate in appearance than they had expected from Anson's description. Arriving off the entrance of the Straits of Le Maire, between Staten Island and the mainland, they were driven back by the tide and a strong adverse wind, and trying to shelter under Cape Diego they were carried past, and only after three and a half days' hard work were they able to get through the straits. Cook has left sailing directions for this passage which are followed to the present day. Banks and Solander were ashore for a short time on Staten Island, and returned delighted with the addition of some hundred new plants for their collection. Cook, with an eye to the welfare of his crew, remarks: "They returned on board, bringing with them several plants and flowers, etc., most of them unknown in Europe, and in that consisted their whole value." Cook and Green made a series of observations, "the first ever made so far south in America," and fixed the position of Cape Diego at 66 degrees West, 54 degrees 39 South; Wharton places it at 65 degrees eight minutes West, 54 degrees 40 minutes South. On the 15th they anchored in the Bay of Success, for wood and water, and met with some of the inhabitants, with whom, by means of gifts of beads and other trifles, they established friendly relations, and three of them were persuaded to go on board the ship. Though by no means a small race of men, they were found to be nothing like the giants reported by the early navigators in this part of the world. They had in their possession buttons, glass, canvas, brown cloth, etc., showing conclusively they had previously some communication with Europeans. Their clothing consisted chiefly of skins, roughly cured, and a plentiful covering of paint and dirt. The only personal property on which they appeared to set any store were their bows and arrows, which were carefully made and always in good order. Their food appeared to consist of seal and shell-fish; their houses, merely shelters of boughs covered with grass and leaves built to windward of a small fire. A SNOWSTORM. On 16th January, Banks, Solander, Buchan, Green, Monkhouse, two seamen, and Banks's two coloured servants, tried to get up the hills to see something of the surrounding country, but they found their progress hampered by the dwarf vegetation. To add to their discomfort a heavy snowstorm came on. Several of the party experienced that desire to sleep which is produced by cold, and were warned by Solander of the danger of giving way to it, yet he was almost the first one to give in, and was with great difficulty kept awake. Buchan, most unfortunately, had a fit, so a large fire was made at the first convenient spot, but a sailor and the two coloured men lagged behind. During the night the sailor was heard shouting, and was brought in to the fire, but in the morning the two coloured men were found frozen to death. Cook attributed their death to overindulgence in spirits, the supply for the party being left in their charge. Not intending to remain away the night, supplies ran short, so a vulture was shot and carefully divided amongst them, each man cooking his own, which amounted to about three mouthfuls. At length the weather cleared up and a start back was made, and after three hours they struck the beach, only to find they had never been any great distance away but had been describing a circle and came back almost to the place whence they had started. Banks notes the vegetation as more exuberant than he expected; the dominant colour of the flowers, white; and he collected wild celery and scurvy grass in large quantities, which was mixed with the food on board ship as long as it could be preserved in a wholesome condition. Whilst at the Bay of Success the guns were lowered into the hold so as to allow more room on deck for working the ship in the bad weather they expected to encounter when rounding the Horn. THE BALANCE OF THE GLOBE. On 27th January Cape Horn was passed, but owing to fog and contrary wind they did not approach very closely, so they were unable to fix its exact position, but the description they were able to give of its appearance (there is a sketch of it by Mr. Pickersgill, Master's mate, in the Records Office), and twenty-four observations taken in the immediate neighbourhood, settled any doubts they may have had, and Cook puts it at 55 degrees 53 minutes South, 68 degrees 13 minutes West, and Wharton gives the corrected position as 55 degrees 58 minutes South, 67 degrees 16 minutes West. Three days after they reached their furthest south, according to Cook 60 degrees 4 minutes South, 74 degrees 10 West, and the course was then altered to West by North. The continuous and careful observations of the state of the sea, and the absence of currents during the following month, caused Cook to come to the conclusion that the vast southern continent so long supposed to exist somewhere in that part of the globe, and by some people esteemed necessary to preserve its balance, was non-existent. Banks expresses his pleasure in having upset this theory, and observes: "Until we know how the globe is fixed in its position, we need not be anxious about its balance." The weeks following the change of the course to the north were uneventful, only marked by an occasional success of the naturalists in obtaining a fresh specimen, some of which were experimented on by the cook; an albatross, skinned, soaked all night in salt water, was stewed, served with savoury sauce, and was preferred to salt pork; a cuttle-fish of large size, freshly killed by the birds, and too much damaged for classification, was made into soup, of which Banks says: "Only this I know that, of it was made one of the best soups I ever ate." The water obtained at Tierra del Fuego turned out very good: a great boon, as one of their great troubles and a source of great anxiety to Cook was the bad quality of the water so often obtained. Towards the end of March a change was noticed in the kinds of birds flying round the ship, some being recognised as ones that were known to stay near land, and consequently a sharp look-out was kept. On the night of the 24th a tree-trunk was reported, but when morning came nothing further was seen. It has since been ascertained they were then a little to the north of Pitcairn Island, afterwards the home of the mutineers of the Bounty; but Cook did not feel himself at liberty to make any deviation from his course "to look for what he was not sure to find," although he thought he was "not far from those islands discovered by Quiros in 1606." On 26th march one of the marines committed suicide by drowning. It seems he had misappropriated a piece of sealskin, and his fellow-soldiers, indignant that such a thing should have been done by one of the cloth, made his life uncomfortable and threatened that he should be reported for theft. This was the fifth death since leaving England, and none by disease. The 4th April, at 10.30 A.M., Banks's servant, Peter Briscoe, sighted land, and the course of the ship was altered to give them a chance of inspecting it. It was found to be one of those peculiar circular reefs surrounding a lagoon, called atolls, which exist in some quantity in the Pacific. There was no anchorage, so they made no attempt to land, but were able to see it was inhabited. Some twenty-four persons were counted through the glasses, and were described as copper-coloured, with black hair; they followed the ship as if prepared to oppose a landing. The reef was covered with trees, amongst which the coconut palm was conspicuous. Cook gave it the name of Lagoon Island; it is now known as Vahitahi, and is one of the Low Archipelago. Being now in Wallis's track, islands were sighted almost every day, and almost all appeared inhabited, but owing to the want of safe anchorage, no communication could be held with the natives. On 10th April Osnaburg Island was passed, and next day King George Land was sighted; but the wind failed, and they did not get close in till the 12th, when canoes came out to the ship, bringing branches of trees which were handed up the side, with signs directing they should be placed conspicuously in the rigging, as a token of friendship offered and accepted. When this had been done the natives produced a good supply of trade in the shape of vegetables and fruit; amongst the last Banks enumerates bread-fruit, bananas, coconuts, and apples (a species of hog plum). These were very acceptable and beneficial to the crew after such a lapse of time without vegetable food except the wild plants gathered in Tierra del Fuego. AT TAHITI. At 7 A.M. on the 13th they anchored in the bay described by Wallis, known as Matavai, in thirteen fathoms, and Cook says of his route from Cape Horn, "I Endeavoured to make a direct course, and in part succeeded." CHAPTER 8. 1769. SOCIETY ISLANDS. PRODIGIOUS EXPERT THIEVES. Hardly had the anchor reached the bottom, before they were surrounded by canoes, whose occupants were anxious to sell the supplies of fruits, raw and cooked fish, and a pig they had brought. The price asked for the pig was a hatchet, and as these were scarce, it was not purchased. When all was made safe, a party went ashore and was well received by the natives, but those who had previously been there with Wallis reported that those who were at that time said to be chiefs, were keeping in the background. The next day, however, two men, evidently of rank, came on board, and being invited into the cabin, went through a ceremony described by Banks: "Each singled out his friend; one took the captain, and the other chose myself. Each took off a part of his clothes and dressed his friend with what he took off; in return for this we presented them with a hatchet and some beads." They were then invited by their new friends to go ashore. On landing they were escorted to a building and introduced to an old man they had not seen before, and he presented Cook with a cock, and Banks with a hen, and each with a piece of native cloth. Banks gave in return for his share his large laced silk neckcloth and a linen handkerchief. After this they were permitted to stroll about, and received many tokens of amity in the shape of green boughs, and were then entertained at a banquet, the principal dishes being fish and bread-fruit. Whilst at dinner, Solander had his pocket picked of an opera glass, and Monkhouse lost his snuff-box. As soon as this was made known, Lycurgus, as they had named one of their friends, drove off the people, striking them and throwing anything he could lay his hand to, at them. He offered pieces of cloth as compensation, and when these were refused, extended his offer to everything he possessed. He was, at last, made to understand that all that was wanted was the return of the stolen articles, and after a time the snuff-box and the case of the glass were returned, and, by and by, the glass itself. During the whole of the stay at the island they had the greatest difficulties with the natives for stealing, an accomplishment at which, Cook says, they were "prodigious expert." On the whole, their first visit ashore was satisfactory, and was thought to augur well for the observations of the Transit. A site was selected for a camp on the eastern point of the bay, to which the name of Point Venus was given, the longitude, according to Cook, 149 degrees 31 minutes West, and to Wharton, 149 degrees 29 minutes West. Lines were traced for the boundaries, and Banks's largest tent was pitched and a guard mounted, and then the others went for a walk of inspection. They passed through some woods that Mr. Hicks had been prevented from exploring the day before, and Banks had the luck to bring down three ducks with one shot, a deed thought likely to impress the natives with respect for the white man's weapon. On their road back to camp they were alarmed by a musket shot, and hurrying on, found that one of the sentries had been pushed down and his musket stolen, so the midshipman in command had ordered a shot to be fired at the thief, who was killed, but the musket was not recovered. All the natives ran away but one, whom Cook calls Awhaa, and whom the Master, Mr. Molineaux, who had been out with Wallis, recognised as being a man of some authority. Through Awhaa an attempt was made to arrange matters, but the natives were very shy when the English landed the next day. However, the two chiefs who had first made friends, to whom the names of Lycurgus and Hercules had been given, again came on board, bringing presents of pigs and bread-fruit; they concluded as Hercules's present was the larger, he was the richer and therefore the more important chief. To lessen the chances of disagreements in trading and to keep some control of prices, Cook ordered that only one person should conduct the purchasing for the ship, and as Banks had shown aptitude in dealing with the natives, he was appointed. The natives were to be treated "with every imaginable humanity." On the 16th Mr. Buchan, the artist, had another epileptic fit, which was unfortunately fatal, and he was buried at sea in order to run no risk of offending against any of the customs or superstitions of the natives. Cook, in referring to his death, says: "He will be greatly missed in the course of this voyage." In the afternoon the ship was brought into such a position as to command the site of the proposed camp, and as there was to be an eclipse of one of Jupiter's satellites, Cook and Green stayed ashore to get an observation, but the weather was unpropitious. COOK SKETCHES. The camp was now got into order; the north and south sides were protected by a bank 4 feet 6 inches high on the inside, having a ditch 10 feet wide and 6 feet deep on the outside. The west side, facing the bay, had a 4 foot bank crowned by a palisade, with no ditch; and the east side, on the bank of the river, was protected by a double row of water casks. The armament consisted of two carriage guns on the weakest or east side, and six swivel guns, two on each of the other sides. The garrison was forty-five men, including civilians, and Cook considered it was practically impregnable. In the manuscripts department of the British Museum is a pen and ink sketch and plan of the fort, drawn by Cook, which agrees much better with the description than the engraving of Parkinson's drawing published in the History of the Voyage. The natives were disturbed by these preparations, some even leaving the bay, but when no dreadful results occurred, they took courage and returned. The fort completed, the instruments were landed and put into the required positions to be prepared for their work, and the following morning the quadrant, which had not been removed from the case in which it was packed in London, was found to be missing, although a sentry had been stationed within five yards of it the whole night. Enquiries were made, and it was elicited that the thief had been seen making off with it. Banks, his native friend, and one or two of the English at once started, closely followed by Cook and a party of marines. After a long chase the quadrant was recovered, but some of the smaller parts were missing. After a time these also were returned in the case of a horse-pistol which had been stolen from Banks, and soon after the pistol was recovered, and they were able to return to camp. On their arrival they found Cook's friend, Dootahah (Hercules), had been detained as a hostage, so he was at once released, to the great delight of the natives, who had been much alarmed to see the armed party go into the woods. In order to show his gratitude for his release Dootahah sent a present of two hogs to Cook, for which he refused to take any return; but, afterwards, second thoughts proved best, and he sent a man to ask for an axe and a shirt, and to say he was going away, and would not be back for ten days. As the supplies of vegetables and fruit in the market had been decreasing in quantity, it was thought better to refuse the present in hopes he would apply for it in person, and arrangements could then be made for a regular market, but he sent some one else again, and so word was returned that Cook and Banks would bring it to him the following day. For fear this promise should be forgotten, Dootahah again sent his man, and Cook and Banks started off in the pinnace. On their arrival they were received by a large crowd, which was kept in order by a man in an immense turban, armed with a long white stick, "which he applied to the people with great judgment and relish." The party were conducted to a large tree, and very graciously received by Dootahah, who immediately asked for his axe, which was given him, together with a shirt and a piece of broadcloth made into a boat-cloak. He put on the cloak and gave the shirt to the man with the stick, and refreshments were served. They were afterwards entertained with dancing and wrestling, and then Dootahah accompanied them back to the ship, taking his supplies for dinner; and when it became known he was on board, trading was resumed. A day or two after, Banks received an urgent message from his friend Taburai (Lycurgus), saying he was very ill. He complained of having been poisoned by one of the sailors. It seems he had noticed the sailors chewing, and had ask for a quid, had bitten off a piece and swallowed it. Banks prescribed large draughts of coconut milk, with happy results. SURF RIDING. Flies were a terrible pest; they got into everything, and ate off the artist's colours almost as fast as they were laid on. Tar and molasses was tried as a trap for them, but the natives stole it and used it as ointment for sores. The surf-riding struck the visitors with admiration. Swimming out with a piece of board they would mount it, and come in on the crests of the waves; and Banks says he does not believe that any European could have lived amongst the breakers as they did; he especially admired the manner they timed the waves and dived beneath on their way out from shore. A blacksmith's forge had been set up, and in spare time the smith would fashion old iron into axes or repair old axes for the natives; and it was noticed that some of these old axes were not of English make, and it appeared unlikely they were obtained from the Dolphin. At length it was ascertained that since Wallis's visit in that vessel, two ships had anchored off the east coast, and it was concluded from the description given by the natives of the flags that they were Spanish, but on the arrival of the Endeavour at Batavia they were able to identify them as the French ships commanded by M. de Bougainville, whose crews were suffering very severely from scurvy at the time. Paying a visit to Dootahah to see if a supply of fresh meat, which was running very short, could be obtained, they were received in a very friendly manner, but being delayed till it was too late to return to the ship by daylight, they remained all night, and as a consequence nearly every one found they had lost some property; Cook's stockings were stolen from under his pillow, where he had placed them for safety. Perhaps as consolation for their losses they were entertained during the night to a concert. Three drums and four flutes, the latter having four holes into one of which the performer blew with his nostrils, were the orchestra, and Cook's criticism is hardly complimentary: "The music and singing were so much of a piece that I was very glad when it was over." They waited till noon the next day in hopes of meat and the return of the stolen articles, but in vain, though Dootahah promised he would bring all to the ship--"a promise we had no reason to expect he would fulfil." THE TRANSIT OF VENUS. The important day of the observation was now approaching, and everything was in readiness. In order to diminish the risk of disappointment through local atmospheric disturbance, Cook sent a party to Eimeo (York Island), and a second one to the south-east of Otaheite, as far to the east of Point Venus as possible. The first party consisted of Lieutenant Gore, Banks, Sporing, and Monkhouse, and the second of Lieutenant Hicks, Clerke, Pickersgill, and Saunders, Mr. Green providing the necessary instruments. At Fort Venus everything was in good working order. The astronomical clock was set up in the large tent, being placed in a strong frame made for the purpose at Greenwich, and was then planted in the ground as firmly as possible and fenced round to prevent accidental disturbance. Twelve feet away the observatory was placed, comprising the telescopes on their stands, the quadrant securely fixed on the top of a cask of wet sand firmly set in the ground, and the journeyman clock. The telescopes used by Cook and Green were two reflecting ones made by Mr. J. Short. "The 3rd of June proved as favourable to our purposes as we could wish. Not a cloud to be seen the whole day and the air was perfectly clear, so that we had every advantage we could desire in observing the whole passage of the Planet Venus over the Sun's Disk. We very distinctly saw the atmosphere or Dusky Shade round the body of the planet, which very much disturbed the time of contact, particularly the two internal ones. Dr. Solander observed as well as Mr. Green and myself, and we differ'd from one another in observing the times of contact much more than could be expected. Mr. Green's telescope and mine were of the same magnifying power, but that of the Doctor was greater than ours. It was nearly calm the whole day, and the thermometer exposed to the sun about the middle of the day rose to a degree of heat we have not before met with." In the report published in the Philosophical Transactions he also refers to the heat: "Every wished-for favourable circumstance attended the whole of the day, without one single impediment excepting the heat, which was intolerable; the thermometer which hung by the clock and was exposed to the sun, as we were, was one time as high as 119 degrees." This report is accompanied by diagrams illustrating the different contacts and the effects of the penumbra, which Cook believed was better seen by Solander than by himself or Green. It was estimated at about seven-eighths of the diameter of the planet, and was visible to Cook throughout the whole Transit. The times taken by Green were: The first external contact: 9 hours 25 minutes 42 seconds A.M. The first internal contact: 9 hours 44 minutes 4 seconds A.M. The second internal contact: 3 hours 14 minutes 8 seconds P.M. The second external contact: 3 hours 22 minutes 10 seconds P.M. The other two parties were equally successful, and at times Banks was able to employ himself in trading with the natives, with whom he soon got on friendly terms; in fact, he had to decline further purchases as he had as much as they could take away with them. He was also successful in his botanical enquiries, obtaining several plants he had not seen in Otaheite. Whilst the observations were being taken some of the crew broke into the store and stole a quantity of the large nails that were used as a medium of trade with the islanders. One man was found with seven in his possession, and after careful enquiry was sentenced to two dozen lashes, which seems to have been the severest sentence meted out by Cook during the voyage. The sentence was carried out, and though it was well known that more than one was implicated, he refused to name any one else, but suffered in silence. A DOG DINNER. The King's Birthday being on 5th June, Cook entertained several of the chiefs at dinner, and the health of Kilnargo was toasted so many times by some of them that the result was disastrous. One of the presents received from a chief was a dog, which they were informed was good to eat. After some discussion it was handed to a native named Tupia, who had made himself very useful, and afterwards accompanied them on the voyage; and he having smothered it with his hands, and drawn it, wrapped it in leaves and baked it in a native oven. With some hesitation it was tasted, and met with general approval. Cook says: "Therefore we resolved for the future never to despise dog flesh"; and in another place he says they put dog's flesh "next only to English lamb." These dogs were bred for eating, and lived entirely on vegetable food. The main object of their stay at Otaheite having been attained, steps were taken for further prosecution of the voyage; the ship was careened, her bottom scraped and found free from worm, but the boats had suffered, particularly the long-boat, which had to have a new bottom. She had been varnished only; the other boats, painted with white lead, had not suffered so much. The stores were overhauled, and the ship was fitted for sea. Whilst these preparations were being made, Cook and Banks made a circuit of the island in the pinnace to examine the coast. Several good anchorages were found, with from sixteen to twenty-four fathoms and good holding ground. The south-east portion was almost cut off from the mainland by a narrow, marshy isthmus about two miles wide, over which the natives dragged their canoes with little difficulty. On the south coast one of the large burying-places was seen; by far the most extensive one on the island. It is described as: "a long square of stonework built pyramidically; its base is 267 feet by 87 feet; at the Top it is 250 feet by 8 feet. It is built in the same manner as we do steps leading up to a sun-dial or fountain erected in the middle of a square, where there is a flite of steps on each side. In this building there are 11 of such steps; each step is about 4 feet in height, and the breadth 4 feet 7 inches, but they decreased both in height and breadth from the bottom to the Top. On the middle of the Top stood the image of a Bird carved in wood, near it lay the broken one of a Fish, carved in stone. There was no hollow or cavity in the inside, the whole being filled up with stones. The outside was faced partly with hewn stones, and partly with others, and these were placed in such a manner as to look very agreeable to the eye. Some of the hewn stones were 4 feet 7 inches by 2 feet 4 inches, and 15 inches thick, and had been squared and polished with some sort of an edge tool. On the east side was, enclosed with a stone wall, a piece of ground in form of a square, 360 feet by 354, in this was growing several cypress trees and plantains. Round about this Morie were several smaller ones, all going to decay, and on the Beach, between them and the sea, lay scattered up and down, a great quantity of human bones. Not far from the Great Morie, was 2 or 3 pretty large altars, where lay the scull bones of some Hogs and Dogs. This monument stands on the south side of Opooreanoo, upon a low point of land about 100 yards from the sea. It appeared to have been built many years and was in a state of decay, as most of their Mories are. " They were quite unable to gain information as to the history of these remains, nor of the religious belief of the islander, though they appeared to have some vague notions of a future life. AN EXCURSION INLAND. When the party returned to Point Venus, they found the refitting nearly complete, but the anchor stocks all had to be renewed owing to the ravages of the sea worms, so Banks and Monkhouse made an excursion up the river on which the camp was situated. In about nine miles the precipitous banks had completely closed them in, and further advance was blocked by a cliff, at least 100 feet high, over which the river fell. The natives with them said they had never been further, so the expedition returned. Charles Darwin, in 1835, made an attempt to ascend the same river, and though he penetrated some distance further, he describes the country as extremely difficult; he saw several places where two or three determined men could easily hold at bay many times their own number. Gardens had been laid out during their stay, and European seeds were planted which were very fairly successful; except some brought out by Cook in carefully sealed bottles, none of which turned out well. Some of the sailors were either enticed away, or attempted to desert, so Cook seized one or two of the chiefs as hostages, and the runaways were quickly returned. Some of the natives were anxious to go away with them, and Banks persuaded Cook to let him take Tupia, a man supposed to be of priestly rank, who had proved himself very useful on several occasions, and he was allowed to take with him a boy as servant. Cook records, on leaving, that during the three months' stay they had been on very good terms with the natives, and the few misunderstandings that did occur rose either from the difficulty of explaining matters to each other, or else from the inveterate habits of theft on the part of the natives--iron in any shape being simply irresistible. On 13th July the Endeavour sailed for Huaheine, anchoring inside the reef on the north-west, on the 17th. Banks, Solander, Monkhouse, and Tupia at once accompanied Cook ashore, where a ceremony, presumed to be a sort of treaty of peace, was gone through, and then they were permitted to go where they liked. On this ceremonial Cook says: "It further appear'd that the things which Tupia gave away, was for the God of this people, as they gave us a hog and some coconuts for our God, and thus they have certainly drawn us in to commit sacrilege, for the Hog hath already received sentence of Death and is to be dissected tomorrow." A CAREFUL PILOT. A market was organised by Monkhouse, and as soon as the natives understood that the stay of the ship would be very short, they managed to produce a fairly good supply of fruits and vegetables. The people were found to be rather lighter complexioned, and certainly not so addicted to thieving as the Otaheitans. As a memorial of the visit, Cook gave the chief a plate with the inscription, "His Britannick Majesty's Ship, Endeavour, Lieutenant Cook, Commander, 16th July, 1769, Huaheine." He also added "some medals, or counters of the English coins, struck in 1761, and other presents," and the recipient promised he would never part with them. From this place they went on to Ulietea (Raiatea), landing on the 21st; and after another ceremonial the English "Jack" was hoisted, and possession taken of the whole group in the name of King George. Tupia proved himself an excellent pilot, with great knowledge of the localities, and, having sent down a diver at Huaheine to ascertain the exact draught of the ship, he was very careful she never went into less than five fathoms of water. He had evidently had great experience in navigating these seas in canoes, boats of whose construction and sailing qualities Cook speaks in the highest terms. Banks at this time remarks, "we have now seen 17 islands in these seas, and have landed on five of the most important; the language, manners and customs agreed most exactly." Detained by adverse wind off Ataha, and finding the water coming badly into the fore sail-room and powder-room, Cook put into the west side to repair and take in ballast, as the ship was getting too light to carry sail on a wind. He took the opportunity to survey to the north with Banks and Solander. Putting into one place, they were well received and entertained with music and dancing, and Cook's verdict was that "neither their Musick or Dancing were at all calculated to please a European." A sort of farce was also acted, but they could make nothing of it, except that it "showed that these people have a notion of Dramatic Performances." During the whole stay in the Society Group they had been very well off for fresh food, consequently their sea stores had been little called on. Jarvis, in his History of the Hawaiian or Sandwich Islands, says that with Cook "a silence in regard to the maritime efforts of his predecessors is observable throughout his Journals"; and as a proof that he traded on the knowledge of others, he remarks that at Otaheite he made enquiries if there were any islands to the north; and afterwards evinced no surprise when he discovered them. Now Cook in his Journals constantly shows that he compares his knowledge with that of others, and often regrets he has not further records to consult. As for his enquiries, he would have been grossly neglecting his duty had he not made them, for it was only a commonsense method of procedure, which evidently Mr. Jarvis could not understand. The result of these enquiries can be seen in the British Museum in the shape of a map drawn by Cook from information given by Tupia. On it are some sentences in the Otaheitan language. CHAPTER 9. 1769 TO 1770. NEW ZEALAND. Leaving the Society Islands on 9th August, they were off Ohetiroa (Rurutu), in the Central Group, on the 14th, but the natives were unfriendly, and they did not land. A canoe came out to meet the pinnace which had been sent to obtain information. The occupants, on being presented with gifts, tried to steal the lot, and were fired over, but by some mischance one of the natives was slightly wounded in the head, whereupon they hurriedly retreated, and further attempts at communication were abandoned. From this place the course was laid to the south to strike the much-talked-of Southern Continent. The weather rapidly got colder, and the pigs and fowls began to sicken and die. On 26th August they celebrated the anniversary of leaving England by cutting a Cheshire cheese and tapping a cask of porter, which proved excellent. On the 28th an unfortunate death occurred; the boatswain's mate, John Reading, was given some rum by his chief, and it is supposed drunk it off at once, for he was shortly afterwards found to be very drunk, and was taken to his berth, but next morning was past recovery. On 2nd September, in latitude 40 degrees 22 minutes South, the weather was very bad, and "having not the least visible signs of land," Cook again turned northwards, in order to get better weather and then to push west. The continuous swell convinced him there was no large body of land to the south for many leagues. Towards the end of September frequent signs were noted of being near land, floating seaweed, wood, the difference in the birds, etc., so a gallon of rum was offered to the first to sight land, and on 7th October the North Island of New Zealand, never before approached from the east by Europeans, was seen by a boy named Nicholas Young, the servant of Mr. Perry, surgeon's mate. The boy's name is omitted from the early muster sheets of the ship, but appears on 18th April 1769, entered as A.B. in the place of Peter Flower, drowned. Cook named the point seen, the south-west point of Poverty Bay, Young Nick's Head. Tasman had discovered the west coast in 1642, and had given it the name of Staten Land, but he never set foot on shore. He was driven away by the natives, who killed four of his men, and naming the place Massacre (now Golden) Bay, he sailed along the north-west coast, giving the headlands the names they still bear. Dalrymple held that this land discovered by Tasman was the west coast of the looked-for Terra Australis Incognita, and his theory was now shattered. LAND IN NEW ZEALAND. Nearing the coast a bay was discovered into which the ship sailed, and let go her anchor near the mouth of a small river, not far from where the town of Guisborne now stands. Plenty of smoke was seen, showing the country was inhabited, and the pinnace and yawl were manned and armed, and Cook landed on the east side of the river. Some natives were seen on the other side, and, to try to open communications, the yawl, pulled by four boys, entered the river, whilst Cook followed up the natives, who had retreated towards some huts about 300 yards away. Some Maoris, thinking the boys would be an easy prey, tried to steal on the yawl, but the coxswain of the pinnace observing them called the boat back. One of the Maoris raised his spear to throw, and the coxswain fired over his head, causing a moment's pause of surprise; but, seeing nothing further, he again prepared to throw his spear, so the coxswain shot him, and his friends retreated at once, leaving the body behind. Cook at once ordered a return to the ship, as it was now getting dark. The next morning, seeing some men near the same place, Cook again landed with Banks, Solander, and an armed party; and Solander went forward to the brink of the river to try and speak with the natives, but was received with a threatening waving of spears and a war dance. Cook retired to the boats, and landing the marines, again advanced with Green, Monkhouse, and Tupia. The latter spoke to the natives; and, to the great delight of the party, found he could make himself understood. After a little parley an unarmed native swam across the river, and was then followed by twenty or thirty more with their arms. Presents were given, but they seemed dissatisfied, and wanted arms. At last one stole Green's hanger, and they all became very aggressive and insolent, whilst more were seen to be preparing to cross; so Cook, thinking the position was getting too serious, ordered the one who had taken the hanger, and who was apparently the leader, to be shot, whereon the rest beat a hasty retreat. The next day the boats tried to find another landing-place, but the surf was too heavy; and when two canoes were seen coming in from the sea, Cook determined to intercept them and try to come to friendly terms. However, they would not stop when called on, and on a musket being fired over them, the occupants seized their weapons and fiercely attacked the nearest boat, its crew being compelled to fire in self-defence, and Cook says two natives were killed. Banks gives the number as four, and the Maori account agrees with him. Three jumped overboard to swim ashore, but were picked up by the boats and taken on board ship. They were at first very depressed, but soon recovered their spirits on finding themselves well treated, and after eating and drinking enormously, entertained the crew with songs and dances. Cook deeply regretted this incident, and candidly confesses that he was not justified in trying to seize the canoes, but having once committed himself, he was obliged for his own safety to go to the bitter end. Banks says the day is "the most disagreeable my life has yet seen; black be the mark for it, and heaven send that such may never return to embitter future reflection." The next day a party landed to cut wood, and was accompanied by the three captives, whom they tried to persuade to join their friends. The suggestion was declined, as they professed to be afraid of being eaten, and after a time went and hid in some bushes. Cook, noticing several parties of armed natives advancing in a threatening manner, retired his woodcutters across the river. About 150 to 200 Maoris gathered on the opposite bank. Tupia was put forward to parley, and some presents were shown, and at length one man came over who received a present from each of the British and then rejoined his friends. Cook then returned to the ship, taking with him the three youths, who still seemed afraid of their own countrymen. They were again landed the next morning as the ship was about to sail, and though they still professed to be frightened, were soon seen walking away in friendly converse with some who had come to meet them. NATIVE ACCOUNT. Mr. Polack, a New Zealand resident, gives an account in his New Zealand, which he gathered from the children of natives who were present at the landing of Cook. The tribe then living in the neighbourhood were recent arrivals, their leader being Te Ratu--the first man killed by the English. The natives were anxious to avenge him, but were afraid of the "thunderbolts which killed at a long distance," some indeed went so far as to say they felt ill if an Englishman looked at them. The idea of revenge was only ended on the vessel leaving. Mr. Polack's chief witness was the son of a man who was wounded by a ball in the shoulder, but survived his wound till within a year or two of 1836, the time the information was obtained. Before the ship left, a sort of peace was patched up by means of presents, and the dead bodies which had been left where they fell, apparently as a protest, were removed. Cook describes the country as a narrow slip of low sand, backed by well-wooded hills, rising in the interior into high mountains, on which patches of snow could be seen. That it was fairly populated was evident from the smoke rising through the trees, more especially in the valleys leading into Poverty Bay as he named it, because they were unable to get anything but a small quantity of wood. At Hawke's Bay, whilst trading was going on, a large war canoe came up, and the occupants received some presents. Cook noticed a man wearing a cloak of some black skin, and offered a piece of red cloth for it. The owner took it off, but would not part with it till he received the cloth, and then his boat was pushed off from the ship, and Cook lost both his cloak and his cloth. Soon after a determined attempt was made to steal Tupia's boy, Tayeto, who was handing some things down to a canoe; the Maoris had to be fired on, and in the consequent confusion the boy jumped into the water and swam to the ship. The point off which this occurred was named Cape Kidnapper. As there was no appearance of a harbour, Cook altered his course to the north at Cape Turnagain, 40 degrees 34 minutes South, to see if he could not do better in the other direction. All the canoes seen along this coast were well made, far in advance of anything they had seen before, and the grotesque carving and ornamental work was admirably executed. The dresses warn were usually two cloak-shaped garments, one warn round the shoulders, the other round the loins, and were made of a substance like hemp, some being very fine. Banks had purchased something like them at Rio de Janeiro, for which he gave thirty-six shillings, thinking it cheap, but these were as fine, if not finer, in texture. Dogs, which were used as food, and rats were the only quadrupeds seen. Whilst Banks and Solander were collecting, they discovered a large natural arch, which the former describes as the most magnificent surprise he had ever met with. It was sketched by Parkinson, and is engraved in the History. Cook also made a pen-and-ink sketch of it, which is in the British Museum. COOK'S WASHING STOLEN. On 31st October they rounded East Cape, and following the coast, which trended more to the west, they saw a great number of villages and patches of cultivation, some of the last looking as if freshly ploughed. The whole aspect of the country was changing for the better, but the inhabitants did not seem more peaceably inclined. Five canoes came out to the ship fully armed, and apparently bent on mischief. Cook was very busy, and did not want them on board, so to keep them off ordered a musket to be fired over them; but as it only caused them to stop for a moment, a round shot was sent over them, and they hurriedly turned tail. The place was given the name Cape Runaway. White Island was named, but it must have been quiescent as there is no note of its being a volcano. As they sailed along the coast they met with canoes from which fish, lobsters, and mussels were purchased, and trading seemed well established, when one gentleman took a fancy to Cook's sheets, which were trailing overboard (they were in the wash), and refused to give them up. Muskets were fired over them and they fled, and Cook lost his sheets. From near White Island, Mount Edgecombe was seen, named after the sergeant of marines. It is a high round mountain, and forms a conspicuous landmark on both sides of the North Island. During this day they had noticed several small villages perched on difficult eminences and surrounded by palisades, which Tupia declared were "Mories or places of worship," but, says Cook: "I rather think they are places of retreat or strongholds, where they defend themselves against the attack of an enemy, as some of them seem'd not ill design'd for that purpose." British soldiers have since discovered that a Maori Pah is "not ill designed for that purpose." Cook most unfortunately missed the Harbour of Tauranga, the only safe port on the east coast between Auckland and Wellington for ships of any size. NATIVE ACCOUNT. In what is now known as Cook's Bay, they managed to induce the natives to trade, and purchased crayfish, over which Parkinson waxes enthusiastic, and "Mackerell as good as ever was eat," the latter in such large quantities that they were able to salt a considerable number, thus saving their sea stores. After an observation of a transit of Mercury, in which they were not very successful (Wharton thinks they were taken by surprise, the transit occurring somewhat earlier than expected; Green says: "Unfortunately for the seamen, their look-out was on the wrong side of the sun. The end was likewise as grossly mistaken"), they returned to the ship and found that there had been a difficulty with the natives, who had assumed a very threatening manner, and one attempted to run off with a piece of calico which was at that time a subject of barter. Mr. Gore seized a musket and fired, killing his man. Colonel Mundy, in Our Antipodes, says he saw a man named Taniwha, in 1848, who remembered Cook's visit, and imitated his walk, with the peculiar manner he had of waving his right hand, and also told of the kindly way Cook had with the children. Taniwha told Mundy that after the man was shot, the Maoris landed, consulted over the body, and decided that as the corpse "commenced the quarrel by the theft of the calico, his death should not be revenged, but that he should be buried in the cloth which he had paid for with his life." Colonel Wynyard took down the same story from Taniwha's lips in 1852, when he was supposed to be about ninety-three, and says: "His faculties were little impaired, and his great age perceptible more from a stoop and grey hairs than any other infirmity." Cook expressed very strong disapproval of Mr. Gore's conduct. Next day Cook and Banks explored a river that entered near where they were anchored, the east side of which was very barren, but the west was much better, no signs of cultivation showing on either. Wild fowl were plentiful, and oysters, "as good as ever came from Colchester," and of about the same size, says Banks, were taken on board in large quantities: "laid down under the booms, and employed the ship's company very well, who, I sincerely believe, did nothing but eat them from the time they came on board till night, by which time a large part were expended. But this gave us no kind of uneasiness, since we well knew that not the boat only, but the ship might be loaded in one tide almost, as they are dry at half ebb." Cook thinks the inhabitants lived on fish, and shell-fish, with fern roots for bread, for very large heaps of shells were found, but no signs of cultivation. A fortified village was visited, the inhabitants good-naturedly conducting them all over, and showing whatever they expressed a wish to see. It was built on a high promontory, whose sides were in some places quite inaccessible, in others very difficult, except where it faced the narrow edge of the hill. Here it was defended by a double ditch and bank, with two rows of pickets, the inner row being on the bank, leaving standing-room for the defenders. The inner ditch was 24 feet from bottom to top of the bank. A stage about 30 feet high, 40 feet long, and 6 feet wide, was erected inside the fence, with a second, a few paces from it, placed at right angles; from these the garrison were able to throw their spears and stones on to the heads of their enemies. The whole village was surrounded by a strong picket fence, running close to the edge of the hill. The entire surface of the top of the hill was cut up into small squares, each surrounded by its own fence, and communicating by narrow lanes, with little gateways, so that if the outer defences were forced each square could be defended in turn. Cook says: "I look upon it to be a very strong and well choose Post, and where a small number of resolute men might defend themselves a long time against a vast superior force, armed in the manner as these people are." He noticed, with quick eye, the great failing in these native fortresses, that is, the want of storage for water. In these Maori villages it was remarked that sanitary arrangements were provided, such as, says Beckmann in his History of Inventions, did not exist in the palace of the King of Spain at that time. Large quantities of iron sand were noted here, but the use was quite unknown to the natives, who were indifferent to the iron tools or spikes which had hitherto been such a valuable medium of exchange elsewhere. A large supply of wild celery and a fresh boat-load of oysters were put on board; a tree was marked with the name of the ship, the date, and one or two other particulars, the flag was hoisted, saluted, and possession taken of the country, and the ship sailed again on her journey. AT THE THAMES. Running closely along the coast, they hauled round Cape Colville into "the Entrance of a Straight, Bay or River," and anchored for the night, and in the morning they stood on along the east side. Canoes came off, and from the behaviour of the occupants, some of whom came on board at the first invitation, it was judged that favourable accounts had been heard of the ship. After running about 5 leagues the water shoaled to about 6 fathoms, and the ship anchored, and boats were sent out to sound. No great increase of depth being found, the pinnace and long-boat went up a river about 9 miles away, and on account of a fancied resemblance named it the Thames. They landed at a village near the mouth, being well received, but desiring to take advantage of the flood-tide which ran "as strong as it does in the River Thames below bridge," they made no stay; they went up about 14 miles, and then, finding little alteration in the appearance of the country, landed to inspect some large trees of a kind they had previously noticed. One was carefully measured, and was found to be 19 feet 6 inches girth at 6 feet from the ground, and, by means of Cook's quadrant, 89 feet to the lowest branch. It was perfectly straight, and tapered very slightly, and some were seen that were even larger. This was the Black Pine; to the Maoris, Matoi, and to the naturalist, Podocarpus. On the way down the river their friends of the morning came out and "traffick'd with us in the most friendly manner imaginable, until they had disposed of the few trifles they had." When the boats got outside they had to anchor, as a strong tide and breeze were against them, and they did not reach the ship till next morning, when the breeze had increased to a gale, and topgallant yards had to be struck. When the wind dropped, what was left was against them, and the Endeavour would only go with the tide, so Cook took a run ashore to the west side of the bay, but saw nothing of interest, and concluded it was but sparsely inhabited. Whilst he was away natives went off to trade and behaved remarkably well, with the exception of one man who was caught making off with the half-hour glass, so Mr. Hicks had him triced up, and he was given a dozen lashes. When it was explained to his friends why this was done, they expressed their approval, and on his release an old man gave him another thrashing. The weather now became very unsettled, and they were not able to keep as near the coast as they desired, but on 26th November some cultivated spots were seen, and several canoes came off. "Some of the natives ventur'd on board; to two, who appeared to be chiefs, I gave presents. After these were gone out of the ship, the others became so Troublesome that in order to get rid of them, we were at the expense of two or three Musquet Balls and one 4 pound shott, but as no harm was intended them, none they received, unless they happened to overheat themselves in pulling ashore." A STAMPEDE. To the west side of Cape Brett is a deep bay which was seen but not named, and here the town of Russell is now established, said to possess one of the finest harbours in the world, into which vessels of any draught can enter in all weathers and at any state of the tide. The natives were found difficult to deal with, and "would cheat whenever they had an opportunity." The ship left its anchorage, but was after a time driven back again, and Cook, with a party, took the opportunity to land. They were followed up by the Maoris, and were soon surrounded by about two hundred of them, some of whom tried to seize the boats, but being driven off tried to break in on the party. Several charges of small shot, which did no serious damage, were fired into them, and then the ship fired a 4 pounder over them, which caused a stampede, and during the rest of the stay there was no further trouble, but Cook had to punish three of his own men for stealing potatoes from one of the plantations. He invariably tried to hold the balance fairly between his men and the natives. The country is described as very similar to that seen before, but the number of inhabitants was greater, and though apparently not under the same chiefs, they were on good terms with each other, and inclined to be civil to their visitors. A good deal of the ground was under cultivation, producing good sweet-potatoes. A few trees of the paper-mulberry were seen, from which the natives made a cloth in a similar manner to the Otaheitans, but the quantity was so small that it was only used for ornament. Tupia, who had been instructed to gain as much information about the people as he could, was informed that some of their ancestors once went off in large canoes and discovered a country to the north-west after a passage of about a month, only a small number returning. These reported they had been to a place where the people ate hogs, using the same word for the animal as the Otaheitans, Tupia asked if they had any in New Zealand, and the reply was "no." He asked if their ancestors brought any back, again the answer was "no"; whereon he told them their story must be a lie, for their ancestors could never have been such fools as to come back without some. The land said to have been discovered may have been New Caledonia. One of the men who had been wounded at the first coming of the ship was seen by Banks. A ball had gone through his arm and grazed his chest. He did not seem to have any pain, and the wound though exposed to the air, was perfectly healthy, and he was greatly pleased to receive a musket ball like the one which had wounded him. When leaving the bay they nearly grounded, being set by the current towards a small island, but the boats towed them clear. Very soon after they struck on an unseen rock, which was named Whale Rock, but almost immediately got clear, with no "perceptible damage," into twenty fathoms. BLOWN OFF THE LAND. Progress was now very slow, owing either to want of, or adverse wind. On 10th December they discovered two bays separated by a low neck of land, Knuckle Point; one bay was named Doubtless Bay and the other Sandy Bay; the country is described as nothing but irregular white sandhills, and Cook concluded from its appearance that the island was here very narrow and exposed to the open sea on the west. This he soon proved to be correct. Foster, in his account of the Second Voyage, says that when the Endeavour was passing Doubtless Bay, M. de Surville was anchored under the land, in the Saint Jean Baptiste, and saw Cook's ship, though himself unseen. In the account of De Surville's voyage, published by the Academie Francaise, it is stated that New Zealand was not sighted till 12th December 1769, and owing to bad weather no anchorage was gained till 17th. No mention whatever is made of the Endeavour being sighted, and M. l'Abbe Rochon, the editor, thinks it most probable that neither navigator knew anything of the movements of the other. De Surville mentions having lost anchors in a place he calls Double Bay, during a storm "ABOUT 22nd December," and it may possibly have been the one Cook encountered on the 28th off the north end of the island. They were blown out of sight of land on the 13th, the main topsail being split, and next day both fore and mizzen topsails were lost, but they managed to bring up under shelter of a small island off Knuckle Point. On the 15th the latitude was found to be 34 degrees 6 minutes South, with land visible to the south-west, and a large swell was coming from the west, so Cook concluded this was the most northerly point of the island, and named it North Cape. After beating about for some days against westerly winds, they ran up north, returning southwards 23rd December, and the following day sighted land to the south-east, which proved to be Tasman's Three Kings. Here Banks provided the Christmas dinner, shooting several solan geese, which were made into a pie, and were "eaten with great approbation; and in the evening all hands were as drunk as our forefathers used to be upon like occasions." On the 27th, when about thirty leagues west of North Cape, and about the same latitude as the Bay of Islands, no land in sight, the wind rose so that they had to bring to, under the mainsail, but moderated a little the next day so that they could run in towards the land. Again it freshened up and blew a perfect hurricane, accompanied by heavy rain, and a "prodidgeous high sea," which caused the ship to go greatly to leeward. On the 30th, Cape Maria van Diemen was seen about six leagues off, the land extending east and south. On the last day of the year their position was given as "34 degrees 42 minutes South, Cape Maria van Diemen North-East by North about 5 leagues." Cook says: "I cannot help thinking but what it will appear a little strange that, at this season of the year, we should be three weeks in getting fifty leagues, for so long is it since we pass'd Cape Brett; but it will hardly be credited that in the midst of summer and in the latitude of 35 degrees South such a gale of wind as we have had could have happened, which for its strength and continuance was such as I hardly was ever in before. Fortunately at this time we were a good distance from land, otherwise it would have proved fatal to us." VEGETABLE SHEEP. On 2nd January 1770 Cook fixed the position of Cape Maria van Diemen, giving it as 34 degrees 30 minutes South, 187 degrees 18 minutes West of Greenwich. Admiral Wharton remarks that this is extraordinarily correct, seeing that the ship was never close to the Cape, and the observations were all taken in very bad weather. The latitude is exact, and the longitude only three miles out. He missed seeing Kaipara Harbour, one of the few good ones on the west coast, and describes the land as having a most desolate and inhospitable appearance, nothing but sandhills with hardly a sign of vegetation on them, and says: "If we was once clear of it, I am determined not to come so near again if I can avoid it, unless we have a very favourable wind indeed." On the 11th, a high mountain, its summit covered with snow, was seen, and named Mount Egmont; Wharton gives its height as 8,300 feet, and describes it as a magnificent conical mountain surrounded on three sides by the sea. Banks notes on the sides of the hill "many white lumps in companies which bore much resemblance to flocks of sheep." These were a peculiar plant, Raoulia mammillaris (Hooker), known in New Zealand as vegetable sheep. Fires were seen, the first sign of inhabitants on the west coast. On the 14th, thinking he was in the entrance of a large bay, Cook ran in under the southern coast, and finding it broken into promising-looking bays, determined to run into one and careen the ship, as she was very foul; it is now called Ship Cove, in Queen Charlotte's Sound. Here they were at once visited by canoes, whose fully armed occupants commenced acquaintance by "heaving a few stones against the ship." Tupia opened a conversation, and a few ventured on board, but did not make a long stay. Cook then landed to look for water, and soon found an excellent supply, and "as to wood the land is here an entire forest." Whilst he was away, the crew got out the nets, and caught about 300 pounds of fish. Some natives also came off with fish, and though it was not good, Cook ordered it to be bought, in order to open up trade with them. However, they soon found these people were inclined to be quarrelsome and threatening, and as the ship was in an awkward position, being already hove down for cleaning, a charge of small shot was fired at the worst offender, which quickly taught them to behave better in future. They had long suspected the natives were addicted to cannibalism, and now they proved it, as they purchased the bone of a forearm of a man, from which the flesh had been recently picked, and were given to understand that a few days before a strange canoe had arrived, and its occupants had been killed and eaten. They only ate their enemies, but held all strangers to be such. The place where the ship was careened was, according to Wharton, about 70 miles from Massacre Bay, where Tasman's men were killed, and Cook endeavoured to find out if there were any traditions of visits from ships to the neighbourhood, but could gain no information. The natives became friendly as time went on, and brought good fish which they sold for nails, cloth, paper (a great favourite at first, but when they found it would not stand water, worthless), and Cook says: "In this Traffic they never once attempted to defraud us of any one thing, but dealt as fair as people could do." The surrounding country was too thickly timbered for them to see much, but one day, being out in a boat trying to find the end of the inlet, Cook took the opportunity of climbing a thickly timbered hill, and from there saw, far away to the eastward, that the seas which washed both west and eastern coasts were united, and that one part of New Zealand, at any rate, was an island, and he had thus solved one of the problems he had given him in England. They also saw that much of their immediate neighbourhood was not mainland as they had thought, but consisted of a number of small islands. A MORE SENSIBLE PEOPLE. The population of the district was estimated at only some three or four hundred, and appeared to subsist on fish and fern roots. They were evidently poorer than those seen previously, and their canoes are described as "mean and almost without ornament." They soon understood the value of iron, and readily took spike nails when trading, and greatly preferred "Kersey and Broadcloth to the Otaheite cloth, which show'd them to be a more sensible people than many of their neighbours," says Cook. An old man, who had previously paid several visits, complained that one of the ships boats had fired on and wounded two Maoris, one of whom was since dead. On enquiry, Cook found that the Master and five petty officers, fishing beyond the usual limits, were approached by two canoes in what they thought was a threatening manner and had fired to keep them off. A second native assured Cook no death had occurred, and enquiry failed to discover one; but Cook very severely condemned the action of his men as totally unjustifiable. The ship had, by this time, been brought into fairly good trim, being clean, freshly caulked and tarred, and broken ironwork all repaired, so preparations were made to push through the straits; but, before leaving, two posts were set up, one near the watering place, and the other on the island, Motuara, on which the name of the ship and the date of the visit had been cut, and possession was taken of this land, the king's health being drunk, and the empty bottle presented to the old man who had complained about the shooting, and who was greatly delighted with his present; he also was given some silver threepenny pieces, dated 1763, and spike nails marked with the broad arrow. On getting out into the strait a very strong current nearly drove them on to a small island, the anchor would not hold, and only a change in the current, probably caused by the tide, saved them. The southern point of the North Island was named "Cape Pallisser, in honour of my worthy friend, Captain Pallisser," and the north point of the South Island was called Cape Campbell, after Captain John Campbell, F.R.S., who had been one of Cook's strongest supporters as Observer for the Royal Society. When through the straits Cook was turning south, but finding some of his people were not quite satisfied as to the part they had passed being an island, he took a northerly course till Cape Turnagain was recognised, when he at once went about for the south. Banks says: "At this time there were two parties on board, one who wished that the land in sight might, and the others that it might not, prove to be a continent. I myself have always been most firm in the former wish, though sorry I am to say that my party is so small that there are none heartily of it than myself, and one poor midshipman, the rest begin to sigh for roast beef." The east coast was followed down to Banks Peninsula, which was at first thought might be an island, and is marked by dotted lines as doubtful in Cook's chart, when Gore thought he had seen land to the east, and Cook, though convinced it was a mistake, ran out to make sure. On returning the winds proved contrary, and their progress was very slow, but they several times succeeded in running close in to the land, and from what they could see concluded it was very barren, with high ranges in the interior and with very few evidences of inhabitants. A favourable breeze springing up from the north, they tried to make the most of it, "and by that means carried away the main topgallant mast and fore topmast steering-sail boom, but these were soon replaced by others." A high bluff was named after Admiral Saunders, and near were several bays, "wherein there appear'd to be anchorage and shelter from South-West, Westerly, and North-West winds." One of these is now Otago Harbour, the port of Dunedin. THE TRAPS. On 26th February it blew hard from west-south-west, so they stood southward. They lost the fore-sail, and then the wind moderated, only to come on with increased fury about daylight, when their main topsail went. The storm continued for forty-eight hours, and half that time they lay to, heading south. After being lost for seven days the land was again sighted near Cape Saunders, and at night a large fire was seen on shore. On 6th March, being satisfied that he had passed the south point of the island, Cook altered his course to the west, and nearly ran on some partially submerged rocks a few miles to the south-east of Stewart Island, to which he gave the suggestive name of the Traps. They were again blown off, but picked up the land again at the western end of Foveaux Straits. Again they had to run off, returning to near Dusky Bay, which he wished to enter as he thought it looked a likely harbour, but the difficulty of getting out again and consequent waste of time prevented him. Off Cape Foulwind--suggestive name--they were again blown out to sea, but soon recovered their position, and Cook describes the land: "No country upon earth can appear with a more rugged and barren aspect than this does from the sea, for as far inland as the eye can reach nothing is to be seen but the summits of these rocky mountains, which seem to lay so near one another as not to admit any vallies between them." On the 24th they rounded the north point of the South Island, and on the 27th Cook writes: "As we have now circumnavigated the whole of this country, it is time for me to think of quitting it." He had thus carried out to the fullest extent the instructions to determine the situation and nature of the land seen by Tasman in 1642, and had done it in the most conclusive manner possible--by sailing round it--and thus upset Mr. Dalrymple's favourite theory that it formed part of a continent. In Admiralty Bay, which he entered to refit for the homeward voyage, the sails were found to require a thorough overhaul, for, as Banks says, they: "were ill-provided from the first, and were now worn and damaged by the rough work they had gone through, particularly on the New Zealand coast, and they gave no little trouble to get into order again." The two points forming the bay were appropriately named after the Secretaries of the Admiralty, Stephens and Jackson. The opinion was expressed that European fruits, grain, etc., would grow well in New Zealand, and an agricultural population would be successful. Timber of excellent quality was plentiful, and it was believed that New Zealand flax promised to be of considerable commercial value. Fish was found in great quantities, the lobsters and oysters being specially remarkable for quality and quantity. No quadrupeds except dogs and rats were seen, and birds did not seem very plentiful. The minerals, in Cook's opinion, did not appear of much value, but he admitted that he was not an authority on the subject. Banks notes the southern islanders appeared to be an inferior race to those of the north, the latter probably more closely allied to the Otaheitan type; many of their customs were similar, and their language practically identical. Tupia had no difficulty in making himself understood. It would seem that even at this time founding a colony in the southern hemisphere had been under discussion, for Cook says that if a settlement were decided on in New Zealand, he would recommend the Estuary of the Thames and the Bay of Islands as most suitable for the purpose. Speaking of his chart of New Zealand, Cook points out frankly the places where he thinks he may have fallen into error, and gives his reasons for so thinking, and the opinions of others are worth recording. A DULL SAILOR. Admiral Wharton says: "Never has a coast been as well laid down by a first explorer, and it must have required unceasing vigilance and continual observation in fair weather and foul, to arrive at such a satisfactory conclusion, and with such a dull sailor as the Endeavour was, the six and a half months occupied in the work (2,400 miles of coast) must be counted as a short interval in which to do it." M. Crozet, second to M. Marion du Fresne in command of the French expedition that was out in the following year, says: "As soon as I obtained information of the voyage of Cook, I carefully compared the chart I had prepared of that part of the coast of New Zealand along which we had coasted, with that prepared by Captain Cook and his officers. I found it of an exactitude and of a thoroughness of detail which astonished me beyond all power of expression. I doubt whether our own coasts of France have been delineated with more precision. I think therefore that I cannot do better than to lay down our track of New Zealand on the chart prepared by the celebrated English navigator." CHAPTER 10. 1770. AUSTRALIA. The next thing to be done was to decide the course to be taken towards England. Cook would have liked to have returned by the Horn and thus settle the existence or non-existence of a large body of land in the South Pacific, but the time of year and the condition of his ship suggested that would be to court disaster. The same reasons held good against a direct course to the Cape of Good Hope, with the added disadvantage of there being no probability of any fresh discoveries, as that part of the Ocean had been frequently traversed. "It was therefore resolved to return by way of the East Indies by the following route. Upon leaving this coast to the Westward until we fall in with the East coast of New Holland, and then to follow the direction of that coast to the Northward or what other direction it might take us, until we arrive at its Northern extremity; and if it should be found impracticable then to Endeavour to fall in with the Land or Islands discovered by Quiros." This extract from Cook's Journal shows that he made no claim to the discovery of Australia, and settles the stupid story that his connection with the discovery of the east coast was an accident. It was a course laid down after thorough consideration of the best charts, very poor at best, in his possession. BOTANY BAY. The good ship Endeavour got under way on 31st March 1770, with a favourable wind and clear sky, heading a little north of west. On the 16th a change in the birds denoted the neighbourhood of land, and after a touch of contrary wind, on 19th April 1770 Lieutenant Hicks sighted land extending from north-east to west, distant five or six leagues. This was the looked-for east coast of New Holland, and the ship was at the entrance of Bass Straits, but on his chart Cook shows by a dotted line that he felt uncertain whether van Diemen's Land was joined to New Holland or no. The low hill which was first seen was named Point Hicks after its discoverer, and its position is given as 38 degrees 0 minutes South, 211 degrees 7 minutes West. Three waterspouts were seen a short distance from the ship, and are remarkable as being the first ones mentioned in the log. The course was altered to the north, and the country is described as rather low, not very hilly, covered with green woods, and the shore of white sand. Cape Howe was named the following day, and the position fixed as 37 degrees 28 minutes South, 210 degrees 3 minutes West, which Wharton says is almost exact. The country now appeared to be improving in character, and smoke proved the existence of inhabitants, but none were visible till Cape Dromedary and Bateman's Bay were passed, when some were seen on the shore, but too far away for observation. Cook wished to land at Jervis Bay, but the wind was against him, and he could not afford time to beat in. An attempt was unsuccessfully made at a place that has been identified a little north of Five Islands, near Illawarra, but the surf was too heavy. At daylight on Sunday, 29th April, a bay was discovered, and the Master was sent in to sound the entrance, the ship following closely, and soon the Endeavour anchored for the first time in Australian waters, about two miles within the entrance of Sting Ray, now Botany, Bay. (For note see below.) The time when the name of the Bay was changed has been much disputed, but it is probable it was done some time after leaving the place. It was called Sting Ray on account of the big haul of that fish made soon after their arrival and the name stands in all the logs; Banks refers to it under that name in a general description of the country, written when leaving Cape York. Cook is however, decisive, for under date 6th May he says: "The great quantity of plants Mr. Banks and Dr. Solander found in this place occasioned my giving it the name of Botany Bay." On coming to an anchor, Cook, Banks, and Tupia went on shore, and Canon Bennett, a second cousin of Mrs. Cook's, and one who knew her personally, relates that the family legend was that on reaching the shore Cook ordered the midshipman to "Jump out, Isaac," and Isaac Smith (afterwards Admiral) also a cousin of Mrs. Cook's, was the first Englishman to set his foot on the soil of New South Wales. The few natives who were near ran away, excepting two, who came forward to oppose any landing. A musket was fired over them, and they retired to where they had left their spears, and then one threw a stone at the boat, and as they were too far away for any serious damage to be done, Cook fired a charge of small shot at him. He then ran off to a small hut near, picked up a wooden shield, and returned to take up his position alongside his comrade, and they threw a couple of spears, receiving a second discharge of small shot in return, which caused them to retire slowly. As Banks, suspicious of some gummy substance on the points of the spears, suggested poison, they were not followed up. The huts, found near the landing-place, were constructed of sticks covered with pieces of bark somewhat similar to those seen in Tierra del Fuego. Some children found carefully covered up were left undisturbed, but forty or fifty spears were taken, and payment in the shape of beads, cloth, nails, etc., was left, but still untouched, on visiting the camp the next morning. The canoes from which the natives were seen fishing are described by Cook as the worst he ever saw, being merely sheets of bark tied with withies at the end and kept open in the middle by a stick. Considerable difficulty was experienced in obtaining water, and whilst the crew were procuring it, Cook made a survey of the harbour. He describes the country as lightly timbered, with a sandy soil growing a plentiful crop of coarse grass, of which a quantity was cut for the sheep. The soil was interspersed with rocks and swamps, but at the head of the bay appeared richer. A few natives were seen, who ran away when observed, and though one or two spears were thrown no damage was done to any one. Large heaps of oyster, mussel, and cockle shells were found, amongst them, says Cook, "being some of the largest oyster shells I ever saw." An account, said to have been obtained from the blacks, published in a work on Australian discovery (anonymous, Sydney), agrees as far as it goes with those of Cook and Banks, and it is almost unnecessary to say the ship was at first taken for a large bird. SUTHERLAND'S DEATH. Whilst here, a seaman named Forbes (Forby, in the Muster Roll) Sutherland, died of consumption, from which he had suffered throughout the voyage, was buried on shore, and the point named Point Sutherland in his memory. The anonymous pamphlet referred to above, says that Cook does not give the cause of Sutherland's death, and that he had been fatally wounded by the blacks whilst trying to secure a metal plate he had found affixed to a tree, recording that the Dutch had previously been on the spot. The pamphlet goes on to say that Cook suppressed these facts in order to have the credit of being the first discoverer, but that the plate had been secured by some one and deposited in the British Museum. Unfortunately, Cook does give the cause of Sutherland's death, and the plate is not in the British Museum, nor has it ever been heard of there. Before leaving, an inscription was cut on a tree near the watering place, giving the ship's name and date; the English colours were displayed on shore every day during their stay, but they could not establish any friendly intercourse with the blacks. A plate has since been attached to the rocks about fifteen feet above high water, and as near as possible to the supposed place of landing. After leaving Botany Bay the coast was followed up to the north, and Cook noted an "entrance" which he thought might prove a safe anchorage, to which he gave the name of Port Jackson, after Mr. George Jackson, one of the Secretaries to the Admiralty. Within this entrance is now the city of Sydney, and it was to this place that Captain Phillip removed his headquarters when he had discovered the unsuitability of Botany Bay for settlement. Broken Bay, named from the number of small islands therein, was passed, and the voyage was rendered very slow by the light northerly winds, and passing Cape Hawke, he found the set of the current had placed him twelve miles in advance, when reckoned by the log, of his real position given by observation. Almost the only thing to be seen beyond the outline of the coast was the constantly recurring smoke; one point received the name of Smoky Cape on account of the great quantity seen in its vicinity. Cook, of course, was unaware that these "smokes" were probably, many of them, signals from one party of blacks to another of the arrival of something strange on the coast. That these "smokes" are used by the blacks as a means of communication is a well recognised fact, and the news they can convey by this means is perfectly astonishing to a white man. The country appeared to increase in height with: "an agreeable variety of Hills, Ridges, and Valleys, and large plains all clothed with wood, which to all appearance is the same as I have before mentioned as we could discover no visible difference in the soil." After escaping a reef off Point Danger they discovered a bay, which Cook called Morton Bay after the Earl of Morton, P.R.S.; now wrongly spelt as Moreton Bay. Here, from the colour of the water, they supposed a river emptied into the sea; the surmise was correct, for they were at the mouth of the Brisbane River. At the same time some curiously-shaped hills were given the name of the Glasshouses, from their resemblance to the buildings in which glass is manufactured, and the resemblance is most striking. After rounding Breaksea Spit, Cook found himself in a large bay, and conjectured, from the birds and the direction of their flight, that there was fresh water to the south-west; and rightly, for here the Mary River enters Hervey's Bay. On 23rd May they landed for the second time, and Cook says this was "visibly worse than the last place," that is Botany Bay. They managed to shoot a bustard of 17 1/2 pounds, and Banks says it was "as large as a good turkey, and far the best we had eaten since we left England." It was so much appreciated that its name was conferred on Bustard Head and Bustard Bay. This bird is known in Australia as the Plain Turkey. Oysters of good quality were also obtained, and Banks made the personal acquaintance of the green tree ant and the Australian mosquito, neither of which were appreciated. CAPE CAPRICORN. On 24th May a moderately high, white, barren-looking point was passed, which being found by observation to be directly under the tropic was named Cape Capricorn, and soon after the mouth of the Fitzroy was crossed, with the remark from Cook that from general appearances he believed there was a river in the immediate vicinity. Soundings becoming very irregular, he ran out between the Keppel Islands, on one of which natives were seen. Cape Townshend was named after Charles Townshend, one of the Lords of the Admiralty when the Endeavour left England, and not the Chancellor of the Exchequer, as stated by Wharton. Rounding the point into Shoalwater Bay they had to haul sharp up to the west to get within the Northumberland Islands, and the water was found to be so shallow that they anchored and sounded from the boats, gradually working nearer in, as Cook was anxious to clean the ship's bottom, which was very foul; and he desired to take advantage of the full moon in these dangerous waters. They landed to take some observations and look for water. The observations were unsatisfactory, for the compass was unreliable, a fault attributed to the ironstone in the neighbourhood, of which signs were very evident, and water was not to be found. The country is reported on as follows: "No signs of fertility is to be seen upon the Land; the soil of the uplands is mostly a hard, reddish clay." Passing Cape Hillsborough, they entered Whitsunday Passage, described by Cook as "one continued safe harbour, besides a number of small bays and coves on each side, where ships might lay as it were in a Basin." The land on both sides was green and pleasant-looking, but on account of the moonlight Cook could not waste any time in landing. Entering Cleveland Bay, the compass was again very much disturbed; the cause was found to be Magnetical, now Magnetic, Island, lying just off the present Port of Townsville. Blacks were seen, near Rockingham Bay, through the glasses; they were said to be very dark and destitute of clothing, but no communication with them was possible. ON THE ROCKS. On 10th June, after leaving a small bay north of Cape Grafton, where they had searched in vain for a watering place, the watch had just turned in, the lead had been cast and given seventeen fathoms, when the unfortunate ship brought all hands on deck, with a crash on a sunken rock. Soundings taken all round showed her to be on the very edge of a coral reef. Making but little water, an attempt was made to warp her off, but unsuccessfully. Steps were then taken to lighten her; decayed stores, oil jars, staves, casks, ballast, and her six quarter-deck guns were thrown overboard, some forty to fifty tons, but with no effect. The tide now rising, the leaks increased rapidly, two pumps being kept constantly at work. Thinking things could only go from bad to worse, Cook determined to heave her off at all hazards, and every one who could be spared from the pumps was sent to the capstan or windlass, and at length, after a stay of twenty-three hours on the rocks, she was hove into deep water. Now, however, it was a case of all hands to the pumps, and for a time it seemed as if they were slowly gaining on the in-rushing water, but suddenly there was an increase reported in the well, casting a shadow of gloom over all, but not for an instant staying the steady beat of the pumps. Shortly it was discovered that a fresh hand had been sent to the well and had sounded from a different mark than his predecessor, accounting for the sixteen to eighteen inches difference in the depth of water reported. This discovery acted like a charm: each one redoubled his exertions, and by morning they had gained considerably on the leak, so sail was made, and they slowly crawled in towards the land. Midshipman Monkhouse had been on a ship which was leaking at the rate of forty-eight inches per hour, and had seen the operation called "fothering" so successfully performed on her, that, without further repair, she had sailed from Virginia to London. This being brought to Cook's ear, he gave Monkhouse the charge of carrying out a similar experiment. A studding sail was taken, on which oakum and wool was lightly sewn and smothered with dirt; it was then lowered over the bows and dragged by ropes over the place where the worst of the leak was situated, and there secured, with the result, according to Banks, that in a quarter of an hour after it was in position they were able to pump the ship clear, and Cook says one pump was sufficient to keep her free. Of the conduct of the crew, Cook says: "In justice to the ship's company, I must say that no men ever behaved better than they have done on this occasion; animated by the behaviour of every Gentleman on board, every man seem'd to have a just sense of the Danger we were in, and exerted himself to the very utmost." Banks adds his testimony: "Every man exerts his utmost for the preservation of the ship. The officers during the whole time never gave an order that did not show them to be perfectly composed and unmoved by the circumstances, however dreadful they might appear." A point off which the reef was situated was given the suggestive name of Cape Tribulation, and some small islands near, Hope Islands, because, as Cook says, he hoped, at the time of their greatest danger, they might be able to reach them. What a prospect to hope for! No possibility of ever seeing a friendly sail, and but little probability of ever being able to reach a civilised port. THE ENDEAVOUR RIVER. A boat sent off to search for some spot where temporary repairs could be executed, soon returned and reported a small river had been found which appeared suitable. This was the Endeavour River, and into it the ship was safely taken, and deep water being found close to the bank, a stage was rigged, and most of the stores and ballast were taken on shore; a hospital was erected for the sick, "which amounted at this time to some eight or nine afflicted with different disorders, but none very dangerously ill." Green and Tupia were showing symptoms of scurvy, but the remainder appear to have been free from it. As soon as the ship was sufficiently lightened she was warped a little further up the river, and at the top of the tide her bows were hauled well into the bank, so that when the tide fell they were able to examine the leak. The damage was found to be very serious; the rock had cut through four planks into the timbers, and three other planks had been badly injured. The manner in which the ship had been injured was "hardy credible, scarce a splinter was to be seen, but the whole was cut away as if done with a blunt-edged tool." A piece of the rock was found wedged in the hole, and had greatly assisted in arresting the influx of water. The sheathing and false keel were very badly damaged, but it was believed that she was not much injured aft, as she made but little water when once the main wound was dry. At what is believed to be the exact spot at which the Endeavour was beached, a monument has been erected by the inhabitants of Cooktown, a seaport now at the mouth of the river. There being no danger from the natives the crew were allowed as much liberty as possible, and a good supply of fish, a few pigeons and a small quantity of vegetables, in the shape of yam tops, cabbage palm, and wild plantains, had a very beneficial effect on their health. The longitude was calculated from an observation of "the Emersion of Jupiter's First Satelite," as 214 degrees 42 minutes 30 seconds West, which Wharton remarks on as being an excellent observation, the true longitude being 214 degrees 45 minutes West. INCENDIARISM BY BLACKS. On 4th July the good ship was afloat again, so well repaired that only about an inch of water per hour was taken in, easily kept under by the pumps. She was laid over on a sandbank on the opposite side of the river and more carefully examined, the sheathing being found to be very badly damaged. The carpenter, in whom Cook had every confidence, reported that, with the means at his disposal, he could not make a satisfactory job, but he thought they might push on to some place where greater facilities could be obtained. She was therefore taken alongside the staging, the stores and ballast replaced, everything got ready for the prosecution of the voyage, and the Master sent off in the pinnace to look for a passage to the north-east; but was unsuccessful. He was again sent out, but again reported badly; the shoals appeared to get worse the further he went. He, however, brought back with him three turtles weighing about 800 pounds, which were most welcome as the crew had now been some months without fresh meat; a second trip to where these were caught resulted in getting three or four more, and a large supply of shell-fish. They had made several attempts to get on good terms with the few natives they had seen, and on one occasion two or three who were fishing had a long and animated conversation with Tupia, in which neither party could understand the other, though one or two were persuaded to visit the camp. Shortly before the last of the stores were taken in, Cook and Banks received friendly overtures from a small party, and ten of them visited the ship. They were offered various gifts, but seemed to set little value on anything except the turtles. They made signs they wanted them, and when they found these signs ignored, attempted to carry off two, and when their aim was frustrated, went ashore to where some of the crew were at work. One of them took a lighted stick from under the pitch kettle, and, making a wide circuit round the place, fired the grass as he ran. Fortunately there were not many things left ashore, and the powder had just been safely got on board, so the most serious damage appears to have been the premature roasting of a young pig. They then went off to where others of the crew were washing, and drying the fishing nets, and another attempt was made to burn the grass; but a charge of small shot caused a retreat, and on their way they set fire to the undergrowth to cover their repulse. Banks was greatly impressed with the manner in which the grass and undergrowth burnt, and declared he would never pitch tents again without first burning the grass for some distance round. Gore, Banks, and three men made a few days' excursion up the river, but, with the exception of a kangaroo being shot by Gore, the first ever killed by a European, they met with nothing worth noting. On 18th July Cook, Banks, and Solander went up a hill some six or eight miles along the coast to see if they could form any idea of the general run of the coast and the surrounding reefs, and Cook says: "In whatever direction we looked, it [the sea] was covered with shoals as far as the eye could see." Before leaving the river, Banks gives some notes as to the country, and puts it down as "in every respect the most barren country we have yet seen." The animals were not numerous; he gives kangaroo, wolf (the dingo or native dog), bats (flying foxes), wild cats (dasyurus), and opossums. Amongst the birds, several kinds of duck, shags, pelicans, crows, and flock pigeons, all, with the exception of the last, difficult to shoot. Of the crow he says: "A crow in England though in general sufficiently wary is, I must say, a fool to a New Holland crow." None of the beasts or birds seem to have come amiss to the pot; all that was necessary was the meat should not be salt, "that alone was sufficient to make it a delicacy." He quotes the description given by a sailor of an animal he saw: "It was as black as the devil and had wings, indeed I took it for the devil, or I might have catched it, for it crawled away very slowly through the grass." After some little trouble Banks discovered this to have been a large bat (flying fox). Of the insect life seen, he was particularly struck by the white ants and their nests, and formed a very respectful opinion of the mosquito. Cook's opinion agrees fairly well with that of Banks, but on the whole he thought the east coast was not so barren and desolate as Dampier had described the west coast, and adds: "We are to consider that we see this country in the pure state of nature; the Industry of Man has had nothing to do with any part of it, and yet we find all such things as Nature hath bestowed upon it, in a flourishing state. In this Extensive Country, it can never be doubted, but what most sorts of grain, Fruit, roots, etc., of every kind would flourish here were they once brought hither, planted and cultivated by the hands of Industry; and here are provender for more cattle, at all seasons of the year, than ever can be brought into the country." This is a fair example of the observations and deductions to be found scattered through Cook's Journals, and an improvement on the would-be scientific and classical rubbish put into his mouth by his editors. A MASTHEAD WATCH. At last, on 4th August, they got away from the Endeavour River, only to find themselves surrounded by difficulties. Cook or one of the other officers was continually at the masthead on the look-out, and at length, by keeping very close in shore, they managed to creep past Cape Flattery, and thought the worst was over, but a landing at Point Lookout showed a very unsatisfactory prospect. In hopes of getting a better view Cook went out to Lizard Island, and from there could see, far away to the east, the white breakers on the Great Barrier Reef. This island, on which the only living things to be seen were lizards, they found, from the large piles of shells and remains of fires, was visited periodically by the blacks; a remarkable voyage for their miserable canoes. Having only three months' supplies at short allowance left, Cook, after a consultation with his officers, made out through an opening in the Barrier Reef that he had seen from Lizard Island, and observes: "Having been entangled among Islands and Shoals more or less ever since the 26th May, in which time we have sailed 360 leagues by the Lead, without ever having a Leadsman out of the chains, when the ship was under sail, a Circumstance that perhaps never happened to any ship before, and yet it was here absolutely necessary." But their satisfaction in getting outside was diminished when it was found that the increased working of the ship's timbers necessitated the continual use of one pump. Cook was afraid that being forced outside the Barrier Reef he would be unable to put to the proof the opinion he had formed that New Guinea and New Holland were not joined. He did not know till after his return to England, that the point had already been settled in 1606, by Louis Vaez de Torres, and he readily yields the honour of the discovery in the Introduction to his Second Voyage. The log of Torres's voyage was lost for many years, and was found at Manilla, when that place was taken by Admiral Cornish in 1762. Cook had with him a copy of De Brye's Voyages, published in 1756, which contained three charts that he found to be "tolerably good" with regard to New Guinea, and he evidently formed the opinion that both the Spaniards and the Dutch had circumnavigated that island. "I always understood, before I had a sight of these maps, that it was unknown whether or no New Holland and New Guinea was one continued land, and so it is said in the very History of Voyages these maps are bound up in. However, we have now put this wholly out of dispute; but as I believe it was known before, but not publickly, I claim no other merit than the clearing up of a doubtful point." With this question of New Guinea and New Holland in view, he again made to the west, sighting the Barrier again on 15th August, and on the following morning, the wind having changed in the night, the breakers were heard very distinctly. The lead gave no bottom at 140 fathoms, but at daybreak the reef was not a mile away, and they found themselves in a dead calm, rapidly drifting with the current towards the breakers. The yawl and long-boat were got out, the pinnace being under repair, and the sweeps were used from the gun-room ports. By six o'clock she was heading north again, but: "not above 80 or 100 yards from the breakers. The same sea that washed the side of the ship rose in a breaker prodigiously high the very next time it did rise, so that between us and destruction was only a dismal valley, the breadth of one wave, and even now no ground could be felt with 120 fathoms." A PERILOUS POSITION. The carpenter had by this time fastened a temporary streak on the pinnace, and it was sent off to assist in towing. Cook had almost given up hope, but he says: "In this truly terrible situation, not one man ceased to do his utmost, and that with as much calmness as if no danger had been near." Admiral Wharton draws special attention to the fact that in the very height of the danger, Green, Charles Clerke, and Forwood, the gunner, were engaged in taking a Lunar for the longitude. Green notes: "These observations were very good, the limbs of the sun and moon very distinct, and a good horizon. We were about 100 yards from the reef, where we expected the ship to strike every minute, it being calm, no soundings, and the swell heaving us right on." When things seemed perfectly hopeless, a small breath of air, "so small that at any other time in a calm we should not have observed it," came, and every advantage being taken, the distance from the reef was slightly increased, but then again it fell calm. A small opening of the reef was seen and an attempt was made to push through, but the ebb tide was found to be "gushing out like a mill stream." Advantage was taken of this, and they succeeded in getting about a quarter of a mile away, but the current was so narrow they soon lost it. A second opening was seen, and, the tide having changed, they were carried rapidly through Providential Channel and safely anchored in nineteen fathoms of water. Cook says: "It is but a few days ago that I rejoiced at having got without the Reef, but that joy was nothing when compared to what I now felt at being safe at an anchor within it." Having arrived at a place of safety, Cook resolved to remain till he had his boats in thorough repair and had made a complete study of his difficulties. From the masthead it appeared as if the shoals and reefs offered less obstruction than he had previously towards the north, and he hoped, by keeping as close to the shore as possible, to be able to solve the problem of the passage between New Guinea and New Holland. At this place, boats that had been out fishing brought back a sort of cockle, some requiring two men to lift them, and containing "as much as twenty pounds of good wholesome meat." TAKE POSSESSION. Proceeding slowly through a network of reefs, shoals, and islands, the boats always sounding ahead, he had the satisfaction of passing the straits between Cape York and New Guinea, leaving Torres's track considerably to the north. On getting clear of the straits, they landed for the last time in Australian waters, and hoisting the English flag: "took possession of the whole Eastern Coast from the above latitude (38 degrees 0 minutes South) down to this place by the name of New Wales. We fired three volleys of small arms, which were answer'd by the like number from the ship." Admiral Wharton says that in the King's and the Admiralty's copies of Cook's Journal the name is given as New South Wales, and in a letter written to Mr. John Walker, of Whitby, dated 13th September 1771, Cook says: "The East coast of New Holland, or what I call New South Wales." After a narrow escape of running on a reef near Booby Island, from which they were only saved by letting go the anchors with all sails set, they left the difficulties of the New Holland coast behind and sighted New Guinea on 29th August. *** FOOTNOTE: STING RAY BAY. "The great number of New Plants, etc., our Gentlemen Botanists have collected in this place occasion'd my giving in [sic] the Name of Botanist Bay." Extract from the only page known to exist of the Journal of the first voyage written by Cook, and dated 6th May, 1770. It was, July 1911, purchased by Mr. F.T. Sabin for 451 pounds. CHAPTER 11. 1770 TO 1771. NEW GUINEA TO ENGLAND. The water on the New Guinea coast was very shallow, and kept them far out in running westward, but on 3rd September they got a little nearer in, so Cook decided to attempt a landing, and then to leave, as he considered it was only wasting valuable time to go over ground that had already been explored by the Dutch. Banks says the crew were rather sickly, they: "were pretty far gone with the longing for home, which the physicians have gone so far as to esteem a disease under the name of Nostalgia. Indeed, I can find hardly anybody in the ship clear of its effects, but the Captain, Dr. Solander, and myself, and we three have ample constant employment for our minds, which I believe to be the best if not the only remedy for it." They were also on short allowance of food, which would necessarily have a depressing effect, and when they learnt that Cook would return to civilisation where fresh supplies could be obtained, there was a marked improvement in the general health. Calling in at the island of Savu, some supplies were obtained, and the country is described as very lovely, although there had been no rain for seven months; the contrast with the monotonous and barren-looking country of New Holland was very marked. AT BATAVIA. According to strict orders from the Admiralty, Cook on 30th September collected all logs and journals that had been kept on board the ship, and enjoined every one that they were on no account to divulge where they had been on their arrival at Batavia. Off Java Head the main topsail was split in a squall, and Cook remarks that all his sails are now in such a condition that "they will hardly stand the least puff of wind." No observations had been possible since leaving Savu, and the strong western current had thrown out their dead reckoning, causing them to run past the Straits of Sunda; but, picking themselves up on 1st October, they got into the straits, and after a wearisome beat up arrived in Batavia on the 10th; and Hicks was sent on shore to announce their arrival, and offer an apology for failing to salute the Dutch flag in a proper manner--the reason being that they had only three guns available. The ship was thoroughly surveyed, and on the carpenter's report, Cook applied to the Governor for a convenient place in which to heave down and repair, and for permission to purchase such stores as might be necessary. Every assistance was promised, and on Cook's finding a difficulty in getting any private person to cash the bills he would have to draw for his expenses, the Governor ordered the officer in charge of the port to supply whatever amount might be necessary. During a heavy thunderstorm on the 12th, a Dutch East Indiaman, about two cables away from the Endeavour, had mainmast "split all to shivers." The Endeavour was also struck: "and in all probability we should have shared the same fate as the Dutchman, had it not been for the electric chain which we had but just before got up; this carried the Lightning or Electrical matter over the side clear of the ship." On 25th October Cook reopened communication with the Admiralty, forwarding to Mr. Stephens, by the Dutch East Indiaman Kronenberg, Captain F. Kelgar, a packet containing a copy of his Journal (sold to Mr. John Corner in 1890), charts of the South Seas, New Zealand, and the East Coast of Australia. He also wrote a letter giving an outline of his voyage up to date, and concludes: "In this Journal, I have with undisguised Truth and without gloss, inserted the whole transactions of the Voyage, and made such remarks and have given such descriptions of things as I thought was necessary, in the best manner I was capable of. Although the discoverys made in the Voyage are not great, yet I flatter myself they are such as may merit the Attention of their Lordships, and altho' I have failed in discovering the so much talked of Southern Continent (which perhaps do not exist), and which I myself had much at heart, yet I am confident that no part of the failure of such discovery can be laid to my charge. Had we been so fortunate not to have run ashore, much more would have been done in the latter part of the Voyage than what was, but as it is, I presume this Voyage will be found as compleat as any before made to the South Seas on the same account. PRAISES HIS CREW. "The plans I have drawn of the places I have been at, were made with all the care and accuracy that Time and Circumstances would admit of. Thus far I am certain that the Latitude and Longitude of few parts of the World are better settled than these, in this I was very much assisted by Mr. Green, who let slip no one opportunity for making observations for settling the Longitude during the whole course of the Voyage, and the many valuable discoverys made by Mr. Banks and Dr. Solander in Natural History and other things useful to the learned World, cannot fail of contributing very much to the success of the Voyage. In justice to the officers and the whole of the crew, I must say, they have gone through the fatigues and dangers of the Whole Voyage with that cheerfulness and alertness that will always do honour to the British Seamen, and I have the satisfaction to say that I have not lost one man by Sickness during the whole Voyage. I hope that the repairs wanting to the Ship will not be so great as to detain us any length of time; You may be assured that I shall make no unnecessary delay either here or at any other place, but shall make the best of my way home." Banks, too, notes that there were no sick on board, and contrasts the rosy, healthy appearance of the crew with the pallid faces of the Europeans of Batavia. But on 26th October a series of disastrous entries commence in the Journal. "Set up the ship's tents for the reception of the ship's company, several of them begin to be taken ill, owing as I suppose to the extream hot weather." Batavia had an ill-omened reputation, and it has been estimated that from 1735 to 1755 no less than 1,000,000 deaths took place, chiefly from malarial fever and dysentery, and Cook had soon cause to regret that the Dutch had undertaken the repairs of the ship, leaving his men to look on. He knew well the evil effects of want of occupation in such a climate, though he could not guess what it was to cost him. Up to this time he had only seven deaths to record since leaving Plymouth; three from drowning, two frozen (Mr. Banks's servants), one consumption, and one alcoholic poisoning: probably a record never equalled in the history of navigation. On 5th November Mr. Monkhouse, the surgeon, died, and Cook, Banks, and Solander were very ill. The two last went up into the hills, but Cook would not leave his ship. Meanwhile the repairs went on; the ship was found to be worse than had been expected; two planks and a half had been rasped by the rocks to the thickness of one eighth of an inch for a distance of six feet: "and here the worms had made their way quite into the timbers, so that it was a matter of surprise to every one who saw her bottom, how we had kept her above water, and yet in this condition we had sailed some hundreds of leagues in as dangerous a navigation as in any part of the world, happy in being ignorant of the continual danger we were in." By the 14th her bottom was thoroughly repaired, and Cook speaks highly of the Dutch workmen: "I do not believe there is a Marine Yard in the World where work is done with more alertness than here, or where there are better conveniences for heaving ships down, both in point of safety and Despatch." The water, a perquisite of the Commodore of the Dutch East Indian fleet, was very unsatisfactory, and was found to keep very badly at sea, although its keeping properties had been loudly vaunted by the Commodore. Cook was present at his appointment: "one of the grandest sights Batavia afforded; that may be too, and yet it did not recompense us for our trouble. I thought that the whole was but ill conducted, and the fleet appeared to be very badly mann'd." A seaman who had run from a Dutch ship entered on the Endeavour, was claimed by the Dutch on the grounds that he was a Dane from Elsinore. Cook promised he should be given up if he proved not to be a British subject, and enquiry by Mr. Hicks resulted in a report to the Governor that he was an Irishman, so the matter dropped. His name was James Marra, and he will be again met with as gunner's mate on the Resolution. DEATH OF TUPIA. Before leaving Batavia there had been seven deaths, including Mr. Reynolds, artist, and Tupia and his boy servant, and Cook gives the number of sick as "forty or more." Hoping the sea breezes might have a beneficial effect, preparations were hurried forward, and they managed to leave the day after Christmas Day, being duly saluted by the garrison with fourteen guns, and the Earl of Elgin with thirteen guns and three cheers, "all of which we return'd." Calling at Prince's Island in the straits of Sunda, where some of the Batavian water was replaced by better, the sailors were allowed to purchase whatever they fancied in hopes of diminishing the dysentery which was rampant. Every precaution that could be thought of was tried, but in vain. Mr. Banks lost Messrs. Sporing and Parkinson, and on 29th January Mr. Green died; he had been long ill, but Cook says he would not take proper care of himself. To judge from his own Journal, he must have been rather a difficult man to get on with, but his services as observer were invaluable, and he at all times and seasons was devoted to his special duty: indeed, at times he appears to have thought that every other work should give way to his. It is a somewhat suggestive fact that Banks hardly makes any reference to Mr. Green throughout his Journal. On 27th February the terrible list of losses was closed by the deaths of three of the crew, making in all thirty deaths since their arrival at Batavia. It was afterwards discovered that the season in Batavia had been unusually unhealthy, and several ships that had called in there had to report heavy losses. Cook says: "Thus we find that ships which have been little more than twelve months from England have suffer'd as much or more by sickness than we have done, who have been out near three times as long. Yet their sufferings will hardly, if at all, be mentioned or known in England; when, on the other hand, those of the Endeavour, because her voyage is uncommon, will very probably be mentioned in every News Paper, and, what is not unlikely, with Additional hardships we never Experienced; for such are the dispositions of men in general in these Voyages, that they are seldom content with the Hardships and Dangers which will naturally occur, but they must add others which hardly ever had existence but in their imaginations, by magnifying the most Trifling accidents and Circumstances to the greatest Hardships, and unsurmountable Dangers without the immediate interposition of Providence, as if the whole merit of the Voyages consisted in the real dangers and Hardships they underwent, or that the real ones did not happen often enough to give the mind sufficient anxiety. Thus Posterity are taught to look upon these Voyages as hazardous to the highest degree." AT THE CAPE. On 6th March land was sighted at daylight, about two leagues away, near Cape Natal, and on the 15th the Cape of Good Hope was seen. The first thing to be done was to provide shelter ashore for his sick, of whom he landed twenty-eight, and during the stay the remainder of the crew were given every possible opportunity of being on land, as Cook recognised the value of an entire change of life in shaking off the remnants of sickness. He lost three more of his men here, and hearing from a Dutch ship just in from Europe that war was threatening between England and Spain, he hurried up his preparations for departure and got all his men on board, though some were still very ill. In addition he managed to enter some half-dozen men for the voyage home. In writing of the Cape, Cook draws attention to the fact: "that a stranger is at once struck with surprise and disappointment, for no country we have seen this voyage affords so barren a prospect as this, and not only so in appearance but in reality." Then further on he says: "Notwithstanding the many disadvantages this country labours under, such is the industry, economy, and good management of the Dutch, that not only the necessary, but all the Luxuries of Life are raised here in great abundance, and are sold as cheap, if not cheaper, than in any part of Europe, some few articles excepted." On the other hand, he complains of the exorbitant charges made by the Dutch East India Company for naval stores. As at Batavia, they were sold at a certain fixed price from which there was no deviation. Calling in at St. Helena, they found H.M.Ss. Portland and Swallow, with a convoy, in the roads, and received some few much-needed stores from them, together with the information that all danger of war between Spain and England was over. They all sailed in company on 5th May, but after a few days Cook explained to Captain Elliott, of the Portland, who had come on board the Endeavour, that his ship, sails, and rigging were naturally not in very good order after his lengthy voyage, and therefore he should probably be unable to keep up with the other ships. He requested the Portland to take charge of letters, charts, and journals for the Admiralty. These papers only arrived in England three days in advance of the Endeavour. For some days the good Bark kept within easy reach of the fleet, and was able to obtain extra medical advice for Mr. Hicks, who was suffering from consumption when he left England, but had held out well till stricken with the Batavian fever, when he gradually sank and died on 25th May; Mr. Charles Clerke was appointed third lieutenant, in place of Mr. Gore, promoted. Since leaving the Cape they had also lost their Master, Mr. Molineaux, of whose intelligence Cook speaks very highly, but deplores his want of steadiness, the true cause of his early death. Mr. Pickersgill was appointed to the vacancy. ANCHOR IN THE DOWNS. On the 21st June they were still in sight of some of the convoy, but during the night they had their main topgallant sail split, and the topmast sprung, in a heavy squall; in fact, their gear was in such a bad state that something gave way daily. On 7th July they spoke a brig from London, three days out from Scilly, and learnt that no account of their proceedings had yet been made public, and that wagers were being laid that the Endeavour was lost. On 10th July Nicholas Young, who had sighted New Zealand, sighted the Land's End, and the Lizard was seen the next day. On Saturday, 13th July 1771, "at 3 o'clock in the P.M. anchor'd in the Downs and soon after I landed in order to repair to London." Before leaving, Cook wrote to Mr. Stephens informing him of his arrival, and announcing that he was coming up to the Admiralty to lay before their Lordships a full account of the whole voyage, and that the ship was to await further orders. He hopes that the appointments that he has made will meet with approval, and requests that his charts, plans, and drawings may be laid before the authorities. On 2nd August, Stephens wrote to him at Mile End, saying he had received the papers sent from Batavia, those by the Portland and those from the Downs, and that they had been laid before their Lordships. He goes on: "I have the pleasure to acquaint you that their Lordships extremely well approve of the whole of your proceedings and that they have great satisfaction in the account you have given them of the good behaviour of your officers and men and of the cheerfulness and alertness with which they went through the fatigues and dangers of their late Voyage." He also notifies at the same time that the appointments made have all been confirmed. Cook himself was appointed Commander of the Scorpion on 29th August, but owing to other arrangements being made did not put in an appearance on his new ship. Isaac Smith and Isaac Manly were appointed respectively Master's mate and midshipman, taking part in the Second Voyage, being too young for further promotion. The newspapers, of course, blossomed out into paragraphs on the subject of the voyage, more or less correct, and Bingley's Journal on 23rd July stated: "In consequence of this discovery, more ships will be destined in search of this new terrestrial acquisition." Evidently it was quickly decided that Cook's rest was to be short. On 27th the same Journal says: "His Majesty's Ship, the Endeavour, which is lately arrived in the River from the East Indies, lost by the unhealthiness of the climate, 70 of her hands, tho' they were picked men, and had been several times in the Indies. However, those who survive will have made their fortunes by traffic, having brought home some of the richest goods made in the east, which they are suffered to dispose of without the inspection of the Custom House officers. This, our correspondent says, is allowed them by the Government as a reward for their hard and dangerous service during a voyage of three years." The amount of the "richest goods made in the East" obtained from New Zealand, Australia, and Otaheite would be but a poor reward for three years' strenuous service; and Cook here finds his premonition as to his losses being exaggerated, only too true. It is worthy of note that the number of punishments throughout the voyage was remarkably small, those entered in the ship's log being twenty-one, and the heaviest sentence, two dozen lashes for theft. In one case, that of Mathew Cox, A.B., for disobedience and mutinous conduct, the culprit proceeded civilly against Cook, on arrival in England, and the Admiralty solicitors were instructed to defend. The case was probably allowed to drop, as no result can be found. LAST OF THE ENDEAVOUR. The good ship which had so bravely borne her part, was not given much rest; but after being paid off at Woolwich, was despatched, under lieutenant James Gordon, to the Falkland Islands on 16th October, and returned with "perishable and unserviceable" stores; in 1772 and 1773 she again made voyages to the same destination, the last one to bring away the garrison and stores, as those islands were to be handed over to Spain. She was paid off at Woolwich in September 1774, and shortly afterwards was sold out of the Navy for the sum of 645 pounds. She is then believed to have been employed as a collier in the North Seas. Mr. Gibbs, of the firm of Gibbs and Canning of Newport, Rhode Island, one day pointed out to the English Consul the remains of an old vessel falling into decay, and informed him that it was Captain Cook's ship, the Endeavour. His story was that the French Government being anxious to compete with England in the whale fishery, offered a bounty to the ships in that trade sailing under the French flag. A Mr. Hayden purchased the old ship from a Dunkirk firm and re-christened her La Liberte, loaded her with oil and consigned her, under French colours, to Gibbs and Canning at Newport. She was chased by an English ship, but escaped, and after laying alongside a wharf for some months received a cargo, but running aground in trying to leave the harbour, she was found in such a bad condition that she was allowed to remain to drop to pieces. Enquiries into this story gave satisfactory results, and a box made from her timbers was presented to J. Fennimore Cooper, the American author, with letters authenticating, as far as possible, the vessel from which the wood had been taken. Miss Cooper mentions this box in her preface to her father's Red Rover, and several other relics of the old ship are still to be found in the neighbourhood of Newport. CHAPTER 12. 1771. PREPARATIONS FOR SECOND VOYAGE. After reporting himself to the Admiralty on his arrival in England, Cook proceeded to his home at Mile End Old Town, where he was for some time employed in completing his Charts and Journals, and on 14th August, the Annual Register announces, he was introduced to His Majesty at St. James's, when he: "presented his Journal of his Voyage, with some curious maps and charts of different places that he had drawn during the voyage; he was presented with a captain's commission." He also found time to write two long and instructive letters to his old master and good friend, Mr. John Walker of Whitby, which are to be found in Dr. Young's work. They give a rapid glance at the different places visited, with a few pithy remarks as to their peoples and productions; mention the pleasing reception he had from the king, and he alludes to the probability of being despatched on a second voyage with two ships. Edgeworth, in his Memoirs, states that about this time Cook was a frequent visitor at Denham Place, the home of Mr. Louis Way, F.R.S., but as that gentleman died in this year, and Edgeworth also refers to events of a later date as occurring at the same time, it is more probable that these visits were paid after the Second Voyage to Mr. Benjamin Way, also F.R.S., and a Director of the South Sea Company. In another place Edgeworth infers that Banks, Solander, and Cook were members of a club which met at Slaughter's Coffee House in 1765. Of course, this is an error, for Cook was then engaged in Newfoundland, and unknown to the Royal Society, whose members composed the club spoken of; in fact, Cook, though a frequent guest in after times, was never a member of the Royal Societies Club. Fanny Burney (Madame d'Arblay) says that in September her father, Dr. Charles Burney, spent a few days at Hinchinbroke, Lord Sandwich's place, in order to meet Cook, Banks, and Solander, and it is evident that the second voyage had been resolved on, for Dr. Burney's son, James, was introduced to Cook by Lord Sandwich, with a view to going on the expedition. Shortly after this, Sandwich met Dr. Burney at Lord Oxford's, Houghton, and asked him if he could recommend any one capable of writing the history of the voyage of the Endeavour; he gave Dr. Hawkesworth's name, and was requested to introduce him to Lord Sandwich on his return to town. The object of the Second Voyage was, to use Cook's own words: "To put an end to all diversity of opinion about a matter so curious and important, was His Majesty's principal motive in directing this voyage to be undertaken, the history of which is now submitted to the public, i.e., the existence of another continent in the South." The discussion on the subject had been resumed with renewed vigour after the return of the Endeavour, and Dalrymple led one party, who held that Cook had not set the matter at rest as he had left far too much space untraversed. WHITBY SHIPS AGAIN. The two ships that were to be employed were probably selected in the Thames by Cook himself, and, like the good ship Endeavour, were built by Fishburn of Whitby, and purchased from Captain W. Hammond of Hull. The reasoning which guided Cook in his selection is thus laid down by him in his introduction to the account of the Second Voyage: "The success of such undertakings as making discoveries in distant parts of the world, will principally depend on the preparations being well adapted to what ought to be the first consideration, namely, the preservation of the adventurers and ships; and this will chiefly depend on the kind, the size, and the properties of the ships chosen for the service. These primary considerations will not admit of any other, that may interfere with the necessary properties of the ships. Therefore, in chusing the ships, should any of the most advantageous properties be wanting, and the necessary room in them be, in any degree, diminished for less important purposes, such a step would be laying a foundation for rendering the undertaking abortive in the first instance. The ship must not be of great draught, but of sufficient capacity to carry a proper quantity of provisions and stores for the crew, and of such construction that she will bear to take the ground, and of such a size that she can be conveniently laid on shore if necessary for repairing any damages or defects, and these qualities are to be found in North Country built ships, such as are built for the coal trade, and in none other." The larger of the two chosen was 462 tons, purchased for 4,151 pounds, and received into the Royal Navy under the name of the Drake. She was fitted as a sloop at Deptford, at a cost of 6,568 pounds (this sum, probably, covering both the original alterations which proved unsatisfactory and those made immediately before sailing), and at the time of her purchase was about fourteen months old. The second ship was of 336 tons, also fitted at Deptford as a sloop, was eighteen months old at time of purchase, cost 2,103 pounds, and was received under the name of Raleigh. The complement of the Raleigh was eighty, but two additional carpenters' mates were added to each ship later on. Cook was also instructed not to bear, as was then usual, any servants on the books, but to enter A.B.s instead, and each officer who was entitled to a servant was "to be paid an allowance by Bill equal to the wages of the number of servants respectively allowed them." On 25th December the names of the two ships were changed, the Drake becoming the Resolution, and the Raleigh the Adventure. The lieutenants appointed to the Resolution were Robert Pallisser Cooper, Charles Clerke, and Richard Pickersgill, and Mr. Tobias Furneaux, Commander, and Joseph Shank first lieutenant, of the Adventure. Of these officers Cook writes: "I had all the reason in the World to be perfectly satisfied with the choice of the officers. The Second and Third Lieutenants, the Lieutenant of Marines, two of the Warrant officers, and several of the Petty officers had been with me during the former voyage. The others were men of known abilities, and all of them on every occasion showed their zeal for the service in which they were employed during the whole voyage." ALTERATIONS TO THE RESOLUTION. Two days after receiving his orders, Cook hoisted his pendant and superintended the alterations that were to be made for the accommodation of Mr. Banks and his party of scientists. These comprised Dr. Solander, Zoffani, the portrait painter, Dr. Lynd of Edinburgh, to secure whose services Parliament had made a special grant of 4000 pounds (though "what discoveries they expected him to make I could not understand," says Cook), and nine others, draughtsmen and servants; at least three more than had been thought necessary when the vessel was purchased. These alterations were: "to raise her upper works about a foot, to lay a spar deck upon her from the quarter-deck to the forecastle (she having at this time a low waist), and to build a round house or coach for my accommodation, so that the great cabin might be appropriated to the use of Mr. Banks alone." The Comptroller of the Navy, Captain Pallisser, was strongly opposed to these alterations as likely to be detrimental to the ship's sailing qualities, and though his opinions were overborne, they in the end proved to be correct. When he had seen the alterations fairly on the way, Cook applied for three weeks' leave of absence, on the plea that he had "some business to transact in Yorkshire, as well as to see an aged father," and his application was at once granted. He therefore went to Ayton, where for the first time for seventeen years he was again amongst his own people. From Ayton he went on to Whitby, and was met some miles out from that town by many of the leading men of the place. From the Walkers he received the heartiest of welcomes, and it is related that the old housekeeper, Mary Prowd, had been carefully instructed that a Commander in His Majesty's Navy was a very different person from one of her master's apprentices, and must be received with all the marks of respect due to his rank. She promised obedience, but, alas, when the time came her memory fled, and opening wide her arms, she exclaimed: "O honey James! How glad I is to see thee!" A welcome, probably, more dear to Cook than any other could have been, and a proof of the affectionate regard he could inspire. In February he was back in London, and Dr. Burney says in his Memoirs: "I had the honour of receiving the illustrious Captain Cook to dine with me in Queen's Square [Bloomsbury] previously to his second voyage round the world. Observing upon a table, Bougainville's Voyage Autour du Monde, he turned it over, and made some curious remarks on the illiberal conduct of that circumnavigator towards himself when they met and crossed each other; which made me desirous to know, in examining the chart of M. de Bougainville, the several tracks of the two navigators, and exactly where they had crossed or approached each other. "Captain Cook instantly took a pencil from his pocket book and said he would trace the route; which he did in so clear and scientific a manner that I would not take fifty pounds for my book. The pencil marks, having been fixed by skim milk, will always be visible." This volume is now in the British Museum, and the pencil marks on the chart are as distinct as on the day they were made. The alterations to the ship were completed early in February, and on the 6th she was hauled out of dock, and rigging, ballasting, and storing commenced. Cook says: "Every department seemed to vie with the other in equiping these two ships, every standing rule and order in the Navy was dispensed with, every alteration, every necessary and useful article, was granted as soon as asked for." SUPPLIES INCREASED. In another passage he again refers to the anxiety of the Navy Board to see that the quality of the stores was everything that could be wished, and the quantity was increased from one to two and a half years' supply. On the 22nd April the two sloops were at Longreach to take in their guns and gunners' stores; twelve carriage guns and twelve swivel musketoons for the Resolution, and ten carriage guns and ten swivels for the Adventure. These should have been taken on board at Galleon's Reach, but the Resolution was drawing too much water--seventeen feet. When here Cook showed that he thought she was rather over-weighted with her new upper works, and might prove crank, but: "as the Gentlemen's apartments were full of heavy baggage and the sloop a good deal lumbered aloft with heavy and some useless articles, which we might soon get rid of or get into the hold after we had consumed some of our provisions, I still entertained hopes that she would bear all her additional works, and suspended giving any other opinion until a full trial had been made of her, foreseeing what would be the consequence in case she did not answer in the manner she was now fitted." On 29th April, Mr. Banks gave an entertainment on board to Lord Sandwich, the French Ambassador, and other distinguished personages, and Cook notes that the first named had been on board several times, "a laudable tho ' rare thing in a First Lord of the Admiralty." Cook obtained a few days' leave to make his final arrangements, and the Resolution was ordered to the Downs under the first lieutenant, whilst the Adventure proceeded to Plymouth; both vessels sailing from Longreach on 10th May. The Resolution, contending against adverse winds, made a very slow trip down to the Nore, being four days on the journey, and Mr. Cooper reported to Cook that she was very crank. The latter at once wrote to the Admiralty that he considered it unsafe to proceed any further with her in that condition, and proposed that her poop should be cut down, her masts shortened, and her guns exchanged to four-pounders. The Navy Board, however, decided that she should be restored to her original state as far as it was possible to do so; she was therefore ordered to Sheerness, and her Captain was instructed to join his ship and see the alterations were properly carried out. Before leaving London Cook, who had heard it was said that he was not satisfied with the vessels chosen for the voyage, wrote to Mr. Stephens on the subject, giving his opinion that the crankness of the Resolution "was owing to the additional works that have been built upon her in order to make large accommodation for the several gentlemen passengers intended to embark in her." He added that the proposed alterations of the Navy Board would "render her as fit to perform the voyage as any ship whatever"; and, referring to the report that he did not approve of the type of ship, he says, "from the knowledge and experience I have had of these sort of vessels, I shall always be of opinion that only such are proper to be sent on Discoveries to very distant parts." On the 21st he again wrote Stephens that the alterations were making satisfactory progress, and that a man had been in the yard who had known the ship before her purchase, and he had "with some warmth asserted that at that time she was not only a stiff ship, but had as many good qualities as any ship ever built in Whitby." In reply to a rumour that the men were afraid to sail in her, he points out that she is moored alongside a wharf, and the men could go ashore whenever they pleased, yet he had not lost a single man. BANKS WITHDRAWS. Mr. Banks did not approve of the reduction in his accommodation necessitated by these alterations, and tried to get a 40-gun ship in place of the Resolution, and he and his friends succeeded in raising a very acrimonious discussion on the subject; but the admiralty stood firm, and the alterations went on under the superintendence of Cook. On 24th May Banks and Solander went to inspect her, and on their return to town Banks wrote to the Admiralty that he should not go the voyage as "the ship was neither roomy nor convenient enough for my purpose, nor no ways proper for the voyage." Cook, who says the preparations had cost Banks "about five Thousand Pounds," does not think that the reasons given by Banks were the only ones he had for not taking part in the voyage, and then continues, "their baggage, etc., were got out of the sloop and sent to London, after which no more complaints were heard of want of room, etc." Lieutenant Clerke, who was very friendly with Banks, wrote to him on 31st May: "Indeed I am sorry I'm not to have the honour of attending you the other bout...They are going to stow the major part of the cables in the hold to make room for the people now. I asked Gilbert [the Master], if such was the present case, what the devil should we have done if we had all gone? 'Oh, by God, that was impossible,' was his answer." Marra (the gunner's mate), in a Journal of the voyage, published by Newberry, 1775, says the success of the voyage was due to their having shaken off: "the train of gentlemen, who with their attendants occupied the chief accommodations of the ship," and whose presence would have rendered it "out of the power of the most determined officer to have carried such a princely retinue through the icy regions which they were to pass, without murmurs, or perhaps mutiny." Some of the newspapers tried to make political matter out of the affair, and one at any rate roundly declared that "the true reason" of Banks's withdrawal was on account of a remonstrance from the Spanish Ambassador against any further exploration of the South Seas. The withdrawal of Banks made no difference to his friendship with Cook, and in the future he was always ready to afford his support whenever it could be of any service either to his friend or family. JOHN REINHOLD FORSTER. As soon as it was known that Mr. Banks had withdrawn, Mr. John Reinhold Forster, a German of some scientific reputation, applied for the position of naturalist for the voyage, and, through the interest of Lord Sandwich, was successful. He was to receive the 4000 pounds granted by Parliament for Dr. Lynd, and was to pay all expenses, except ship's allowance of food, and provide all necessary instruments. He was accompanied by his son as assistant, a youth of about twenty years, who afterwards attained some note by his writings and translations. Messrs. Wales and Bayley were appointed astronomers by the Board of Longitude, with instructions to take and compare observations at every possible opportunity, and to take under their special charge the timepieces which were being carried on the two ships for the purpose of testing their accuracy and capabilities in assisting in ascertaining the longitude. Two of these instruments, made by Arnold, were placed in Mr. Bayley's charge on the Adventure, and two, one by Arnold, and the other by Kendal on Harrison's principle, under the care of Mr. Wales on the Resolution. Great precautions were taken to prevent any accident or tampering with these instruments; they were kept in boxes having three locks, the keys were held one by the Captain, one by the first lieutenant, and the third by the astronomer, so they could not even be wound up except in the presence of all three. William Hodges, a painter of repute, was appointed as artist, and his pictures were to become the property of the Admiralty. The celebrated Dr. Joseph Priestley, at that time minister at Mill Hill Chapel, Leeds, had been invited by Mr. Banks to accompany him as astronomer, and his congregation had undertaken to guarantee his position on his return; but the Board of Longitude took objection to his religious views, and so his application was withdrawn. CHAPTER 13. 1772 TO 1774. SECOND VOYAGE. Saying goodbye to his family on 21st June, Cook, accompanied by Mr. Wales, left London for Sheerness, and the next day dropped down to the Nore. The Resolution was now drawing only fifteen feet ten inches of water instead of seventeen, a very satisfactory improvement. She was given a good trial on a wind, and was found "to answer exceeding well." On 3rd July they arrived at Plymouth, having been boarded the day before by Lord Sandwich and Captain Pallisser, who were on a tour of inspection, and Cook had the pleasure of giving them a satisfactory account of his ship: "I had not one fault to allege." On arrival at Plymouth, Cook found that orders had been given to the stores that he was to be supplied with whatever he thought necessary, but the only things required were larger coppers for the distilling apparatus, the ones they had on board having proved far too small. The officers and crew were paid up to 28th May, and the petty officers and men also received two months' advance to enable them to provide necessaries and extras for the voyage. Cook remarks: "The payment of six months' wages to the officers, and crews of these two sloops, being nearly all they had due, was an indulgence never before granted to any of His Majesty's Ships." Cook now received his final orders, which he had assisted to draw up--in fact, "nothing was inserted that I did not fully comprehend and approve of." He was to call at Madeira for a supply of wine; to sail for the Cape of Good Hope and there refresh his men; then to look for Cape Circumcision, placed by M. Bouvet in 54 degrees South, 11 degrees 20 minutes East, to determine if it formed part of a continent, and if so to explore it, following the coast and endeavouring to get as near to the South Pole as he could without endangering his ships or crews. Should Cape Circumcision prove to be an island, or should he be unable to find it, he was to proceed as far south as he thought there was a probability of meeting with land, and then steering east, circumnavigate the world in as high a latitude as he could. In case of meeting with land he was to explore as far as time would permit. When the season rendered it unsafe to remain in high latitudes he was to retire to the north to refit and recruit, and at a proper season to return to the south. In any unforeseen circumstances he was to use his own discretion, and if the Resolution should be lost, he was to prosecute his voyage in the Adventure. A copy of these orders was given to Captain Furneaux, and in case of separation the following rendezvous were named: Madeira, Port Praya in the island of St. Iago, the Cape of Good Hope, and New Zealand. FORSTER SAVES SHIP! The Forsters evidently were far from pleasant travelling companions, and at one time or another seem to have quarrelled with every one on board the ship. At the very first the father was dissatisfied with the accommodation allotted to him, and offered Mr. Cooper 100 pounds to turn out of his cabin; when this offer was declined, he tried to force Mr. Gilbert, the Master, to give up his, threatening if he refused he should be reported to the king and turned out of the Navy; this threat appears to have been a favourite one, and soon became a by-word with the seamen, who, according to Mr. Wales, would use it to each other on every possible occasion. But, according to his own account, Mr. Forster was able to save the expedition from a very great disaster on 12th July. He says he came on deck and noticed the ship was adrift from her moorings; neither the officer of the watch nor the look-out had seen it till he called attention, and then, after a scene of the greatest confusion, the ship was fortunately brought up within a few feet of the rocks. On the other hand, the Master's log admits the Resolution got adrift, but before Mr. Forster reached the deck the fact had been reported to the Captain, all hands turned up, the jib and forestay sail set, and the ship quietly dropped down into the Sound and anchored, never having been in the slightest danger. The only other one to notice the affair was Midshipman Willis, who simply states, "dropped from the Buoy and anchored in the Sound." Having received the private signals of the East India Company's Navy, and letters of introduction from the Prince of Orange to all the principal officers of the Dutch East India Company, instructing them to afford every assistance that might be required, Cook hoisted the signal to the Adventure to weigh anchor at 5 A.M. on 13th July, and with a north-west breeze the two ships sailed for Madeira. When well out in the Channel the Resolution's crew was mustered, and it was found that, owing to a mistake of the clerk, there was one man more than the complement, so John Coghlan was entered on the Supernumerary List for Wages and Victuals. On the 23rd they were able to relieve a small French boat, from Ferrol to Corunna, which had been blown far off her course, and had been short of water for a fortnight. The day following they fell in with three Spanish men-o'-war; Cook says: "The sternmost hoisted English colours and fired a gun to leeward, and soon after hoisted his own proper colours, and spoke with the Adventure." It appears she enquired who they were, and where they were going, and finally wished them a good voyage. This account did not satisfy Mr. Forster, who waxes eloquent and describes the event as "a scene so humiliating to the masters of the sea." He must have formed a strange opinion of Cook if he thought for a moment he was one to put up silently with anything humiliating to the British flag. Marra, in his Journal, points out that the build and rig of the ships were unusual for men-o'-war, and that when the Spaniards found they had stopped king's ships, they "made a proper apology, and very politely took leave, wishing them a good voyage." THE FIRST LOSS. At Madeira, where they arrived on 29th July, they were kindly received by Mr. Loughnan, a merchant of Funchal, who entertained some of the party at his house throughout the stay, obtained permission for the Forsters to explore the island, and procured for the ships the stores that were required. Here Cook, with his eye on the scurvy, purchased as many onions as he thought would keep good, and ordered them to be served out regularly to the crews as long as they lasted. A further stock of fresh food in the shape of fowls, pigs, goats, and fruits--chiefly oranges and bananas--was laid in at Port Praya, where they had called for water. On the 19th the first death occurred; one of the carpenter's mates, Henry Smook, was at work on one of the scuttles and, falling overboard, was seen under the stern; every effort was made to save him, but it was too late. Cook says he was a good, steady man, whose loss was often felt during the voyage. On 27th August Cook learnt that the Adventure had also had her losses. Two midshipman, Lambrecht and Kemp, had died of fever, brought on, Captain Furneaux believed, by bathing and drinking too much water under the hot sun of Port Praya. At this time the Resolution had a clean bill of health, but for fear lest the heavy rains, to which they were continually subjected, might cause sickness, the ship was constantly fumigated, washed down, and thoroughly dried by means of stoves, as advised by Captains Pallisser and Campbell, with satisfactory results. On nearing the Cape a sharp but unavailing look-out was kept for a bank which had been reported, and on 30th October they arrived in Table Bay. The run from home was considered to have been good, as they had in great measure escaped the calms they had been told to expect at that season of the year, and the currents, though very strong, had only caused a difference between the longitude obtained by observation and that by dead reckoning of three-quarters of a degree, so Cook concluded that those north of the Equator in the one direction were balanced by those to the south in the contrary one. On landing they were received by the Governor, Baron Plattenberg, who told Cook he had received orders from Holland that the two sloops were to have every assistance that the place afforded. He also said that two French ships, commanded by M. de Kerguelen, had discovered land in 48 degrees South, near the meridian of Mauritius, but after sailing along the coast for about forty miles, he had been blown off by a heavy gale, in which he had lost both boats and men. Two other French ships had also called in March, which were on their way to explore the South Pacific under M. Marion. Wales and Bayley got their instruments ashore in order to make observations for the purpose of correcting the watch machines. That made by Kendal was found to be working well, and gave the longitude within one minute of time when compared with that fixed by Messrs. Mason and Dixon in 1761. The first lieutenant of the Adventure, Mr. Shank, who had been ill almost from the day of leaving England, applied for leave to return home, as he felt unfit to proceed, and Mr. Arthur Kemp was made first lieutenant, his place being taken by Mr. James Burney. Mr. Sparrman, a former pupil of Linnaeus, was engaged by Mr. Forster as an assistant, and makes his appearance on the rolls as servant. The crews were well looked after, as much time granted on shore as possible, and fresh meat, fresh vegetables, and fresh baked bread were served out daily in ample quantity, so that when the ships sailed to the southward they were all "in as good a condition as when they left England." Cook found time to write a letter of farewell to Mr. Walker, as it was: "customary for men to take leave of their friends before they go out of the world; for I can hardly think myself in it, so long as I am deprived of having any connection with the civilised part of it, and this will soon be my case for two years at least." He at the end speaks of his ships, both "well provided and well mann'd," and of the Resolution he says: "I can assure you I never set foot in a finer ship." THE FIRST ICE. On 22nd November they sailed for the south, and soon began to feel the colder climate; the warm jackets and trousers provided by the Admiralty were served out, extra cuffs to protect the hands being sewn on, and warmly-lined canvas capes being made. From the 29th till 6th December they were involved in such a heavy gale that the ships were unable to carry any sail, and a large quantity of the live stock bought at the Cape perished from the effects of wet and cold. A scuttle which had been insecurely fastened was burst open by the sea, and a considerable quantity of water was taken on board, but beyond necessitating some work at the pumps and rendering things unpleasantly damp for a time, no damage was done. It, however, gave Mr. Forster an opportunity for an account of the terrible danger they were in, and, most wonderful to relate, to speak well of the conduct of the crew. The ships were carried so far to the east by the gale, that Cook gave up the idea of searching for Cape Circumcision for the present. On the 10th the first ice was encountered in latitude 50 degrees 40 minutes South, and a little higher they were stopped by a large field, to which they "could see no end, either to the east, west, or south." This field was followed along to the south-east for some days, but no opening was found, so being in constant danger from detached pieces, Cook reluctantly gave orders to change the course to the northward. About the middle of December signs of scurvy began to show, and extra precautions were at once taken; fresh wort was served out regularly to all hands and the worst case received considerable benefit from the treatment, although "Rob of Lemons and Oranges" (a sort of jelly made from the fruits) had had no effect. Furneaux reported at this time that he had cured two very bad cases with the Rob. SHIPS PARTED. When they had got thoroughly clear of all signs of ice, Cook once again turned south, and by 26th December had worked down as far as 50 degrees 31 minutes South, 26 degrees 57 minutes East, where, though surrounded by large masses of floating ice, they steered to the west, leaving the main ice field to the north of them. Gradually working down to 60 degrees South in the longitude given for Cape Circumcision, and being some ninety-five leagues further south, with no signs of land, Cook concluded that M. Bouvet must have been deceived by the ice. (Bouvet Island was discovered by the German Deep Sea Discovery ship Valdivia on 25th November 1898. The position was fixed as 54 degrees 26.4 minutes South, 3 degrees 24.2 minutes ??South, and not 54 degrees South, 11 degrees 20 East, as given to Cook, which will account for his want of success in his search for it.) Here Mr. Wales was enabled to get a sight of the moon for the second time since leaving the Cape of Good Hope, and, taking several observations, fixed the position of the ship with tolerable accuracy. Changing the course to East-South-East, very foggy weather was encountered, accompanied by great cold, which coated the rigging with ice, rendering it very pretty to the eye but difficult and unpleasant to work. Cook says that, though this suggested very intense cold to the mind, in reality the thermometer was rather higher than it had been, and the sea was far less encumbered with ice. Taking large blocks of ice on board it was found that, when the sea water was drained off, they provided perfectly fresh water on melting, thus removing a great weight from Cook's shoulders, and he determined on venturing further to the southward. On 17th January 1773 they crossed the Antarctic Circle in longitude 39 degrees 35 minutes East, and at noon their latitude, by observation, was 66 degrees 36 minutes 30 seconds South, the sea being free from ice. However, in the evening they found themselves completely blocked by an enormous field, extending, as far as the eye could reach, from the south-east round to the west; and as the summer was nearly over, Cook decided it was unwise to attempt anything further southwards, and ordered a retreat to the north. Again making for the land claimed to have been discovered by the French, he spent some days searching for it, but nothing was seen except some floating weed and a few birds that are supposed never to get far away from land. On 8th February a brisk gale sprang up, accompanied by very hazy weather, thickening into fog, and the two vessels separated. The Resolution cruised about, firing guns and burning flares, but no response was heard, and when the weather cleared up, the Adventure was not to be seen. Poor Mr. Forster was dreadfully scared when he realised the two ships had parted company; he says that none of the crew "ever looked around the ocean without expressing concern on seeing our ship alone on this vast and unexplored expanse." He seems to have been thoroughly unhappy, for he describes the whole voyage, from the Cape to New Zealand, as a series of hardships such as had never before been experienced by mortal man. Cook conjectured, rightly as it proved, that being a little to the south of Tasman's track, Furneaux would make for the rendezvous he had been given at New Zealand, and therefore felt himself free to push on to the south-east, as he judged that if any large body of land was in the vicinity, it must lie in that direction, for the swell coming from the south-west precluded the possibility of any mass of land being in that quarter. On 17th February a display of the Aurora Australis was reported to Cook, who speaks of it as something quite new to him, although Banks noted a display during the voyage of the Endeavour between Timor and Batavia. The present one is described as having a spiral motion, the direction not strongly defined, and at times strong flashes of light. A second display was seen on the 25th, but not so marked. On this day, too, some of the ship's boats engaged in watering from a small iceberg, had a narrow escape from destruction as the berg turned completely over whilst they were at work. The weather becoming very unsettled the Resolution was obliged to make to the north, and on 8th March, the finest day they had experienced since leaving the Cape, they were able to fix their position by observation as 59 degrees 44 minutes South, 121 degrees 9 minutes East, the thermometer registering 40 degrees. Of course this pleasant break was followed by a heavy gale, with a tremendously heavy sea, and the ship ran before it for New Zealand. Cook's wish was to touch at Van Diemen's Land, so as to satisfy himself as to its forming a part of New Holland, but the wind kept obstinately between west and north, having shifted after the gale, and he thought it would occupy a longer time than he could spare, so he bore up for the South Island. It was soon found that a few degrees of latitude made a great difference in the temperature, "which we felt with an agreeable satisfaction." On 25th March at 10 A.M., New Zealand was sighted, and Cook steered in to the land with the intention of putting in to the first port that appeared suitable, but as the weather became very hazy, he thought it safer to stand off again. He had picked up the land at a point which he had only seen from a distance on his previous visit, and "now saw it under so many disadvantageous circumstances, that the less I say about it, the fewer mistakes I shall make." DUSKY BAY. The following day they got safely into Dusky Bay, finding forty-four fathoms at the entrance and a sandy bottom. In about a couple of leagues they found a good anchorage in fifty fathoms, a hawser's length or so from the shore. This was found to be rather inconvenient, but another one was soon found by Lieutenant Pickersgill, and received in consequence the name Pickersgill Harbour. Here the observatory, forge, and tents were set up. Spruce beer was brewed, to which molasses and some of their inspissated malt juice was added, fish caught, and, in fact, everything possible for the comfort of the crew for a short time, was done. They had been a hundred and seventeen days at sea, had sailed 3,600 leagues without a sight of land, and had arrived with only one man sick with the scurvy, "occasioned, chiefly, by a bad habit of body and a complication of other disorders." One day, passing an island whilst out surveying, Cook was called by a Maori and landed to meet him. The native was accompanied by two women, and after an attempt at conversation, presented Cook with a piece of native cloth, asking, as far as could be understood, for a boat-cloak in return. One was made for him out of red baize, and gave so much satisfaction that he presented Cook with his pattou, a sort of short flat club made of stone. He visited the ship, and took great interest in all that was going on, particularly with the saw pit. After watching the men some time, he intimated his desire to try his hand in the pit, but found the work not quite so easy as it looked, and soon required very little persuasion to relinquish his task. Cook speaks very favourably of Dusky Bay, a good anchorage, plenty of good water, game, fish, and easy to enter. The timber he describes as the best he had seen in New Zealand, with the exception of that at the Thames. There was but little edible herbage, but he tried to remedy this by planting a quantity of European seeds, and he also left, in a place where he hoped they might be undisturbed, a pair of geese. Whilst here Cook was for a time confined to his cabin by what he describes as a slight cold, but Mr. Forster says was a severe attack of rheumatism. After several unsuccessful attempts, owing to contrary winds, they left Dusky Bay on 11th May, and on the 17th, when near Cape Stephens, fell in with six water-spouts, one of which came within fifty yards of the ship, and Cook regretted he had not fired a gun at it, as he had heard that course recommended. He says he had one ready, but was so busy noting the phenomena that he did not think of it in time. On the other hand, Forster says that one "was ordered to be got ready, but our people being, as usual, very desultory about it, the danger was passed before we could try the experiment." FURNEAUX REPORTS. On 18th May they arrived in Queen Charlotte's Sound, finding, as Cook had expected, the Adventure there before them. Furneaux immediately reported himself to his commanding officer, and said they had been there for six weeks. After they had lost sight of the Resolution on 8th February, they heard a gun and bore up for it, firing every half-hour, but heard no reply. They then cruised about for three days as near the spot as the weather would permit, and then, following Tasman's track, as Cook had surmised, made for New Zealand, sighting Van Diemen's Land on 9th March, near Tasman's South Cape. He sent a boat ashore at the first opportunity, and a few traces of natives were seen, but the weather was so threatening that the boat had to return to the ship. They then put in to Adventure Bay, and staying five days took in wood and water; they had been reduced to a quart per day of the last for some time. A few deserted huts and occasional smokes were seen, but no other signs of the inhabitants. They then continued up the coast till it trended away to the west, forming, Furneaux thought, a deep bay. Passing the islands which now bear Furneaux's name, bad weather came on, and he judged it wise to make for his rendezvous, firmly convinced that Van Diemen's Land was joined to New Holland. On 30th March they sighted the South Island, and were greatly retarded in their run up the coast by the heavy swell from the north. On their arrival in Queen Charlotte's Sound, they found the pole erected on Motuara, with the name of the Endeavour and date on it, and several of the inhabitants came forward to trade and enquire after Cook and Tupia. On 11th May they experienced the shock of an earthquake, but no damage was done. Finding that several of the Adventure's crew were very sick, Cook immediately sent out boats for a supply of scurvy grass, and: "gave orders that it should be boiled with wheat and portable broth every morning for breakfast, and with peas and broth for dinner, knowing from experience that these vegetables, thus dressed, are extremely beneficial in removing all manner of scorbutic complaints." Furneaux had prepared to winter in Queen Charlotte's Sound, but Cook thought it too soon to settle down to rest and decided to push on. He was half inclined to go over to Van Diemen's Land and settle the question of its being a part of New Holland, but Furneaux appeared convinced, and the winds were contrary, so he decided on proceeding eastwards, and the Adventure was ordered to refit as rapidly as possible. A boat sent out for timber on 3rd June was chased by a large canoe filled with men, but Cook thought no harm was intended; on a second occasion some natives were on the ship, when a large canoe came up, and those on board requested Cook to fire on it, saying its occupants were enemies. This Cook declined to do, and, instead, invited them to come on board, an invitation that was accepted after a brief ceremonial, and the newcomers behaved themselves quite properly; but soon Cook had to get rid of them all, for he found his men were selling their clothing, which they would shortly require, for things of no value either as curiosities or otherwise. The newcomers went off to Motuara, and Cook followed them up. He had some little conversation with them, but did not remember having seen any of them at his previous visit, and thought none of them recognised him. They had their cooking utensils with them, and he concluded they intended to settle down, at any rate for a time. Gardens had been started by Furneaux on his arrival, and Cook tried to interest the Maoris in them; he showed them the potatoes, carrots, and parsnips, which they seemed to understand and appreciate, and they promised to look after them. He remarks that the intercourse between the Maoris and the whites did not tend to improve the morals of the former, whom he had hitherto looked upon as superior in that respect to the other South Sea Islanders he had come across. THE WATCH MACHINE. On 7th June the two ships put to sea, and on the 8th some accident happened to Arnold's timepiece on board the Resolution, and they were unable to wind it up. So far it had been working very well, but not quite so accurately as Kendal's. On the return of the ship to England, Arnold was informed that either by carelessness or wilfully Mr. Wales had caused this difficulty. Wales attributed this rumour to the Forsters, to whom he wrote on the subject, and it is very evident from their replies that though they did not admit having circulated the report, they were not ignorant that Arnold had been so informed. There does not appear to be any ground for the accusation, but it does appear very probable it originated with the Forsters. Throughout the rest of June they experienced very rough weather, and it was not till 18th July that they reached 133 degrees West, having seen no signs of land on their way. Cook therefore turned northwards so as to cross the space between his track north and return south in 1769. This course would practically settle one view about the supposed Southern Continent, for it had been laid down by some of the theorists that it must be in the middle latitudes of the South Pacific. New Zealand had been said to be the western side of this continent (already disproved by Cook in his previous voyage), and what Forster calls "the pretended discoveries near America," the eastern side. The proposed course would take the ships through the centre of the part of the ocean in dispute. On 29th July, Cook sent a boat to the Adventure, as he had heard her crew were very sickly, and found that about twenty of her men were down with scurvy, and the cook had died of the disease. Orders were given that the utmost precautions were to be taken, and wort, carrot marmalade, and rob of lemon were to be freely served out. On the Resolution, at the same time, three men were on the sick list, only one of whom had scurvy, but some of the others were showing symptoms, so similar precautions were taken, with good results. DANGEROUS WATERS. Cook was so anxious about the Adventure's crew that he would not look for Pitcairn Island, discovered by Carteret, although he believed he was in its neighbourhood on 1st August (he was about fifteen leagues to the west), but a day or so after was able to have Furneaux on board to dinner, who reported a great improvement. He had some cider on board, which he had served out with gratifying results. Two islands were sighted on the 11th, which Cook named Resolution and Doubtful Islands; he believed them to have been discovered by De Bougainville. The following morning at daylight they found themselves almost on the top of what Cook calls "a half drowned island, or rather large coral shoal of about 20 leagues in circuit." In the lagoon which it surrounded they saw a large canoe under sail. The island was named after Furneaux. As they were now in such a dangerous neighbourhood, Cook ordered that at night the cutter with an officer and seven men should keep in advance of the ships until they arrived in sight of Maitea (Osnaburg Island) on 15th July, when, being in waters he knew, its services were discontinued. He steered for the south side of Otaheite in order to get fresh vegetables as soon as possible, and on the 16th at daybreak they found themselves about two miles from the reef. The wind dropped, and the set of the current was taking them on to the reef, so the boats were ordered out to tow, but getting near an opening through which the tide was rushing with great force, they were unable to keep the ships off. The anchors were let go, and the Adventure, finding holding ground, was brought up; but the Resolution was not so fortunate, and was carried on to the reef and struck two or three times, fortunately without doing any serious damage. A land breeze springing up and the tide slackening enabled them to get in safely, with the loss of three anchors, a cable, and a couple of hawsers; the bower anchor was recovered by Mr. Gilbert the next day. Cook says that though he thought they had a remarkably narrow escape, the natives who saw them did not seem to appreciate that they had been in any danger. They remained at this anchorage for a week, and obtained plenty of coconuts and bananas; but though they saw hogs, they were unable to purchase any, as the people declared they all belonged to their chief; so, hearing he was in the neighbourhood, Cook landed to call on him, and at once recognised him as Tearee, whom he had seen in 1769. The chief also remembered him, and enquired after several of the Endeavour people. He tried to get Cook to make a longer stay, promising supplies of fresh meat as an inducement, but as such promises had so often been broken before, Cook replied he should leave the next day. Whilst here one of the marines, who had been ailing more or less all the voyage, and had become dropsical, died, and the one man who was suffering from scurvy still remained on the sick list. On the other hand, the Adventure's crew had greatly improved in health with the change to fresh vegetables. One of the natives was found to have picked up coconuts from which the sailors had drunk the milk, and having carefully sealed up the holes, resold them, and did not seem disconcerted when his trick was found out. Before the ships reached their anchorage at Matavai Bay they were crowded with natives, many of whom Cook recognised, and almost all of whom knew him. Otoo, the king, at once recognised Cook, and enquired after Banks, Solander, and others of the Endeavour; yet Forster gravely asserts that he never saw them at the former visit. The old fort on Point Venus was reoccupied, tents pitched, and the observatory set up, and the camp was placed under the command of Lieutenant Edgecombe of the Marines. SPANIARDS HANGED. The king gave a theatrical entertainment in honour of their arrival, at which his sister was the only female performer. It had some reference to the coming of the ships, but they were not able to follow the thread of the story. Cook could see that Otoo was nervous and uncomfortable, and felt dissatisfied with his reception, so determined to cut short his stay. No one could understand the reason of the unsatisfactory feeling, but Forster suggests that it was owing to the advice of a Spanish deserter, who had left his ship about March 1773. This vessel was commanded by Don Juan de Langara y Huarto, and was from Callao; her voyage has not been published, but the natives gave Forster to understand that four of her sailors had been hanged on her arrival. Cook refers to the presence of a white man, who, when he thought he had been observed, disappeared and was not seen again. Young Forster made an attempt to explore the interior, but finding the climbing more difficult than he expected, soon returned. In the gardens which had been planted at the Endeavour's visit, pumpkins seemed to be the only things which had done well, and for these the natives did not care, "which is not to be wondered at," says Cook. Further enquiries as to the religious ceremonies were made, but nothing very definite was ascertained; it appeared that on very rare occasions special criminals, selected by the high priest, were sacrificed at the Moris. Cook also formed the opinion that the standard of morality amongst the women was much higher than had previously been admitted. Sailing with a favourable wind on 1st September for Huaheine, the Adventure ran ashore going through the reef, but with the assistance of the Resolution's boats, she was soon towed off without serious damage. Forster, as usual, tries to cause trouble by declaring that Cook would not send assistance till the Resolution was safely anchored, and thus added to the danger of his consort. As the boats were in the water before the accident occurred, in order to render immediate assistance if required, Mr. Forster's story is too thin. On arrival Cook was informed his old friend Oree was coming to see him, so he went ashore to meet him. The boat was hauled up close to the chief's house, and then five young plantain trees, as emblems of peace, were carried on board one by one, the first three being each accompanied by a young pig with his ears ornamented with coconut fibre; the fourth was accompanied by a dog; and the fifth by the bag which Cook had given Oree in 1769, containing the pewter plate with the inscription relating to the Endeavour's visit, and the beads, and imitation coins. On the advice of his guide, Cook decorated three of the plantains with nails, medals, beads, etc., and he, Furneaux, and Forster, landed with them in their hands. They were requested to sit down, and the trees were taken from them and placed before Oree, the first for God, the second for the king, and the third for Friendship. The chief then came forward and greeted Cook in a most affectionate manner, the tears trickling down his cheeks. Further presents were then exchanged, and the ceremony was over. SPARRMAN'S MISADVENTURE. Here they were able to purchase a plentiful supply of everything, pigs, fowls, and fruit, and Cook says if he had been able to stay longer he might have bought as much more as everything seemed abundant. The only disagreeable thing that happened was to Mr. Sparrman, who, out by himself botanising, was set upon and stripped of everything but his trousers--Besant substitutes spectacles for trousers. He made his way towards the boats, and was befriended by a native, who gave him some cloth to put over his shoulders and escorted him to the others. When Oree heard of the affair he placed himself in Cook's hands, and did his best to find out the culprits, and after a time Sparrman's hanger and the greater part of his things were recovered. It seems probable that some native law had been unwittingly broken and Sparrman's treatment was meant as a punishment, for every one else had been particularly well treated. Before leaving Cook added to Oree's treasures a copper plate on which was inscribed, "Anchored here, His Britannic Majesty's Ships Resolution and Adventure, September 1773." Some medals were also given him, and he was requested to show them to any visitors that came. At Ulietea they were received at a heava or dramatic performance, one portion of which illustrated robbery by two men, and Cook says it was acted "in such a masterly manner as sufficiently displayed the genius of the people in this vice." Fruit and vegetables being rather scarce, Mr. Pickersgill was despatched with a boat from each ship to an island Cook calls O'Taha, where they were said to be plentiful, and he was able to purchase as much as they had means to pay for, at a very reasonable rate; but during negotiations the bag containing the trade was stolen. Pickersgill at once seized everything of value he could lay his hands on, signifying at the same time that all should be returned when the bag and its contents were produced. In the evening a chief, who had been friendly all day, went off and soon after came back with the bag and about half its contents. Eventually all was recovered, and the boats left with good loads in a perfectly friendly manner. When the boats went from Ulietea the crews of the two vessels were again entertained, but during the night all the natives disappeared, to the surprise and annoyance of Cook, who thought something serious had happened to offend them. It turned out that, seeing the boats did not return, the natives thought it was a case of desertion, and were afraid they might be held responsible. BAGPIPES APPRECIATED. Leaving here, the course was to the south of west so as to clear the tracks of other explorers, and then to call at Middleburg and Amsterdam. Each night the ships lay to in order that they might not overlook any unknown island, and on 23rd September Harvey's Islands were sighted and named. On 1st October Middleburg was reached, but no good anchorage being found, they went on to Amsterdam. Before they got clear away, however, two canoes came out, and the coast opening up in a more promising manner, they ran in again and found ground in twenty-five fathoms. Plenty of the natives, quite unarmed, came off to the ships, some, amongst whom was a chief named Tioony, were invited on board; the traders were so anxious to do business, that those who could not get near enough to hand their goods into the boats, pitched them over the heads of their friends. Some of the party accompanied Tioony to his house, which was delightfully situated, and were entertained with refreshments, in the shape of coconuts, bananas, and a few shaddocks, called by Forster pumplemoses, and music; and in return the ship's bagpipes played, to the great enjoyment of the natives. Turnbull, who visited the Pacific during the years 1800 to 1804, says that these instruments were remembered, and in Otaheite were specially asked for. The musical contribution of the natives commenced with a song by three girls, who sang rather nicely, and were duly rewarded with presents, whereon all the women began singing in a manner which Cook describes as "both musical and harmonious." A short walk disclosed plantations "well laid out and kept," but as eatables seemed scarce, a departure was made the next day for Amsterdam, the waves breaking high upon the rocks as they followed the coast. Off the southern point of Amsterdam several canoes came out, and their occupants came aboard without hesitation, presenting cava root as a peace-offering. The ships anchored in eighteen fathoms, and were soon crowded with visitors. Nothing but cloth was offered for sale, so Cook, finding the sailors were parting with clothing they would soon be wanting, issued an order that no curiosities were to be purchased, with the result that next morning hogs, fowls, coconuts, and bananas were forthcoming. Cook, Forster, and some of the others went ashore and found a chief, Attago, who had attached himself to Cook, very useful in their trading. Mr. Hodges painted a picture of this landing, but, as Mr. Forster very justly points out, the attire of the natives is far too classical. It was noticed that many of the natives had lost the top joint of the little finger of one, and in some cases, of both hands. This was understood to be a mark of mourning for the loss of parents. The fowls here were remarkably good, and the sailors purchased some for the purpose of cock-fighting, but they proved much more successful in the pot. The island is described as well cultivated, not an inch of ground being wasted in roads or fences. Forster reported having seen a large casuarina tree loaded with crows, but they proved to be that pest of the fruit grower--flying foxes. He also states that the Resolution anchored in the same spot as Tasman when he discovered the island. The natives proved as adept at thieving as the majority of the South Sea Islanders. One man, who had stolen some books from the Master's cabin, got off in his canoe, and being chased, took to the water, and diving under his pursuers' boat, unshipped the rudder, and got clear away. Mr. Wales, in going ashore, took off his shoes and stockings to save them from the wet, when they were at once snatched up by a native, who ran off with them over the coral rocks, leaving poor Wales in what Cook calls "an unpleasant but laughable position," unable to follow over the sharp stone; however, Attago soon afterwards recovered them. The language was closely allied to that used in the Society Group, many words being identical; and Cook concluded they had some form of religious worship, as he noted enclosed pieces of ground in which one or two particular men were accustomed to repeat speeches apparently of a set nature. NEW ZEALAND ONCE MORE. On 7th October, sailing for New Zealand, they were delayed by contrary winds, and did not sight the neighbourhood of Table Cape till the 21st. They stood in to Tolago and Poverty Bays with the intention of presenting any chiefs who came off, with pigs, fowls, and garden seeds in hopes of making a commencement in stocking the island, but none were seen till Cape Kidnappers was reached, when two made their appearance, and were duly given two boars and two sows, and four hens and two cocks, first obtaining a promise that they should not be killed; to these were added a supply of seeds, such as peas, beans, cabbage, turnips, etc. Standing on through a series of heavy squalls, in one of which the Resolution lost her fore topgallant mast, they ran into a violent gale which lasted for a week, and, after a slight moderation, came on with increased fury, and the two vessels parted company. On 3rd November the Resolution reached her old anchorage in Ship Cove, Queen Charlotte's Sound; but the Adventure was seen no more during the voyage. Forster was much upset by the stormy weather, "the dreadful energy of the language" of the sailors, the absence of their consort which "doubled every danger," the shortness of the table supplies and his own dislike to a further trip to southern latitudes. Hoping the Adventure might yet come in, Cook pushed on with his refit, and thoroughly overhauled his stores. About 4000 pounds weight of ship's bread was found unfit for food, and another 3000 pounds nearly as bad; they were very fortunate, therefore, in getting a plentiful supply of scurvy grass and wild celery, and a small quantity of vegetables from the gardens they had previously laid out. Any doubts that may have been felt about the cannibalism of the New Zealanders was set at rest by some of the officers who surprised a party engaged in a feast. A human head was purchased from the feasters and taken on board, and a piece of the flesh being offered to a Maori, it was greedily devoured. A South Sea Islander, Odidie, was intensely horrified, and refused to touch the knife with which it had been cut, nor would he be in any way friendly with the eater. Cook firmly believed that only enemies killed in battle were eaten, and did not think the custom arose from any shortness of food. Enclosing in a bottle, which was buried under a marked tree in the garden, a memorandum giving the dates of his arrival and departure, the direction he intended to steer, and other information he thought might be useful to Furneaux, Cook sailed on 25th November, and as they passed through the straits, guns were continually fired, and a sharp lookout kept for signs of the Adventure; but nothing was seen, and as no other rendezvous had been appointed, Cook gave up all hope of her rejoining him. The Resolution, when clear, bore up for the south-east, but had the course at the first been north of east, the two ships might possibly have met, for the Adventure was then on her way from Tolago Bay and arrived in Ship Cove four days after the departure of her consort. Cook says his crew were in good spirits, and in no way dejected, "or thought the dangers we had yet to go through were in the least increased by being alone." They were quite ready to go, "wherever I might think proper to lead them." Even Mr. Forster had to admit at a little later date, that: "notwithstanding the constant perils to which our course exposed us, in this unexplored ocean, our ship's company were far from being so uneasy as might have been expected." ARMOUR OF ICE. On 6th December, at 8.30 A.M., they reckoned they were "at the Antipodes to our friends in London, consequently as far removed from them as possible." Here a swell coming from the south-west showed there was no great body of land in that direction, except at a considerable distance. The first ice was seen on 12th December in 62 degrees 10 minutes South, and on the 15th, in 66 degrees South, they were obliged to edge away north as they were surrounded by large quantities of loose ice, and it was very foggy. Working up to between 64 and 65 degrees, they again headed east still hampered by ice and fog, but in a few days the weather improved a little, and they recovered the Antarctic Circle, and reached 67 degrees 31 minutes South on the 23rd, the highest south latitude hitherto attained. The rigging was so coated with ice that it was difficult to work the ship, and Cook altered his course to the north-east. Marra says, under 18th December: "Icicles frequently hung to the noses of the men, more than an inch long...the men, cased in frozen snow, as if clad in armour, where the running rigging has been so enlarged by frozen sleet as hardly to be grasped by the largest hand...yet, under all these hardships, the men cheerful over their grog, and not a man sick, but of old scars." Cook says that some of the men suffered from fever brought on by the unavoidable exposure to cold and wet, but it was slight, and "happily yielded to the simplest remedies." The ship was so surrounded by masses of ice as to cause some apprehension, but by taking advantage of every breath of air the danger was averted. Christmas Day was passed in constant watchfulness. "We were fortunate in having continual daylight, and clear weather, for had it been foggy as on some of the preceding days, nothing less than a miracle could have saved us from being dashed to pieces." On 7th January 1774, five very successful observations gave the mean longitude as 123 degrees 21 minutes West, the watch gave it 123 degrees 44 minutes, and the dead reckoning as 123 degrees 39 minutes. Cook signifies his keen appreciation of the watch machine, and says: "I must here take notice that our longitude can never be erroneous while we have so good a guide as Mr. Kendal's watch." OBEDIENT AND ALERT. A further attempt to the south was made, and on 30th January the high latitude of 71 degrees 10 minutes South was reached, in longitude 106 degrees 54 minutes West, further progress being stopped by a large and solid field of ice. This record was not beaten till 1823, by Weddell, and until recent years very few of the attempts on Antarctic discovery had proved as successful. Satisfied that there was no continent existing within the Arctic Circle except so far south as to be practically inaccessible on account of ice, he acknowledged he did not regret he found it impossible to go further, and, thinking that in the unexplored parts of the South Pacific there was room for many large islands, and also that discoveries already made had been imperfectly laid down on the charts, he decided that it was his duty, as he had a well-found ship and a healthy crew, to remain in these waters and add what he could to the knowledge of geography. He therefore planned to find the land discovered by Juan Fernandez in 38 degrees South, and, if unsuccessful, to proceed to Easter Island and fix its position, as it was very uncertain, then to proceed to Otaheite, where he had a faint hope he might hear of the Adventure, and, proceeding further west, settle the position of Tierra Austral del Espiritu Santo of de Quiros. Afterwards to turn south-east, and, reaching Cape Horn in November, he would have the best part of the summer for exploration in the South Atlantic. He says: "Great as this design appears to be, I however thought it possible to be executed; and when I came to communicate it to the officers, I had the satisfaction to find they all heartily concurred in it. I should not do these gentlemen justice if I did not take some opportunity to declare that they always showed the utmost readiness to carry into execution in the most effectual manner, every measure I thought proper to take. Under such circumstances it is hardly necessary to say, that the seamen were always obedient and alert; and on this occasion they were so far from wishing the voyage at an end, that they rejoiced at the prospect of its being prolonged another year and of soon enjoying the benefits of a milder climate." Mr. Forster does not agree with this account, for he says: "The long continuance in these cold climates began now to hang heavily on our crew, especially as it banished all hope of returning home this year, which had hitherto supported their spirits. At first a painful despondence owing to the dreary prospect of another year's cruise to the south seemed painted in every countenance; till by degrees they resigned themselves to their fate with a kind of sullen indifference. It must be owned, however, that nothing could be more dejecting than the entire ignorance of our future destination which, without any apparent reason was constantly kept a secret to every person in the ship." It is evident that Cook and his officers did not think it necessary to consult Mr. Forster as to the movements of the ship, or, what is more probable, he was in one of his irritable moods and must say something nasty about someone. The decision to turn northwards was taken none too soon, for on 6th February a furious storm came on, playing havoc with the sails and running rigging, and though it abated somewhat next morning, it blew very strong till the 12th, and would have been highly dangerous if it had caught them amongst the ice. On the 17th Cook judged he had crossed his outward track of 1769, and on the 20th he notes the thermometer rising to 66 degrees, the only real summer day they had experienced since leaving New Zealand. Having arrived at the position laid down for the land supposed to have been seen by Juan Fernandez, he cruised about but found no signs, so on the 25th stood away for Easter Island. Cook was now taken seriously ill and was confined to his bed for several days by what he calls the bilious cholic, during which time "Mr. Patten, the surgeon, was to me, not only a skilful physician, but an affectionate nurse." He recovered very slowly, and the want of fresh food told against him when it came to the question of gathering strength. The only fresh meat on board was a dog belonging to Mr. Forster, which was duly sacrificed and made into soup: "Thus I received nourishment and strength from food which would have made most people in Europe sick." Marra's Journal says, under 23rd February: "This day the Captain was taken ill, to the grief of all the ship's company." 28th February: "The Captain this day much better, which each might read in the countenance of the other, from the highest officer to the meanest boy on board the ship." 4th March: "The Captain perfectly recovered from his illness, to the great joy of the ship's company." EASTER ISLAND. At 8 A.M., on 11th March, Easter Island was sighted from the masthead, and shortly after noon some of the gigantic statues mentioned in Roggewin's Voyages were clearly distinguished through the glasses. The position of the ship at noon had been fixed as 27 degrees 3 minutes South, 109 degrees 46 minutes West. Standing on and off till next morning, fair anchorage was found in thirty-six fathoms, but it proved too near the edge of a bank, and they were driven off it in the night. One or two canoes came out to meet them as they were working back, from which plantains were purchased, and Cook proceeded ashore, where he was immediately surrounded by natives; indeed, some even swam out to meet him. Many of them possessed European hats, jackets, handkerchiefs, etc., which they were said to have obtained from the Spaniards in 1770. Their language was very similar to that of Otaheite, and Odidie was able to understand them fairly well. There were no trees exceeding ten feet in height, and the land is described as extremely parched and dreary, though a few plantations were seen. Some remarkable pieces of stonework were noticed, enclosing small areas of ground, in some of which were the statues already mentioned. These were not looked upon by the natives as objects of worship, although they did not like the pavements by which they were surrounded being walked over, or the statues being closely examined. Mr. Forster regarded the enclosures as burial grounds, and the statues (portions of some of them are at the British Museum) as monuments to chiefs. The water supply being found very bad, though Gonzales is said to have found good springs, and the fresh food for sale but scanty, the stay was cut short, and on 16th March sail was made for the Marquesas, discovered by Mendana in 1595. The next day, according to Marra, the fresh provisions obtained were served out to the crew at the Captain's expense: "namely, two pounds of potatoes a man, and a bunch of bananas to each mess; and this without reducing their ordinary allowance; an act of generosity which produced its effect; it preserved the crew in health, and encouraged them to undergo cheerfully the hardships that must unavoidably happen in the course of so long a voyage." MARKET SPOILT. The Marquesas were reached on 7th April, and after a narrow escape from running on the rocks, satisfactory anchorage was obtained, and they were visited by some of the natives, from whom breadfruit and fish were purchased. The next day further trading was done, nails being the chief medium of exchange, but the natives were inclined to be smart in their dealings, and on several occasions obtained payment without delivery. Cook here suffered from a relapse, but was able to get about, and after warning the officer on watch to keep a smart look-out, or something of importance would be stolen, took his seat in a boat to go in search of a better anchorage. He was then informed that a stanchion had been stolen from the gangway, and the thief had got away to his canoe on the other side of the ship. He ordered a shot to be fired over the canoes, but no one was to be hurt, and he would pull round and secure the thief. The order was apparently misunderstood, for the thief was killed, and the rest of the natives hurried ashore. Soon after trading recommenced, and the lesson appeared forgotten, for an attempt was made to steal the kedge anchor by which the ship was being warped nearer the shore. Cook landed, and the trading went on as if nothing out of the common had occurred, and some pigs (so small that it required forty or fifty to provide one meal for the crew!) and fruit were purchased; but in the afternoon, when the boats went in for water, all the natives had disappeared. This Cook attributed to his not being with them, for the next morning, when he landed, trading was resumed. A short trip was made in the boats along the coast, and when they returned it was found the market was closed. It seems one of the young gentlemen had given a small handful of red feathers he had obtained at Tonga for a small pig, and now nothing else would be accepted, so they sailed for Otaheite on the 11th. Cook was very much annoyed at the ill success in obtaining fresh provisions, for though none of the crew were ill, he thought they stood in need of a change of food. He describes the inhabitants as the finest race he had seen in the South Seas, almost as fair as Europeans, and their language very similar to that of Otaheite. Their arms consisted of clubs, spears, and slings, the two former very neatly made, and with the latter they threw stones a considerable distance but without accuracy. Mr. Forster managed to secure a quantity of small birds with very beautiful plumage. On the 17th April they sighted the George Islands, discovered by Byron (native name, Tiookea), but, after sending the Master to report on the lagoon, Cook decided it was too dangerous to enter, and Mr. Cooper went off with two boats to see if it were possible to trade. He obtained a few dogs and coconuts, but the attitude of the natives was so uncertain he would not land, and returned to the ship. One of the sailors exchanged a plantain for a dog, so it was concluded the fruit was unknown. On the 19th four more islands were discovered, and named Pallisser Islands, and on rounding one a strong swell rolling in from the south was encountered, "a sure sign that we were clear of these low islands." On the 21st, land a little to the east of Point Venus was sighted, and next morning they anchored in Matavai Bay, being immediately visited by the natives, who seemed greatly pleased to see them again. The old camp was reoccupied, the observatory set up for Mr. Wales, and Cook had again the pleasure to record he had no one on the sick list. The king, Otoo, came to visit the camp, bringing as his present a dozen pigs and some fruit, and then with some of his friends went on board ship to dinner, and to receive the return present. It was then found that the red feathers were greatly valued, a very fortunate thing as articles of trade were running short. Cook, after the disappointment in securing supplies at the last visit, intended to make a very short stay, but the place now appeared to be very thriving, houses and canoes were being built in all directions, and there was every sign of prosperity, so he decided to remain and refit. On 25th April they had a thunderstorm lasting three hours, such as no one on board had experienced before. THE OTAHEITAN FLEET. Going to visit Otoo on the next day, Cook was surprised to see a large number of fully-manned canoes ranged along the coast, and a large body of armed men on the land near them. On landing, he was surrounded by people, and seized by two chiefs, one of whom wanted to carry him off to see the king, and the other to see the fleet, and between the two, "I was like to be pulled to pieces," the crowd making way with cries of "Tiya no Tootee." He was gradually drawn towards the fleet, but refused to go on board, and after a time was allowed to return to his own boats, when he found his companions had been subject to similar treatment. They put out from shore in order to have a good look at the fleet, and counted one hundred and sixty large double canoes, all well equipped and fully manned. The chiefs were swathed in vast quantities of cloth, so that to the Englishmen it seemed almost a miracle they were able to move. The vessels were decorated with flags and streamers, and made a very fine appearance. These were the first line, and, in addition, there were one hundred and seventy smaller double canoes, each having a small house or castle on it, which were thought to be transports and store ships, as the larger ones, as far as could be seen, carried no supplies on board. The number of men on board was estimated to be no less than 7,500, and it was ascertained this armada was intended for the subjugation of Eimeo which had lately rebelled against Otaheite. Cook was informed Otoo was waiting at the camp for him, but on going there he found he had not been there, and on looking for him again in the afternoon he was still invisible. The fleet had also gone away; and then it was discovered that some of Cook's clothes had been stolen from the wash, and the king and Admiral were both in dread of his anger. However, Cook sent word he should take no steps to recover the stolen articles, and things resumed a friendly aspect, the Admiral, Towha, sending Cook a present of two large pigs and some fruit, giving orders to the bearers that they were to receive nothing in exchange. He soon after paid a visit to the ship, and as it was his first, he examined everything with great curiosity, and appeared greatly impressed with what he saw. One of the natives having been caught making off with a small water cask, Cook determined he should be punished, and made a ceremonial affair of it. The culprit was first sent on board and put in irons, the natives and the crew mustered, and then the thief was taken on shore and triced up. Cook then made a short speech in which he pointed out that when his men were caught stealing from the natives they were always punished, but the natives were always stealing from the ship and crew and getting away unpunished, he therefore ordered the man to be given two dozen lashes. These were duly administered, and Towha made a speech in which he was understood to admit the justice of Cook's action. The marines were then put through their drill, and fired a few volleys with ball, and the proceedings terminated; but Cook declares he did not know whether the natives were pleased or frightened by the ceremony. The king's brother then took some of the officers out to see a part of their fleet at exercise, and they were just in time to see the conclusion and the landing of the men. Cook says the canoes were handled very smartly, and "five minutes after putting ashore you could not tell anything of the kind had been going forward." The sea stores were again overhauled, and although the greatest care had been taken with the packing, large quantities of the bread were found to be uneatable, rendering the purchase of fresh food at every opportunity of the greatest importance. A state visit was paid on board by Otoo's father and some other members of the royal family, who presented Cook with: "a complete mourning dress, a curiosity we most valued. In return I gave him whatever he desired, which was not a little, and having distributed red feathers to all the others, conducted them ashore in my boat." MUSKET STOLEN. On 7th May the king expressed a wish to see Cook, so the latter went ashore, but found his Majesty and many of his leading men had disappeared, and the sergeant of marines reported that one of his men had had his musket stolen whilst on duty. Cook gave orders that if the musket was returned nothing further was to be said, and returned to his ship. Suspicion was attracted to six canoes laden with fruit and baggage, so Cook gave chase in his own boat. One of the canoes then made for the ship, and the occupants, women whom he recognised, informed him they were taking some things to the Resolution, and that the king was at Point Venus. Cook went to the camp, to find this was only a story to put him off, and he once again gave chase, ordering another boat to follow. A few shots were fired over the canoes, and five out of the six surrendered, the one he had spoken with getting away. He was now told that the gun had been stolen by a native of Tiarabou, and therefore Otoo was unable to get it back, so after a little discussion he decided to put up with the loss, and sent word to the king that he would say no more about it. In the evening, however, the musket and some articles that had not been missed were returned, and the men who brought them were duly rewarded. Cook says it was remarkable how many had been actively engaged in their recovery. One man in particular described most vividly how he had followed up, attacked and killed the thief of the musket, but at the same time every one was well aware that this hero had never been away from his own house throughout the day. A state call was made on Otoo, and with the usual exchange of presents the old footing was re-established. On the return from this visit a stop was made "at the dockyards, for such they deserve to be called," and the canoes in construction were inspected, two of them being the largest the Englishmen had yet seen. The king soon after returned the visit, and requested that the big guns should be fired, but Cook thinks it was very doubtful if the experience was enjoyed. A display of fireworks in the evening was much more to the native taste. Referring to the numerous robberies that had been committed, Cook says he found it far the best to deal mildly with the delinquents, and the regulations he made were, as a rule, well kept by the natives. He was now better pleased with his reception, and concluded that the island was in a more prosperous condition than at his last visit. When the ship was ready to resume her voyage, several young natives volunteered to accompany her, and Mr. Forster was most anxious to take one as a servant, but as Cook could see no prospect of returning them to their homes, he would not permit one to go. MARRA DESERTS. When the anchor was weighed on 14th May, Marra, the gunner's mate, whose Journal has been quoted, quietly slipped into the water, and endeavoured to reach a canoe which was hanging about to pick him up, but he was seen and taken on board again. In his notes he expresses his regret that the scientific world thus lost the chance of having the experiences of a prolonged residence amongst these people placed before it. At the time of leaving there was great talk of the expedition against Eimeo, and Cook would have liked to have watched the proceedings, but he soon saw that nothing would be done whilst he remained in the vicinity. On their arrival at Huaheine on the 15th the ship was immediately boarded by Cook's old friend Oree with the usual present, and he and his friends were invited to dine on board. He was asked what he would like for the return present, and named axes and nails, which were given him with the request that he would distribute them amongst his people; this he at once did, to the apparent satisfaction of all. The thieving propensities of the natives were still as bad as ever; a shooting party was robbed of its stock of trade goods, and the day after three officers were seized and stripped, so Cook took an armed party ashore, captured two of the leading chiefs and a large house, and said he should keep them till the things stolen were returned. This had the desired effect, and everything was soon brought back. On 23rd May they sailed for Ulietea, and on their arrival the next day were well received, though it was evident provisions were rather scarce. They were informed here that two ships had arrived at Huaheine, one commanded by Banks, and the other by Furneaux, and their informant describes both Captains so well that it was some time before Cook ventured to reject the tale as too improbable. It is possible that there was some foundation for the story that ships had been seen, for it afterwards became known that M. St. Dennis had been in the South Pacific about this time with two vessels. Notwithstanding pressing invitations from the natives to stay, Cook sailed for Lord Howe's Island, discovered by Wallis, reaching it on the 6th June, but as it seemed uninhabited it offered no inducement for any stay. On the 16th a chain of sand-banks and islets surrounding a lagoon into which no practicable entrance could be seen, was named Palmerston's Islands; and on the 20th a landing was effected on Savage Island, but as the natives were very threatening, and the country enabled them to approach closely without exposing themselves, the party retired to the boats. A few spears were thrown, and Marra says that one would have struck Cook had he not seen it coming and stooped in time to avoid it, and then aimed with his gun loaded with small shot at the thrower, but it missed fire; a short time afterwards he again tried it, aiming in the air, and it was discharged. Forster attributes the constant misfires to the bad quality of the flints supplied by the Government, and says that English flints had a very unsatisfactory reputation on the Continent. MORE THIEVING. The course was now set for Rotterdam, where they arrived on 26th June, and were fairly well received by the natives, who brought supplies of fruit before the anchorage had been reached; but they soon began to play the old game of trying to annex anything that took their fancy. One seized the lead which was in use, whilst a second tried to cut the line with a stone, and was only persuaded to desist by a charge of small shot fired at his legs. A small party of sailors went ashore for water, and a quantity was obtained; but again the natives became too pressing in their attentions. The doctor's musket was stolen, then Mr. Clerke's, then some other things and a cooper's adze; and Cook, though at first inclined to take no notice, felt compelled to seize two canoes, and himself wounded a man, who had rendered himself conspicuous by his disorderly conduct, with a charge of small shot, and it was at first rumoured he was killed. This Cook would not believe as he had been very careful not to fire at a vital spot. After a time the muskets and some of the other things were given up, so the canoes were returned to their owners, and the adze was demanded. Instead of the adze, however, the reported corpse was brought on board, and proved, on examination by the doctor, to be very little the worse for his experience, having a slight wound on the thigh and a second one on the wrist. He was soon on his feet, and the adze was then produced. The next day the people were very civil, and the crew were able to water without interruption. On 16th July they sighted Aurora Island, discovered by Bougainville, but it came on to blow hard, so they did not attempt to anchor. The natives came down fully armed as if to oppose a landing, and the ship passed on to Whitsunday Island. Off Malicolo good anchorage was found, and the natives came on board, and were so pleased with their reception they returned next day in greater numbers, and whilst Cook was in his cabin with some who appeared to be chiefs, a great noise arose on deck. A boat keeper had declined to allow a native to get into his boat, and the islander was fitting an arrow to his bow as Cook came on deck, with the intention of shooting the sailor. Cook shouted at him, and he at once diverted his aim to the Captain, but the latter was too quick, and peppered him with small shot, spoiling his aim. He was not much hurt, and proceeded to fit another arrow to his bow, when Cook gave him the second barrel and induced him to retire. Some of the others also discharged a few arrows, so a musket was fired over them, without any effect. A four-pound gun was tried, and the effect was truly marvellous; the natives in the rigging and on deck threw themselves into the water, whilst those in the cabin jumped from the ports, and the ship was left in peace. Cook was not favourably impressed by these islanders, and describes them as "in general, the most ugly ill-proportioned people I ever saw." Forster, however, thought they were very intelligent. They were judged to be a different race from the Society or Friendly Islanders, and spoke a different language. POISONOUS FISH. After leaving, many of those on board were very ill for a week or ten days from having eaten of a fish which Forster calls a red sea bream, and Cook believed to be the same as those which poisoned de Quiros's people, and in his account says that: "The fish had eaten of poisonous plants, all parts of the flesh became empoisoned. The ship appeared like the Hospital of a city which had the plague; there was none who could stand on their feet." Owing to the care of the surgeons, however "all were recovered." The next land seen was a small group of islands, named Shepherd's Islands, "in honour of my worthy friend, the Plumian Professor of Astronomy at Cambridge"; and Mr. Forster complains that Cook's "rashness and reliance on good fortune become the principal roads to fame, by being crowned with great and undeserved success." This was very out of place at the time, for Cook was exercising the very greatest precautions, as he fully recognised the dangers by which they were surrounded. He always stood off and on during the night, and only proceeded through unknown waters by day. Several of these islets were of a peculiar formation, and one high columnar rock was named the Monument; Forster gives its height as 140 yards, the other accounts are satisfied with feet. Many of the group were inhabited, but no favourable opportunity for landing occurred. On 1st August a fire broke out on board, and Forster writes: "Confusion and horror appeared in all our faces at the bare mention of it, and it was some time before proper measures were taken to stop its progress, for in these moments of danger few are able to collect their faculties and act with cool deliberation." After about half a page of this, on fires in general, he observes: "Providentially the fire of this day was very trifling and extinguished in a few moments." Then a few days after a marine, who had fallen overboard, was smartly picked up, and being well looked after by his comrades, was soon showing no ill effects of his accident, thus giving Mr. Forster an opportunity to write of it as an example of "the result of an esprit du corps to which sailors, at present, are utter strangers." An utterly unwarranted sneer. At Erromango, on 4th August, Cook went in with the boats, and the natives tried to induce them to come on shore, but something roused suspicion after he and one man had got into the water, so, making signs that he would come back later, he stepped back. The natives then rushed the boats, trying to drag them onto the beach, and succeeded in stealing two oars, at the same time wounding several of the boats' crews, amongst them Mr. Gilbert, the Master, with a shower of stones, spears, and arrows. Cook attempted to give one of the chiefs a charge of small shot, but his gun missed fire, and he was obliged, very reluctantly, to order the marines to fire, with the result that several of the natives were wounded. Under the circumstances it was not considered worth while remaining, so the ship left for Tanna, some twelve leagues to the south. A bright light had been noticed in that direction the night before, which proved to have been caused by a volcanic eruption. A good anchorage was found at Tanna, and the ship warped close in. Several natives coming on board to trade soon developed the usual propensity to carry off anything that took their fancy--on this occasion the anchor buoys were the special attraction. Muskets were fired over their head to no purpose, so a four-pounder was discharged, which for a time had a good result; but soon they were as bad as ever, so two or three musquetoons were fired close to them, and though none were hurt, the crew were able to get their dinner in peace. HOT SPRINGS. An old man, called by Cook Paowang, appeared to be inclined to be friendly, so Cook landed with a strong party to look for water under his guidance, and met with some of the elders, exchanging presents with them. The next day the ship was warped in, and three boats went ashore, but the natives were very threatening, and after some futile attempts to put things on a peaceable footing a signal was given to the ship and several guns were fired, when all the natives ran away except Paowang, who was suitably rewarded for his confidence. After a time permission was obtained to get wood, water, and ballast, and whilst trying to lift a stone out of a pool below high-water mark, one of the crew scalded his hand badly. The pool proved to be one of a series of springs running down a spur of the volcano into the sea. Several were tested with the thermometer, and as much as 202 degrees Fahrenheit was attained. Forster found a number of cracks on the ridge from which sulphurous vapour and smoke issued, and one of the crew who had been suffering severely from rheumatism received great temporary benefit from bathing in one of the springs. Many good plantations of yams, sugar-cane, and plantains were seen, but they could purchase very little as their articles of trade were not appreciated. The natives did not understand the use of iron, and did not require cloth as they went almost entirely naked. Though no direct signs of cannibalism had been found, Cook was convinced that the practice was not unknown. After leaving Tanna, the western coasts of the different islands were followed up till De Bougainville's Passage was reached, when the course was set for Espiritu Santo. In passing Malicolo canoes put off for the ship, but the wind being favourable, Cook would not delay, and gave Forster the opportunity to remark that the main object of the voyage, i.e. the obtaining a knowledge of the natural history of the islands, was made subservient to the production of a new track on the chart of the Southern Hemisphere. CARDINAL MORAN'S GEOGRAPHY. On 25th August they entered the bay which Cook believed to be that discovered by De Quiros, and named by him the Bay of St. Philip and St. Iago in the Tierra Austral del Espiritu Santo, now known as the New Hebrides. In this conclusion Cook has the support of Dalrymple and modern geographers, but Forster, for some reason which is not quite clear, felt compelled to differ. Cardinal Moran, the Catholic Archbishop of Sydney, also believes Cook to have been mistaken, for in his History of the Catholic Church in Australia, he places De Quiros's discovery in Port Curtis, Queensland, where he claims that the first Catholic service ever celebrated in Australia was held. He puts aside the fact that the latitude of Port Curtis, 24 degrees South, does not agree with that given by De Quiros, 15 degrees 20 minutes South, by saying that the positions of newly discovered places were, in those days, "often purposely concealed lest other navigators might appropriate to themselves and their respective countries, the results of the discovery." He quotes details given in De Quiros's petitions to the King of Spain, and says: "All these details fit in admirably with Port Curtis on the Queensland coast." Now De Quiros says the country he discovered was thickly inhabited by a people who were armed with bows and arrows, possessed vessels of earthenware, lived in houses of wood, roofed with palm leaves, were amply supplied with oranges, limes, pears, almonds larger than those of Spain, hogs, fowls, goats, capons, etc. That in the bay where he anchored there was no sandy barren ground, no mangroves, no ants, no mosquitoes, and that his anchorage lay between two considerable rivers. How these details fit in with Port Curtis may be evident to his Eminence, but is not apparent to less distinguished mortals. The district of Port Curtis when discovered was very thinly populated, and shows no signs of ever having been otherwise. Bows and arrows and earthenware vessels were absolutely unknown throughout Australia; houses did not exist, except in the form of temporary shelters of branches, leaves, and bark; the fruits and animals mentioned were unknown; and sandy barren country with mangroves, ants, and mosquitoes does exist in considerable quantity. The anchorage, had De Quiros ever been there, might have been between two rivers, the Boyne and Calliope (both of small size), but Cardinal Moran, to make this detail "fit in admirably", has recourse to the bold measure of moving the mouth of the Burnett River from Wide Bay to Port Curtis--some 2 1/2 degrees to the north of its real position. On the other hand, Cook's description of the New Hebrides fits in with much greater accuracy. The latitude was found to be 15 degrees 5 minutes South, and Mr. Cooper, who went ashore with the boats, reported that he landed near a fine stream of fresh water, "probably one of those mentioned by De Quiros; and if we were not deceived, we saw the other." The country was described by Cook thus: "an uncommonly luxuriant vegetation was everywhere to be seen; the sides of the hills were chequered with plantations; and every valley watered by a stream; of all the productions of nature this country was adorned with, the coconut trees were the most conspicuous." A few canoes ventured near enough to have some presents thrown to them, but here the intercourse ended, for Cook felt that, notwithstanding the inviting appearance of the place, he had no time to spare from the great object of the expedition, namely, the exploration of the Southern Ocean, and, as the wind was favourable, sailed for New Zealand for a refit. CHAPTER 14. 1774 TO 1775. SECOND VOYAGE CONCLUDED. On 4th September Midshipman Colnett sighted a large island, which was named New Caledonia, the point first seen being called Cape Colnett. An opening in the surrounding reef having been found by the boats, the Resolution worked up to an anchorage and was quickly surrounded by canoes whose occupants were totally unarmed. At first they were shy of coming near, but at length one canoe was persuaded to receive some small presents, and in return gave some fish which "stunk intolerably," but for all that it was received in hopes more satisfactory trading might result. To some who came on board dinner was offered, but they would touch nothing but yams. They appeared to know nothing of dogs, goats, or hogs, but greatly appreciated both red cloth and nails. Cook landed and was well received, and water was pointed out, but it was too inconvenient of access; the land near a village was well cultivated and irrigated, the products being chiefly yams, plantains, and coconuts, the latter were not bearing much fruit. On 6th September Mr. Wales secured a moderately satisfactory observation of an eclipse of the sun, and was able to fix their position as 20 degrees 17 minutes 39 seconds South, 164 degrees 41 minutes 21 seconds East. On the same day the ship's butcher, Monk, "a man much esteemed in the ship," fell down the forehatch, and died the following day from the injury received. Whilst some of the crew were engaged in watering, a small party went up the hills to view the surrounding country, but as all the natives they met turned back to follow them, Cook remarks, "at last our train was numerous." They were able to see right across the island, and estimated the width to be not more than ten leagues. On returning it was found the clerk had purchased a fish, something like a sun-fish; and as the artist was engaged in drawing and describing it, the cook took the liver and roe for supper in the cabin, with the result that Cook and the Forsters were nearly poisoned, and were only cured by the most careful attention of the surgeon. When the natives saw the fish the next morning they immediately signified it was unfit to eat, but Cook says nothing of the kind had been intimated when it was purchased. NORFOLK ISLAND. The natives were described as robust and well made, "and not in the least addicted to pilfering, which is more than can be said of any other nation in this sea." The only tame animals they had were large fowls with very bright plumage. The country was said to consist of rocky hills, and the trees identical with those seen in New South Wales. Leaving a sow and boar behind, in hopes of their being allowed to breed, and marking a tree with the name of the ship and the date, they left for the Isle of Pines, where they arrived on the 19th. Here they were in very dangerous waters, and Cook says the safety of the ship was owing to the splendid way in which the watch was kept, and the brisk manner in which she was handled by the crew. Forster noted "innumerable columnar forms of a considerable height which we distinguished by the help of our glasses"; he put them very proudly down as of basaltic formation, and afforded considerable amusement to Cook when he was able to prove they were only trees of the Pine family; in fact, some were afterwards cut down on Botany Island and used for spars. They were unable to effect a landing on the Isle of Pines owing to the rocky nature of the shore, but by some unknown means Mr. Hodges painted a view of the interior of the island, published under that title in Cook's Voyages. Norfolk Island was discovered on 10th October, and a landing was effected, but no sign of inhabitants was seen, though a welcome supply of fish, birds, and cabbage palm was obtained. The vegetation bore a resemblance to that of New Zealand. On 17th October Mount Egmont was sighted, and anchoring in Queen Charlotte's Sound an immediate search was made for a bottle containing letters which had been left for the Adventure. It was not to be found, nor was there anything to show by whom it had been taken, but the next day they saw where an observatory had been set up, and trees cut down with axes, and so came to the conclusion their consort had been there. The natives, who were at first very shy, but when they recognised Cook "went jumping and skipping about like madmen," informed them that the Adventure came in soon after they had left, and remained two or three weeks. A story also was told that a ship had been lost on the north side of the straits shortly before Cook arrived, and some of the people having had their clothes stolen by the natives, fired on them, but when their ammunition was exhausted were all killed. This story, evidently a distorted account of what happened to some of the Adventure's crew, was disbelieved by Cook, who thought there had been some misunderstanding. Cook, from fresh observations, found that he had placed the South Island on his chart some 40 minutes too far to the east, and had made the distance between Queen Charlotte's Sound and Cape Pallisser 10 minutes nearer to each other than they should have been. In this connection he speaks in the highest terms of the desire of Mr. Wales to have everything as accurate as possible. On 11th November the Resolution left the Sound at daybreak to cross the South Pacific between latitudes 54 and 55 degrees, and the course convinced Cook there was no possibility of there being any large piece of land in that portion of the ocean. He therefore stood for the western entrance of Magellan's Straits, sighting Cape Descada on 17th December, following the coast round to Christmas Sound, which they reached on the 20th, the country passed being described as "the most desolate and barren I ever saw." At Christmas Sound they were more fortunate, for wood, water, wild celery, and a large number of geese provided them with a welcome banquet for Christmas Day. They were visited by some of the natives, described as "a little, ugly, half-starved, beardless race; I saw not a tall person amongst them." The scent of dirt and train oil they carried with them was "enough to spoil the appetite of any European," consequently none were invited to join the festivities. They had European knives, cloth, handkerchiefs, etc., showing they had been in communication with white men; and Forster notes they had canoes which could not have been made in the neighbourhood, for there was no timber of sufficient size. CAPE HORN CORRECTED. Cape Horn was passed on 29th December, and Cook made his longitude 68 degrees 13 minutes West, a little too far to the westward; it should be 67 degrees 16 minutes West. This is absolutely correct, according to Wharton. On 1st January 1775 they landed on a small island off Staten Island, and then put in to a fine sheltered harbour on the main island, which consequently was named New Year Harbour. The weather proved unfavourable for surveying, but enough was ascertained to convince them that the Tierra del Fuego and Staten Island coasts were not so dangerous to navigation as they had been represented. On 3rd January they left to look for Dalrymple's Gulf of Sebastian, which Cook thought was non-existent, and on the 6th they reached the position given on the chart, but could find no signs of any land. Bearing up to the north, Georgia Island was seen on the 14th, and was found to be entirely covered with snow, creating surprise as it was now the height of summer. The ship ran in between Georgia and Willis Islands, and possession was formally taken of the group, though Cook did not think that "any one would ever be benefited by the discovery." Working as far south as 60 degrees, he turned to the east, being "tired of these high southern latitudes where nothing was to be found but ice and thick fogs," and a long hollow swell coming from the westward convinced him that he was correct in his assumption that the Gulf of Sebastian and a large body of land did not exist. On the 30th two large islands were seen, and then three rocky islets to the north; the largest was named Freezeland Peak, after the sailor who sighted it, S. Freesland; and behind these was an elevated coast which received the name of Southern Thule, as being the most southerly land then discovered. The position of the ship was given as 59 degrees 13 minutes 30 seconds South, 27 degrees 45 minutes West. During the early part of February they ran down east between 58 and 59 degrees South, frequently having to throw the ship up into the wind to shake the snow out of her sails, for the weather was very bad. After another unsuccessful attempt to find Cape Circumcision, the ship's head was turned towards the Cape of Good Hope on 23rd February, and Cook had the satisfaction of feeling he had solved the problem of the non-existence of any southern continent except in close proximity to the Pole. He firmly believed from his observations of the icefields that such a continent in the far south did exist, but he asserted that further exploration in that direction would be of little service to navigation, and would be hardly worth the cost and danger that must be incurred. On 16th March two Dutch ships were seen steering to the west, and a boat was sent off to the nearest, which proved to be the Bownkirke Polder, from Bengal. They were offered any supplies the Dutchman had, notwithstanding the latter was rather short, owing to his being some time out from port. Some English sailors on board told of the Adventure having been at the Cape of Good Hope some twelve months previously, and that she had reported the massacre of a boat's crew in New Zealand. At the same time three more sail came up, one, an English ship, did not intend to call at the Cape, so Cook forwarded by her a letter to the Admiralty and received some provisions, and, most valuable gift, a packet of old newspapers. On the 22nd the Resolution anchored in Table Bay, saluting the Dutch flag with thirteen guns, and the next morning Cook waited on the Governor, who did everything he could to assist him and render his stay agreeable. THREE ON THE SICK LIST. Cook was greatly pleased to be able to report three men only on the sick list, and the remainder were granted as much leave as the refitting of the ship would permit. The rigging, of course, had suffered severely, and had to be replaced at an exorbitant cost from the Government Stores; but Cook calls attention to the state of the masts, which he considered, after sailing some 20,000 leagues, bore testimony to the care and ability of his officers and men, and also to the high qualities of his ship. M. de Crozet put in on his way to Pondicherry, and was impressed with Cook's courtesy and qualifications as an explorer. He was able to give the first information of M. de Surville's voyage, and that he had cleared away a mistake Cook had made in assuming that the New Caledonia reefs extended to the Great Barrier Reef on the east of Australia. Forster says that Cook pointedly avoided having any intercourse with any of the Spaniards who were there, but gives no reason for it. He also bought a quantity of wild animals and birds, many of which died before reaching England, and he roundly but unjustly accused the crew of having killed them. Touching at St. Helena, where Kendal's watch was found to differ by about two miles from the observations of Mason and Dixon at the Cape and those of Maskelyne at St. Helena, he proceeded to Ascension, where he obtained a good supply of fresh turtle, and then to Fernando de Noronho, fixing the position as 3 degrees 50 minutes South, 32 degrees 34 minutes West, and crossed the line on 11th June. Calling in at the Azores, land was sighted near Plymouth on the 29th, and next day they anchored at Spithead; and Cook, Wales, Hodges, and the two Forsters immediately started for London, having been away from England three years and eighteen days. During this time they had lost four men, three from accident and one from disease--a record unprecedented in the annals of British Naval history. The war with the American colonies was naturally occupying the attention of the public, but the newspapers found space to publish more or less authentic information as to their arrival and proceedings on the voyage. One paper gravely said that: "Captain Cooke will be appointed Admiral of the Blue, and command a fleet which is preparing to go out in the spring, as a reward for the discoveries he has made in his last voyage in the South Seas." On 9th August Cook was summoned to St. James's Palace and had a long audience with the King, presenting several charts and maps and submitting several drawings, some of which were ordered to be engraved for the private museum. In return the King presented him with his commission as Post-Captain and his appointment to H.M.S. Kent. The commission, signed by Sandwich, Penton, and Pallisser, bears date 9th August. Furneaux was made Captain. He sailed for America in October, and was present at the attack on New Orleans in 1777; he died at the age of forty-six, some four years later. Kempe, Cooper, and Clerke were promoted to Commanders; and Isaac Smith, Lieutenant. Mr. Wales was appointed Mathematical Master at Christ's Hospital, and Charles Lamb mentions him as having been a severe man but: "a perpetual fund of humour, a constant glee about him, heightened by an inveterate provincialism of North Country dialect, absolutely took away the sting from his severities." Mr. Forster was received by the King at Kew, and was afterwards presented to the Queen, to whom he gave some of the birds bought at the Cape. He also attracted attention from another quarter, for Lloyd's Evening Post reports that on 6th August, his house at Paddington "was broke open and robbed of effects of considerable value." Again the Morning Post, 23rd August, reports: "Monday night, as Mr. John Reynold Forster was returning from Chelsea in a post chaise, he was attacked by three highwaymen, near Bloody Bridge, who robbed him of three guineas and a watch set with diamonds." GREENWICH HOSPITAL. Acting on advice from the Admiralty, Cook, on 12th August, applied for the position of one of the Captains of Greenwich Hospital, vacant through the death of Captain Clements, stipulating that if occasion arose in which his services would be of use elsewhere, he might be permitted to resign. This application was immediately granted, and his appointment is dated on the same day as his application. The salary was 200 pounds per year, with a residence and certain small allowances such as fire and light, and one shilling and twopence per day table money. It is apparent from his letters that though he may have taken over some of the duties (but that is improbable, owing to his time being fully occupied preparing his Journal for the press and then making arrangements for his final voyage), he never entered upon residence but remained at Mile End. He, however, found time to write two letters to Mr. Walker of Whitby, in the first of which he speaks rather despondingly of being "confined within the limits of Greenwich Hospital, which are far too small for an active mind like mine"; and in the second he gives a rapid sketch of the voyage, which, by its clear conciseness, proves the worthlessness of Mr. Forster's sneer, repeated by later writers, that the public account of the voyage owed more to the editing of Canon Douglas than to the writing of Cook. Soon after Cook's arrival in London, Furneaux handed him his Journal of the proceedings of the Adventure from the time of their separation off the coast of New Zealand. They were blown off the land near Table Cape in the beginning of November 1773, again sighting it near Cape Pallisser, only to be blown off again, their sails and rigging suffering severely. They put into Tolago Bay for temporary repairs and water, and left again on the 13th, but had to put back till the 16th, and even then the weather was so bad that they did not reach Queen Charlotte's Sound till the 30th, when the bottle left by Cook was at once found, telling they were six days too late. They pushed on as rapidly as possible with the refit, and then were further delayed by finding a large quantity of the bread required rebaking, but they were ready to sail by 17th December. Mr. Rowe was sent out with a boat to get a supply of vegetables, and the ship was to have sailed the following day, but the boat did not return. Burney was then sent off with a party of marines in search, and after a time discovered the missing men had been all killed and some of them eaten by the Maoris. Portions of the bodies were found and identified--Rowe's hand, by an old scar, Thomas Hill's hand, had been tattooed in Otaheite; Captain Furneaux's servant's hand; and midshipman Woodhouse's shoes were found, and a portion of the boat. The natives who had these remains were fired on, but Burney could take no further steps, for he estimated there were fifteen hundred of the natives near the place. Furneaux believed that the attack was unpremeditated as the Maoris had been quite friendly, and both he and Cook had been at the place during their previous visit. He concluded that some sudden quarrel had arisen and the boat's crew had been incautious. MASSACRE. On his next voyage Cook obtained an account of the affair from the natives, when they said that the crew was at dinner and some of the Maoris attempted to steal some bread and fish, whilst one tried to get something from the boat which had been left in charge of the Captain's black servant. The thieves were given a thrashing, and a quarrel arose, during which two muskets were discharged and two natives were shot. The Maoris then closed in and killed all the sailors immediately. The Yorkshire Gazette of 4th June 1887 states that it was reported that a midshipman escaped the massacre, and after many wanderings reached England in 1777. If this improbable story is true he must have been Mr. Woodhouse, whose shoes were found, for he was the only midshipman in the boat. On 23rd December the Adventure sailed, but owing to contrary winds did not get away from the coast for some days. She stood south-east till 56 degrees South was reached, and then the cold being extreme and the sea high, her course was set for the Horn, reaching as high as 61 degrees South with a favourable wind. Stores were running short, so after an unsuccessful search for Cape Circumcision she sailed for Table Bay, and having refitted, again left on 16th April for England, and dropped her anchor at Spithead on 14th July 1774. Mr. Forster states that this second voyage of Cook cost 25,000 pounds, but does not give the source of his information. CHAPTER 15. 1775 TO 1776. ENGLAND. After his return Cook was busily engaged preparing his Journal and charts for publication, which had been sanctioned by the Admiralty, and was considerably annoyed and delayed by the conduct of Mr. Forster, who immediately on his return complained that the 4,000 pounds granted him to cover the whole of his expenses had proved totally inadequate. He claimed that Lord Sandwich had promised, verbally, that he was to have the exclusive duty of writing the History of the Voyage, was to receive the whole of the profits thereof, and to be provided with permanent employment for the remainder of his life. This promise was totally denied by Lord Sandwich, and it certainly does not appear to have been a reasonable one to make on behalf of the Admiralty. After a protracted discussion, it was agreed that Cook should write the account of the voyage and the countries visited; whilst Forster was to write a second volume containing his observations as a scientist; the Admiralty was to pay the expenses of engraving the charts, pictures, etc., and, on completion of the work, the plates were to be equally divided between Cook and Forster. Cook was to proceed with his part at once and submit it to Forster for revision, and Forster was to draw up a plan of the method he intended to pursue and forward it to Lord Sandwich for approval. Cook proceeded to carry out his share, and furnished Forster with a large amount of manuscript; but the latter proved obstinately insistent in having his own way in everything, with the result that, after submitting two schemes to Lord Sandwich, both extremely unsatisfactory, he was forbidden to write at all, and it was decided that Cook should complete the whole work, and it should be revised by the Reverend John Douglas, Canon of Windsor, afterwards Bishop of Carlisle. FORSTER'S YARNS. Notwithstanding the prohibition against Forster, a book was published under his son's name, and the latter claims that he started on the voyage with the intention of writing, took copious notes, and, excepting that he utilised those taken by his father, the work was entirely his own. He forgets, however, to say that a quantity of Cook's manuscripts had been in his father's hands, and does not explain how so much of his book corresponds with curious exactitude with that of Cook (in many cases word for word), and how, when the papers of Cook failed to provide him with further facts, he was obliged to rely on would-be philosophical dissertations which it is to be hoped were not obtained from his father's notebooks. Young Forster says that the appointment was first of all given to his father in a spirit of pique on the part of Lord Sandwich, and then the order forbidding him to write was made because the father had refused to give Miss Ray, Lord Sandwich's mistress, who had admired them when on board the ship, some birds brought home from the Cape of Good Hope as a present to the Queen. In the end the Forsters forestalled Cook's book by about six weeks, and as this was after Cook had left England on his last voyage, Mr. Wales undertook the defence of the absent against the sneers and insinuations that were plentifully given out all round. The Forsters infer that Cook was unreliable because he suppresses mention of the bombardment of the Loo fort at Madeira, an event which never happened; and because he places Valparaiso (where he had never been) in the position given on the Admiralty chart supplied to him, which proved to be some 10 degrees out. The Master who had refused to give up his cabin was, of course, never forgiven; and as for Mr. Wales, who had observed the Transit of Venus at Hudson's Bay in 1769, for the Royal Society, he, poor man, had neither knowledge nor experience in astronomical science. The crews of the two ships also, carefully selected men though they were, some of whom had been the previous voyage, were morally and physically bad, and utterly incapable of performing their duty in a proper and seamanlike manner. A little allowance must be made for the two authors, for the father suffered severely from rheumatism, the son was of a scorbutic tendency, and both were unaccustomed to sea life, and doubtless the hardships inseparable from such a voyage pressed heavily upon them. A second Journal was published by F. Newbery about the same time, and Cook hearing of it, sent Anderson, the gunner, to find out the author. With little difficulty he was found to be Marra, the gunner's mate who tried to desert at Otaheite, and the publication was stayed till after the authorised version was out. A volume of Cook's letters to Dr. Douglas relating to the preparation of his Journal for the press is preserved at the British Museum, and it shows how Cook to the very last endeavoured to serve Mr. Forster's interests, and to smooth matters over so that they could work together. The last one Dr. Douglas received before Cook's departure was dated from Mile End, 23rd June 1776, the day before he joined his ship at the Nore. Dear Sir, It is now settled that I am to publish without Mr. Forster, and I have taken my measures accordingly. When Captain Campbell has looked over the manuscript it will be put into the hands of Mr. Strahan and Mr. Stuart to be printed, and I shall hope for the continuation of your assistance in correcting the press. I know not how to recompense you for the trouble you have had and will have in the work. I can only beg you will accept of as many copies after it is published as will serve yourself and friends, and I have given directions for you to be furnished with them. When you have done with the Introduction, please send it to Mr. Strahan or bring it with you when you come to Town, for there needs be no hurry about it. Tomorrow morning I set out to join my ship at the Nore, and with her proceed to Plymouth where my stay will be but short. Permit me to assure you that I shall always have a due sense of the favour you have done me, and that I am with great esteem and regard, Dear Sir, your obliged and very humble servant, James Cook. Notwithstanding the Forsters' endeavour to discount its success by forestalling the publication by some weeks, Cook's work was well received by the public, and Mrs. Cook, to whom the whole of the profits were given, reaped considerable benefit from its sale. FELLOW OF ROYAL SOCIETY. On 29th February 1776, Captain James Cook was unanimously elected a Fellow of the Royal Society, and his certificate of election was signed by no less than twenty-six of the Fellows. He was formally admitted on 17th March, on which date a paper written by him, on the means he had used for the prevention and cure of scurvy, was read. That he valued his success in dealing with this disease, which, at that time, even in voyages of very moderate length was the most terrible danger to be encountered, is plainly set forth in his Journal of the voyage. He says: "But whatever may be the public judgment about other matters, it is with real satisfaction and without claiming any merit but that of attention to my duty, that I can conclude this account with an observation which facts enable me to make, that our having discovered the possibility of preserving health amongst a numerous ship's company, for such a length of time in such varieties of climate and amidst such continued hardships and fatigues, will make this voyage remarkable in opinion of every benevolent person, when the disputes about a Southern Continent shall have ceased to engage the attention and to divide the judgment of philosophers." During his early days at sea it was no unusual thing for a man-of-war to be short-handed through scurvy after a cruise of a few weeks, and in a voyage across the Atlantic as many as twenty per cent of the crew are known to have perished. To give some of his own experiences in the Navy: On 4th June 1756, H.M.S. Eagle arrived in Plymouth Sound, after cruising for two months in the Channel and off the French coast, and Captain Pallisser reported landing 130 sick, buried at sea 22, and since his arrival in port his surgeon and 4 men had died, and both his surgeon's mates were very ill; this out of a complement of 400! Boscawen, sailing from Halifax for Louisberg in 1758, left several ships behind on account of scurvy, one being the Pembroke, of which Cook was Master; she had lost 29 men crossing the Atlantic, but she was able to rejoin before the others as they were in a worse plight. Wolfe reported to Lord George Sackville that some of the regiments employed at Louisburg had "300 or 400 men eat up with scurvy." Of the Northumberland when at Halifax, Lord Colville wrote that frozen (fresh) beef from Boston kept his men healthy when in port, "but the scurvy never fails to pull us down in great numbers upon our going to sea in spring." Having had such experiences Cook appears to have made up his mind to fight the dreadful scourge from the very first, and though the popular idea is that he only turned his mind to it during the second voyage, it is very evident that on the Endeavour he fought it successfully, and it is most probable would have laid claim to victory had it not been for the serious losses incurred through the malarial fever and its usual companion, dysentery, contracted at Batavia. In proof of this reference may be made to the report of Mr. Perry, surgeon's mate, and, after Mr. Monkhouse's death, surgeon on board. He states they rounded the Horn with the crew "as free from scurvy as on our sailing from Plymouth," i.e. after five months. He reports FOR THE WHOLE OF THE VOYAGE, FIVE CASES OF SCURVY, "three in Port at New Holland, and two while on the Coast of New Zealand, not a man more suffered any inconvenience from this distemper." He was one of the five cases, but, at the same time, it must not be understood that no others developed symptoms of scurvy, only they were so closely watched and at once subjected to such treatment that the disease was not able to gain the upper hand. Cook wrote to the Secretary to the Admiralty immediately after his arrival at Batavia, saying, "I have not lost one man from sickness." He means here, as elsewhere in his Journals, "sickness" to be taken as scurvy, and at that time he had lost only seven men: two of Mr. Banks's servants from exposure; three men drowned; Mr. Buchan, a fit, probably apoplectic; and one man, alcoholic poisoning. He arrived at home with a total loss of forty-one, including Tupia and his boy; thirty-two of these deaths were from fever and dysentery, and 2, Mr. Hicks and Sutherland, from consumption. TREATMENT OF SCURVY. The chief anti-scorbutics used on the Endeavour, according to Mr. Perry's report, were: "Sour Kraut, Mustard, Vinegar, Wheat (whole), Inspissated Orange and Lemon juice, Saloup, Portable Soup, Sugar, Molasses, Vegetables (at all times when they could possibly be got), were some in constant, others in occasional use." Saloup was a decoction made from the Orchis mascula root, a common meadow plant, or else from Sassafras, and was at one time sold in the streets as a drink before the introduction of tea and coffee. In the United Service Museum there is a cake of the portable soup which was on board the Endeavour, in appearance like a square of "whitish glue, which in effect it is," says Sir John Pringle, President of the Royal Society. Mr. Perry continues: "Cold bathing was encouraged and enforced by example. The allowance of Salt Beef and Pork was abridged from nearly the beginning of the voyage, and the usual custom of the sailors mixing the Salt Beef fat with the flour was strictly forbidden. Salt Butter and Cheese was stopped on leaving England, and throughout the voyage Raisins were issued in place of the Salt Suet; in addition to the Malt, wild Celery was collected in Tierra del Fuego, and, every morning, breakfast was made from this herb, ground wheat and portable soup." Of the personal cleanliness of the crew, which Cook looked upon as of the first importance, Marra says (when writing of the Resolution's voyage) he was very particular: "never suffering any to appear dirty before him, in so much that when other Commanders came on board, they could not help declaring they thought EVERY DAY Sunday on board of Captain Cook." He inspected the men at least once a week, and saw they had changed their clothing and were dry; the bedding was dried and aired when occasion offered, and the whole ship was stove-dried; special attention being paid to the well, into which an iron pot containing a fire was lowered. Fresh water was obtained when possible, for Cook remarks, "nothing contributes more to the health of seamen than having plenty of water." He was provided with a condenser, but it was too small and unsatisfactory, and he looked upon it as "a useful invention, but only calculated to provide enough to preserve life without health." He attributed the losses on the Adventure to Furneaux's desire to save his men labour, and neglecting to avail himself of every opportunity of obtaining fresh water. Cook throughout the voyage was never short of water; Furneaux was on two or three occasions. Dr. McBride advised the use of fresh wort made from malt as an anti-scorbutic, and the Endeavour was ordered to give it a thorough trial. Fresh ground malt was treated with boiling water and allowed to stand, then the liquid was boiled with dried fruit or biscuit into a panada, and the patient had one or two meals with a quart or more of the liquid per diem. This treatment was favourably reported on, but, at the same time, so many other precautions were taken that it was not possible to say which was the most successful. Banks, who was threatened, tried the wort, but thinking it affected his throat, substituted a weak punch of lemon juice and brandy, which had satisfactory results. After a time the malt, though dry and sweet, had lost much strength, so as strong a wort was made as possible, and ground wheat boiled with it for breakfast, "a very pleasant mess which the people were very fond of," and Cook "had great reason to think that the people received much benefit from it." SOUR KRAUTE. Cook set great store on the Sour Kraute, and says: "The men at first would not eat it, until I put it in practice--a method I never once knew to fail with seamen--and this was to have some of it dressed every day for the Cabin Table, and permitted all the officers, without exception, to make use of it, and left it to the option of the men to take as much as they pleased, or none at all; but this practice was not continued above a week before I found necessary to put every one on board to an allowance, for such are the Tempers and Disposition of seamen in general, that whatever you give them out of the common way, although it be ever so much for their good, it will not go down, and you will hear nothing but murmurings against the man that first invented it, but the moment they see their superiors set a value upon it, it becomes the finest stuff in the world, and the inventor is an honest fellow." A pound of this was served to each man, twice a week, at sea, or oftener if thought necessary. Portable soup, at the rate of an ounce per man, was boiled with the pease thrice a week, and when vegetables could be obtained it was boiled with them, and wheat or oatmeal for breakfast, and with pease and vegetables for dinner, and "was the means of making the people eat a greater quantity of vegetables than they would otherwise have done." The Rob of Lemon and Orange was a doubtful quantity, for though Cook had no great confidence in its efficacy, Furneaux reported very favourably on its use, but it was expensive. Of vinegar, Cook was of opinion that it was of little service, and preferred smoking the ship with wood-fires to washing with vinegar, which had been strongly advised. He substituted sugar for oil, as he esteemed it "a very good anti-scorbutic, whereas oil (such as the navy is usually supplied with) I am of opinion has the contrary effect." Cook says that the introduction of the most salutary articles would prove unsuccessful unless accompanied by strict regulations so the crew were divided into three watches except on some extraordinary occasion, in order that they might not be so exposed to the weather, and had a better chance to get into dry clothes if they happened to get wet. Hammocks, bedding, clothes, and ship were kept as clean and dry as possible, and when the ship could not be "cured with fires," once or twice a week she was smoked with gunpowder, mixed with vinegar or water: "to cleanliness, as well in the ship as amongst the people, too great attention cannot be paid: the least neglect occasions a putrid and disagreeable smell below which nothing but fires will remove." He finishes his paper read before the Royal Society as follows: "We came to few places where either the art of man or the bounty of nature had not provided some sort of refreshment or other, either in the animal or vegetable way. It was my first care to procure whatever of any kind could be met with, by every means in my power, and to oblige our people to make use thereof, both by my example and authority; but the benefits arising from refreshments of any kind soon became so obvious that I had little occasion to recommend the one or exert the other." COPLEY GOLD MEDAL. On the 30th November 1776 Sir John Pringle, President of the Royal Society, in his address to the Fellows, announced that the Copley Gold Medal had been conferred on Captain Cook for his paper on the Treatment of Scurvy, and gave some corroborative facts which had come under his own observation, concluding his speech as follows: "If Rome decreed the Civic Crown to him who saved the life of a single citizen, what wreaths are due to that man, who, having himself saved many, perpetuates in your Transactions the means by which Britain may now, on the most distant voyages, preserve numbers of her intrepid sons, her mariners; who, braving every danger, have so liberally contributed to the fame, to the opulence, and to the Maritime Empire of this country." Before Cook left England on his last voyage he had been informed that the medal had been conferred on him, but he never received it, and it was presented to Mrs. Cook, and is now in the British Museum. During May 1776 Cook sat for his portrait, now in the Painted Hall, Greenwich, to Sir Nathaniel Dance. There are several portraits of him in existence; three by Webber, one being in the National Portrait Gallery; one by Hodges; and one or two others by unknown artists. Mr. Samwell, surgeon on the third voyage, says of an engraving by Sherwin, from the portrait by Dance, that it "is a most excellent likeness of Captain Cook; and more to be valued, as it is the only one I have seen that bears any resemblance to him." This portrait of Dance's represents Cook dressed in his Captain's uniform, seated at a table on which is a chart. The figure is evidently that of a tall man--he was over six feet in height--with brown unpowdered hair, neatly tied back from the face; the clear complexion shows little effect of exposure to the sea breezes, the pleasant brown eyes look from under rather prominent brows, the nose rather long, and a good firm mouth. The whole face gives a very pleasant impression of the man, and conveys the idea that it was a good likeness. COOK VOLUNTEERS. Omai, a native of Otaheite, was brought to England by Furneaux, was introduced to the King, made much of in Society, was painted by Reynolds, Dance, and Hodges, and seems to have conducted himself fairly well. He was to be sent back to his own country; and from the orders given to the Resolution, when she returned, it was evident she was to be the ship to take him. There was some difficulty as to the man to take command of the new expedition, as the Admiralty felt they could not send out Cook again so soon after his return. However, early in February 1776, he was invited to dine with Lord Sandwich, to meet Sir Hugh Pallisser and Mr. Stephens, the Secretary, when the proposed expedition was discussed and the difficulty of finding a commander was brought forward. It is said that after some conversation Cook jumped up and declared he would go, and as the result of this resolve he called at the Admiralty Office on 10th February, and made formal application for the command, which was accepted on the same day, and he there and then went to Deptford and hoisted his pendant on the Resolution. Her complement was the same as the previous voyage, i.e. 112 men, including 20 marines; and the Quarter Bill, preserved in the Records Office, shows the stations and duties of each of the crew, and the positions of the civilians who in cases of necessity were expected to take their places as small arms men. The companion ship, the Discovery, was built by Langborne of Whitby, and was purchased for 2,450 pounds from W. Herbert of Scarborough. According to the Records she was 229 tons burthen, but Cook puts her down as 300 tons; and Burney says the two ships were splendid sailing company, any advantage there might be resting with the Discovery. The command was given to Charles Clerke, who had been both the previous voyages. The Resolution hauled out of dock, 10th March, completed her rigging and took in stores and provisions, "which was as much as we could stow and the best of every kind that could be got." On the 6th May the pilot went on board to take her down to Longreach for her guns and powder, but owing to contrary winds she did not reach there till the 30th. On 8th June she was visited by Lord Sandwich, Sir Hugh Pallisser, and others from the Admiralty, "to see that everything was compleated to their desire and to the satisfaction of all who were to embark in the voyage." A bull, two cows and their calves, with some sheep, were embarked as a present from King George to the Otahietans in hopes to start stocking the island. A good supply of trade was shipped, and extra warm clothing for the crew was supplied by the Admiralty: "and nothing was wanting that was thought conducive to either conveniency or health, such was the extraordinary care taken by those at the head of the Naval Departments." Cook and King were to take observations on the Resolution, and Bailey, who was with the Adventure the previous voyage, was appointed as astronomer to the Discovery; the necessary instruments being supplied by the Board of Longitude. The chronometer, made by Kendal, which had given such satisfaction last voyage, was again on board the Resolution. It was afterwards with Bligh in the Bounty, sold by Adams after the Mutiny to an American, who sold it again in Chili. It was then purchased for 52 pounds 10 shillings, repaired, and rated, and after keeping fair time for some years was presented by Admiral Sir Thomas Herbert to the United Service Museum, and is still in working order. CLERKE IN THE FLEET. On 15th June the two ships sailed for the Nore; there the Resolution waited for her Captain, whilst the Discovery, under the command of Burney, went on to Plymouth, but, meeting with damage in a gale, had to put into Portland for temporary repairs. Captain Clerke was detained in London, "in the Rules of the Bench," as he had become financially responsible for a friend who left him in the lurch. He wrote to Banks, saying, "the Jews are exasperated and determined to spare no pains to arrest me." It appears that he contracted the illness which led to his death at this period. CHAPTER 16. 1776 TO 1777. THIRD VOYAGE. On 24th June Cook and Omai joined the ship at the Nore, leaving next day for Plymouth, arriving there on 30th, three days after the Discovery. On 8th July the final orders, which Cook had helped to draw up, were received. They were to the effect that he was to proceed by the Cape of Good Hope; to look for some islands said to have been seen by the French in latitude 48 degrees, about the longitude of Mauritius; to touch at New Zealand, if he thought proper; and then to proceed to Otaheite and leave Omai there, or at the Society Islands, as the latter might wish. Leaving Otaheite about February he was to strike the North American coast in about 45 degrees latitude, avoiding, if possible, touching at any of the Spanish dominions, and proceeding northwards to explore any rivers or inlets that seemed likely to lead to Hudson's or Baffin's Bay. For the winter he was to proceed to the Port of St. Peter and St. Paul in Kamtschatka, or other suitable place, and in the ensuing spring he was again to try and find a passage either to the east or west; failing that, the ships were then to return to England. A reward of 20,000 pounds had been offered to any British merchant ship that discovered a passage between Hudson's Bay and the Pacific; and now this offer was thrown open to any ship flying the British flag, and the passage might be to the east or west so long as it was north of latitude 52 degrees. On 9th July the marines, who had been carefully selected, embarked under the command of Lieutenant Molesworth Phillips, and the following day officers and men were paid up to 30th June, and petty officers and seamen received in addition two months' advance. THE RESOLUTION SAILS. The Resolution sailed on 12th July, the crew looking on it as a lucky day, being the anniversary of the day they had sailed on the last voyage; but as Clerke had not yet arrived, the Discovery remained behind. Putting in to Teneriffe, Cook purchased a supply of wine, which he did not think as good as that of Madeira, but remarks that the best Teneriffe wine was "12 pounds a pipe, whereas the best Madeira is seldom under 27 pounds." Here they met "Captain Baurdat" (the Chevalier de Borda), who was making observations in order to time two watch machines, and were afforded an opportunity of comparing them with their own. Looking into Port Praya in hopes to find the Discovery they crossed the line on 1st September in longitude 27 degrees 38 minutes West, and sighted the Cape of Good Hope on 17th October, anchoring in Table Bay the next day. The ship was found to be very leaky in her upper works, as the great heat had opened up her seams which had been badly caulked at first. "Hardly a man that could lie dry in his bed; the officers in the gun-room were all driven out of their cabin by the water that came in through the sides." The sails were damaged, some being quite ruined before they could be dried. The reception accorded by the Dutch was all that could be desired, and all the resources of the place were at Cook's disposal. Letters were sent to England and one invalid, Cook wishing afterwards that he had sent one or two more, but he had at the time hopes of their complete recovery. On 31st October they were unable to communicate with the shore owing to a heavy south-easterly gale which did not blow itself out for three days, and the Resolution was the only ship in the bay that rode through it without dragging her anchors. On the 10th November the Discovery arrived, having left Plymouth on 1st August. She sighted land above twenty-five leagues north of Table Bay, but had been blown off the coast in the storm. It may be noted here that the French, Spanish, and United States Governments issued instructions to their naval officers that Captain Cook and his ships were to be treated with every respect, and as belonging to a neutral and allied power. An honour to Cook, and also to the nations who conferred it on him. When her consort arrived Cook was almost ready for sea, so the refit of the Discovery was pushed on as quickly as possible, but some delay arose in the delivery of bread ordered. Cook says he believes the bakers would not put it in hand till they saw the Discovery safely at anchor. However, on 30th November Clerke was handed his instructions, and the two Captains went on board their respective ships to find them fully supplied for a voyage which was expected to last at least two years. Live stock had been purchased at the Cape, and one journalist says that on leaving, the Resolution reminded him of Noah's Ark. They did not get clear of the coast till 3rd December owing to light winds, and then on the 6th "a sudden heavy squall" cost the Resolution her mizzen topmast; not a very serious loss, for they had a spare stick, and the broken one "had often complained," but Burney says that owing to the weather it took them three days to complete the repairs. The cold, rough weather also had a bad effect on the live stock, several of them perishing. DENSE FOG. On 12th December the islands discovered by Marion du Fresne and Crozet in 1772 were sighted, and as they were unnamed in the map, dated 1775, given by Crozet to Cook, he called them Prince Edward's Islands, and a small group further to the east was named Marion and Crozet Islands. Then sailing south through fog so dense that, Burney says, they were often for hours together unable to see twice the length of the ship, and, though it was the height of summer, the cold was so intense that the warm clothing had to be resorted to, they sighted Kerguelen's Land on 24th December. The Chevalier de Borda had given Cook 48 degrees 26 minutes South, 64 degrees 57 minutes East of Paris as the position of Rendezvous Island; this Cook took to be an isolated rock they only just weathered in the fog, to which he gave the name of Bligh's Cap, for he said: "I know nothing that can Rendezvous at it but fowls of the air, for it is certainly inaccessible to every other animal." Cook, unaware that Kerguelen had paid two visits to the place, found some difficulty in recognising the places described. The country was very desolate, the coarse grass hardly worth cutting for the animals; no wood, but a good supply of water was obtained; and here the Christmas Day was spent on the 27th, as the 25th and 26th had been full of hard work. A bottle was found by one of the crew containing a parchment record of the visit of the French in 1772; on the back Cook noted the names of his ships and the year of their visit, and adding a silver twopenny piece of 1772, replaced it in the bottle which was sealed with lead and hidden in a pile of stones in such a position that it could not escape the notice of any one visiting the spot. Running along the coast to the south-east they encountered very blowy weather, and finding the land even more desolate than that at Christmas Harbour, they left on the 31st for New Zealand. Anderson, the surgeon, on whom Cook relied for his notes on Natural History, says: "Perhaps no place hitherto discovered in either hemisphere under the same parallel of latitude affords so scanty a field for the naturalist as this barren spot." The whole catalogue of plants, including lichens, did not exceed sixteen or eighteen. A SOUTHERLY BUSTER. The first part of January 1777 was foggy, and Cook says they "ran above 300 leagues in the dark." On the 19th a squall carried away the fore topmast and main topgallant mast, and it took the whole day to replace the first, but they had nothing suitable for the top gallant mast. On 26th January they put into Adventure Bay, Van Diemen's Land, and obtained a spar; Cook spoke of the timber as being good but too heavy. A few natives were seen, but did not create a favourable impression, still Cook landed a couple of pigs in hopes to establish the breed, a hope doomed to be unsatisfied. The Marquis de Beauvoir relates that in 1866 he saw in Adventure Bay a tree on which was cut with a knife: Cook, 26th Jan. 1777, and he was informed it had been cut by the man himself. They seem to have seen nothing to raise a doubt about Furneaux's conclusion that Van Diemen's Land formed a part of Australia, so no attempt was made to settle the question, and they sailed for New Zealand on the 30th, meeting with a "perfect storm" from the south; the thermometer rose: "almost in an instant from about 70 degrees to near 90 degrees, but fell again when the wind commenced, in fact the change was so rapid that there were some on board who did not notice it." These storms are of frequent occurrence, and are locally known as Southerly Busters. On 10th February Rocks Point, near Cape Farewell, was sighted, and on the 12th they anchored near their old berth in Queen Charlotte's Sound, and a camp was immediately established. Here they were visited by a few of the natives, some of whom remembered Cook and were recognised by him. At first they thought he had come to avenge the Adventure's losses, but after a time were persuaded to put aside their distrust, and they flocked down to the shore, every available piece of ground being quickly occupied by their huts. Cook describes how one party worked. The ground was selected, the men tearing up the grass and plants, and erected the huts, whilst the women looked after the canoes, properties, and provisions, and collected firewood; and he kept the children and some of the oldest of the party out of mischief by scrambling the contents of his pockets amongst them. At the same time he noticed that however busy the men might be, they took care to be within easy reach of their weapons; and he on his side had a strong party of marines on duty, and any party working at a distance from the ship was always armed and under the command of an officer experienced in dealing with the natives. Cook was pleased to notice his men were not inclined to associate with the Maoris, and he always tried to discourage familiarity between his crew and the natives of the islands he visited. It is worthy of remark that two of the Resolution were on the sick list, whilst the Discovery had a clean bill of health. One of their constant visitors was a man Cook calls Kahoura, who was pointed out as having been the leader at the massacre of the Adventure's men, and it was a matter of surprise to the natives that having him in his power Cook did not kill him; but after the fullest possible enquiry Cook believed it was best to let matters rest, as the attack had evidently arisen out of a sudden quarrel, and was totally unpremeditated. Burney thinks the Maoris felt a certain contempt for the English, either because they were too generous in their dealings, or else because the murders were unavenged. The gardens that had been made at the last visit had in some respects prospered; in particular the potatoes from the Cape had improved in quality, but as they had been appreciated by the natives, there were few to be got. Burney, on the other hand, declares that nothing could be heard of the pigs and fowls that had been left. Omai was anxious to take a New Zealander away with him, and soon found one to volunteer. It was explained that he must make up his mind that he would not be able to return, and as he seemed satisfied he and a boy were taken. When they were seasick they deeply and loudly lamented leaving their home, but on recovery they soon became "as firmly attached to us as if they had been born amongst us." THE WEEKLY PAPER. Sailing on 25th February, they crossed the tropic on 27th March, some 9 degrees further west than Cook wished to have done, and had seen nothing of importance. It is interesting to note that Burney says each ship published a weekly paper, and on signal being made a boat was sent to exchange when possible. He says Cook was a "Constant Reader," but not a "Contributor." It is to be regretted that no copies exist of this, probably the first oceanic weekly. On 29th March, a small island Cook calls Manganouia was discovered in 21 degrees 57 minutes South, 201 degrees 53 minutes East (Burney gives 21 degrees 54 minutes South, 202 degrees 6 minutes East.) but the landing-places were too dangerous on account of the surf. A native came on board who was able to converse with Omai, and said they had plenty of plantains and taro, but neither yams, hogs, nor dogs. He unfortunately fell over a goat, which he took to be a large bird, and was so frightened he had to be put ashore. The next day another island was seen, and as they were very short of fodder for the animals, Gore was sent to see if trade could be opened up with the inhabitants. In this he was fairly successful, and obtained a quantity of plantain stems, which were found to be a satisfactory substitute for grass; but the trading was not brisk, for the people wished to receive dogs in return, and it was evident that though they had none, they knew what they were. They were afraid of the horses and cattle, and took the sheep and goats for some kind of large birds. A party went ashore and were treated fairly well, but when they wished to return to their boats all sorts of difficulties were raised, and Cook credits Omai with their safe return; for it seems he gave judiciously boastful replies to the many questions that were asked him, and at the psychological moment exploded a handful of powder, with the result that opposition to their departure was withdrawn. Burney says Omai was most useful on a landing party, as he was a good sportsman and cook, and was never idle. After this experience Cook would not run further risks, so made for a small uninhabited island where some vegetables were obtained and branches of trees, which, cut into short lengths, were eagerly eaten by the cattle, and Cook says: "It might be said, without impropriety, that we fed our cattle on billet wood." Payment for what had been taken was left in a deserted village. On 6th April they reached Hervey's Island, and were somewhat surprised to be visited by several canoes, as on Cook's previous visit no signs of inhabitants had been noticed. Omai gathered from one or two natives who came on board to sell a few fish, that the Resolution and Adventure had been seen in 1776 when passing the island. King was sent to look for a landing-place, but, seeing that the women were quietly bringing down arms to their menfolk on the beach, he thought it better to return to the ship, and sail was made for the Friendly Islands, the Discovery being sent on about a league ahead, as she was better able "to claw off a lee shore than mine." At this time Cook was getting rather short of water, so he set the still to work, and obtained from "13 to 16 gallons of fresh water" between 6 A.M. and 4 P.M. "There has lately been made some IMPROVEMENT, as they are pleased to call it, to this machine, which in my opinion is much for the worse." Falling in with repeated thunderstorms in which they caught more water in an hour "than by the still in a month, I laid it a side as a thing attended with more trouble than profit." At one of the Palmerston Group they found, amongst other things drifted over the reef, some planks, one of which was very thick, with trunnell holes in it, and a piece of moulding from some ship's upper works, painted yellow, with nail holes showing signs of iron rust: probably the remains of some wrecked European ship. At Comango, where they anchored on 28th April, Cook notes: "It was remarkable that during the whole day the Indians would hardly part with any one thing to anybody but me; Captain Clerke did not get above one or two hogs." A supply of water was obtained and wood was cut, but most of the trees were what Cook calls Manchineel, the sap from which produced blisters on the men's skin, and Burney says some of them were blind for a fortnight, having rubbed their faces with their juice-stained hands. One of the carpenters had a bad fall and broke his leg, but for the rest, says Burney, they were "in good health; thank God, no appearance of scurvy." FLOGGING NO GOOD. Cook again complains of the thefts committed so continually, and says that no punishment they could devise was effectual, for "flogging made no more impression than it would have done upon the mainmast." The chiefs would advise him to kill those caught, but as he would not proceed to such a length the culprits generally escaped unpunished. Here the Discovery lost her best bower anchor, the cable having been chafed by the coral and parted when weighing; Burney describes how by pouring oil on the water they were able to see and recover it from a depth of seventeen fathoms. Landing on Happi they were very well received, and obtained plentiful supplies of fresh food, which was most opportune. An entertainment of boxing, wrestling, and combats with clubs made from green coconut boughs was held in their honour; and Cook says that they were carried on with the greatest good-humour in the presence of some three thousand spectators, "though some, women as well as men, have received blows they must feel some time after." When this was over the chief, Feenough, presented Cook with supplies that required four boats to take to the ships; it "far exceeded any present I had ever before received from an Indian Prince." The donor was invited on board to receive his return present, which proved so satisfactory that on his return to the shore he forwarded still more in addition to his first gift, and was amused by a drill of the marines and a display of fireworks, which, though some were spoilt, were the cause of astonishment and pleasure to the wondering natives. During one of his walks on shore Cook saw a woman just completing a surgical operation on a child's eyes. She was removing a film growing over the eyeballs, and the instruments used are described as slender wooden probes. He was not able to say if the operation were successful. The chief, Feenough, went off to an island about two days' sail away, in order to obtain some of the feather caps which were held in high estimation; and Cook promised to wait for his return, but finding the fresh supplies were running short, he sailed along the south of the reef and put in to a bay in Lefooga. On the way the Discovery ran on a shoal, but managed to back off without damage. Although he was not short of water, Cook went ashore to inspect some well which he had been informed contained water of a very superior quality, but he found it very bad, and says: "This will not be the only time I shall have to remark that these people do not know what good water is." Near these wells was a large artificial mound about forty feet high, and fifty feet diameter on the top, on which large trees were growing. At the foot was a hewn block of coral, four feet broad, two and a half feet thick, and fourteen feet high, but the natives present said that there was only one half of it above ground. It was supposed to have been erected to the memory of a great chief, but how many years ago it was impossible to guess. KING POLAHO. Whilst anchored here, a large sailing canoe arrived, having on board a chief who was treated by the natives with the utmost respect, and the visitors were given to understand that Tattafee Polaho was the king of all the islands. He was invited on board, and brought with him as a present: "two good fat hogs, though not so fat as himself, for he was the most corporate, plump fellow we had met with. I found him to be a sedate, sensible man; he viewed the ship and the several new objects with uncommon attention, and asked several pertinent questions." In return Cook was invited ashore, and when they were seated, the natives who had been trading submitted the articles they had received for Polaho's inspection, who enquired what each one had sold, and seemed pleased with the bargains made. Everything was returned to its owner, excepting a red glass bowl to which the king had taken a great fancy. According to Mr. Basil Thomson, who was for some years in the Pacific Islands, a red glass bowl was given by the King of Tonga to the notorious Mr. Shirley Baker, as a relic of Captain Cook, but was unfortunately broken in New Zealand. It was most probably the one in question. Before leaving, Polaho presented Cook with one of the red feather caps made from the tail feathers of the bird the Sandwich Islanders call Iiwi (Vestiaria coicinea), which were evidently considered of extreme value. At the same time he gave Cook, Clerke, and Omai some of the red feathers of paraquets which, though much in demand, were not to be purchased. On 29th May they sailed for Tongatabu, but, the wind failing, they nearly ran ashore on the 31st on a low sandy island on which the sea was breaking very heavily. Fortunately all hands had just been engaged in putting the ship about, "so that the necessary movements were not only executed with judgment but with alertness, and this alone saved the ship." Cook confesses that he was tired of beating about in these dangerous waters, and felt relieved to get back to his old anchorage off Annamooka. Feenough here rejoined the ship, and his behaviour before Polaho was sufficient evidence as to the high position held by the latter, for he made a deep reverence to him, and afterwards would not eat or drink in his presence, but left the cabin as soon as dinner was announced. AN ENTERTAINMENT. On 6th June they sailed for Tongatabu again, accompanied by some sailing canoes which could all easily outdistance the two ships. A good anchorage was found, and Cook's old friends, Otago and Toobough, were soon on board to greet them. As it was proposed to make a short stay, the cattle were landed, the observatory set up, and the sail-makers set to work to overhaul the sails, for much-required repairs. Cook speaks very highly of the orderly behaviour of the natives, many of whom had never seen a white man before. Hearing much of an important chief named Mariwaggee, Cook persuaded the king to escort a party to his residence, which was found to be pleasantly situated on an inlet where most of the chiefs resided, surrounded by neatly fenced plantations; but they were informed that Mariwaggee had gone to see the ships. This was found to be untrue, but the next day he appeared, accompanied by a large number of both sexes, and Cook at once landed with some presents for him, only to find he was accompanied by another chief, to whom something had to be given as well. Fortunately the two were easily satisfied, and the present was divided between them. Mariwaggee was found to be the father of Feenough, and the father-in-law of the king. He gave a grand entertainment of singing and dancing in honour of the strangers, which commenced about eleven in the morning and lasted till between three and four in the afternoon, and wound up with a presentation of a large number of yams, each pair of the roots being tied to a stick about six feet long, and decorated with fish. Cook says it was hard to say which was the most valuable, the yams for food or the sticks for firewood; but, as for the fish, "it might serve to please the sight, but was very offensive to the smell, as some of it had been kept two or three days for this occasion." More singing and dancing then took place, and then the English gave a display of fireworks, which "astonished and highly entertained" the natives. Being afraid that some of his live stock might be stolen, Cook tried to interest some of the chiefs in them by presenting the king with a bull and cow and some goats; to Feenough a horse and mare, and to Mariwaggee a ram and two ewes. Some one, however, was not satisfied, and a kid and two turkey cocks were stolen; and as thefts had been frequent and very daring, including an attempt to steal one of the anchors of the Discovery, which would have been successful had not one of the flukes of the anchor got fixed in one of the chain plates, Cook determined to put his foot down. He seized three canoes, and, hearing Feenough and some other chiefs were in a house together, he placed a guard over them and informed them they would be detained till the stolen goods were returned. They took the matter coolly, and said that everything should be returned. Some of the things being produced, Cook invited his prisoners on board ship to dine, and when they came back the kid and a turkey were brought, so the prisoners and canoes were released. At one time a small hostile demonstration was made by the natives, but the landing of a few marines and an order from the king put an end to it. SMART WORKMEN. The following day Cook was invited on shore and found some natives busy erecting two sets of poles, one on each side of the place set apart for the guests. Each set consisted of four placed in a square about two feet apart, secured from spreading by cross pieces, and carried up to a height of about thirty feet, the intervening space being filled with yams. On the top of one structure were two baked pigs, and on the other alive one, with a second tied by its legs about half way up. Cook was particularly struck by the way the men raised these two towers, and says if he had ordered his sailors to do such a thing, they would have wanted carpenters and tools and at least a hundredweight of nails, and would have taken as many days as it did these people hours. When the erections were completed, piles of bread-fruit and yams were heaped on either side, and a turtle and some excellent fish were added, and then the whole was presented to Cook. A party of officers from both ships went off to an island without leave, and returned two days after without their muskets, ammunition, and other articles which had been stolen. They persuaded Omai to make a private complaint to the king, which resulted in the chiefs leaving the neighbourhood. Their disappearance annoyed Cook, and when the affair was explained to him he severely reprimanded Omai for speaking on the matter without orders. This put Omai on his mettle, and he managed to persuade Feenough to return, and informed the king that no serious consequences should ensue. Matters were then easily smoothed over; most of the stolen goods, including the missing turkey, were returned, and the king said he ought not to have been held responsible, for, if he had known that any one wished to see the island, he would have sent a chief who would have ensured their safety. An eclipse of the sun was to occur on 5th July, and Cook decided to remain so as to secure observations, and meanwhile employed himself in exploring the neighbourhood and studying the customs of the natives. On one occasion, thinking to see an interesting ceremony, he accompanied Polaho, who was going to do state mourning for a son who had been dead some time. The result was disappointing, and the chief impression left with Cook seems to have been that over their clothing of native cloth, those present wore old and ragged mats; those of the king being the raggedest, and "might have served his great-grandfather on some such like occasion." July 5th proved dark and cloudy, with heavy showers of rain, and the observations were unsatisfactory, especially as the clouds came up thickly in the middle of the eclipse, and the sun was seen no more for the rest of the day. This failure was not of great importance, for the longitude had already been satisfactorily ascertained by several very good lunar observations, so as soon as the eclipse was over everything was sent on board the ships, including the sheep which had been presented to Mariwaggee. No one had taken any notice of them since they were landed, and Cook felt sure they would be killed by the dogs as soon as the ships left. A NATIVE CEREMONY. As the wind proved contrary, and it was understood that the king's son was to be initiated into the estate of manhood, eating with his father for the first time, Cook determined to remain a few days longer. A party of the officers went over to the island of Moa, where the ceremony was to be held, and found the king in a very dirty enclosure, drinking kava; and as the method of preparing this beverage was uninviting to Europeans, they went for a walk till about ten o'clock. Finding large numbers of people assembling in an open space near a large building they rejoined the king, taking off their hats and untying their hair, "that we might appear the more decent" in the eyes of the natives. The proceedings consisted of marching of men laden with yams tied on to sticks, of considerable speech-making, and various performances of which the signification could not be understood, and then the prince made his appearance. He seated himself with a few of his friends on the ground, and some women wound a long piece of cloth round them, and after some more speech-making and mysterious pantomime with sticks representing yams, the proceedings ended for the day. As there were signs that so many white onlookers was not altogether acceptable to the natives, some of the party returned to the ships; but Cook resolved to see it out, and joined the king at supper, and the latter enjoyed some brandy and water so much that Cook says "he went to bed quite grogish. " After breakfast Cook paid a visit to the prince and presented him was enough English cloth to make a suit, receiving native cloth in return. After dinner the people mustered for the remains of the ceremony, and Cook determined to join the principal party, so he seated himself with it, and would not understand when requested to leave. He was then requested to bare his shoulders as a mark of respect, and immediately did so, and was then no further molested. A somewhat similar performance was gone through as the day before, but the significance of which could not be ascertained, and then suddenly all the people turned their backs on king and prince, who, Cook was afterwards informed, had had pieces of roast yam given them to eat. An exhibition of boxing and wrestling was then given, and after a speech or two the proceedings terminated. Cook was informed that in about three months a much greater affair would take place at which ten men would be sacrificed. On 10th July the ships sailed through a very difficult passage, arriving off Middleburg on the 12th, where they were visited by their old friend Taoofa. The country appeared flourishing, and they obtained some turnips raised from seed sown at Cook's last visit. An exhibition of boxing was given, and was to have been repeated the following night, but unfortunately some of the natives fell upon a sailor and stripped him of his clothes. Cook thereupon seized two canoes and a pig, demanding that the culprits should be given up. A man who had the shirt and trousers was brought, and so the canoes were returned and the pig paid for, and next day the thief was liberated. The remainder of the sailor's clothes were afterwards found, but so much torn as to be worthless. They left the Friendly Islands on the 17th, after a stay of more than two months, during which time they had been living almost entirely on food they had purchased from the natives, with whom they had been on fairly good terms. The 29th brought them into a very heavy squall which cost the Resolution a couple of staysails and her consort a main topmast and main topgallant yard, springing the head of her main-mast so badly that the rigging of a jury-mast was attended with some danger, but it was at length accomplished, a spare jibboom being furnished for the purpose by the Resolution. Otaheite was reached on 12th August, and amongst the first visitors on board were Omai's brother-in-law and others who knew him before he went away; they treated him as if he was an Englishman and a stranger, but when he took his brother-in-law to his cabin and gave him some of the valuable red feathers a change came over them all, and they expressed the greatest interest in him. Cook says Omai "would take no advice, but permitted himself to be made the dupe of every designing knave." Of these red feathers Cook says they were of such value that "not more than might be got from a tomtit, would purchase a hog of 40 or 50 pounds weight." Nails and beads were not looked at, although they had previously been very acceptable. SPANISH SHIPS. Two ships from Lima were found to have visited the island twice since Cook's last call, and the first time the Spaniards built a house with material they had with them. They left four men in charge, and were away for about ten months. At the second visit their Commodore died, and was buried near the house which was left at their departure, and the natives built a shade over it to protect it from the weather. It consisted of two rooms, furnished with table, bed, bench, and a few other trifles, and the timbers were found to have been carefully marked to facilitate erection. Near by was a cross having the following inscription cut on it: CHRISTUS VINCIT, CAROLUS III. IMPERAT, 1774. Cook caused to be cut on the back: GEORGIUS TERTIUS REX. ANNIS 1767, 69, 73, 74, ET 78. At the end of their first visit the Spaniards took away four natives to Lima; one died, one remained at Lima, and the other two returned with the ships; but Cook thinks they were not improved by their experience, and had not added to their respectability in the eyes of their countrymen. In view of the cold climate to be faced in the near future, Cook was desirous to save his stock of spirits, and mustered the crew of the Resolution in order to explain the position; he pointed out that the supply of coconuts was abundant, and the benefit of the spirits would be appreciated amongst the cold winds and ice of the north, but left the decision to them. He was gratified to find the crew was willing to accept his suggestion, and ordered Clerke to put the matter before the crew of the Discovery, when it was again well received. An order was accordingly issued to stop: "serving grog except on Saturday nights, when they had full allowance to drink to their female friends in England, lest amongst the pretty girls of Otaheite, they should be wholly forgotten." During a state visit paid by the chief of the district, at which Omai attended "dressed in a strange medley of all he was possessed of," Cook was informed that the Spaniards laid claim to the country, and had given instructions that Cook was not to be allowed to land if he returned. However, the chief executed a formal surrender of his province to Cook, and presents were exchanged, the whole ceremony ending with a display of fireworks which "both pleased and astonished" the natives. Some of the civilians reported that they had discovered a Roman Catholic chapel in their walks; but on inspection it proved to be what Cook at once suspected, the grave of a chief decorated with different coloured cloths and mats, and a piece of scarlet broadcloth which had been given by the Spaniards. RED FEATHERS. On the 23rd August the two ships arrived in Matavai Bay, where they were well received by Otoo, who was gratified by a present of a fine linen suit, a hat with a gold band, some tools, a feather helmet from the Friendly Islands, and, what he seemed to value most, a large bunch of the celebrated red feathers. In return he sent on board the ships enough food to have lasted both crews for a week, if it had only been possible to keep it good for that length of time. The royal family dined on board the Resolution; and after dinner Cook and Omai called on Oparee, taking with them a peacock and peahen sent to the island by Lord Bessborough, a turkey cock and hen, a gander and three geese, a drake and four ducks to make a start in stocking the island. A gander was seen, which the natives said had been left by Wallis ten years previously; several goats and a bull left by the Spaniards were also seen, so Cook landed three cows as company for the last. The horses and sheep were also landed, and Cook remarks that getting rid of all these animals lightened him: "of a very heavy burden; the trouble and vexation that attended the bringing these animals thus far is hardly to be conceived. But the satisfaction I felt in having been so fortunate as to fulfil His Majesty's design in sending such useful animals to two worthy nations sufficiently recompensed me for the many anxious hours I had on their account." Whilst here, the two ships were thoroughly overhauled and everywhere put into as good a state of repair as the appliances available would permit. The stores were found to be in a better state than had been expected, and very little of the bread was damaged. Gardens were laid out and planted with potatoes, melons, pineapples, etc.; but Cook was not very sanguine of their success, for he had seen how a vine planted by the Spaniards had been spitefully trampled down, as the natives, tasting the grapes before they were ripe, had concluded it was poisonous. It was carefully pruned into proper shape again, and Omai was instructed to set forth its merits and how it should be cultivated. Towards the end of the month a man reported that the two Spanish ships had returned, and showed a piece of cloth he said he had obtained from them, so Cook, not knowing if England and Spain were on friendly terms, prepared for the worst, and the two ships made ready for defence if necessary. Lieutenant Williamson was despatched in a boat for news, but could see no ships, nor signs of any having been on the coast since the English left their last port of call. A HUMAN SACRIFICE. At their last visit an expedition was being prepared against the revolted island of Eimeo, but it did not seem to have been very successful in its object, for there were still disturbances going on between the two nations, and on 30th August news came that the Otaheitans had been driven up into the hills. A grand meeting was held to discuss matters, and great efforts were made to enlist the services of Cook; but he would not assist in any way, as he did not understand the cause of the quarrel, and he had always found the inhabitants of Eimeo friendly towards him. Having heard that a chief named Towha had killed a man as a sacrifice to their God, Cook obtained permission to witness the remaining ceremonies as he thought it offered an opportunity to learn something of the religion of this people. He therefore started with Dr. Anderson, Mr. Webber, and the chief Potatow in a boat, accompanied by Omai in a canoe, for the scene of action. On their arrival the sailors were instructed to remain in the boat, and the gentlemen were requested to remove their hats as soon as they reached the Morai where the ceremonial was to take place. When they got there the body of the victim was seen in a small canoe in front of the Morai and just in the wash of the sea, in charge of four priests and their attendants, the king and his party some twenty or thirty paces away, and the rest of the spectators a little further still. Two priests came forward to Otoo, one placing a young plantain tree in front of him, and the other touching his foot with a bunch of red feathers, and then rejoining the others, who immediately went off to a smaller Morai near, and, seating themselves facing the sea, one commenced reciting a long prayer, occasionally sending one of his attendants to place a young plantain on the body. Whilst this recitation was going on an attendant stood near holding two small bundles "seemingly of cloth; in one, as we afterwards found, was the Royal Maro, and the other, if I may be allowed the expression, was the ark of the Eatua" [God]. This prayer being ended, the priests returned to the beach, and more prayers were said, the plantains being moved, one by one, from the body and placed in front of the priests. Then the body, wrapped in leaves, was put on the beach, with the feet to the sea, and the priests gathered round, some sitting, some standing, the prayers still going on. The leaves were then stripped off the body, and it was turned sideways on to the sea, and one priest standing at the feet repeated another long prayer in which he was occasionally joined by the others. Each priest at this time held in his hand a bunch of the red feathers. Some hair was now pulled from the head of the corpse, and an eye taken out, wrapped in leaves and presented to Otoo, who did not touch them, but sent them back with a bunch of feathers, soon after sending a second bunch he had asked Cook to put in his pocket for him when starting. At this time a king-fisher made a noise in some trees near, and Otoo remarked, "That is the Eatua," evidently looking on it as a good omen. The body was now moved away to the foot of one of the small Morais, the two bundles of cloth being placed on the Morai at its head and the tufts of feathers at its feet, the priests surrounding the body and the people gathering in closer. More speeches were made, and a second lock of hair plucked from the head and placed on the Morai. Then the red feathers were placed on the cloth bundles, which were carried over to the great Morai and laid against a pile of stones, to which the body was also brought, and the attendants proceeded to dig a grave, whilst the priests continued their recitations. The body was then buried, and a dog Towha had sent over (a very poor one, says Cook) was partially cooked and presented to the priests, who called on Eatua to come and see what was prepared for him, at the same time putting it on a small altar on which were the remains of two dogs and three pigs, which smelt so intolerably that the white men were compelled to move further away than they wished. This ended the ceremony for the day. THE KING'S MARO. Next morning they all returned to the Morai; a pig was sacrificed and placed on the same altar, and about eight o'clock the priests, Otoo, and a great number of people assembled. The two bundles were still in the same place as on the previous night, but two drums were now standing in front of them between which Otoo and Cook seated themselves. The priests, placing a plantain tree in front of the king, resumed their praying, each having his bunch of feathers in his hand. They then moved off to a place between the Morai and the king and placed the feathers bunch by bunch on the bundles, the prayers still going on. Four pigs were then produced, one immediately killed, and the others put in a sty for future use. The bundle containing the king's Maro was now untied and spread carefully on the ground before the priests. The Maro was about five yards long by fifteen inches broad, composed of red and yellow feathers, chiefly yellow. At one end was a border of eight pieces about the size and shape of horse-shoes fringed with black pigeon's feathers; the other end was forked, the ends being of unequal length. The feathers were arranged in two rows and had a very good effect. They were fastened on a piece of native cloth, and then sewn to the English pendant which Wallis left flying when he sailed from Matavai Bay. After the priests had repeated another prayer, the emblem of royalty was carefully folded up and replaced on the Morai, and then one end of what Cook called the Ark of the Eatua was opened, but the visitors were not permitted to see what it contained. The entrails of the pig were then prayed over, and one of the priests stirred them gently with a stick, evidently trying to draw a favourable omen from their movements. They were then thrown on the fire, the partly-cooked pig was deposited on the altar, and when the bunches of feathers that had been used had been placed in the Ark, the ceremony was over. The meanings of all this could not be discovered, but it was found that when a victim was wanted, a chief picked him out and sent his servants to kill him. This was done without any warning to the man who was to suffer, usually by a blow with a stone on the head, and it appeared that at the subsequent ceremony the presence of the king was absolutely indispensable. Chiefs of an enemy's tribe who were killed in battle were buried with some state in the Morais, the common men at the foot. On the way back to the ship Cook called on Towha, who had supplied the victim. He was anxious to ascertain Cook's opinion of the affair, and was not pleased to learn that Cook thought such a proceeding was more likely to offend the Deity than to please him. He then enquired if the English ever practised such ceremonies, and was very angry when he was informed that if the greatest chief in England killed one of his men he would be hanged; and Cook says they left him "with as great a contempt for our customs as we could possibly have for theirs." The servants evidently listened to Omai with great interest and a different opinion on the subject than that of their master. They went to inspect the body of a chief who had been embalmed; they were not allowed to examine it very closely, but it was so well done that they were unable to perceive the slightest unpleasant smell, though the man had been dead some months. All chiefs who died a natural death were preserved in this manner, and from time to time were exposed to public view, the intervals between the exposures gradually extending till at length they were hardly ever seen. The method of preservation was not ascertained, and was probably a secret of the priests. EQUESTRIAN EXERCISE. Cook and Clerke astonished the natives by riding the horses that had been brought out; their progress through the country was always watched with great interest, and Cook thought that this use of the animals impressed the people more than anything else done by the whites. Omai tried his powers on several occasions, but as he was always thrown before he got securely into the saddle, his efforts only produced entertainment for the spectators. It is curious to note that forty years afterwards the people had so thoroughly lost even the tradition of such use of the horse that Mr. Ellis relates how, when one was landed for the use of Pomare, the natives assisted to get it ashore, but when once landed they ran away and hid in fear of the "man-carrying pig." About this time Cook suffered from a bad attack of rheumatism in the legs, and was successfully treated by Otoo's mother, three sisters, and eight other women. The process he underwent, called Romy, consisted of squeezing and kneading from head to foot, more especially about the parts affected. Cook says he was glad to escape from their ministrations after about a quarter of an hour, but he felt relief, and, after submitting to four operations of the kind he was completely cured. Otoo was very desirous to send a present of a canoe to King George, and Cook was very willing to take it, but when he found it was a large double canoe he was obliged to decline from want of space. As the desire to send it was quite spontaneous on Otoo's part, and as the canoe was a very fine specimen of native work, the refusal was given with great regret. In a journal published by Newbery, the anonymous writer says that two officers fought a duel whilst the ships were at Otaheite. He does not give the cause, but says three shots were exchanged, resulting in one hat being spoiled, and then the antagonists shook hands and were better friends afterwards. The story is not confirmed by any of the other journals. On 29th September, after giving Otoo a short run out to sea and back, the two ships sailed for the north side of Eimeo, arriving the next day, and were greeted by a chief, Maheine, who was bald-headed. Of this defect he seemed much ashamed, and always appeared with his head covered with a sort of turban. Cook thinks perhaps this shame rose from the fact that natives caught stealing on the ships were often punished by having their heads shaved, and adds that "one or two of the gentlemen whose heads were not overburdened with hair, lay under violent suspicions of being titos (thieves)." One of the few remaining goats was stolen, but after threats of serious reprisals was given up, together with the thief, who was eventually discharged with a caution; but on a second one disappearing and not being found after careful search, Cook felt that he must make an example, or nothing would be safe, so he ordered one or two houses and canoes to be destroyed, and sent word to Maheine that he would not leave a canoe on the island if the goat was not returned. The goat was recovered, and the next day the people were as friendly as if nothing had occurred. Cook was particularly annoyed, for he had sent a present of red feathers to Otoo, and requested him to send in return a couple of goats to Eimeo. OMAI SETTLED. On 11th October the ships sailed for Huaheine, and when they arrived Cook was so ill he had to be landed from the ship, but he makes no mention of it in his Journal. He thought this island would be more suitable for Omai than Otaheite, and as Omai was agreeable a piece of ground was obtained from the chief and a small house erected and a garden laid out and planted. The interest of the different chiefs of the neighbourhood was sought on Omai's behalf, and as it was seen that some of the natives were inclined to take advantage of his good nature, Cook let it be understood that if, should he return and find Omai in an satisfactory condition, some one would feel the weight of his displeasure. Then the most serious thing that can be brought against Cook's treatment of the natives occurred. In extenuation it must be remembered that he admits that he was inclined to be hot-tempered, though it did not last; he had been constantly irritated by repeated losses, and he was at the time really seriously ill, and also when all was over he sincerely regretted he had taken such strong measures. Mr. Bayley's sextant was stolen from the observatory: Cook at once demanded from the chiefs that it should be returned, but they paid no attention. The thief, however, was pointed out, seized, and taken on board ship; the sextant was recovered, but Cook says, finding the thief to be "a hardened scoundrel, I punished him with greater severity than I have ever done any one before, and then dismissed him." He is said to have had his head shaved and his ears cut off, but Gilbert (midshipman on the Discovery) says this was not done till he had been rearrested for damaging Omai's garden, trying to set fire to the house, and threatening to kill Omai as soon as the ships left. Cook had intended to remove him from the island, but, being in irons, he stole the keys from a sleeping guard and made his escape. Omai found that many of the articles which were practically useless to him, would be appreciated on the ships, so he very wisely changed them for hatchets and other useful articles. A notice of the visit with the names of the ships was cut on the end of Omai's house, and, after firing a salute of five guns, the ships sailed on 2nd November. Omai accompanied them for a short way, and Mr. King says that when he parted from Cook he completely broke down and cried all the way ashore. Cook speaks well of him, saying he seldom had to find fault with him, that he had many good qualities, but, like the rest of his race, he lacked powers of observation, application, and perseverance. DESERTIONS. On the 3rd they were off Ulietea, and as they were able to run in close to the shore a staging was erected, and the ballast ports were opened so as to give the rats, which had become very troublesome, a chance of going ashore. One of the marines also took the opportunity to desert, taking his musket with him, but after a little trouble was arrested; and having previously borne a very good character, he was let off with a short imprisonment. A second desertion occurred from the Discovery, Mr. Mouat, midshipman, and a seaman getting away. Cook says the affair gave him more trouble than both men were worth, but he insisted on getting them back to prevent others following their example, and "to save the son of a brother officer from being lost to the world." They were found to have gone off in a canoe to another island, and Cook ordered Clerke to detain the chief, his son, daughter, and son-in-law on the Discovery, where they had gone to dine, and to inform them they would be kept as hostages till the runaways were returned. Three days afterwards the deserters were brought back, and the hostages were at once released. It was afterwards found out that there had been a plot to seize Cook in retaliation, when he went for his usual bath in the evening, but, as it happened, he was so much worried that he put it off and so escaped. Burney notes that Cook could not swim. Before leaving they received a message from Omai, saying he was all right, but asking for another goat as one of his was dead. Clerke was able to oblige him with two kids, one of each sex. CHAPTER 17. 1777 TO 1779. THIRD VOYAGE CONTINUED. In case of separation, Clerke was ordered to cruise for five days near where his consort had been last seen, and then to steer for New Albion (so-called by Sir Francis Drake), endeavouring to fall in with it about latitude 45 degrees North, and there cruise for ten days; then, if his consort was not picked up, to proceed north to the first suitable port and recruit his men, keeping a good look-out for his companion. Then he was to sail on 1st April to 56 degrees North, and again cruise about fifteen leagues from the coast till 10th May, when he was to proceed north and endeavour to find a passage to the Atlantic, according to the Admiralty instructions already in his hands. If unsuccessful he was to winter in some suitable port of Kamtschatka, leaving word with the commandant of St. Peter and St. Paul Harbour, where he was to be found, and to be at the last-named place not later than 10th May of the following year. Then, if he had no news of the Resolution, he was to follow out the Admiralty instructions to the best of his ability. The two ships left for Bolabola on 7th December to get an anchor left by De Bougainville, in order to make hatchets for exchange, as the demand had been so great their stock was running short. They had no difficulty in purchasing it, and it was good enough for their purpose, though not so heavy as they expected. They crossed the line on the 23rd in longitude 203 degrees 15 minutes East without having seen land since leaving Bolabola. Two days after they picked up a low island and managed to get some turtle, and also a rather unsatisfactory observation of an eclipse of the sun, the clouds interfering with the view of the commencement. Their position had been settled by other observations, so the ill-luck was unimportant. About three hundred turtle were obtained, averaging from 90 to 100 pounds each, and as much fish as they could consume during their stay was caught. Coconuts, yams, and melons were planted, and the island received the name of Christmas Island. SANDWICH ISLANDS. Leaving on 2nd January they did not sight land till the Sandwich Islands were reached, in latitude 21 degrees 12 minutes 30 seconds North. At the second one seen, called Atoui by the natives, they were quickly surrounded by canoes; the occupants, very like the Otaheitans in appearance and language, were armed with stones, which they threw overboard as soon as they found they were not likely to be wanted, and though none could be persuaded to come on board the ships, they freely parted with fish for anything they could get in exchange. As the ships sailed on, more canoes came out bringing further supplies, and Cook rejoiced at arriving at a land of plenty, for his stock of turtle was just finished, and he was anxious to save his sea stores. At length some were tempted on board, and were greatly astonished at what they saw, but their wonder did not last long, and stealing soon broke out as usual. When they came to an anchor Cook landed and found a favourable place for watering, so a party was set to work the next day, and found no difficulty in getting assistance from the islanders, whilst at the same time a brisk trade was carried on in pigs and potatoes. Cook says: "No people could trade with more honesty than these people, never once attempting to cheat us, either ashore or alongside the ship." They seem to have dropped their thieving very quickly. At night a nasty sea got up, and as Cook did not like the position of his ship he weighed to run a little further out, but the wind suddenly dropping round to the east, he had to set all sail to clear the shore. For a day or two no very satisfactory anchorage could be found, and the weather was rather unsettled, so, making one of the chiefs a present of an English sow and boar, and a male and two female goats, the ship bore away to the northwards. According to Baron von Humboldt these islands were discovered by a Spaniard, Gaetano, sailing from Manilla to Acapulco in 1542, and it was one of the few discoveries made by the Spaniards during this passage, for they were strictly forbidden to deviate from the track laid down on their charts. The name La Mesa (the table) down on the chart Cook had with him, describes the island, says Burney, but the longitude is several degrees out. It is undoubtedly a fact that Europeans had been at the islands previously to Cook's visit, for at least two pieces of iron were found, one being a portion of a broad-sword and the other a piece of hoop-iron. NEW ALBION. On 7th March, New Albion was sighted at a distance of ten or twelve leagues, and the position of the ship at noon was 44 degrees 33 minutes North, 236 degrees 30 minutes East; Cook's orders were to make the coast "about 45 degrees North," so they may be said to have been carried out with fair exactness. Cook says that on the charts he had, a large entrance or strait was represented, and in the account of Martin d'Aguilar's voyage in 1603 mention is made of a large river, near where he struck the coast, but he did not see any signs of either. Proceeding up the coast the progress was very slow as the weather was very stormy. On 22nd March they passed the position of the strait of Juan de Fuch, but again no sign of its existence was seen. On the 29th the style of the coast changed, and high snowy mountains with well-wooded valleys running down to the sea came into view, and at length Hope Bay opened out. Here they came in contact with the first natives they had seen, who put off in their canoes to the ships, showing signs neither of fear nor distrust. At first they appeared mild and inoffensive, and would trade anything they had with them; but when they got used to the ships it turned out that they were adepts at thieving; no piece of iron, brass, or copper was safe. Fish-hooks were cut from the lines and boats were stripped of their fittings. They sold bladders of oil for the lamps, and it was found that they were often partly filled with water, but this was winked at in order to get on a thoroughly friendly footing. This being a favourable opportunity to put the two vessels in order and to give the crews a spell of rest ashore, a good anchorage was sought out, and the observatory set up. On 4th April, whilst wood and water was being got in, the natives, who had given no trouble beyond their stealing, were observed to be arming, and precautions were taken, but the Indians explained that their preparations were made against some of their own countrymen who were on their way to fight them. After a time some canoes made their appearance, and on a deputation going out to meet them a discussion took place, and some sort of an agreement was made between the two parties, but the newcomers were not allowed to approach the ships nor to join in the trading. The stay here was longer than was intended, for the Resolution's fore and mizzen masts were found to be very defective, and her rigging had got into a very bad state. The fore-mast was repaired and the mizzen replaced with a new stick, and when a great deal of work had been done this proved faulty, and a second one had to be cut. New standing rigging was fitted to the main-mast, and a set made from the best of the old, for the fore-mast. When the heaviest part of this work was completed Cook visited the country about King George's Sound, and was courteously received at a village by the natives, to most of whom he was known. Here he found the women employed making dresses out of bark in much the same way as that employed by the New Zealanders. Sending some sailors to cut grass for the sheep and goats he had left, the natives made a claim which was at once satisfied; but when the men were ordered to go on cutting, fresh claimants sprung up, till Cook says he thought each blade of grass had a separate owner. When at last the natives found that they could get no more, the cutting was allowed to go on without the slightest further objection. PUNCH AND THE DEVIL. The people are described as being short, with broad flat faces, high cheek-bones, swarthy complexions, and no pretensions to good looks. Burney says that it was only after much cleaning that their skins were found to be "like our people in England." Cook says they were docile, courteous, and good-natured, but liable to fits of passion. "I have often seen a man rave and scold for more than half an hour without any one taking the least notice of it, nor could any one of us tell who it was he was abusing." Burney describes their language as harsh, and when in a warm discussion, apparently insufficient, and then they had to eke it out with such nods and jumps as reminded one of "Punch and the Devil." Their clothing was chiefly made of skins, and a kind of cloth made from fibre or wool and hair, or a mixture of both. "In these clothes and a coarse mat and straw hat they would sit in their canoes in the heaviest rain as unconcernedly as if they were in perfect shelter." Their houses of logs and boards made by splitting large trees, were some as much as 150 feet long by 20 to 30 feet wide, and 7 or 8 feet high; they were divided into two compartments, each apparently the property of one family. The roof was of loose planks, which they moved about so as to let the light fall where it was wanted. Cook judged these were only summer residences, and that they had better houses inland. The furniture consisted of a few boxes, some wooden vessels for their food, and a few mat bags. Their cooking was fairly good, but excessively dirty, and their persons and houses "filthy as hogs' sties." They often had two wooden figures in their houses resembling human figures, of which they spoke mysteriously; but as they could have been purchased in every case for a small quantity of old iron or brass, they could not have been much venerated. Their arms were bows and arrows, slings, spears, and a small club of wood or stone, something like the New Zealander's patoo, and a stone tomahawk, the handle fashioned like a human head, the stone cutting-part being a large tongue, and they were decorated with human hair. The defensive armour was a double cloak of hide, usually moose, serviceable against arrows or spears, but they were greatly surprised to see a bullet fired through a cloak folded four times. The only vegetables obtained were a few nettles and wild garlic, but Burney says that at the back of the village was a plantation of cherry trees, gooseberries and currants, raspberries and strawberries, "but unluckily for us none of them in season." On 20th April a man who had been allowed to go into Cook's cabin, made off with his watch, and got away from the ship. Fortunately his canoe was seen alongside the Discovery, and notice being given a search was made, and the watch found in a box unharmed. Such a loss would have been serious. Two old-fashioned silver table-spoons, supposed to be Spanish, and a pewter wash-basin were purchased from the Indians. RESOLUTION LEAKS. On 26th April a start was made, and before leaving, an Indian, who had specially attached himself to Cook, gave him a valuable beaver skin, and was so pleased with the return present he received that he insisted on Cook taking from him a beaver cloak upon which he had always set great store. In return "he was made as happy as a prince by a gift of a new broadsword with a brass hilt." The next day, when well clear of the land, a perfect hurricane arose, and the ships lay to, heading to the south-east. The Resolution sprang a leak, and the water could be seen and heard rushing in, but after some little anxiety one pump was found to be sufficient to keep the upper hand. The gale lasted two days, but on the second they were able to get an observation which gave the position of the ship as 50 degrees 1 minute North, 229 degrees 26 minutes East, about opposite to where the Straits of de Fonte were marked on his chart. They were now able to run along the coast and see and name the most salient points, but time was too valuable to make any halts by the way. The land appeared to be of considerable height, the hills covered with snow, but near the sea, well wooded. Mount St. Elias was sighted 4th May, at a distance of forty leagues, and on the 6th they arrived in the bay in which Behring had anchored, so his name was given to it on the chart. Here the land trended away to the west; the wind was westerly and light, and consequently their progress was very slow. Landing on an island to try to get a view of the other side from the top of a hill, it was found so steep and thickly wooded he had to give up the attempt. He therefore left a bottle containing some coins given him by his friend, Dr. Kaye, and named the island after him. Here they found currant and strawberry plants, but the season was too early for fruit. Near Cape Hinchinbroke Gore went off to an island to shoot, but seeing two large canoes containing about twenty Indians, he thought it wiser to return to the ship. He was followed up, but none of the natives would come on board, and after a time intimating they would return next day, retired. Two men in small canoes did return during the night, but finding that every one on board was not asleep, beat a hurried retreat. The next day the ships got into a better position, and more Indians turned up, with whom they had little difficulty in entering into trading relations; but as they desired pieces of iron about ten inches long by three wide, and it was rather a scarce article on board, very little, chiefly skins, was purchased. At first only one man came on board, and as he saw only two or three people on the Discovery, he went to the Resolution and brought over some of his friends, who rushed the deck with their knives drawn. However, the crew quickly ran up with their cutlasses ready, so the natives retired, remarking that the white men's knives were longer than theirs. At the Resolution they broke every glass scuttle they could reach with their paddles, says Burney. Cook points out that they must have been quite ignorant of the use of firearms, and concludes by saying: "However, after all these tricks, we had the good fortune to leave them as ignorant as we found them, for they neither heard nor saw a musket fired unless at birds." The leak on the Resolution was attended to, and in places the oakum caulking was found to have disappeared completely; one writer says it was caused by rats, and that the ship was saved by rubbish having choked up the leak. TWO SETS OF TEETH. Bad weather detaining them, Cook had an opportunity of studying the inhabitants. He had with him a description of the Esquimaux, by Crantz, and found these men to be very similar in appearance, dress, and appliances. They all had the bottom lip slit horizontally, giving them the appearance of having two mouths. In these slits pieces of bone were fixed to which were tied other pieces, forming a great impediment to their speech, and in some cases giving the idea that the wearer had two sets of teeth. Some also had pieces of bone, cord, or beads run through the cartilage of the nose, and all had their faces plentifully smeared with black and red paint. After examining an inlet, which received the name of Sandwich Sound, they got away, steering to the south-west past Cape Elizabeth, sighted on that Princess's birthday, which they hoped would prove the western extremity of the coast, but on getting round, land was reported further on to the west-south-west, and a gale sprang up, forcing them off their course. In two days they worked back again, discovering more land behind what they had seen already. This Cook believed to be Cape Saint Hermogenes mentioned by Behring, but his chart was so inaccurate he could not positively identify it, or any other place mentioned on it. Cape Douglas, after the Dean of Windsor, was named, and placed in 58 degrees 56 minutes North, 206 degrees 10 minutes East; and the next day a high point in a range was called Mount St. Augustine, after the saint whose day it happened to be. They then worked into an estuary formed by the rivers (one being afterwards named Cook's River, by orders of Lord Sandwich), in order to satisfy some of the officers who thought there might be a possible communication with Hudson's Bay. A good supply of very fine salmon was obtained from natives in the neighbourhood, and Cook formed the opinion that a paying fur trade might be opened up as the skins offered were of considerable value. Working slowly up the coast they passed through the islands off Quelpart on the 18th, when the Discovery signalled to speak; a boat was sent, and returned with a small box curiously tied up with neatly-made twine. It had been delivered on board by an Indian, who first attracted attention by displaying a pair of old plush breeches and a black cloth waistcoat, and when he came on board, took off his cap and bowed like a European. The box was found to contain a paper written in Russian, but unfortunately the only things that could be understood were the two dates, 1776 and 1778. It was supposed to have been written by a Russian trader, and given to the Indian to place it on board the first ship he met with. On the 20th, in 54 degrees 18 minutes North, 195 degrees 45 minutes East, a volcano throwing out dense smoke was observed; and in the afternoon they received a visit from a man who had evidently been in contact with Europeans, for he was wearing green cloth breeches and a stuff jacket. He took off his cap and bowed as the visitor to the Discovery had done, but unfortunately they were unable to understand his language. On 26th June they had a narrow escape during a thick fog, when it was not possible to see anything a hundred yards away. Breakers were heard, so the anchors were let go and fortunately held. An hour or so after the fog lifted, and they found themselves about three-quarters of a mile from a rocky island, having passed between two elevated rocks, a place through with, Cook says, "I should have ventured on a clear day," for all that they found themselves in "such an anchoring place that I could not have chosen a better." ANDERSON DIES. On 27th June they were off the island of Onalaschka, and came across a party of natives who were towing two whales they had killed; they were somewhat shy, but had evidently seen ships before, and were more polite than those previously met with. One was upset from his canoe, and Cook took him down into the cabin and provided him with dry clothes; "he dressed himself with as much ease as I could have done." His clothes were of birds' skins, the feathers inside, and patched in places with silk, and over all he wore a sort of shirt of whale's intestine, which, secured round the edge of the hole in which he sat in his canoe, rendered him practically waterproof. Whilst in this neighbourhood they received a second letter in Russian, but having no one on board who could translate, it was returned with some presents to the bearer, who retired bowing his thanks. After some detention from fogs and adverse winds they got away once more and pushed slowly northwards. On 3rd August Mr. Anderson the surgeon, who had been ill for some months, died, and Cook, having named an island, sighted soon after his death, Anderson's Island, "to perpetuate the memory of the deceased, for whom I had a very great regard," appointed Mr. Law to the Resolution and Mr. Samwell to the Discovery as surgeons. On 9th August, Cape Prince of Wales, 65 degrees 46 minutes North, 191 degrees 45 minutes East, was sighted, and they believed it to be the most westerly point of North America. They landed on what, from Heydinger's Chart, was the eastern end of the island of Alaska, but it afterwards was found to be the eastern extremity of Asia. This chart, says Burney, was found "not only to be incorrect but almost unintelligible." The country was very desolate, neither tree nor shrub to be seen, and the inhabitants seemed afraid of their visitors, though not absolutely unfriendly. They were taller and stouter than those on the American side, and their clothing very superior. The ships fell in with the ice blink on the 17th, in 70 degrees 33 minutes North, 197 degrees 41 minutes East, rather earlier than had been expected, and soon afterwards with the ice itself in the shape of a large field extending as far as the eye could reach from west to east. Here they got a supply of fresh meat in the shape of sea-horse, of which animal they killed a good many. The flesh was fishy and indifferent eating, but Cook says anything was preferable to salt meat. They still slowly but steadily pushed north along the American shore, but, being hampered by fog and ice, they crossed over to the west side with no better fortune, for on the 26th they found themselves embayed in the field with large quantities of heavy loose ice along the edges. Having sighted Cape North on 29th August, Cook decided the season was too far advanced, and that it would be better to proceed to winter quarters, and accordingly ran down the Asiatic coast in search of wood and water, of which he stood in need; but was disappointed, and making over to the other side was fortunate to find a considerable quantity of driftwood which served his purpose. Before leaving the straits, Cook remarks: "In justice to Behring's memory, I must say he delineated this coast very well, and fixed the latitude and longitude of the points better than could be expected from the methods he had to go by." SALMON PIE. Anchoring in Norton Sound, Cook sent away the boats to explore, and set to work to determine between the correctness of the chart drawn by Stocklin and his own observations, and after a series of no less than seventy-seven sets of observations he was able to show that Stocklin was wrong. It was at this place that he decided to winter in the Sandwich Islands, as a port in Kamtschatka would oblige his crews to remain idle for nearly six months before further exploration to the north could be undertaken. The course was now set for Samgoonoodha Harbour, but they did not arrive there till 3rd October, having met with very heavy weather, in which the Resolution again began to leak badly. On 8th September an Indian brought a singular present in the form of a pie made like a loaf, containing some highly seasoned salmon, accompanied by a letter in Russian. In return Corporal Ledyard of the Marines, "an intelligent man," was sent with a few bottles of rum, wine, and porter, to obtain further information, and with orders, if he met with any Russians, he was to "make them understand that we were English, Friends, and Allies." On the 10th Ledyard returned, bringing three Russian sailors, but as there was no interpreter there was difficulty in understanding anything thoroughly. One of the newcomers was understood to say he had been out with Behring, but Cook thought he was too young. They appeared to have great respect for that officer, and Ledyard said he had seen a sloop which he understood was his ship. They stayed on the Resolution all night, and promised to return with a chart of the islands that lay between that place and Kamtschatka. It was understood that there were several settlements in the immediate neighbourhood employing altogether about four hundred Russians. LETTERS TO LONDON. On the 14th Cook and Webber were at an Indian village a short distance from the ships, when they saw a canoe arrive containing three men and accompanied by some twenty or thirty single canoes. A tent was rigged up for one of the first three, a Russian named Ismyloff (Ismailoff) the chief trader of the district, whilst the others made shelters of their canoes and grass, and so all were independent of the Indians. Ismailoff invited Cook to join him at his meal, which consisted of dried salmon and berries, and some sort of conversation was carried on by means of signs and figures. Ismailoff proved to be well acquainted with the geography of the district, and pointed out several errors in the modern maps. He said he had been with Lieutenant Lindo's expedition as far north as Tchukotskoi Nos, and saw Clerke's Island; but when he could or would not say what else they had done during the two years the expedition was out, Cook began to have doubts. He also said the Russians had several times tried to gain a footing on the American shore, but the Indians had driven them off with the loss of two or three of their leaders. He also spoke of a sledge expedition in 1773 to three islands opposite the Kolyma River, which Cook thought might be the one mentioned by Muller, he related that he had sailed, in 1771, from a Russian settlement called Bolscheretski, in the Kurile Islands, to Japan, but the ship was ordered away because they were Christians, so they went to Canton and sailed on a French ship to France, and from thence he went to Petersburg, and was then sent out again. He was quite clear as to his dates, and put them on paper; but as he was perfectly ignorant of any French, "not even the names of the commonest articles," though he had been such a long time amongst French people, Cook was again inclined to be sceptical. He stayed all night, dining with Clerke, and returned again on the 19th, with charts, which he permitted to be copied, and some manuscripts. One chart showed the Asiatic coast as far as 41 degrees North, with the Kurile Islands and Kamtschatka, and the second, the more interesting to the English, showed the discoveries made by the Russians to the east of Kamtschatka, exclusive of the voyages of Behring and Tcherikoff. Cook found the longitudes in places were very different from those on the Russian maps, and was afraid the mistake might be carried through, but the latitudes were fairly correct. As far as he could ascertain, the instrument used for the survey had been the theodolite. Before leaving, Ismailoff gave Cook letters for the Governor of Kamtschatka and the Commandant of Petropaulowsk; and Cook, finding "he was tolerably well versed in astronomy," gave him a Hadley's octant, and though it was the first one he had seen, he soon made himself acquainted with its uses. A letter to the English Admiralty was also entrusted to him to be forwarded via Petersburg, as opportunity might offer. This letter and a chart of the northern coasts was delivered in London the following year. On 26th October the two ships got away, and, in case of separation, Clerke was given his rendezvous, first, the Sandwich Islands, and second, Petropaulowsk in the middle of May. On 28th the discovery met with a nasty accident during a gale; the fore and main tacks carried away, killing one man, and seriously injuring the boatswain and two others. On 25th November the islands were sighted, and the customary orders as to the officers appointed to trade with the natives were issued, and no curiosities were to be purchased before the ships had received satisfactory supplies. They first called in at Mowee, where the natives soon came out and appeared friendly, and traded with less suspicion than any of the South Sea Islanders they had met with before. Having procured a quantity of sugar-cane, Cook ordered it to be used in brewing, as he found a strong decoction of the juice produced a wholesome and palatable beer, and would enable him to save the spirits for the colder climates. However, the crews would have none of it, so Cook and his officers made use of it whenever cane was procurable, and gave himself: "no trouble either to oblige or persuade them to drink it, knowing there was no danger of scurvy so long as we had plenty of other vegetables, but that I might not be disappointed in my views, I gave orders that no grog should be served in either ship." He then goes on to say: "Every innovation whatever, tho' ever so much to their advantage, is sure to meet with the highest disapprobation from seaman. Portable soup and sour kraut were at first both condemned by them as stuff not fit for human beings to eat. Few men have introduced into their ships more novelties in the way of victuals and drink than I have done; indeed, few men have had the same opportunity or been driven to the same necessity. It has, however, in a great measure been owing to such little innovations that I have always kept my people, generally speaking, free from that dreadful distemper, the Scurvy." This extract shows how bitterly Cook felt the stupid ingratitude of his men for the constant care he took of them, and is one of the very few passages in his Journals in which he speaks in their disfavour. This, curiously, was erased by some unknown hand; King asserts it must have been done by Gore, as he is certain it was not by either Cook or Clerke, who took command after Cook's death. FAULTY SAILS. In trying to weather the south-east end of Mowee in heavy weather, the leach ropes of the main topsail and two topgallant sails gave way, and the sails were blown to pieces. Cook says, "neither the cordage, canvas, nor indeed hardly any other stores used in the Navy, are equal in quality to those in general use in the merchant service"; and he relates how such failures have constantly resulted in "infinite trouble, vexation, and loss." He illustrates his complaint by the fact that rigging, blocks, and sails that were purchased with his ship, although they had been fourteen months in use, wore longer than any of the things of the same kind put on board new from the king's stores. On 24th December they succeeded in getting to windward of the island, but the signal to the Discovery to tack having been omitted she stood on, and it was some days before she rejoined company. January 1779 was ushered in with heavy rain, but clearing away before noon they were able to approach to about five miles from the shore, where they lay to and traded with the natives. The next three days were spent working slowly down the coast and keeping a good look-out for their consort, occasionally stopping to do a little trading with the islanders, some of whom came as much as fifteen miles out to them. The chief article of commerce was salt, which was of very good quality. On the 5th January the southern point of Owhyhee was rounded, and they lay off a large village, where they were quickly surrounded by canoes laden "with hogs and women": the latter are not held up as patterns of all the virtues. Vegetables seemed to be scarce, and Cook concluded that either the land could not produce them, or the crops had been destroyed by volcanic action, very recent traces of which were to be seen. "Wednesday 6th January 1779. The next morning the people visited us again, bringing with them the same articles as before. Being near the shore I sent Mr. Bligh, the Master, in a boat to sound the coast, with orders to land and look for fresh water. On his return he reported that at two cable lengths from the shore he had no soundings with a 160 fathoms of line; that when he landed he found no fresh water, but rain water lying in holes in the rocks, and that brackish with the spray of the sea, and that the surface of the country was wholly composed of large slags and ashes, here and there partly covered with plants. Between 10 and 11 o'clock we saw the Discovery coming round the south point of the Island and at 1 P.M. she joined us, when Captain Clerke came on board and informed me that he had cruised four or five days where we were separated and then plyed round the last part of the Island, but meeting with unfavourable winds, was carried some distance from the coast. He had one of the islanders on board all the time; it was his own choice, nor did not leave them the first opportunity that offered." This is the last entry made by Cook in the Journal he was preparing for publication, and is a fair sample of the manner in which the entire Journal was written, and certainly does not justify the sneers that have been uttered about bad grammar and spelling, the double negative notwithstanding. In handwriting, spelling, and grammar he can compare well with his press either in the Navy or civil life; and many of the examples of bad spelling given have been abbreviations common in the Navy, which his critics did not understand. KARAKAKOA BAY. On 17th January they anchored in Karakakoa Bay, where large numbers of canoes laden with provisions for sale came out; Cook estimates that at one time there were no less than a thousand round the ship, their occupants entirely unarmed. They soon proved to be adepts at thieving; one man stole the rudder of a boat, so Cook ordered a shot or two to be fired over the escaping thief, but "as it was not intended that any of the shot should take effect, the Indians seemed rather more surprised than frightened," and the man got away. The lids of the Resolution's coppers were stolen, and the discovery had her rigging much cut about for the sake of the iron. The decks were so crowded with the natives that Burney says it kept a quarter of the crew hard at work to make room for the working of the ship. AN INSECURE POSITION. The last entry made by Cook in his Ship's Journal, and probably the last words he ever wrote, runs as follows: "Sunday 17. Fine pleasant weather and variable faint breezes of wind. In the evening Mr. Bligh returned and reported that he had found a bay in which was good anchorage and fresh water, tolerable easy to come at. Into this bay I resolved to go to refit the ships and take in water. As the night approached, the Indians retired to the shore, a good [many] however desired to sleep on board, curiosity was not their only motive, at least not with some of them, for the next morning several things were missing, which determined me not to entertain so many another night. At 11 A.M. anchored in the bay which is called by the natives [a blank, filled in by another hand, Karakakoa] in 13 fathoms of water over a sandy bottom, and a quarter of a mile from the North-East shore. In this situation the South point of the bay bore South 1/4 West, and the North point West 1/4 South. Moored with the stream anchor to the Northward. Unbent the sails and struck yards and topmasts. The ships very much crowded with Indians and surrounded by a multitude of canoes. I have nowhere in this sea seen such a number of people assembled at one place, besides those in the canoes, all the shore of the bay was covered with people and hundreds were swimming about the ships like shoals of fish. We should have found it difficult to have kept them in order had not a chief or servant of Terreeoboo's, named Parea, now and then [shown] his authority by turning or rather driving them all out of the ship. "Among our numerous visitors was a man named Touahah, who we soon found belonged to the church; he introduced himself with much ceremony, in the course of which he presented me with a small pig, two coconuts and a piece of red cloth which he wrapped round me. In this manner all or most of the chiefs introduced themselves, but this man went further, he brought with him a large hog and a quantity of fruits and roots, all of which he included in the present. In the afternoon I went ashore to view the place accompanied by Touahah, Parea, Mr. King and others; as soon as we landed Touahah took me by the hand and conducted me to a large Morai, the other gentlemen with Parea, and four or five more of the natives followed." Mr. King describes this Morai as being about forty yards long by twenty broad, and about fourteen feet high, the top flat, well paved, and surrounded by a wooden railing. An old building stood in the centre from which a stone wall ran to the fence dividing the top into two parts. On the landward side were five poles upwards of twenty feet high, supporting an irregular kind of scaffold, and on the sea-side half were two small houses with a covered communication between. On their arrival Cook was presented with two ugly images wrapped with red cloth, and a sort of hymn was sung. Then they were marched to the scaffolding, where was a table on which lay fruits and vegetables surmounted by a very much decomposed pig, and in a semicircle round one end of this table were twelve images. Placing Cook near the scaffolding, Koah, as King and others call Touahah, took up the pig and holding it towards him made a long speech. Then, dropping the offensive porker, he made signs that the two were to climb on to the uncertain scaffolding. This being done, a procession came forward bearing a live hog and a piece of red cloth. This last article was handed up to Koah, who proceeded to wrap it round Cook, who was clinging to his elevated but not very safe position. The pig was then offered to Cook and a long address chanted. The two principal performers then descended and returned to the table, Koah snapping his fingers at the figures and making what appeared to be sarcastic remarks, till he came to the centre one, when he prostrated himself and kissed it, requesting Cook to do the same. The party then proceeded to the other part of the Morai, and Cook was seated between two images with his arms stretched out, one upheld by Koah, the other by King. A cooked pig and other food was then presented with much ceremony, the meat cut up and kava prepared; whilst Koah's assistant chewed some coconut, wrapped it in cloth, and then rubbed it over Cook's face, head, shoulders, and arms. Koah and Parea then pulled pieces of the pig and put them into the mouths of the two officers. King says that Parea was a particularly cleanly person, so he did not so much mind this feeding, but Cook, remembering how Koah had handled the putrid hog, was unable to swallow a mouthful, "and his reluctance, as may be supposed, was not diminished, when the old man, according to his own mode of civility, had chewed it for him." Cook then put an end to further proceedings by distributing some presents to the attendants and returning to the ship. Though the meaning of this ceremony could only be a matter of conjecture, it was very evident that it was intended as a mark of high respect to the person of Captain Cook. The title of Orono given to him, and often quoted as evidence that he had permitted himself to be looked upon as a god by the natives was also given to one, if not more, of their own chiefs; and Burney says that the marks of honour conferred on him were exactly the same as those conferred on any one of their own superior chieftains. The grotesque description given by some of the missionary writers of the whole population crawling after him on hands and knees as a mark of adoration is utterly untrue, for Mr. King, who was ashore almost the whole time of the ship's stay, and was continually with Cook, distinctly says: "The crowd which had collected on the shore, retired at our approach; and not a person was to be seen, except a few lying prostrate on the ground, near the huts of the adjoining village." None of those who were on the voyage and have left any record behind them, suggest that Cook was treated in any respect otherwise than as a great chief and a man. A small potato field was placed under tabu, near the Morai, for the purpose of the observatory, and a camp under the command of King was established there. This camp was daily supplied with meat and vegetables, even more than could be consumed, and several canoe-loads were sent off to the ships. After enquiry it was found that the whole expense of this food was borne by Koah, and no return whatever was demanded. A ROYAL VISIT. A tabu was placed on the whole of the bay on the 24th, and trading came to a complete standstill, the reason given being the coming of the king, Terreeoboo. He arrived the next day, and commerce at once revived. He paid a private visit, with his wife and children, to the Resolution, remaining on board some time, and proved to be the same chief they had seen at the Island of Mowee. The next day he, accompanied by several important chiefs, all dressed in rich feather cloaks and armed with long spears and daggers, paid a state visit. Koah was also present in a canoe with other priests and two large basket-work idols, whose distorted faces were adorned with pearl-shell eyes and dog's teeth; he was attended by two other canoes, one filled with pigs and vegetables, and these paddled round the ships, the priests singing "in most solemn fashion," and returned to the shore. Cook followed; King turned out the guard and saluted Terreeoboo, and then conducted him to the tent, where, after seating himself for a few moments, he took off his helmet and cloak and placed them on Cook, at the same time ordering five or six more, of great value, to be placed at his feet. Hogs, bread-fruit, etc., were then brought in. Cook and Terreeoboo exchanged names as a peculiar mark of friendship, and the ceremony ended by the presentation of the two boat-loads of provisions by a deputation of the priests. One of those present was a nephew of the king, called by the English Maiha-Maiha, afterwards known to the world as Kamehameha I. As many of the chiefs as the Resolution's pinnace would hold were taken off with the king to the ship, and the latter was duly invested with a white linen shirt and Cook's own sword. During the whole of this performance no canoes excepting those actually engaged were to be seen in the bay, and all the natives remained lying on the ground or in their houses. Clerke, who had been too ill to share in these ceremonies, landed for the first time on the 28th, and, though quite unexpected, he received a very handsome present of food, and Terreeoboo paid the Discovery a state call, taking with him presents similar to those given to Cook. In the afternoon he paid a second (private) call in a small canoe with three paddles, one of which he wielded himself. On this occasion there were no prostrations, but if any native met his chief he simply got out of the way unless some service was required of him. The ships were running very short of firewood, and as there was none growing less than a mile and a half off the sea, Mr. King was ordered to try and purchase the fence surrounding the top of the Morai. He hesitated, as he thought that: "even the bare mention of it might be considered by them [the priests] as a piece of shocking impiety. In this, however, I found myself mistaken. Not the smallest surprise was expressed at the application, and the wood was readily given, even without stipulating for anything in return." He saw the sailors were carrying away the figures as well, and spoke to Koah on the subject, who raised no objection, except with regard to the centre one, which was at once returned. Burney says that two launch-loads for each ship were obtained, "a seasonable supply, as we had been four months since we wooded." On 31st January Whatman, one of the gunner's crew, and greatly attached to Cook, died and was buried in the Morai. Besant thinks that this had some influence on the minds of the natives, and may have contributed to Cook's death, but as it was done by Terreeoboo's special request it is difficult to see how the idea can be justified. A LARGE PRESENT. Enquiries were several times made as to the date of the departure of the ships, and hints were given that supplies were running short; but at the same time they were informed that if they returned the next bread-fruit season, their wants should be again supplied. When the news went forth that they would leave in two days, Terreeoboo issued a proclamation for food to be brought in so that he might make a large present on their departure; and on the appointed day Cook and King were invited to Terreeoboo's residence, where they found all that had been given in exchange to the natives was laid out on the ground, and a short distance away a large quantity of vegetables of all kinds and a herd of pigs, which were handed over on a return present being made. King says that the gift "far exceeded everything of the kind we had seen." The camp ashore was then broken up, and a great effort was made to persuade Cook to permit Mr. King to remain, as he had succeeded in making himself a great favourite with all. A house that had been used by the sailmakers was accidentally set on fire, Burney says by natives looking for a knife lost by one of the sailors; but Besant, who places the fire at a later period, says it was done intentionally in revenge for the sailors having enticed some of the women there, and infers that Gilbert is his authority, but in the extracts he publishes from Gilbert's manuscript there is nothing of the kind, and no one refers to any other fire till after Cook's death. CHAPTER 18. 1779 TO 1780. THIRD VOYAGE CONCLUDED. On 4th February the ships unmoored and sailed from the bay, steering to the north in hopes of finding a better anchorage. The wind was very light, and the progress was so slow that it gave Terreeoboo an opportunity of sending off a further present of food. Soon after a gale sprang up, and the canoes which had accompanied them beat a hasty retreat, leaving a good many, mostly women, on board the ships. About midnight the fore and main topsails were split, but towards morning the wind died away and they were able to bend fresh sails. A second gale came on again at night, putting them under double-reefed topsails, with topgallant yards sent down, and at daybreak the fore-mast was found to be so badly sprung that it was absolutely necessary it should be unstepped for immediate repairs. After considerable hesitation, for he fully recognised that the place must be almost denuded of surplus provisions, Cook decided to return to Karakakoa Bay as no other convenient place was known, and the ships again anchored there on the 11th, starting immediately to unstep and get the mast ashore, when it was found to be rotten at the heel as well as sprung. Wood that had been cut at Eimeo for anchor stocks was used for fishing the head, and the work proceeded rapidly: the priests making the camp tabu, so that there should be no interference with the workmen. When the ships arrived in the bay, hardly a canoe was to be seen, and none came out to the ships. This, contrasted with their first reception, was the cause of some surprise, and, in view of what happened afterwards, of some suspicion; but Mr. King, who had more intercourse with the natives than any of the other officers, was thoroughly satisfied that "they neither meant nor apprehended any change of conduct." Burney says that Terreeoboo and some of the chiefs visited them on the 12th, and asked many questions about their return, and did not seem well satisfied with the answers received. TROUBLE COMMENCES. Everything went smoothly till the afternoon of the 13th, when the officer in charge of the watering party complained to King that the conduct of some of the natives was suspicious, and some of the chiefs were driving away men he had engaged to help in rolling the casks to the boats. King sent a marine with side arms to help to restore order, but shortly after was informed the natives were arming with stones and getting very noisy, so he went down himself, with a marine armed with his musket, and succeeded in setting matters right. Just at this time Cook came ashore, and King reported what had occurred, receiving orders to fire with ball if he received any insolence or stones were thrown. Soon afterwards shots were heard from the Discovery, and a canoe was seen making for the shore, closely pursued by one of the ship's boats. Cook, King, and a marine ran to intercept them, but were too late, as the occupants of the canoe landed before they could reach the spot. Burney says the disturbance commenced by a native stealing a pair of carpenter's tongs, jumping overboard with them, and placing them in a canoe which at once paddled off. The thief was caught, flogged, and put in irons till the tongs were returned from the shore. The same tongs were again stolen in the afternoon, and the thief got away with them, pursued by Edgar, the Master, in the ship's cutter, and joined by the Resolution's pinnace. The thief reaching shore first, put the tongs, the lid of a harness cask, and a chisel in a second canoe which went out, and handed them over to Edgar. Edgar, seeing Cook and King running along the shore, thought it right to detain the second canoe, which unfortunately belonged to Parea, who at the time of the theft was in Clerke's cabin and, promising to obtain the tongs, had immediately left for the shore. He tried to regain possession of his canoe, but was knocked down by a sailor, and then some of the natives, who before this had been quietly looking on, began to throw stones, and so roughly handled the sailors in the pinnace that, being unarmed, they beat a retreat, swimming to some rocks out of reach of the missiles. Edgar and Vancouver remained ashore and fared badly, till Parea, who had recovered from his blow and apparently forgotten it, ordered his countrymen to stay their hands, and managed to save the pinnace from being broken up. He wanted the boats to go back to the ships, but as the oars had been taken away this was impossible. He then started to find them, and as soon as his back was turned the throwing began again. Edgar wished to go to the camp to find Cook, but some of the natives advised him to follow them and they would take him to Parea. He soon met him carrying one oar, followed by a man with a broken one, so they were able to make shift in the boats to the camp, being overtaken on the way by Parea in his canoe bringing Vancouver's cap, which had been lost in the scuffle. Owing to his pursuit of the thief Cook did not hear of all this trouble till after dark, too late to take any further steps, but King says he appeared very disturbed by the news, and remarked: "I am afraid these people will oblige me to use some violent measures, for they must not be left to imagine that they have gained an advantage over us." He then went on board his ship and ordered all natives ashore, whilst King returned to the camp, and doubling his sentries, gave orders he was to be called if any natives were seen about. At eleven, five were seen hovering near, but when they found they were observed they made off, and later one got close to the observatory, but ran when the sentry fired over his head. When on his way to the ship the next morning for the chronometer, King was informed that the Discovery's cutter had been stolen; it had been moored to the anchor buoy. On board the Resolution he found Cook busy loading his double-barreled gun and a landing party of marines being prepared. Cook said he was going ashore to try to gain possession of some of the principal chiefs in order to keep them prisoners till the boat was returned, and that he had already sent out boats to prevent any one leaving the bay, with the intention of destroying their canoes if he could not recover the cutter by more peaceable means. The Resolution's great cutter was sent after a large sailing canoe that was making off, the small cutter was guarding the western point of the bay, and Cook, with the pinnace and launch, were going to Kowrowa to try and get Terreeoboo on board the ship. He, and in fact every one else, were confident the natives would offer no resistance if they heard the sound of but one musket. A little before eight o'clock Captain Cook, Lieutenant Phillips, a sergeant, corporal, and seven marines left the ship for Kowrowa, and King returned to his camp after being ordered to try and assure the natives near the observatory that they would not be hurt, to keep his men together, and to be prepared to meet any outbreak. Having seen his men were on the alert, King visited the priests and satisfied them that Terreeoboo would receive neither injury nor insult. COOK LANDS. Having picked up the Resolution's launch, under the command of Lieutenant Williamson, on his way, Cook landed the marines, and marched into the village, where he received the usual marks of respect. He asked to see the king and his two young sons. The two boys came forward and conducted him to the hut where their father was, and after a short conversation he felt assured that Terreeoboo knew nothing about the stealing of the boat. He invited the three to accompany him to the Resolution, and the king at once consented and got up to go. However, the boys' mother came up with a few chiefs and tried to persuade him not to go, and then they caught hold of him and forced him to sit down. Meanwhile a large crowd had gathered round, and Phillips, who seems to have acted with coolness and judgment throughout the affair, drew up his men in line on some rocks near the water, about thirty yards away. After trying for some time to persuade the natives to allow their chief to go with him, Cook gave up the attempt, observing to Phillips that it would be impossible to compel them to do so without great risk of bloodshed. Unfortunately, just at this time news arrived that a chief of the first rank had been killed at the other side of the bay. The shots had been heard soon after the landing of Cook's party. It was now recognised that matters had become very serious; the natives were seen to be donning their war mats, and one man, armed with a stone in one hand and a large iron spike in the other, threatened Cook in a very insulting manner. He was told to keep quiet, but only became more furious, so Cook fired a charge of small shot into him, but his mats saved him from injury. Stones were thrown at the marines, and a chief attempted to stab Phillips, but was promptly knocked down with the butt of the latter's musket. Cook now fired his second barrel loaded with ball and killed one of the natives, but Sergeant Gibson told him it was the wrong man, so he received orders to kill the right one, and did so. The stone-throwing became heavier, and the marines responded with a volley, but before they had time to reload the natives rushed them, killing four out of the seven and wounding the rest, Phillips being stabbed between the shoulders, but, before the blow could be repeated he managed to shoot his assailant. COOK'S DEATH. Cook was now close to the water's edge, and had turned round to order the boats' crews to cease firing and pull in. This is believed to have caused his death, for, whilst he faced the natives, none of them, except the one shot by Gibson, had offered him actual violence, but when he turned to give orders he was struck on the head and stabbed in the back, falling with his face in a pool of water. As soon as he fell a great shout arose; he was dragged ashore, and the natives, snatching the dagger from each other, showed savage eagerness to share in his destruction. Phillips and his wounded marines plunged into the water and, covered by musketry fire, gained the boats; their officer, though wounded, jumping out again to the assistance of the last man who, severely injured by a blow on the face, was in great danger of being captured. The boats, seeing there was no possibility of recovering the bodies of the five who were killed, were ordered to return at once to the ships from which they had only been absent an hour. Nine stand of arms, Cook's double-barreled gun and his hanger fell into the hands of the natives. As soon as this was reported, the boats were recalled from the bay, and a strong reinforcement was sent to Mr. King with orders to strike his camp and get the Resolution's foremast off to the ship. The Indians were seen to be assembling to the right of the tents, so the guns were turned on them, and a party was posted on the Morai to cover the place where the mast lay. About one o'clock everything was got away from the shore, only a few stones being thrown by natives who thought their mats were proof against bullets, and only found out their mistake too late. Notwithstanding what had occurred, one of the priests, whom Burney calls Kerriakair, remained with the English till everything had been removed, and supplied the men with food and water. King, about four o'clock, was sent to try to recover the bodies of the Captain and marines. He was at first received with a volley of stones, which fortunately fell short; he displayed a white flag and pulled inshore, whilst the remaining boats lay off to cover him with their fire if needed, but the stone-throwing was stopped, and the natives also showed the white flag. In answer to King's demand some of the chiefs promised that the bodies should be delivered the next day, and Koah, swimming off to one of the boats, explained that they could not be given up at once as they had already been taken some distance up country. Burney, however, says that they gathered, from signs made by some other Indians, that the bodies had already been cut to pieces, and one man came down into the water flourishing Cook's hanger "with many tokens of exultation and defiance." KOAH FRIENDLY. On the 15th Captain Clerke formally took over the command of the Resolution, and appointed Lieutenant Gore to the Discovery. During the day Koah visited the ship several times, and in vain tried to persuade Clerke or King to go ashore, but it was thought inadvisable to run any further risks. In the evening Kerriakair and a friend came off in a small canoe bringing a bundle containing the flesh of Cook's thighs, saying that the body had been burned and the limbs distributed amongst the chiefs. They had brought all they could get unknown to the others, and Kerriakair strongly advised Clerke not to trust too much to Koah; he said that the inhabitants of the island were not inclined for peace except those in the immediate neighbourhood, who would of course, in case of hostilities, be the chief sufferers. He gave the number of natives killed as twenty-six, with a large number of wounded. On the 17th the ships were warped inshore so as to command the watering place, the launches were sent in for water, with the other boats fully armed, in support. They were received with showers of stones from the houses, and from behind stone walls, notwithstanding guns fired from the ships and musketry from the boats at any of the natives who exposed themselves. Meanwhile Koah again visited the ships, offering a pig as a present, and asking for someone to be sent ashore for the bodies; but he was sent away, and was soon afterwards seen amongst the stone-throwers. In the afternoon the boats went again for water, but as the natives recommenced hostilities they were ordered to keep clear, whilst the ships' guns were worked for a quarter of an hour; then the boats' crews landed and burned all the houses between the watering place and the Morai, killing some six or seven of the natives. In the evening, about five o'clock, some dozen natives bearing white flags and sugar-cane marched down to the beach headed by Kerriakair carrying a small pig. He said he came as an envoy from Terreeoboo to make peace, and was accordingly taken on board the Resolution. It was ascertained from him that the boat had been stolen by some of Parea's people and had been broken up after Cook's death. During the night some canoes came out and did a little trading; and the next morning the bay was seen to be planted with white flags in different directions, and the waterers were allowed to work unmolested, whilst Kerriakair asked permission, at once granted, to make an offering to one of the images on the Morai. Soon after Koah came off with a pig, but was not admitted to either ship; he then went off to the waterers, who sent him away. So he amused himself by throwing stones at a small party of sailors on the Morai, and drew a couple of shots from them, but escaped unhurt. Soon after a party of natives marched down to the beach with bread-fruit, etc., which they left on the beach and was afterwards taken on board. A chief, Eapoo, carried a message on board from Terreeoboo, and next day brought presents of food. On the 20th the foremast of the Resolution was stepped and rigging commenced, and in the middle of the day a large body of natives marched in procession to the watering place, beating drums, yelling, carrying white flags, sugar-cane, etc., with Eapoo at their head bearing a parcel wrapped in cloth containing some of Cook's bones. He went off to the Resolution with Clerke, and soon after a boat was sent ashore for a present of food from Terreeoboo. The next day, with the same ceremonial, Eapoo again appeared with all the remaining bones it was possible to recover, and was this time accompanied by Karowa, Terreeoboo's youngest son. "The 21st February. At sunset the Resolution fired ten minute guns, with the colours half staff up, when the remains of our late Commander were committed to the deep." Lieutenant Williamson was severely blamed by his brother officers for not going to the assistance of the pinnace at the time of the attack on his Captain, and it is said that had it not been for Clerke's ill health he would have been tried by court-martial. He was afterwards, when in command of the Agincourt, tried for "disaffection, cowardice, disobedience to signals, and not having done his duty in rendering all assistance possible." He was found guilty on the last two counts only, and was "placed at the bottom of the list of Post-Captains, and rendered incapable of ever serving on board of any of His Majesty's ships." COOK'S REMAINS. Ellis, in his Tour through Hawaii, says that King's account of Cook's death, from which the above has been largely drawn, agrees in a remarkable manner with that given by the natives. They in no way blamed their visitors for what occurred, and even after his death appear to have looked upon Cook as a man of a superior race to themselves. His breastbone and ribs were long preserved as relics, and in 1832 Ellis states there were many living who remembered the occasion, and all agreed that Cook's conduct to their countrymen was humane. Captain Clerke says: "Upon examining the remains of my late honoured and much lamented friend, I found all his bones, excepting those of the back, jaw, and feet--the two latter articles Earpo brought me in the morning--the former, he declared, had been reduced to ashes with the trunk of the body. As Carnacare (Kerriakair) had told us, the flesh was taken from all the bones, excepting those of the hands, the skin of which they had cut through in many places, and salted, with the intention, no doubt, of preserving them; Earpo likewise brought with him the two barrels of Captain Cook's gun--the one beat flat with the intention of making a cutting instrument of it; the other a good deal bent and bruised, together with a present of thirteen hogs from Terreaboo." The hands, as has been mentioned before, were identified by the scar left by the explosion of his powder flask in Newfoundland, which almost severed the thumb from the fingers. On 22nd February they were able to sail from this unlucky place, and touching at one or two of the islands worked their way northwards to Kamtschatka, the Resolution reaching Owatska Bay on 29th April, followed by the discovery on 1st May. They were very handsomely treated by Major Behm, the Governor of Bolcheretsk, a place about 135 miles from the town of St. Peter and St. Paul in Awatska Bay, notwithstanding Mr. Ismailoff's letters of introduction were on somewhat unsatisfactory lines. Mr. Webber was fortunately able to converse in German, which the Russian officers understood; and he ascertained that Ismailoff had represented the two vessels as very small, and hinted that he believed them to be little better than pirates. The Governor provided the ships with what he could give them, and promised to obtain further stores from Okotsk for them against their return. For these kindnesses the English could make but little return, and even then it was with difficulty that the Russians could be persuaded to receive anything, for they said they were only acting up to the wishes of their Empress, who desired all her allies should be treated with courtesy. One return, however, they were able to make which was of great service. At the time of the visit of the ships a large number of the soldiers and inhabitants were suffering very seriously from scurvy, and Clerke at once put them under the care of his medical officers, who, by the use of sour kraut and sweet wort made from the ship's stock of malt, soon caused "a surprising alteration in the figures of most of them and their speedy recovery was chiefly attributed to the effects of the sweet wort." They were informed by the Major that on the day of the arrival of the English party at Bolcheretsk he had received a letter from the most northerly outpost on the Sea of Okotsk, stating that the tribe of Tschutski, which had been long at feud with the Russians, had sent in an embassy offering friendship and tribute, giving as a reason that they had been visited by two large vessels in the preceding summer, and had been received on board with great kindness, and had entered into a league of friendship with their visitors: they therefore thought it their duty to ratify this treaty formally. These two ships could have been none other than the Resolution and Discovery, though evidently the Tschutski thought they were Russian. DEATH OF CLERKE. Leaving on 13th June, the Asiatic coast was followed up, and 1st July they were off the Gulf of Anadyr, where fogs and ice began seriously to interfere with their progress, so they abandoned the Asiatic for the American side, but with no better luck. They reached the latitude of 70 degrees 33 minutes North, about five leagues short of the point reached the previous year, and at length, realising further efforts were useless and resulting in serious damage to the ships from continual contact with the loose ice, Clerke determined to return to Awatska Bay and refit and then return to England. On 22nd August, the day before they reached the Bay, Captain Clerke, who had long been suffering from serious ill health, died, and was buried under a tree a little to the north of the post of St. Peter and St. Paul; the crews of both ships and the Russian garrison taking part in the funeral ceremony, and the Russian priest reading the service at the grave. Clerke had been all three voyages with Cook, and was only thirty-eight years of age. Gore now took command of the Resolution, Burney, Rickman, and Lanyon being his lieutenants, whilst King was the new Captain of the Discovery, and Williamson and Hervey his lieutenants; Bayley going with Gore in charge of the astronomical observations. On 9th October they left Awatska and were off Cape Nambu, Japan, on the 26th, but were driven off the coast by bad weather, and anchored in Macao Roads on 1st December. Here, after considerable delay, stores were obtained from Canton, and the seaman managed to dispose of most of the furs they had obtained in the north. King estimates that the two ships received, in money and goods, as much as 2000 pounds for the skins, and says that the men were so anxious to return for more that they were almost in a state of mutiny. On 11th April the ships reached the Cape, where the officers were cordially received by Governor Plattenberg, who expressed the deepest regret to hear of the loss of Cook, and requested that he should be sent a portrait of the Captain to place in a blank space he pointed out between two portraits of De Ruyter and Van Tromp--a gracious compliment. Sailing from Simon's Bay on 9th May, the trades were picked up on the 14th, and on 13th June the line was crossed in longitude 26 degrees 16 minutes West. The coast of Ireland was sighted on 12th August, and an attempt was made to get into Galway Bay, but strong southerly winds drove them to the north, and at length, rounding the north of Scotland, they put into Stromness, whence Captain King was despatched overland to the Admiralty. The ships arrived off the Nore on 4th October, after an absence of "four years, two months, and twenty-two days." KING MEETS KING. On 14th February 1781, the second anniversary of Cook's death, King, accompanied by Mr. Banks, was presented to His Majesty, who was pleased to accept the Journals of the Resolution and Discovery kept during this eventful voyage. CHAPTER 19. APPRECIATION AND CHARACTER. Of course as nothing had been heard of the expedition for a considerable time, a certain amount of anxiety was felt, which at length found vent in paragraphs in the public press, and on 11th January 1780 the London Gazette contained the following: "Captain Clerke of His Majesty's Sloop the Resolution, in a letter to Mr. Stephens, dated the 8th of June 1779, in the harbour of St. Peter and St. Paul, Kampschatka, which was received yesterday, gives the melancholy account of the celebrated Captain Cook, late Commander of that Sloop, with four of his private Marines having been killed on the 14th of February last at the island of Owhyhe, one of a Group of new-discovered Islands in the 22nd degree of North Latitude, in an affray with a numerous and tumultuous Body of the Natives." "Captain Clerke adds, that he received every friendly supply from the Russian Government; and that as the Companies of the Resolution and her Consort, the Discovery, were in perfect Health, and the two Sloops had twelve months Stores and Provisions on board, he was preparing to make another Attempt to explore a Northern Passage to Europe." THE EMPRESS OF RUSSIA. The London Gazette of 8th February says: "The Empress of Russia expressed a most deep concern at the Loss of Captain Cook. She was the more sensibly affected from her very partial regard to his merits; and when she was informed of the hospitality shown by the Russian Government at Kamschatka to Captain Clerke, she said no Subject in her Dominions could show too much Friendship to the Survivors of Captain Cook." The letter written by Clerke was sent by express through Petersburg; that is to say, it was written in the extreme east of Asia in June, and was sent overland across Siberia to Petersburg, and thence via Berlin to London, and was there published in under the six months. A wonderful journey when the difficulties of transit are taken into consideration. In the numerous appreciative notices that appeared in the press relating to Cook and his work, the Morning Chronicle alone strikes a jarring string, which is at once met by a reply; and a day or two after the same paper publishes a long letter signed Colombus (the style suggests the pen of Sir Joseph Banks) in which the character and methods of Cook are most strenuously defended, the writer claiming to have obtained his knowledge of the man "through long intercourse with him." The Gazetter of 24th January says: "His Majesty, who had always the highest opinion of Captain Cook, shed tears when Lord Sandwich informed him of his death, and immediately ordered a pension of 300 pounds a year for his widow." The amount really granted to Mrs. Cook was 200 pounds per annum, and the Admiralty in addition gave her half the proceeds of the Journal of the Third Voyage, a share in the Journal of the Second Voyage, and a share of the plates used in illustrating the two publications: a very considerable addition to her income. A Coat of Arms was also granted to the family by order of the King, and Sir W. Besant records his belief that it was the last one ever granted as a direct "recognition of Service." His description of it is: "Azure, between the two polar stars Or, a sphere on the plane of the meridian, showing the Pacific Ocean, his track thereon marked by red lines. And for a crest, on a wreath of the colours, is an arm bowed, in the uniform of a Captain of the Royal Navy. In the hand is the Union Jack on a staff proper. The arm is encircled by a wreath of palm and laurel. A very noble shield indeed." The notes of appreciation of his talents and services came from all parts of the world, and none more kindly than from the series of brilliant Frenchmen who followed in his footsteps. De Crozet did not hesitate to throw away his own charts when he recognised the superiority of Cook's; and Dumont d'Urville calls him "the most illustrious navigator of both the past and future ages whose name will for ever remain at the head of the list of sailors of all nations." MRS. COOK'S LETTER. The Royal Society was naturally amongst the first to recognise the great worth of its late Fellow, and the loss the Society had suffered from his death. It had already granted him one of its highest honours in the form of the Copley Gold Medal for his successful contest with the scurvy, and it now decided to mark its appreciation by striking a special gold medal in his honour. This was forwarded by Sir Joseph Banks, President of the Royal Society, to Mrs. Cook, and acknowledged by her in the following touching letter: Mile End, 16th August 1784. Sir, I received your exceeding kind letter of the 12th instant, and want words to express in any adequate degree my feelings on the very singular honour which you, Sir, and the honourable and learned Society over which you so worthily preside, have been pleased to confer on my late husband, and through him on me and his children who are left to lament the loss of him, and to be the receivers of those most noble marks of approbations which, if Providence had been pleased to permit him to receive, would have rendered me very happy indeed. Be assured, Sir, that however unequal I may be to the task of expressing it, I feel as I ought the high honour which the Royal Society has been pleased to do me. My greatest pleasure now remaining is in my sons, who, I hope, will ever strive to copy after so good an example, and, animated by the honours bestowed on their Father's memory, be ambitious of attaining by their own merits your notice and approbation. Let me entreat you to add to the many acts of friendship which I have already received at your hands, that of expressing my gratitude and thanks to that learned body in such a manner as may be acceptable to them. I am, Sir, etc., etc., Elizabeth Cook. The medal actually presented to Mrs. Cook is now in the British Museum. DEATHS OF THE SONS. It is greatly to be regretted that so little can be ascertained about Cook's private life that would be of service in forming an intimate knowledge of his character, but this is accounted for by the fact that after he had joined the Navy his time was so fully occupied by that service that he had but little opportunity to form private friendships such as fall to the lot of most men. The intimacies that he did form were mostly connected very closely with his naval duties, and his opportunities of correspondence were necessarily limited by absence from all ordinary means of communication. For a man of his marked celebrity it is very curious that there should be such a dearth of anecdote that it is difficult to find anything that is unconnected with his profession. Of his own family relations there is also little known, as Mrs. Cook, probably esteeming the few letters she had from him as too sacred to be seen by any other eye than her own, as the late Canon Bennett suggests, destroyed them before her death. Still some idea of their life together, short as it really was, notwithstanding it lasted, in name, for over sixteen years, may be gained from the manner in which his widow always spoke of him after his death. She always wore a ring containing a lock of his hair, and measured everything by his standard of morality and honour. The greatest disapprobation she could express was "Mr. Cook would never have done so." He was always Mr. Cook to her. She kept four days each year as solemn fasts, remaining in her own room. The days were those on which she lost her husband and three sons, passing them in reading her husband's Bible, prayer and meditation, and during bad weather she could not sleep for thinking of those at sea. For her husband's sake she befriended her nephews and nieces whom she never saw. Of her three sons, two entered the Navy. One, Nathaniel, was lost with his ship, the Thunderer, in a hurricane off Jamaica in 1780. The eldest, James, rose to the rank of Commander, and in January 1794 was appointed to H.M. sloop Spitfire. He was at Poole when he received his orders to join his ship at Portsmouth without delay. Finding an open boat with sailors returning from leave about to start, he joined them. It was blowing rather hard, and nothing was ever heard of the passengers or crew, except that the broken boat and the dead body of the unfortunate young officer, stripped of all money and valuables, with a wound in the head, was found ashore on the Isle of Wight. The third son, Hugh, was entered at Christ's College, Cambridge, in 1793, but contracting scarlet fever he died on 21st December of that year, and was buried in the church of St. Andrew the Great, being joined by his brother James a few weeks afterwards, when the mother was left indeed alone. She survived her husband for the long period of fifty-six years, living at Clapham with her cousin, Admiral Isaac Smith, and at length joined her two sons at Cambridge at the advanced age of ninety-three. Cook's character as given by those with whom he worked, men who day after day were by his side, was a fine one. His greatest fault seems to have been his hasty temper, which he admitted himself, often most regretfully; but Captain King says it was "disarmed by a disposition the most benevolent and humane," and it never was displayed in such a manner as to cause the loss of respect and affection of his people. He was healthy and vigorous in mind and body, clear-headed and cool in times of danger, broad minded and temperate, and plain and unaffected in manner. His powers of observation were of the first rank, his knowledge of Naval mathematics far surpassed the ordinary level and amounted to genius, but, above all, his devotion to duty was the commanding feature of his character. Nothing was allowed to interfere when he saw his course before him; personal convenience was not allowed to weigh for one moment, but at the same time he never lost sight of the interests of those under him and spared them when possible. He was somewhat silent and reserved in manner, but when questioned on any subject on which he felt he was an authority, his answers were clearly and distinctly given, and his reasons disclosed his powers of observation to the full. He was kindly, generous, and hospitable, and by no means the stern character that has been painted, for even in such a matter-of-fact document as his official Journal, a spirit of fun occasionally gleams out. Such was the man whose name will ever stand in the very first ranks of the British Empire Builders; honest, kindly, generous, a faithful servant and a noble leader. INDEX. Adventure: purchased. arrives home. Airy Holme Farm. Amherst, General. Amherst, Colonel W. Amsterdam. Anderson, Surgeon: death. Anjac, M. d'. Antelope, H.M.S. Arnold. See Timepieces. Aurora Australis. Australia. Ayton: revisited. Banks, Joseph: joins Endeavour. refuses Second Voyage. Batavia. Bayley, W. Behm, Major. Behring. Bennett, Canon. Besant, W. Bligh, W. Boscawen, Admiral. Boswell. Bougainville, De. Buchan, A. Burgeo Islands. Burney, Charles. Burney, Fanny. Burney, James. Campbell, Captain J. Cape Circumcision. Cape Horn. Cape of Good Hope. Clerke, Charles. Colville, Lord. Cook, James (Master of Mercury). Cook, James, R.N. F.R.S.: birth. Eagle. Solebay. Pembroke. Northumberland. marriage. King's Surveyor. Grenville. Endeavour. Scorpion. Resolution. Post-Captain. death. Cook, Mrs. Cooper, R.P. Crozet, De. Dalrymple. Dance, Sir N. Darwin, Charles. Discovery purchased. Dodds, Mrs. Douglas, Captain Charles. Douglas, Dr. Duc d'Aquitaine. Du Fresne, Marion. Dumont d'Urville. Eagle. Easter Island. Eclipse of sun. Edgar. Edgecombe. Endeavour: purchased. end of. Erromango. Espiritu Santo. Fernando de Noronho. Fishburn of Whitby. Forster, G.A. Forster, J.R. Freelove. Friendship. Funchal. Furneaux, Tobias. Garland. Gaspe Bay. Gilbert, G. Gilbert, J. Gore, J. Grampus. Graves, Captain. Green, Charles. death. Grenville. Halifax, N.B. Hardy, Sir C. Harrison. See Timepieces. Hawke, Lord. Hawkesworth, Dr. Hicks, Lieutenant. Hodges, W. Holmes, Admiral. Horrox, J. Huaheine. Isle aux Coudres. Isle d'Orleans. Japan. Jervis, Captain J. Johnson, Dr. Karakakoa Bay. Kemp, A. Kemp, S. Kendal. See Timepieces. Kerguelen's Land. King, Captain J. Knox, Major. Koah. Lambrecht. Lane, M. Lark. Law, Surgeon. Ledyard. Leeds Mercury. Lightning Rods. Loo Fort. Louisburg. MacGregor, Sir E. Magellan's Straits. Malicolo. Marra, James. Marton. Maskelyne. Massacre Bay, New Zealand. Medway. Mercury. Middleburg. Mile End. Miquelon. Molineaux. Monkhouse, Dr. Montcalm. Moran, Cardinal. Moreton Bay. New Albion. New Caledonia. New Zealand. Newfoundland. Newspapers on ship. Northumberland. Norton Sound. Omai. Otaheite. Pallisser, Sir H. Parkinson, S. Pembroke, Earl of. Pembroke. Petropaulowsk. Phillips, Lieutenant. Pickersgill. Pines, Isle of. Pitcairn Island. Priestley, Dr. Pringle, Sir J. Prowd, Mary. Quebec. Quiros, De. Raleigh. See Adventure. Redcar. Resolution purchased. Rio. Rotterdam. Royal Society. Russia, Empress of. St. Helena. St. John's. St. Lawrence. St. Pierre. Samwell, D. Sandwich Islands. Sandwich, Lord. Saunders, Sir C. Scurvy, paper on. Smith, Isaac. Solander, Dr. Solebay. Sparrman, H. Staten Island. Stirling Castle. Straits le Maire. Tanna. Tasman. Tatafee Polaho. Terreeoboo. Three Sisters. Three Kings, New Zealand. Timepieces. Torres, De. Transit of Venus. Traverse, the. Tupia. Ulietea. Vancouver, G. Vegetable Sheep. Waddington, G.W. Walker, John. Webber, J. Wolfe, General. Young, Dr. Young, N. Zeehaan. 7777 ---- NARRATIVE OF THE VOYAGES ROUND THE WORLD, PERFORMED BY CAPTAIN JAMES COOK. WITH AN ACCOUNT OF HIS LIFE DURING THE PREVIOUS AND INTERVENING PERIODS. BY A. KIPPIS, D.D., F.R.S., & S.A. TO THE KING. SIR, I esteem myself highly honoured in being permitted to dedicate and present my Narrative of the Life and Actions of Captain James Cook to your Majesty. It was owing to your Majesty's royal patronage and bounty, that this illustrious navigator was enabled to execute those vast undertakings, and to make those extraordinary discoveries, which have contributed so much to the reputation of the British empire, and have reflected such peculiar glory on your Majesty's reign. Without your Majesty's munificence and encouragement, the world would have remained destitute of that immense light which has been thrown on geography, navigation, and the most important sciences. To your Majesty, therefore, a work like the present is with particular propriety addressed. It is impossible, on this occasion, to avoid extending my thoughts to the other noble instances in which your Majesty's liberal protection of science and literature has been displayed. Your Majesty began your reign in a career so glorious to princes: and wonderful has been the increase of knowledge and taste in this country. The improvements in philosophical science, and particularly in astronomy; the exertions of experimental and chemical inquiry, the advancement of natural history, the progress and perfection of the polite arts, and the valuable compositions that have been produced in every department of learning, have corresponded with your Majesty's gracious wishes and encouragement, and have rendered the name of Britain famous in every quarter of the globe. If there be any persons who, in these respects, would depreciate the present times, in comparison with those which have preceded them, it may safely be asserted, that such persons have not duly attended to the history of literature. The course of my studies has enabled me to speak with some confidence on the subject; and to say, that your majesty's reign is eminently distinguished by one of the greatest glories that can belong to a monarch. Knowledge and virtue constitute the chief happiness of a nation: and it is devoutly to be wished that the virtue of this country were equal to its knowledge. If it be not so, this does not arise from the want of an illustrious example in the person of your Majesty, and that of your royal Consort. The pattern which is set by the King and Queen of Great Britain, of those qualities which are the truest ornaments and felicities of life, affords a strong incitement to the imitation of the same excellencies; and cannot fail of contributing to the more extensive prevalence of that moral conduct on which the welfare of society so greatly depends. That your Majesty may possess every felicity in your royal Person and Family, and enjoy a long and prosperous reign, over an enlightened, a free, and a happy people, is the sincere and ardent prayer of, SIR, Your Majesty's most faithful, and most obedient, subject and servant, ANDREW KIPPIS. London, _June_ 31, 1788. PREFACE. Although I have often appeared before the public as a writer, I never did it with so much diffidence and anxiety as on the present occasion. This arises from the peculiar nature of the work in which I have now engaged. A Narrative of the Life and Actions of Captain Cook must principally consist of the voyages and discoveries he made, and the difficulties and dangers to which he was exposed. The private incidents concerning him, though collected with the utmost diligence, can never compare, either in number or importance, with his public transactions. His public transactions are the things that mark the man, that display his mind and his character; and, therefore they are the grand objects to which the attention of his biographer must be directed. However, the right conduct of this business is a point of no small difficulty and embarrassment. The question will frequently arise, How far the detail should be extended? There is a danger, on the one hand, of being carried to an undue length, and of enlarging, more than is needful, on facts which may be thought already sufficiently known; and, on the other hand, of giving such a jejune account, and such a slight enumeration of important events, as shall disappoint the wishes and expectations of the reader. Of the two extremes, the last seems to be that which should most be avoided; for, unless what Captain Cook performed, and what he encountered, be related somewhat at large, his Life and Actions would be imperfectly represented to the world. The proper medium appears to be, to bring forward the things in which he was personally concerned, and to pass slightly over other matters. Even here it is scarcely possible, nor would it be desirable, to avoid the introduction of some of the most striking circumstances which relate to the new countries and inhabitants that were visited by our great navigator, since these constitute a part of the knowledge and benefit derived from his undertakings. Whether I have been so happy as to preserve the due medium, I presume not to determine. I have been anxious to do it, without always being able fully to satisfy my own mind that I have succeeded; on which account I shall not be surprised if different opinions should be formed on the subject. In that case, all that I can offer in my own defence will be, that I have acted to the best of my judgment. At any rate I flatter myself with the hope of having presented to the public a work not wholly uninteresting or unentertaining. Those who are best acquainted with Captain Cook's expeditions, may be pleased with reviewing them in a more compendious form, and with having his actions placed in a closer point of view, in consequence of their being divested of the minute nautical, and other details, which were essentially necessary in the voyages at large. As to those persons, if there be any, who have hitherto obtained but an imperfect knowledge of what was done and discovered by this illustrious man, they will not be offended with the length of the following narrative. In various respects, new information will be found in the present performance; and other things, which were less perfectly known before, are set in a clearer and fuller light. This, I trust, will appear in the first, third, fifth, and seventh chapters. It may be observed, likewise, that the fresh matter now communicated is of the most authentic kind, and derived from the most respectable sources. My obligations of this nature are, indeed, very great, and call for my warmest gratitude. The dates and facts relative to Captain Cook's different promotions are taken from the books of the Admiralty, by the directions of the noble lord who is at the head of that Board, and the favour of Mr. Stephens. I embrace with pleasure this opportunity of mentioning, that, in the course of my life, I have experienced, in several instances, Lord Howe's condescending and favourable attention. To Mr. Stephens I am indebted for other communications besides those which concern the times of Captain Cook's preferments, and for his general readiness in forwarding the design of the present work. The Earl of Sandwich, the great patron of our navigator, and the principal mover in his mighty undertakings, has honoured me with some important information concerning him, especially with regard to the circumstances which preceded his last voyage. To Sir Hugh Palliser's zeal for the memory of his friend I stand particularly obliged. From a large communication, with which he was so good as to favour me, I have derived very material intelligence, as will appear in the course of the narrative, and especially in the first chapter. In the same chapter are some facts which I received from Admiral Graves, through the hands of the Rev. Dr. Douglas, now Bishop of Carlisle (whose admirable Introduction to the Voyage to the Pacific Ocean must be of the most essential service to every writer of the Life of Captain Cook). The Captain's amiable and worthy Widow, who is held in just esteem by all his friends, has given me an account of several domestic circumstances. I should be deficient in gratitude, were I here to omit the name of Mr. Samwell: for though what is inserted from him in this work has already been laid before the public, it should be remembered, that through the interposition of our common friend, the Rev. Mr. Gregory, it was originally written for my use, and freely consigned to my disposal; and that it was at my particular instance and request that it was separately printed. My obligations to other gentlemen will be mentioned in their proper places. But my acknowledgments are, above all, due to Sir Joseph Banks, President of the Royal Society, for the interest he has taken in the present publication. It was in consequence of his advice, that it was given to the world in the form which it now bears; and his assistance has been invariable through every part of the undertaking. To him the inspection of the whole has been submitted and to him it is owing, that the work is, in many respects, far more complete than it would otherwise have been. The exertions of zeal and friendship, I have been so happy as to experience from him in writing the account of Captain Cook, have corresponded with that ardour which Sir Joseph Banks is always ready to display in promoting whatever he judges to be subservient to the cause of science and literature. CONTENTS. CHAP. I. Account of Captain Cook previous to his first Voyage round the World CHAP. II. Narrative of Captain Cook's first Voyage round the World in the years 1768, 1769, 1770, and 1771 CHAP. III. Account of Captain Cook during the Period between his first and second Voyage CHAP. IV. Narrative of Captain Cook's second Voyage round the World in the years 1772, 1773, 1774, and 1775 CHAP. V. Account of Captain Cook during the Period between his second and third Voyage CHAP. VI. Narrative of Captain Cook's third Voyage in the years 1776, 1777, 1778, and 1779, to the Period of his Death CHAP. VII. Character of Captain Cook.--Effects of his Voyages.--Testimonies of Applause.--Commemorations of his Services.--Regard paid to his Family.--Conclusion APPENDIX COOK'S VOYAGES. CHAPTER I. Account of Captain Cook, previous to his first Voyage round the World. Captain James Cook had no claim to distinction on account of the lustre of his birth, or the dignity of his ancestors. His father, James Cook, who from his dialect is supposed to have been a Northumbrian, was in the humble station of a servant in husbandry, and married a woman of the same rank with himself, whose Christian name was Grace. Both of them were noted in their neighbourhood for their honesty, sobriety, and diligence. They first lived at a village called Morton, and then removed to Marton, another village in the North-riding of Yorkshire, situated in the high road from Gisborough, in Cleveland, to Stockton upon Tees, in the county of Durham, at the distance of six miles from each of these towns. At Morton, Captain Cook was born, on the 27th of October, 1728;[1] and, agreeably to the custom of the vicar of the parish, whose practice it was to baptize infants soon after their birth, he was baptized on the 3rd of November following. He was one of nine children, all of whom are now dead, excepting a daughter, who married a fisherman at Redcar. The first rudiments of young Cook's education were received by him at Marton, where he was taught to read by dame Walker, the schoolmistress of the village. When he was eight years of age, his father, in consequence of the character he had obtained for industry, frugality, and skill in husbandry, had a little promotion bestowed upon him, which was that of being appointed head-servant, or hind,[2] to a farm belonging to the late Thomas Skottow, Esq. called Airy Holme, near Great Ayton. To this place, therefore, he removed with his family;[3] and his son James, at Mr. Skottow's expense, was put to a day-school in Ayton, where he was instructed in writing, and in a few of the first rules of arithmetic. [Footnote 1: The mud house in which Captain Cook drew his first breath is pulled down, and no vestiges of it are now remaining.] [Footnote 2: This is the name which, in that part of the country, is given to the head-servant, or bailiff, of a farm.] [Footnote 3: Mr. Cook, senior, spent the close of his life with his daughter, at Redcar, and is supposed to have been about eighty-five years of age when he died.] Before he was thirteen years of age, he was bound an apprentice to Mr. William Sanderson, a haberdasher, or shopkeeper, at Straiths, a considerable fishing town, about ten miles north of Whitby. This employment, however, was very unsuitable to young Cook's disposition. The sea was the object of his inclination; and his passion for it could not avoid being strengthened by the situation of the town in which he was placed, and the manner of life of the persons with whom he must frequently converse. Some disagreement having happened between him and his master, he obtained his discharge, and soon after bound himself for seven years to Messrs. John and Henry Walker, of Whitby, Quakers by religious profession, and principal owners of the ship Freelove, and of another vessel, both of which were constantly employed in the coal trade. The greatest part of his apprenticeship was spent on board the Freelove. After he was out of his time, he continued to serve in the coal and other branches of trade (though chiefly in the former) in the capacity of a common sailor; till, at length, he was raised to be mate of one of Mr. John Walker's ships. During this period it is not recollected that he exhibited anything very peculiar, either in his abilities or his conduct; though there can be no doubt but that he had gained a considerable degree of knowledge in the practical part of navigation, and that his attentive and sagacious mind was laying up a store of observations, which would be useful to him in future life. In the spring of the year 1755, when hostilities broke out between England and France, and there was a hot press for seamen, Mr. Cook happened to be in the river Thames with the ship to which he belonged. At first he concealed himself, to avoid being pressed; but reflecting, that it might be difficult, notwithstanding all his vigilance, to elude discovery or escape pursuit, he determined, upon farther consideration, to enter voluntarily into his majesty's service, and to take his future fortune in the royal navy. Perhaps he had some presage in his own mind, that by his activity and exertions he might rise considerably above his present situation. Accordingly, he went to a rendezvous at Wapping, and entered with an officer of the Eagle man of war, a ship of sixty guns, at that time commanded by Captain Hamer. To this ship Captain (afterward Sir Hugh) Palliser was appointed, in the month of October, 1755; and when he took the command, found in her James Cook, whom he soon distinguished to be an able, active, and diligent seaman. All the officers spoke highly in his favour, and the Captain was so well pleased with his behaviour, that he gave him every encouragement which lay in his power. In the course of some time, Captain Palliser received a letter from Mr. Osbaldeston, then member of Parliament for Scarborough, acquainting him that several neighbours of his had solicited him to write in favour of one Cook, on board the captain's ship. They had heard that Captain Palliser had taken notice of him, and they requested, if he thought Cook deserving of it, that he would point out in what manner Mr. Osbaldeston might best contribute his assistance towards forwarding the young man's promotion. The captain, in his reply, did justice to Cook's merit; but, as he had been only a short time in the navy, informed Mr. Osbaldeston that he could not be promoted as a commission officer. A master's warrant, Captain Palliser added, might perhaps be procured for Mr. Cook, by which he would be raised to a station that he was well qualified to discharge with ability and credit. Such a warrant he obtained on the 10th of May, 1759, for the Grampus sloop; but the proper master having unexpectedly returned to her, the appointment did not take place. Four days after he was made master of the Garland; when, upon inquiry, it was found, that he could not join her, as the ship had already sailed. On the next day, the 15th of May, he was appointed to the Mercury. These quick and successive appointments shew that his interest was strong, and that the intention to serve him was real and effectual. The destination of the Mercury was to North America, where she joined the fleet under the command of Sir Charles Saunders, which, in conjunction with the land forces under General Wolfe, was engaged in the famous siege of Quebec. During that siege, a difficult and dangerous service was necessary to be performed. This was to take the soundings in the channel of the river St. Lawrence, between the island of Orleans and the north shore, directly in the front of the French fortified camp at Montmorency and Beauport, in order to enable the admiral to place ships against the enemy's batteries, and to cover our army on a general attack, which the heroic Wolfe intended to make on the camp. Captain Palliser, in consequence of his acquaintance with Mr. Cook's sagacity and resolution, recommended him to the service; and he performed it in the most complete manner. In this business he was employed during the night-time, for several nights together. At length he was discovered by the enemy, who collected a great number of Indians and canoes, in a wood near the waterside, which were launched in the night, for the purpose of surrounding him, and cutting him off. On this occasion, he had a very narrow escape. He was obliged to run for it, and pushed on shore on the island of Orleans, near the guard of the English hospital. Some of the Indians entered at the stern of the boat, as Mr. Cook leaped out at the bow; and the boat, which was a barge belonging to one of the ships of war, was carried away in triumph. However, he furnished the admiral with as correct and complete a draught of the channel and soundings as could have been made after our countrymen were in possession of Quebec. Sir Hugh Palliser had good reason to believe, that before this time Mr. Cook had scarcely ever used a pencil, and that he knew nothing of drawing. But such was his capacity, that he speedily made himself master of every object to which he applied his attention. Another important service was performed by Mr. Cook while the fleet continued in the river of St. Lawrence. The navigation of that river is exceedingly difficult and hazardous. It was particularly so to the English, who were then in a great measure strangers to this part of North America, and who had no chart, on the correctness of which they could depend. It was therefore ordered by the admiral, that Mr. Cook should be employed to survey those parts of the river, below Quebec, which navigators had experienced to be attended with peculiar difficulty and danger; and he executed the business with the same diligence and skill of which he had already afforded so happy a specimen. When he had finished the undertaking, his chart of the river St. Lawrence was published, with soundings, and directions for sailing in that river. Of the accuracy and utility of this chart, it is sufficient to say, that it hath never since been found necessary to publish any other. One, which has appeared in France, is only a copy of our author's, on a reduced scale. After the expedition at Quebec, Mr. Cook, by warrant from Lord Colvill, was appointed, on the 22d of September, 1759, master of the Northumberland man of war, the ship in which his lordship staid, in the following winter, as commodore, with the command of a squadron at Halifax. In this station, Mr. Cook's behaviour did not fail to gain him the esteem and friendship of his commander. During the leisure, which the season of winter afforded him, he employed his time in the acquisition of such knowledge as eminently qualified him for future service. It was at Halifax that he first read Euclid, and applied himself to the study of astronomy and other branches of science. The books of which he had the assistance were few in number: but his industry enabled him to supply many defects, and to make a progress far superior to what could be expected from the advantages he enjoyed. While Mr. Cook was master of the Northumberland under Lord Colvill, that ship came to Newfoundland in September, 1762, to assist in the recapture of the island from the French, by the forces under the command of Lieutenant-colonel Amherst. When the island was recovered, the English fleet staid some days at Placentia, in order to put it in a more complete state of defence. During this time Mr. Cook manifested a diligence in surveying the harbour and heights of the place, which arrested the notice of Captain (now Admiral) Graves, commander of the Antelope, and governor of Newfoundland. The governor was hence induced to ask Cook a variety of questions, from the answers to which he was led to entertain a very favourable opinion of his abilities. This opinion was increased, the more he saw of Mr. Cook's conduct; who, wherever they went, continued to display the most unremitting attention to every object that related to the knowledge of the coast, and was calculated to facilitate the practice of navigation. The esteem which Captain Graves had conceived for him was confirmed by the testimonies to his character, that were given by all the officers under whom he served. In the latter end of 1762, Mr. Cook returned to England; and, on the 21st of December, in the same year married, at Barking in Essex, Miss Elizabeth Batts, an amiable and deserving woman, who was justly entitled to and enjoyed his tenderest regard and affection. But his station in life, and the high duties to which he was called, did not permit him to partake of matrimonial felicity, without many and very long interruptions. Early in the year 1763, after the peace with France and Spain was concluded, it was determined that Captain Graves should go out again, as governor of Newfoundland As the country was very valuable in a commercial view, and had been an object of great contention between the English and the French, the captain obtained an establishment for the survey of its coasts; which, however, he procured with some difficulty, because the matter was not sufficiently understood by government at home. In considering the execution of the plan, Mr. Cook appeared to Captain Graves to be a proper person for the purpose; and proposals were made to him, to which, notwithstanding his recent marriage, he readily and prudently acceded. Accordingly, he went out with the Captain as surveyor; and was first employed to survey Miquelon and St. Pierre, which had been ceded by the treaty to the French, who, by order of administration, were to take possession of them at a certain period, even though the English commander should not happen to be arrived in the country. When Captain Graves had reached that part of the world, he found there the governor who had been sent from France (Mons. D'Anjac), with all the settlers and his own family, on board a frigate and some transports. It was contrived, however, to keep them in that disagreeable situation for a whole month, which was the time taken by Mr. Cook to complete his survey. When the business was finished, the French were put into possession of the two islands, and left in the quiet enjoyment of them, with every profession of civility. At the end of the season, Mr. Cook returned to England, but did not long continue at home. In the beginning of the year 1764, his old and constant friend and patron, Sir Hugh Palliser, was appointed governor and commodore of Newfoundland and Labradore; upon which occasion he was glad to take Mr. Cook with him, in the same capacity that he had sustained under Captain Graves. Indeed, no man could have been found who was better qualified for finishing the design which had been begun in the preceding year. The charts of the coasts, in that part of North America were very erroneous; and it was highly necessary to the trade and navigation of his majesty's subjects, that new ones should be formed, which would be more correct and useful. Accordingly, under the orders of Commodore Palliser, Mr. Cook was appointed on the 18th of April, 1764, marine surveyor of Newfoundland and Labradore; and he had a vessel, the Grenville schooner, to attend him for that purpose. How well he executed his commission is known to every man acquainted with navigation. The charts which he afterward published of the different surveys he had made, reflected great credit on his abilities and character, and the utility of them is universally acknowledged. It is understood, that, so far as Newfoundland is concerned they were of considerable service to the king's ministers, in settling the terms of the last peace. Mr. Cook explored the inland parts of this island in a much completer manner than had ever been done before. By penetrating further into the middle of the country than any man had hitherto attempted, he discovered several large lakes, which are indicated upon the general chart. In these services Mr. Cook appears to have been employed, with the intervals of occasionally returning to England for the winter season, till the year 1767, which was the last time that he went out upon his station of marine surveyor of Newfoundland. It must not be omitted, that, while he occupied this post, he had an opportunity of exhibiting to the Royal Society a proof of his progress in the study of astronomy. A short paper was written by him, and inserted in the fifty-seventh volume of the Philosophical Transactions, entitled, 'An Observation of an Eclipse of the Sun at the Island of Newfoundland, August 5, 1766, with the Longitude of the place of Observation deduced from it.' The observation was made at one of the Burgeo islands, near Cape Ray, in latitude 47° 36' 19", on the south-west extremity of Newfoundland. Mr. Cook's paper having been communicated by Dr. Bevis to Mr. Witchell, the latter gentleman compared it with an observation at Oxford, by the Rev. Mr. Hornsby, on the same eclipse, and thence computed the difference of longitude respecting the places of observation, making due allowance for the effect of parallax, and the prolate spheroidal figure of the earth. It appears from the Transactions that our navigator had already obtained the character of being an able mathematician. CHAPTER II. Narrative of Captain Cook's first voyage round the world. There is scarcely any thing from which the natural curiosity of man receives a higher gratification, than from the accounts of distant countries and nations. Nor is it curiosity only that is gratified by such accounts; for the sphere of human knowledge is hereby enlarged, and various objects are brought into view, an acquaintance with which greatly contributes to the improvement of life and the benefit of the world. With regard to information of this kind, the moderns have eminently the advantage over the ancients. The ancients could neither pursue their enquiries with the same accuracy, nor carry them on to the same extent. Travelling by land was much more inconvenient and dangerous than it hath been in later times; and, as navigation was principally confined to coasting, it must necessarily have been circumscribed within very narrow limits. The invention of the compass, seconded by the ardent and enterprising spirit of several able men, was followed by wonderful discoveries. Vasco di Gama doubled the Cape of Good Hope; and a new way being thus found out to the East Indies, the countries to that part of the earth became more accurately and extensively known. Another world was discovered by Columbus; and, at length, Magalhaens accomplished the arduous and hitherto unattempted task of sailing round the globe. At different periods he was succeeded by other circumnavigators, of whom it is no part of the present narrative to give an account. The spirit of discovery, which was so vigorous during the latter end of the fifteenth and through the whole of the sixteenth century, began, soon after the commencement of the seventeenth century, to decline. Great navigations were only occasionally undertaken, and more from the immediate views of avarice or war, than from any noble and generous principles. But of late years they have been revived, with the enlarged and benevolent design of promoting the happiness of the human species. A beginning of this kind was made in the reign of George the Second, during which two voyages were performed; the first under the command of Captain Middleton, and the next under the direction of Captains Smith and More, in order to discover a northwest passage through Hudson's Bay. It was reserved, however, for the glory of the present reign to carry the spirit of discovery to its height, and to conduct it on the noblest principles; not for the purposes of covetuousness or ambition; not to plunder or destroy the inhabitants of newly-explored countries; but to improve their condition, to instruct them in the arts of life, and to extend the boundaries of science. No sooner was peace restored, in 1763, than these laudable designs engaged his majesty's patronage; and two voyages round the world had been undertaken before Mr. Cook set out on his first command. The conductors of these voyages were the Captains Byron, Wallis, and Carteret,[4] by whom several discoveries were made, which contributed, in no small degree, to increase the knowledge of geography and navigation. Nevertheless, as the purpose for which they were sent out appears to have had a principal reference to a particular object in the South Atlantic, the direct track they were obliged to hold, on their way homeward by the East Indies, prevented them from doing so much as might otherwise have been expected towards giving the world a complete view of that immense expanse of ocean, which the South Pacific comprehends. [Footnote 4: The Captains Wallis and Carteret went out together upon the same expedition; but the vessels they commanded having accidentally parted company, they proceeded and returned by a different route. Hence their voyages are distinctly related by Dr. Hawkesworth.] Before Captain Wallis and Captain Carteret had returned to Great Britain, another voyage was resolved upon, for which the improvement of astronomical science afforded the immediate occasion. It having been calculated by astronomers, that a transit of Venus over the Sun's disk would happen in 1769, it was judged that the best place for observing it would be in some part of the South Sea, either at the Marquesas, or at one of those islands which Tasman had called Amsterdam; Rotterdam, and Middleburg, and which are now better known under the appellation of the Friendly Islands. This being a matter of eminent consequence in astronomy, and which excited the attention of foreign nations as well as of our own, the affair was taken up by the Royal Society, with the zeal which has always been displayed by that learned body for the advancement of every branch of philosophical science. Accordingly, a long memorial was addressed to his majesty, dated February the 15th, 1768, representing the great importance of the object, together with the regard which had been paid to it by the principal courts of Europe; and entreating, among other things that a vessel might be ordered, at the expense of government, for the conveyance of suitable persons, to make the observation of the transit of Venus, at one of the places before mentioned. This memorial having been laid before the king by the Earl of Shelburne (now the Marquess of Lansdown), one of the principal secretaries of state; his majesty graciously signified his pleasure to the lords commissioners of the Admiralty, that they should provide a ship for carrying over such observers as the Royal Society should judge proper to send to the South Seas; and, on the 3rd of April, Mr. Stephens informed the society that a bark had been taken up for tire purpose. The gentlemen who had originally been fixed upon to take the direction of the expedition, was Alexander Dalrymple, Esq. an eminent member of the Royal Society, and who, besides possessing an accurate knowledge of astronomy, had distinguished himself by his inquiries into the geography of the Southern Oceans, and by the collection he had published of several voyages to those parts of the world. Mr. Dalrymple being sensible of the difficulty, or rather of the impossibility, of carrying a ship through unknown seas, the crew of which were not subject to the military discipline of his majesty's navy, he made it the condition of his going, that he should have a brevet commission, as captain of the vessel, in the same manner as such a commission had been granted to Dr. Halley, in his voyage of discovery. To this demand Sir Edward Hawke, who was then at the head of the Admiralty, and who possessed more of the spirit of his profession than either of education or science, absolutely refused to accede. He said, at the board, that his conscience would not allow him to trust any ship of his majesty's to a person who had not regularly been bred a seaman. On being further pressed upon the subject, Sir Edward declared, that he would suffer his right hand to be cut off before he would sign any such commission. In this he was, in some degree, justified by the mutinous behaviour of Halley's crew, who refused to acknowledge the legal authority of their commander, and involved him in a dispute which was attended with pernicious consequences. Mr. Dalrymple, on the other hand, was equally steady in requiring a compliance with the terms he had proposed. Such was the state of things, when Mr. Stephens, secretary to the Admiralty, whose discrimination of the numerous characters, with which by his station he is conversant, reflects as much credit on his understanding, as his upright and able conduct does on the office he has filled for so many years, and under so many administrations, with honour to himself and advantage to the public, observed to the board, that since Sir Edward Hawke and Mr. Dalrymple were equally inflexible, no method remained but that of finding out another person capable of the service. He knew, he said, a Mr. Cook, who had been employed as marine surveyor of Newfoundland, who had been regularly educated in the navy, in which he was a master, and whom he judged to be fully qualified for the direction of the present undertaking. Mr. Stephens, at the same time, recommended it to the board, to take the opinion of Sir Hugh Palliser, who had lately been governor of Newfoundland, and was intimately acquainted with Cook's character. Sir Hugh rejoiced in the opportunity of serving his friend. He strengthened Mr. Stephen's recommendation to the utmost of his power; and added many things in Mr. Cook's favour, arising from the particular knowledge which he had of his abilities and merit. Accordingly, Mr. Cook was appointed to the command of the expedition by the lords of the Admiralty; and, on this occasion, he was promoted to the rank of a lieutenant in the royal navy, his commission bearing date on the 25th of May, 1768. When the appointment had taken place, the first object was to provide a vessel adapted to the purposes of the voyage. This business was committed to Sir Hugh Palliser; who took Lieutenant Cook to his assistance, and they examined together a great number of the ships which then lay in the river Thames. At length they fixed upon one, of three hundred and seventy tons, to which was given the name of the Endeavour. While preparations were making for Lieutenant Cook's expedition, Captain Wallis returned from his voyage round the world. The Earl of Morton, president of the Royal Society, had recommended it to this gentleman, on his going out, to fix upon a proper place for observing the transit of Venus. He kept, accordingly, the object in view: and having discovered, in the course of his enterprise, an island called by him George's Island, but which has since been found to bear the name of Otaheite, he judged that Port Royal harbour in this island would afford an eligible situation for the purpose. Having, immediately on his return to England, signified his opinion to the Earl of Morton, the captain's idea was adopted by the society, and an answer conformable to it was sent to the commissioners of the Admiralty, who had applied for directions to what place the observers, should be sent. Mr. Charles Green, a gentleman who had long been assistant to Dr. Bradley at the royal observatory at Greenwich, was united by Lieutenant Cook in conducting the astronomical part of the voyage; and, soon after their appointment, they received ample instructions, from the council of the Royal Society, with regard to the method of carrying on their inquiries. The lieutenant was also accompanied by Joseph Banks, Esq. (now Sir Joseph Banks, Bart.) and Dr. Solander, who, in the prime of life, and the first of them at great expense to himself, quitted all the gratifications of polished society, and engaged in a very tedious, fatiguing, and hazardous navigation, with the laudable views of acquiring knowledge in general, of promoting natural knowledge in particular, and of contributing something to the improvement and the happiness of the rude inhabitants of the earth. Though it was the principal, it was not the sole object of Lieutenant Cook's voyage to observe the transit of Venus. A more accurate examination of the Pacific Ocean was committed to him, although in subserviency to his main design; and, when his chief business was accomplished, he was directed to proceed in making farther discoveries in the great Southern Seas. The complement of Lieutenant Cook's ship consisted of eighty-four persons besides the commander. Her victualling was for eighteen months; and there was put on board of her ten carriage and ten swivel guns, together with an ample store of ammunition and other necessaries. On the 25th of May, 1768, Lieutenant Cook was appointed, by the lords of the Admiralty, to the command of the Endeavour, in consequence of which he went on board on the 27th, and took charge of the ship. She then lay in the bason in Deptford-yard, where she continued to lie till she was completely fitted for sea. On the 30th of July she sailed down the river, and on the 13th of August anchored in Plymouth Sound. The wind becoming fair on the 26th of that month, our navigators got under sail, and on the 13th of September anchored in Funchiale Road, in the island of Madeira. While Lieutenant Cook and his company were in this island, they were treated with the utmost kindness and liberality by Mr. Cheap, the English consul there, and one of the most considerable merchants in the town of Funchiale. He insisted upon their taking possession of his house, and furnished them with every possible accommodation during their stay at Madeira. They received, likewise, great marks of attention and civility from Dr. Thomas Heberden, the principal physician of the island, and brother to the excellent and learned Dr. William Heberden of London. Dr. Thomas Heberden afforded all the assistance in his power to Mr. Banks, and Dr. Solander in their botanical inquiries. It was not solely from the English that the lieutenant and his friends experienced a kind reception. The fathers of the Franciscan convent displayed a liberality of sentiment towards them, which might not have been expected from Portuguese friars; and, in a visit which they paid to a convent of nuns, the ladies expressed a particular pleasure at seeing them. At this visit the good nuns gave an amusing proof of the progress they had made to the cultivation of their understandings. Having heard that there were great philosophers among the English gentlemen, they asked them a variety of questions; one of which was, when it would thunder; and another, whether a spring of fresh water, which was much wanted, was any where to be found within the walls of the convent. Eminent as our philosophers were, they were puzzled by these questions. Lieutenant Cook, having laid in a fresh stock of beef, water, and wine, set sail from the island of Madeira, in the night of the 18th of September, and proceeded on his voyage. By the 7th of November several articles of the ship's provisions began to fall short; for which reason, the lieutenant determined to put into Rio de Janeiro. This place he preferred to any other port in Brazil or to Falkland's Islands, because he could there be better supplied with what he wanted, and had no doubt of meeting with a friendly reception. During the run between Madeira and Rio de Janeiro, Lieutenant Cook and the gentlemen in the Endeavour had an opportunity of determining a philosophical question. On the evening of the 29th of October, they observed that luminous appearance of the sea which has so often been mentioned by navigators, and which has been ascribed to such a variety of causes. Flashes of light appeared to be emitted, exactly resembling those of lightning, though without being so considerable; and such was the frequency of them, that sometimes eight or ten were visible almost at the same moment. It was the opinion of Mr. Cook and the other gentlemen, that these flashes proceeded from some luminous animal; and their opinion was confirmed by experiment. At Rio de Janeiro, in the port of which Lieutenant Cook came to an anchor on the 13th of November, he did not meet with the polite reception that, perhaps, he had too sanguinely expected. His stay was spent in continual altercations, with the viceroy, who appeared not a little jealous of the designs of the English: nor were all the attempts of the lieutenant to set the matter right, capable of producing any effect. The viceroy was by no means distinguished either by his knowledge or his love of science; and the grand object of Mr. Cook's expedition was quite beyond his comprehension. When he was told that the English were bound to the southward, by the order of his Britannic majesty, to observe a transit of the planet Venus over the Sun, an astronomical phenomenon of great importance to navigation, he could form no other conception of the matter, than that it was the passing of the North star through the South Pole. During the whole of the contest with the viceroy, Lieutenant Cook behaved with equal spirit and discretion. A supply of water and other necessaries could not be refused him, and those were gotten on board by the 1st of December. On that day the lieutenant sent to the viceroy for a pilot to carry the Endeavour to sea; but the wind preventing the ship from getting out, she was obliged to continue some time longer in the harbour. A Spanish packet having arrived at Rio de Janeiro on the 2d of December, with dispatches from Buenos Ayres for Spain, the commander, Don Antonio de Monte Negro y Velasco, offered, with great politeness, to convey the letters of the English to Europe. This favour Lieutenant Cook accepted, and gave Don Antonio a packet for the secretary of the Admiralty, containing copies of all the papers that had passed between himself and the Viceroy. He left, also, duplicates with the viceroy, that he might forward them, if he thought proper, to Lisbon. On the 5th of December, it being a dead calm, our navigators weighed anchor, and towed down the Bay; but, to their great astonishment, two shots were fired at them; when they had gotten abreast of Santa Cruz, the principal fortification of the harbour. Lieutenant Cook immediately cast anchor, and sent to the fort to demand, the reason of this conduct; the answer to which was, that the commandant had received no order from the viceroy to let the ship pass; and that, without such an order, no vessel was ever suffered to go below the fort. It now became necessary to send to the viceroy, to inquire why the order had not been given; and his behaviour appeared the more extraordinary, as notice had been transmitted to him of the departure of the English, and he had thought proper to write a polite letter to Mr. Cook, wishing him a good voyage. The lieutenant's messenger soon returned, with the information that the order had been written several days, and that its not having been sent had arisen from some unaccountable negligence. It was not till the 7th of December that the Endeavour got under sail. In the account which Lieutenant Cook has given of Rio de Janeiro, and the country round it, one circumstance is recorded, which cannot be otherwise than very painful to humanity. It is the horrid expense of life at which the gold mines are wrought. No less than forty thousand Negroes are annually imported for this purpose, on the king of Portugal's account; and the English were credibly informed, that, in the year 1766, this number fell so short, that twenty thousand more were drafted from the town of Rio. From Rio de Janeiro, Lieutenant Cook pursued his voyage, and, on the 14th of January, 1769, entered the Strait of Le Maire, at which time the tide drove the ship out with so much violence, and raised such a sea off Cape St. Diego, that she frequently pitched, so that the bowsprit was under water. On the next day, the lieutenant anchored, first before a small cove, which was understood to be Port Maurice, and afterward in the Bay of Good Success. While the Endeavour was in this station, happened the memorable adventure of Mr. Banks, Dr. Solander, Mr. Monkhouse the surgeon, and Mr. Green the astronomer, together with their attendants and servants, and two seamen, in ascending a mountain to search for plants. In this expedition they were all of them exposed to the utmost extremity of danger and of cold; Dr. Solander was seized with a torpor which had nearly proved fatal to his life; and two black servants actually died. When the gentlemen had, at length, on the second day of their adventure, gotten back to the ship, they congratulated each other on their safety, with a joy that can only be felt by those who have experienced equal perils; and Mr. Cook was relieved from a very painful anxiety. It was a dreadful testimony of the severity of the climate, that this event took place when it was the midst of summer in that part of the world, and at the close of a day, the beginning of which was as mild and warm, as the month of May usually is in England. In the passage through the Strait of Le Maire, Lieutenant Cook and his ingenious associates had an opportunity of gaining a considerable degree of acquaintance with the inhabitants of the adjoining country. Here it was that they saw human nature to its lowest form. The natives appeared to be the most destitute and forlorn, as well as the most stupid, of the children of men. Their lives are spent in wandering about the dreary wastes that surround them; and their dwellings are no other than wretched hovels of sticks and grass, which not only admit the wind, but the snow and the rain. They are almost naked, and so devoid are they of every convenience which is furnished by the rudest art, that they have not so much as an implement to dress their food. Nevertheless, they seemed to have no wish for acquiring more than they possessed; nor did any thing that was offered them by the English appear acceptable but beads, as an ornamental superfluity of life. A conclusion is hence drawn by Dr. Hawkesworth, that these people may be upon a level with ourselves, in respect to the happiness they enjoy. This, however, is a position which ought not hastily to be admitted. It is, indeed, a beautiful circumstance, in the order of Divine Providence, that the rudest inhabitants of the earth, and those who are situated in the most unfavourable climates, should not be sensible of their disadvantages. But still it must be allowed, that their happiness is greatly inferior, both in kind and degree, to that intellectual, social, and moral felicity, which is capable of being attained in a highly cultivated state of society. In voyages to the South Pacific Ocean, the determination of the best passage from the Atlantic is a point of peculiar importance. It is well known what prodigious difficulties were experienced in this respect by former navigators. The doubling of Cape Horn, in particular, was so much dreaded, that, to the general opinion, it was far more eligible to pass through the Strait of Magalhaens. Lieutenant Cook hath fully ascertained the erroneousness of this opinion. He was but three-and-thirty days in coming round the land of Terra del Fuego, from the east entrance of the Strait of Le Maire, till he had advanced about twelve degrees to the westward, and three and a half to the northward of the Strait of Magalhaens; and, during this time, the ship scarcely received any damage. Whereas, if he had come into the Pacific Ocean by that passage, he would not have been able to accomplish it in less than three months; besides which, his people would have been fatigued, and the anchors, cables, sails, and rigging of the vessel much injured. By the course he pursued, none of these inconveniences were suffered. In short, Lieutenant Cook, by his own example in doubling Cape Horn, by his accurate ascertainment of the latitude and longitude of the places he came to, and by his instructions to future voyagers, performed the most essential services to this part of navigation. It was on the 26th of January that the Endeavour took her departure from Cape Horn; and it appeared; that, from that time to the 1st of March, during a run of six hundred and sixty leagues, there was no current which affected the ship. Hence it was highly probable that our navigators had been near no land of any considerable extent, currents being always found when land is not remote. In the prosecution of Lieutenant Cook's voyage from Cape Horn to Otaheite, several islands were discovered, to which the names were given of Lagoon Island, Thrump-cap, Bow Island, The Groups, Bird Island, and Chain Island. It appeared that most of these islands were inhabited; and the verdure, and groves of palm-trees, which were visible upon some of them, gave them the aspect of a terrestrial paradise to men who, excepting the dreary hills of Terra del Fuego, had seen nothing for a long time but sky and water. On the 11th of April, the Endeavour arrived in sight of Otaheite, and on the 13th she came to an anchor in Port Royal Bay, which is called MATAVIA by the natives. As the stay of the English in the island was not likely to be very short, and much depended on the manner in which traffic should be carried on with the inhabitants, Lieutenant Cook, with great good sense and humanity, drew up a set of regulations for the behaviour of his people, and gave it in command that they should punctually be observed.[5] [Footnote 5: The rules were as follow: '1. To endeavour, by every fair means, to cultivate a friendship with the natives: and to treat them with all imaginable humanity. 2. A proper person or persons will be appointed to trade with the natives for all manner of provisions, fruit, and other productions of the earth; and no officer or seaman, or other person belonging to, the ship excepting such as are so appointed, shall trade, or offer to trade, for any sort of provision, fruit, or other productions of the earth, unless they have leave so to do. 3. Every person employed on shore, on any duty whatsoever, is strictly to attend to the same; and if by any neglect he loseth any of his arms, or working tools or suffers them to be stolen, the full value therefore will be charged against his pay, according to the custom of the navy in such cases, and he shall receive such further punishment as the nature of the offence may deserve. 4. The same penalty will be inflicted on every person who is found to embezzle, trade, or offer to trade, with any part of the ship's stores of what nature soever. 5. No sort of iron, or any thing that is made of iron, or any sort of cloth, or other useful or necessary articles, are to be given in exchange for any thing but provision. J. COOK.'] One of the first things that occupied the lieutenant's attention, after his arrival at Otaheite, was to prepare for the execution of his grand commission. For this purpose, as, in an excursion to the westward, he had not found any more convenient harbour than that in which the Endeavour lay, he determined to go on shore and fix upon some spot, commanded by the guns of the ship, where he might throw up a small fort for defence, and get every thing ready for making the astronomical observations. Accordingly, he took a party of men, and landed, being accompanied by Mr. Banks, Dr. Solander, and Mr. Green. They soon fixed upon a place very proper for their design, and which was at a considerable distance from any habitation of the natives. While the gentlemen were marking out the ground which they intended to occupy, and seeing a small tent erected, that belonged to Mr. Banks, a great number of the people of the country gathered gradually around them, but with no hostile appearance, as there was not among the Indians a single weapon of any kind. Mr. Cook, however, intimated that none of them were to come within the line he had drawn excepting one, who appeared to be a chief, and Owhaw, a native who had attached himself to the English, both in Captain Wallis's expedition and in the present voyage. The lieutenant endeavoured to make these two persons understand, that the ground, which had been marked out, was only wanted to sleep upon for a certain number of nights, and that then it would be quitted. Whether his meaning was comprehended or not, he could not certainly determine; but the people behaved with a deference and respect that could scarcely have been expected, and which were highly pleasing. They sat down without the circle, peaceably and uninterruptedly attending to the progress of the business, which was upwards of two hours in completing. This matter being finished, and Mr. Cook having appointed thirteen marines and a petty officer to guard the tent, he and the gentlemen with him set out upon a little excursion into the woods of the country. They had not, however, gone far, before they were brought back by a very disagreeable event. One of the Indians, who remained about the tent after the lieutenant and his friends had left it, watched an opportunity of taking the sentry at unawares, and snatched away his musket. Upon this, the petty officer who commanded the party, and who was a midshipman, ordered the marines to fire. With equal want of consideration, and, perhaps with equal inhumanity, the men immediately discharged their pieces among the thickest of the flying crowd, who consisted of more than a hundred. It being observed, that the thief did not fall, he was pursued, and shot dead. From subsequent information it happily appeared, that none of the natives besides were either killed or wounded. Lieutenant Cook, who was highly displeased with the conduct of the petty officer, used every method in his power to dispel the terrors and apprehensions of the Indians, but not immediately with effect. The next morning but few of the inhabitants were seen upon the beach, and not one of them came off to the shill. What added particularly to the regret of the English was, that even Owhaw, who had hitherto been so constant in his attachment, and who the day before had been remarkably active in endeavouring to renew the peace which had been broken, did not now make his appearance. In the evening, however, when the lieutenant went on shore with only a boat's crew and some of the gentlemen, between thirty and forty of the natives gathered around them, and trafficked with them, in a friendly manner, for cocoa nuts and other fruit. On the 17th, Mr. Cook and Mr. Green set up a tent onshore, and spent the night there, in order to observe an eclipse of the first satellite of Jupiter; but they met with a disappointment, in consequence of the weather's becoming cloudy. The next day, the lieutenant, with as many of his people as could possibly be spared from the ship, began to erect the fort. While the English were employed in this business, many of the Indians were so far from hindering, that they voluntarily assisted them, and with great alacrity brought the pickets and facines from the wood where they had been cut. Indeed, so scrupulous had Mr. Cook been of invading their property, that every stake which was used was purchased, and not a tree was cut down till their consent had first been obtained. On the 26th, the lieutenant mounted six swivel guns upon the fort; on which occasion he saw, with concern, that the natives were alarmed and terrified. Some fishermen, who lived upon the point, removed to a greater distance; and Owhaw informed the English by signs, of his expectation that in four days they would fire their great guns. The lieutenant, on the succeeding day, gave a striking proof of his regard to justice, and of his care to preserve the inhabitants from injury and violence, by the punishment he inflicted on the butcher of the Endeavour, who was accused of having threatened, or attempted the life of a woman, that was the wife of Tubourai Tamaide, a chief, remarkable for his attachment to our navigators. The butcher wanted to purchase of her a stone hatchet for a nail. To this bargain she absolutely refused to accede; upon which the fellow catched up the hatchet, and threw down the nail; threatening, at the same time, that if she made any resistance, he would cut her throat with a reaping-hook which he had in his hand. The charge was so fully proved in the presence of Mr. Banks, and the butcher had so little to say in exculpation of himself, that not the least doubt remained of his guilt. The affair being reported by Mr. Banks to Lieutenant Cook, he took an opportunity, when the chief and his women, with others of the natives, were on board the ship, to call up the offender, and, after recapitulating the accusation and the proof of it, to give orders for his immediate punishment. While the butcher was stripped, and tied up to the rigging, the Indians preserved a fixed attention, and waited for the event in silent suspense. But as soon as the first stroke was inflicted, such was the humanity of these people, that they interfered with great agitation, and earnestly entreated that the rest of the punishment might be remitted. To this, however, the lieutenant, for various reasons, could not grant his consent; and when they found that their intercessions were ineffectual, they manifested their compassion by tears. On the 1st of May, the observatory was set up, and the astronomical quadrant, together with some other instruments, was taken on shore. When, on the next morning, Mr. Cook and Mr. Green landed for the purpose of fixing the quadrant in a situation for use, to their inexpressible surprise and concern it was not to be found. It had been deposited in a tent reserved for the lieutenant's use, where no one had slept; it had never been taken out of the packing case, and the whole was of considerable weight: none of the other instruments were missing; and a sentinel had been posted the whole night within five yards of the tent. These circumstances induced a suspicion that the robbery might have been committed by some of our own people, who having seen a deal box, and not knowing the contents, might imagine that it contained nails, or other articles for traffic with the natives. The most diligent search, therefore, was made, and a large reward was offered for the finding of the quadrant, but with no degree of success. In this exigency, Mr. Banks was of eminent service. As this gentleman had more influence over the Indians than any other person on board the Endeavour, and as there could be little doubt of the quadrant's having been conveyed away by some of the natives, he determined to go in search of it into the woods; and it was recovered in consequence of his judicious and spirited exertions. The pleasure with which it was brought back was equal to the importance of the event; for the grand object of the voyage could not otherwise have been accomplished. Another embarrassment, though not of so serious a nature, was occasioned, on the very same day, by one of our officers having inadvertently taken into custody Tootahah, a chief, who had connected himself in the most friendly manner with the English. Lieutenant Cook, who had given express orders that none of the Indians should be confined, and who, therefore, was equally surprised and concerned at this transaction; instantly set Tootahah at liberty. So strongly had this Indian been possessed with the notion that it was intended to put him to death, that he could not be persuaded to the contrary till he was led out of the fort. His joy at his deliverance was so great, that it displayed itself in a liberality which our people were very unwilling to partake of, from a consciousness that on this occasion they had no claim to the reception of favours. The impression, however, of the confinement of the chief operated with such force upon the minds of the natives, that few of them appeared; and the market was so ill supplied that the English were in want of necessaries. At length, by the prudent exertions of Lieutenant Cook, Mr. Banks, and Dr. Solander, the friendship of Tootahah was completely recovered, and the reconciliation worked upon the Indians like a charm; for it was no sooner known that he had gone voluntarily on board the Endeavour, than bread-fruit, cocoa nuts, and other provisions, were brought to the fort in great plenty. The lieutenant and the rest of the gentlemen had hitherto, with a laudable discretion, bartered only beads for the articles of food now mentioned. But the market becoming slack, they were obliged for the first time, on the 8th of May, to bring out their nails; and such was the effect of this new commodity, that one of the smallest size, which was about four inches long, procured twenty cocoa nuts, and bread-fruit in proportion. It was not till the 10th of the month that our voyagers learned that the Indian name of the island was OTAHEITE, by which name it hath since been always distinguished. On Sunday the 14th, an instance was exhibited of the inattention of the natives to our modes of religion. The lieutenant had directed, that divine service should be performed at the fort; and he was desirous that some of the principal Indians should be present. Mr. Banks secured the attendance of Tuobourai Tamaide and his wife Tomio, hoping that it would give occasion to some inquiries on their part, and to some instruction in return. During the whole service, they very attentively observed Mr. Banks's behaviour, and stood, sat, or kneeled, as they saw him do; and they appeared to be sensible, that it was a serious and important employment in which the English were engaged. But when the worship was ended, neither of them asked any questions, nor would they attend to any explanations which were attempted to be given of what had been performed. As the day approached for executing the grand purpose of the voyage, Lieutenant Cook determined, in consequence of some hints which he had received from the Earl of Morton, to send out two parties, to observe the transit of Venus from other situations. By this means he hoped, that the success of the observation would be secured, if there should happen to be any failure at Otaheite. Accordingly, on Thursday the 1st of June, he dispatched Mr. Gore in the long boat to Eimeo, a neighbouring island, together with Mr. Monkhouse and Mr. Sporing, a gentleman belonging to Mr. Banks. They were furnished by Mr. Green with proper instruments. Mr. Banks himself chose to go upon this expedition, in which he was accompanied by Tubourai Tamaide and Tomio, and by others of the natives. Early the next morning, the lieutenant sent Mr. Hicks, in the pinnace, with Mr. Clerk and Mr. Pickersgill, and Mr. Saunders, one of the midshipmen, ordering them to fix upon some convenient spot to the eastward, at a distance from the principal observatory, where they also might employ the instruments they were provided with for observing the transit. The anxiety for such weather as would be favourable to the success of the experiment, was powerfully felt by all the parties concerned. They could not sleep in peace the preceding night: but their apprehensions were happily removed by the sun's rising, on the morning of the 3d of June, without a cloud. The weather continued with equal clearness through the whole of the day; so that the observation was successively made in every quarter. At the fort where Lieutenant Cook, Mr. Green, and Dr. Solander were stationed, the whole passage of the planet Venus over the sun's disk was observed with great advantage. The magnifying power of Dr. Solander's telescope was superior to that of those which belonged to the lieutenant and to Mr. Green. They all saw an atmosphere or dusky cloud round the body of the planet; which much disturbed the times of the contact, and especially of the internal ones; and, in their accounts of these times, they differed from each other in a greater degree than might have been expected. According to Mr. Green, _Morning._ The first external contact, or first appearance h. min. sec. of Venus on the sun, was . . . . . . . . . . . 9 25 42 The first internal contact, or total immersion, was . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9 44 4 _Afternoon._ The second internal contact, or beginning of the emersion, was . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3 14 8 The second external contact, or total emersion, was . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3 32 10 The latitude of the observatory was found to be 17° 29' 15"; and the longitude 149° 32' 30" west of Greenwich. A more particular account of this great astronomical event, the providing for the accurate observation of which reflects so much honour on his majesty's munificent patronage of science, may be seen in the sixty-first volume of the Philosophical Transactions. The pleasure which Lieutenant Cook and his friends derived, from having thus successfully accomplished the first grand object of the voyage, was not a little abated by the conduct of some of the ship's company, who, while the attention of the officers was engrossed by the transit of Venus, broke into one of the store-rooms, and stole a quantity of spike nails, amounting to no less than a hundred weight. This was an evil of a public and serious nature; for these nails, if injudiciously circulated among the Indians, would be productive of irreparable injury to the English, by reducing the value of iron, their staple commodity. One of the thieves, from whom only seven nails were recovered, was detected; but though the punishment of two dozen lashes was inflicted upon him, he would not impeach any of his accomplices. Upon account of the absence of the two parties who had been sent out to observe the transit, the king's birthday was celebrated on the 5th, instead of the 4th of June; and the festivity of the day must have been greatly heightened by the happy success with which his majesty's liberality had been crowned. On the 12th, Lieutenant Cook was again reduced to the necessity of exercising the severity of discipline. Complaint having been made to him, by certain of the natives, that two of the seamen had taken from them several bows and arrows, and some strings of platted hair, and the charge being fully supported, he punished each of the criminals with two dozen of lashes. On the same day it was discovered, that Otaheite, like other countries in a certain period of society, has its bards and its minstrels. Mr. Banks, in his morning's walk, had met with a number of natives, who appeared, upon inquiry, to be travelling musicians; and, having, learned where they were to be at night, all the gentlemen of the Endeavour repaired to the place. The band consisted of two flutes and three drums; and the drummers accompanied the music with their voices. To the surprise of the English gentlemen, they found that themselves were generally the subject of the song, which was unpremeditated. These minstrels were continually going about from place to place; and they were rewarded, by the master of the house and the audience, with such things as they wanted. The repeated thefts which were committed by the inhabitants of Otaheite brought our voyagers into frequent difficulties, and it required all the wisdom of Lieutenant Cook to conduct himself in a proper manner. His sentiments on the subject displayed the liberality of his mind. He thought it of consequence to put an end, if possible to thievish practices at once, by doing something that should engage the natives in general to prevent them, from a regard to their common interest. Strict orders had been given by him, that they should not be fired upon, even when they were detected in attempting to steal any of the English property. For this the lieutenant had many reasons. The common sentinels were in no degree fit to be entrusted with a power of life and death; neither did Mr. Cook think that the thefts committed by the Otaheitans deserved so severe a punishment. They were not born under the law of England; nor was it one of the conditions under which they claimed the benefits of civil society, that their lives should be forfeited, unless they abstained from theft. As the lieutenant was not willing that the natives should be exposed to fire-arms loaded with shot, neither did he approve of firing only with powder, which, if repeatedly found to be harmless, would at length be despised. At a time when a considerable robbery had been committed, an accident furnished him with what he hoped would be a happy expedient for preventing future attempts of the same kind. Above twenty of the sailing canoes of the inhabitants came in with a supply of fish. Upon these Lieutenant Cook immediately seized, and, having brought them into the river behind the fort, gave notice, that unless the things which had been stolen were returned, the canoes should be burnt. This menace, without designing to put it into execution, he ventured to publish, from a full conviction that, as restitution was thus made a common cause, the stolen goods would all of them speedily be brought back. In this, however, he was mistaken. An iron coal-rake, indeed, was restored; upon which, great solicitation was made for the release of the canoes; but he still insisted on his original condition. When the next day came, he was much surprised to find that nothing further had been returned; and, as the people were in the utmost distress for the fish, which would in a short time be spoiled, he was reduced to the disagreeable alternative, either of releasing the canoes contrary to what he had solemnly and publicly declared, or of detaining them, to the great damage of those who were innocent. As a temporary expedient, he permitted the natives to take the fish, but still detained the canoes. So far was this measure from being attended with advantage, that it was productive of new confusion and injury; for as it was not easy at once to distinguish to what particular persons the several lots of fish belonged, the canoes were plundered by those who had no right to any part of their cargo. At length, most pressing instances being still made for the restoration of the canoes, and Lieutenant Cook having reason to believe, either that the things for which he detained them were not in the island, or that those who suffered by their detention were absolutely incapable of prevailing upon the thieves to relinquish their booty, he determined, though not immediately, to comply with the solicitations of the natives. Our commander was, however, not a little mortified at the ill success of his project. About the same time, another accident occurred, which, notwithstanding all the caution of our principal voyagers, was very near embroiling them with the Indians. The lieutenant having sent a boat on shore to get ballast for the ship, the officer, not immediately finding stones suitable to the purpose, began to pull down some part of an enclosure in which the inhabitants had deposited the bones of their dead. This action a number of the natives violently opposed; and a messenger came down to the tents, to acquaint the gentlemen that no such thing would be suffered. Mr. Banks directly repaired to the place, and soon put an amicable end to the contest, by sending the boat's crew to the river, where a sufficient quantity of stones might be gathered without a possibility of giving offence. These Indians appeared to be much more alarmed at any injury which they apprehended to be done to the dead than to the living. This was the only measure in which they ventured to oppose the English: and the only insult that was ever offered to any individual belonging to the Endeavour was upon a similar occasion. It should undoubtedly be the concern of all voyagers, to abstain from wantonly offending the religious prejudices of the people among whom they come. To extend the knowledge of navigation and the sphere of discovery, objects which we need not say that Lieutenant Cook kept always steadily in view, he set out, in the pinnace, on the 26th of June, accompanied by Mr. Banks, to make the circuit of the island; during which the lieutenant and his companions were thrown into great alarm, by the apprehended loss of the boat. By this expedition Mr. Cook obtained an acquaintance with the several districts of Otaheite, the chiefs who presided over them, and a variety of curious circumstances respecting the manners and customs of the inhabitants. On the 1st of July, he got back to the fort at Matavai, having found the circuit of the island, including the two peninsulas of which it consisted, to be about thirty leagues. The circumnavigation of Otaheite was followed by an expedition of Mr. Banks's to trace the river up the valley from which it issues, and examine how far its banks were inhabited. During this excursion he discerned many traces of subterraneous fire. The stones, like those of Madeira, displayed evident tokens of having been burnt; and the very clay upon the hills had the same appearance. Another valuable employment of Mr. Banks was the planting of a great quantity of the seeds of watermelons, oranges, lemons, limes, and other plants and trees, which he had collected at Rio de Janeiro. For these he prepared ground on each side of the fort, and selected as many varieties of soil as could be found. He gave, also, liberally of these seeds to the natives, and planted many of them in the woods. Lieutenant Cook now began to prepare for his departure. On the 7th of July, the carpenters were employed in taking down the gates and palisadoes of the fortification; and it was continued to be dismantled during the two following days. Our commander and the rest of the gentlemen were in hopes that they should quit Otaheite without giving or receiving any further offence; but in this respect they were unfortunately disappointed. The lieutenant had prudently overlooked a dispute of a smaller nature between a couple of foreign seamen and some of the Indians, when he was immediately involved in a quarrel, which lie greatly regretted, and which yet it was totally out of his power to avoid. In the middle of the night, between the 8th and the 9th, Clement Webb and Samuel Gibson, two of the marines, went privately from the fort. As they were not to be found in the morning, Mr. Cook was apprehensive that they intended to stay behind; but, being unwilling to endanger the harmony and goodwill which at present subsisted between our people, and the natives, he determined to wait a day for the chance of the men's return. As, to the great concern of the lieutenant, the marines were not come back on the morning of the tenth, inquiry was made after them of the Indians, who acknowledged that each of them had taken a wife, and had resolved to become inhabitants of the country. After some deliberation, two of the natives undertook to conduct such persons to, the place of the deserters' retreat, as Mr. Cook should think proper to send; and, accordingly, he dispatched with the guides a petty officer and the corporal of the marines. As it was of the utmost importance to recover the men, and to do it speedily, it was intimated to several of the chiefs who were in the fort with the women, among whom were Tubourai Targaide, Tomio, and Oberea, that they would not be to leave it till the fugitives were returned; and the lieutenant had the pleasure of observing, that they received the intimation with very little indications of alarm, and with assurances, that his people should be secured and sent back as soon as possible. While this transaction took place at the fort, our commander sent Mr. Hicks in the pinnace to fetch Tootahah on board the ship. Mr. Cook had reason to expect, if the Indian guides proved faithful, that the deserters, and those who went in search of them, would return before the evening. Being disappointed, his suspicions increased, and thinking it not safe, when the night approached, to let the persons whom he had detained as hostages continue at the fort, he ordered Tubourai Tamaide, Oberea, and some others, to be taken on board the Endeavour; a circumstance which excited so general an alarm, that several of them, and especially the women, expressed their apprehensions with great emotion and many tears. Webb, about nine o'clock, was brought back by some of the natives, who declared that Gibson, and the petty officer and corporal, would not be restored till Tootahah should be set at liberty. Lieutenant Cook now found that the tables were turned upon him: but, having proceeded too far to retreat, he immediately dispatched Mr. Hicks in the long-boat, with a strong party of men, to rescue the prisoners. Tootahah was, at the same time, informed, that it behoved him to send some of his people with them, for the purpose of affording them effectual assistance. With this injunction he readily complied, and the prisoners were restored without the least opposition. On the next day they were brought back to the ship, upon which the chiefs were released from their confinement. Thus ended an affair which had given the lieutenant a great deal of trouble and concern. It appears, however, that the measure which he pursued was the result of an absolute necessity; since it was only by the seizure of the chiefs that he could have recovered his men. Love was the seducer of the two marines. So strong was the attachment which they had formed to a couple of girls, that it was their design to conceal themselves till the ship had sailed, and to take up their residence in the island. Tupia was one of the natives who had so particularly devoted himself to the English, that he had scarcely ever been absent from them during the whole of their stay at Otaheite. He had been Oberea's first minister, while she was in the height of her power; and he was also chief priest of the country. To his knowledge of the religious principles and ceremonies of the Indians, he added great experience in navigation, and a particular acquaintance with the number and situation of the neighbouring islands. This man had often expressed a desire to go with our navigators, and when they were ready to depart, he came on board, with a boy about thirteen years of age, and entreated that he might be permitted to proceed with them on their voyage. To have such a person in the Endeavour, was desirable on many accounts; and therefore, Lieutenant Cook gladly acceded to his proposal. On the 13th of July, the English weighed anchor: and as soon as the ship was under sail, the Indians on board took their leaves, and wept with a decent and silent sorrow, in which there was something very striking and tender. Tupia sustained himself in this scene with a truly admirable firmness and resolution; for, though he wept, the effort he made to conceal his tears concurred, with them, to do him honour. The stay of our voyagers at Otaheite was three months, the greater part of which time was spent in the most cordial friendship with the inhabitants, and a perpetual reciprocation of good offices. That any differences should happen was greatly regretted on the part of Lieutenant Cook and his friends, who were studious to avoid them as much as possible. The principal causes of them resulted from the peculiar situation and circumstances of the English and the Indians, and especially from the disposition of the latter to theft. The effects of this disposition could not always be submitted to or prevented. It was happy, however, that there was only a single instance in which the differences that arose were attended with any fatal consequence; and by that accident the lieutenant was instructed to take the most effectual measures for the future prevention of similar events. He had nothing so much at heart, as that in no case the intercourse of his people with the natives should be productive of bloodshed. The traffic with the inhabitants for provisions and refreshments, which was chiefly under the management of Mr. Banks, was carried on with as much order as in any well regulated market in Europe. Axes, hatchets, spikes, large nails, looking-glasses, knives, and beads, were found to be the best articles to deal in; and for some of these, every thing which the inhabitants possessed might be procured. They were, indeed, fond of fine linen cloth, whether white or printed; but an axe worth half-a-crown would fetch more than a piece of cloth of the value of twenty shillings. It would deviate from the plan of this narrative, to enter into a minute account of the nature, productions, inhabitants, customs, and manners of the countries which were discovered or visited by Mr. Cook; or to give a particular detail of every nautical, geographical, and astronomical observation. It will be sufficient here to take notice, that our commander did not depart from Otaheite without accumulating a store of information and instruction for the enlargement of knowledge and the benefit of navigation. While the Endeavour proceeded on her voyage under an easy sail, Tupia informed Lieutenant Cook, that, at four of the neighbouring islands, which he distinguished by the names of Huaheine, Ulietea, Otaha, and Bolabola, hogs, fowls and other refreshments, which had latterly been sparingly supplied at Otaheite, might be procured in great plenty. The lieutenant, however, was desirous of first examining an island that lay to the northward, and was called Tethuroa. Accordingly, he came near it; but having found it to be only a small low island and being told, at the same time, that it had no settled inhabitants, he determined to drop any further examination of it, and to go in search of Huaheine and Ulietea, which were described to be well peopled, and as large as Otaheite. On the 15th of July, the weather being hazy, with light breezes and calms succeeding each other, so that no land could be seen, and little way was made, Tupia afforded an amusing proof, that, in the exercise of his priestly character, he knew how to unite some degree of art with his superstition. He often prayed for a wind to his god Tane, and as often boasted of his success. This, indeed, he took a most effectual method to secure; for he never began his address to his divinity, till he perceived the breeze to be so near, that he knew it must approach the ship before his supplication could well be brought to a conclusion. The Endeavour, on the 16th, being close in with the north-west part of Huaheine, some canoes soon came off, in one of which was the king of the island and his wife. At first the people seemed afraid; but, upon seeing Tupia, their apprehensions were in part dispersed, and, at length, in consequence of frequent and earnestly repeated assurances of friendship, their majesties, and several others, ventured on board the ship. Their astonishment at every thing which was shewn them was very great; and yet their curiosity did not extend to any objects but what were particularly pointed out to their notice. When they had become more familiar, Mr. Cook was given to understand, that the king was called Oree, and that he proposed as a mark of amity, their making an exchange of their names. To this our commander readily consented; and, during the remainder of their being together, the lieutenant was Oree, and his majesty was Cookee. In the afternoon, the Endeavour having come to an anchor, in a small but excellent harbour on the west side of the island, the name of which was Owharre, Mr. Cook, accompanied by Mr. Banks, Dr. Solander, Mr. Monkhouse, Tupia, and the natives who had been on board ever since the morning, immediately went on shore. The English gentlemen repeated their excursions on the two following days; in the course of which they found that the people of Huaheine had a very near resemblance to those of Otaheite, in person, dress language, and every other circumstance; and that the productions of the country were exactly similar. In trafficking with our people, the inhabitants of Huaheine displayed a caution and hesitation which rendered the dealing with them slow and tedious. On the 19th, therefore, the English were obliged to bring out some hatchets, which it was at first hoped there would be no occasion for, in an island that had never before been visited by any European. These procured three very large hogs; and as it was proposed to sail in the afternoon, Oree and several others came on board to take their leave. To the king Mr. Cook gave a small pewter plate, on which was stamped this inscription; 'His Britannic Majesty's ship Endeavour, Lieutenant James Cook, commander, 16th July, 1769, Huaheine.' Among other presents made to Oree, were some medals or counters, resembling the coin of England, and struck in the year 1761; all of which, and particularly the plate he promised carefully and inviolably to preserve. This the lieutenant thought to be as lasting a testimony as any he could well provide, that the English had first discovered the island; and having dismissed his visitors, who were highly pleased with the treatment they had met with, he sailed for Ulietea, in a good harbour of which he anchored the next day. Tupia had expressed his apprehension, that our navigators, if they landed upon the island, would be exposed to the attacks of the men of Bolabola, whom he represented as having lately conquered it, and of whom he entertained a very formidable idea. This, however, did not deter Mr. Cook, Mr. Banks, Dr. Solander and the other gentlemen, from going immediately on shore. Tupia, who was of the party, introduced them by performing some ceremonies which he had practised before at Huaheine. After this the lieutenant hoisted an English jack, and in the name of his Britannic majesty, took possession of Ulietea, and the three neighbouring islands, Huaheine, Otaha, and Bolabola all of which were in sight. On the 21st, the master was despatched in the longboat, to examine the coast of the south part of the island; and one of the mates was sent in the yawl, to sound the harbour where the Endeavour lay. At the same time Lieutenant Cook went himself in the pinnace, to survey that part of Ulietea which lies to the north. Mr. Banks likewise, and the gentlemen again went on shore, and employed themselves in trading with the natives, and in examining the productions and curiosities of the country; but they saw nothing worthy of notice, excepting some human jaw-bones, which, like scalps among the Indians of North America, were trophies of war, and had probably been hung up, by the warriors of Bolabola, as a memorial of their conquest. The weather being hazy on the 22d and 23d, with strong gales, the lieutenant did not venture to put to sea; but, on the 24th, though the wind continued to be variable, he got under sail, and plied to the northward within the reef, purposing to get out at a wider opening than that by which he had entered the harbour. However, in doing this, he was in imminent danger of striking on the rock. The master, who by his order had kept continually sounding in the chains, suddenly called out, 'two fathom.' Though our commander knew that the ship drew at least fourteen feet, and consequently that the shoal could not possibly be under her keel, he was, nevertheless, justly alarmed. Happily, the master was either mistaken, or the Endeavour went along the edge of a coral rock, many of which, in the neighbourhood of these islands, are as steep as a wall. After a tedious navigation of some days, during which several small islands were seen, and the longboat landed at Otaha, Lieutenant Cook returned to Ulietea, but to a different part of it from that which he had visited before. In a harbour, belonging to the west side of the island, he came to an anchor on the 1st of August. This measure was necessary, in order to stop a leak which the ship had sprung in the powder-room, and to take in more ballast, as she was found too light to carry sail upon a wind. The place where the Endeavour was secured was conveniently situated for the lieutenant's purpose of obtaining ballast and water. Mr. Banks, Dr. Solander and the gentlemen who went on shore this day, spent their time much to their satisfaction. The reception they met was respectful in the highest degree, and the behaviour of the Indians to the English indicated a fear of them, mixed with a confidence that they had no propensity to commit any kind of injury. In an intercourse which the lieutenant and his friends carried on, for several days, with the inhabitants of this part of the island, it appeared that the terrors which Tupia had expressed of the Bolabola conquerors were wholly groundless. Even Opoony, the formidable king of Bolabola, treated our navigators with respect. Being at Ulietea on the 5th of August, he sent Mr. Cook a present of three hogs, some fowls, and several pieces of cloth, of uncommon length, together with a considerable quantity of plaintains, cocoa-nuts, and other refreshments. This present was accompanied with a message, that, on the next day, he intended to pay our commander a visit. Accordingly, on the 6th, the lieutenant and the rest of the gentlemen all staid at home, in expectation of this important visitor; who did not, however, make his appearance, but sent three very pretty girls as his messengers, to demand something in return for his present. In the afternoon, as the great king would not go to the English, the English determined to go to the great king. From the account which had been given of him, as lord of the Bolabola men, who were the conquerors of Ulietea, and the terror of all the other islands, Lieutenant Cook and his companions expected to see a young and vigorous chief, with an intelligent countenance, and the marks of an enterprising spirit; instead of which they found a feeble wretch, withered and decrepit, half blind with age, and so sluggish and stupid, that he scarcely appeared to be possessed even of a common degree of understanding. Otaha being the principal place of Opoony's residence, he went with our navigators to that island on the next day; and they were in hopes of deriving some advantage from his influence, in obtaining such provision as they wanted. In this respect, however, they were disappointed; for, though they had presented him with an axe, as an inducement to him to encourage his subjects in dealing with them they were obliged to leave him without having procured a single article. The time which the carpenters had taken up in stopping the leak of the ship having detained our voyagers longer at Ulietea than they would otherwise have staid, Lieutenant Cook determined to give up the design of going on shore at Bolabola, especially as it appeared to be difficult of access. The principal islands, about which the English had now spent somewhat more than three weeks, were six in number; Ulietea, Otaha, Bolabola, Huaheine, Tubai, and Maurua. As they lie contigious to each other, the lieutenant gave them the general appellation of the Society Islands; but did not think proper to distinguish them separately by any other names than those by which they were called by the natives. On the 9th of August, the leak of the vessel having been stopped, and the fresh stock that had been purchased being brought on board, our commander took the opportunity of a breeze which sprang up at east, and sailed out of the harbour. As he was sailing away, Tupia strongly urged him to fire a shot towards Bolabola; and, though that island was at seven leagues distance, the lieutenant obliged him by complying with his request. Tupia's views probably were, to display a mark of his resentment, and to shew the power of his new allies. Our voyagers pursued their course, without meeting with any event worthy of notice, till the 13th, when land was discovered, bearing south-east, and which Tupia informed them to be an island called Oheteroa. On the next day, Mr. Cook sent Mr. Gore, one of his lieutenants, in the pinnace, with orders, that he should endeavour to get onshore, and learn from the natives, whether there was anchorage in a bay then in sight, and what land lay further to the southward. Mr. Gore was accompanied in this expedition by Mr. Banks, Dr. Solander and Tupia, who used every method, but in vain, to conciliate the minds of the inhabitants, and to engage them in a friendly intercourse. As, upon making the circuit of the island, neither harbour nor anchorage could be found upon it, and at the same time, the disposition of the people was so hostile, that landing would be rendered impracticable without bloodshed, Mr. Cook determined, with equal wisdom and humanity, not to attempt it, having no motive that could justify the risk of life. From Tupia our navigators learned, that there were various islands lying at different distances and in different directions from Oheteroa, between the south and the north-west; and that to the north-east there was an island called Manua, Bird Island. This he represented as being at the distance of three days' sail; but he seemed most desirous that Lieutenant Cook should proceed to the westward, and described several islands in that situation, which he said he had visited. It appeared from his description of them, that these were probably Boscawen and Keppel's Islands, which were discovered by Captain Wallis. The furthest island that Tupia knew of to the southward, lay, he said, at the distance of about two days' sail from Oheteroa, and was called Moutou. But he added, that his father had informed him of there being islands still more to the south. Upon the whole, our commander determined to stand southward in search of a continent, and to lose no time in attempting to discover any other islands, than such as he might happen to fall in with during his course. On the 15th of August, our voyagers sailed from Oheteroa; and, on the 25th of the same month was celebrated the anniversary of their departure from England. The comet was seen on the 30th. It was a little above the horizon, in the eastern part of the heavens, at one in the morning; and at about half an hour after four it passed the meridian, and its tail subtended an angle of forty-two degrees. Tupia, who was among others that observed the comet, instantly cried out, that as soon as it should be seen by the people of Bolabola, they would attack the inhabitants of Ulietea, who would be obliged to endeavour to preserve their lives by fleeing with the utmost precipitation to the mountains. On the 6th of October land was discovered, which appeared to be large. When, on the next day, it was more distinctly visible, it assumed a still larger appearance, and displayed four or five ranges of hills, rising one over the other, above all which was a chain of mountains of an enormous height. This land naturally became the subject of much eager conversation; and the general opinion of the gentlemen on board the Endeavour was, that they had found the _Terra australis incognita_. In fact, it was a part of New Zealand, where the first adventures the English met with were very unpleasant, on account of the hostile disposition of the inhabitants. Lieutenant Cook having anchored, on the 8th, in a bay, at the entrance of a small river, went on shore in the evening, with the pinnace and yawl, accompanied by Mr. Banks and Dr. Solander, and attended with a party of men. Being desirous of conversing with some natives, whom he had observed on the opposite side of the river from that on which he had landed, he ordered the yawl in, to carry himself and his companions over, and left the pinnace at the entrance. When they came near the place where the Indians were assembled, the latter all ran away; and the gentlemen having left four boys to take care of the yawl, walked up to several huts, which were about two or three hundred yards from the water-side. They had not gone very far, when four men, armed with long lances, rushed out of the woods, and, running up to attack the boat, would certainly have cut her off, if they had not been discovered by the people in the pinnace, who called to the boys to drop down the stream. The boys instantly obeyed; but being closely pursued by the natives, the cockswain of the pinnace, to whom the charge of the boats was committed, fired a musket over their heads. At this they stopped and looked around them; but their alarm speedily subsiding, they brandished their lances in a threatening manner, and in a few minutes renewed the pursuit. The firing of a second musket over their heads did not draw from them any kind of notice. At last one of them having lifted up his spear to dart it at the boat, another piece was fired, by which he was shot dead. At the fall of their associate, the three remaining Indians stood for awhile motionless, and seemed petrified with astonishment. No sooner had they recovered themselves, than they went back, dragging after them the dead body, which, however, they were obliged to leave, that it might not retard their flight. Lieutenant Cook and his friends, who had straggled to a little distance from each other, were drawn together upon the report of the first musket, and returned speedily to the boat, in which having crossed the river, they soon beheld the Indian lying dead upon the ground. After their return to the ship, they could hear the people on shore talking with great earnestness, and in a very loud tone of voice. Notwithstanding this disaster, the lieutenant being desirous of establishing an intercourse with the natives, ordered, on the following day, three boats to be manned with seamen and marines, and proceeded towards the shore, accompanied by Mr. Banks, Dr. Solander, the other gentlemen, and Tupia. About fifty of the inhabitants seemed to wait for their landing, having seated themselves upon the ground, on the opposite side of the river. This being regarded as a sign of fear, Mr. Cook, with only Mr. Banks, Dr. Solander, and Tupia, advanced towards them; but they had not gone many paces before all the Indians started up, and every man produced either a long pike, or a small weapon of green talk. Though Tupia called to them in the language of Otaheite, they only answered by flourishing their weapons, and making signs for the gentlemen to depart. On a musket being fired wide of them, they desisted from their threats; and our commander, who had prudently retreated till the marines could be landed, again advanced towards them, with Mr. Banks, Dr. Solander, and Tupia, to whom were now added Mr. Green and Mr. Monkhouse. Tupia was a second time directed to speak to them, and it was perceived with great pleasure that he was perfectly understood, his and their language being the same, excepting only in a diversity of dialect. He informed them that our voyagers only wanted provision and water, in exchange for iron, the properties of which he explained as far as he was able. Though the natives seemed willing to trade, Tupia was sensible, during the course of his conversation with them, that their intentions were unfriendly; and of this he repeatedly warned the English gentlemen. At length, twenty or thirty of the Indians were induced to cross the river, upon which presents were made them of iron and beads. On these they appeared to set little value and particularly on the iron, not having the least conception of its use, so that nothing was obtained in return excepting a few feathers. Their arms, indeed, they offered to exchange for those of our voyagers, and this being refused, they made various attempts to snatch them out of their hands. Tupia was now instructed to acquaint the Indians, that our gentlemen would be obliged to kill them, if they proceeded to any further violence; notwithstanding which, one of them, while Mr. Green happened to turn about, seized his hanger, and retired to a little distance, with a shout of exultation. The others, at the same time, began to be extremely insolent, and more of the natives were seen coming to join them from the opposite side of the river. It being, therefore, necessary to repress them, Mr. Banks fired, with small shot, at the distance of about fifteen yards, upon the man who had taken the hanger. Though he was struck, he did not return the hanger, but continued to wave it round his head, while he slowly made his retreat. Mr. Monkhouse then fired at him with ball, and he instantly dropped. So far, however, were the Indians from being sufficiently terrified, that the main body of them, who, upon the first discharge, had retired to a rock in the middle of the river, began to return, and it was with no small difficulty that Mr. Monkhouse secured the hanger. The whole number of them continuing to advance, three of the English party discharged their pieces at them, loaded only with small shot, upon which they swam back for the shore, and it appeared, upon their landing, that two or three of them were wounded. While they retired slowly up the country, Lieutenant Cook and his companions re-embarked in their boats. As the lieutenant had unhappily experienced that nothing, at this place, could be done with these people and found that the water in the river was salt, he proceeded in the boats round the head of the bay in search of fresh water. Beside this, he had formed a design of surprising some of the natives, and taking them on board, that, by kind treatment and presents he might obtain their friendship, and render them the instruments of establishing for him an amicable intercourse with their countrymen. While, upon account of a dangerous surf which every where beat upon the shore, the boats were prevented from landing, our commander saw two canoes coming in from the sea, one under sail, and the other worked with paddles. This he thought to be a favourable opportunity for executing his purpose. Accordingly, the boats were disposed in such a manner as appeared most likely to be successful in intercepting the canoes. Notwithstanding this, the Indians in the canoe which was paddled exerted themselves with so much vigour, at the first apprehension of danger, that they escaped to the nearest land. The other canoe sailed on without discerning the English, till she was in the midst of them; but no sooner had she discovered them, than the people on board struck their sail, and plied their paddles so briskly, as to outrun the boat by which they were pursued. Being within hearing, Tupia called to them to come alongside, with assurances that they should not in any degree be hurt or injured. They trusted, however, more to their own paddles than to Tupia's promises, and continued to flee from our navigators with all their power. Mr. Cook, as the least exceptionable expedient of accomplishing his design, ordered a musket to be fired over their heads. This, he hoped, would either make them surrender or leap into the water, but it produced a contrary effect. The Indians, who were seven in number, immediately formed a resolution not to fly, but to fight. When, therefore, the boat came up, they began to attack with their paddles, and with stones and other offensive weapons; and they carried it on with so much vigour and violence, that the English thought themselves obliged to fire upon them in their own defence; the consequence of which was, that four were unhappily killed. The other three, who were boys, the eldest about nineteen, and the youngest about eleven, instantly leaped into the water, and endeavoured to make their escape; but being with some difficulty overpowered by our people, they were brought into the boat. It is impossible to reflect upon this part of Lieutenant Cook's conduct with any degree of satisfaction. He, himself, upon a calm review, did not approve of it; and he was sensible that it would be censured by the feelings of every reader of humanity. It is probable that his mind was so far irritated by the disagreeable preceding events of this unfortunate day, and by the unexpected violence of the Indians in the canoe, as to lose somewhat of that self-possession, by which his character in general was eminently distinguished. Candour, however, requires, that I should relate what he hath offered in extenuation, not in defence, of the transaction; and this shall be done in his own words. "These people certainly did not deserve death for not choosing to confide in my promises, or not consenting to come on board my boat, even if they had apprehended no danger. But the nature of my service required me to obtain a knowledge of their country, which I could no otherwise effect, than by forcing my way into it in a hostile manner, or gaining admission through the confidence and goodwill of the people. I had already tried the power of presents without effect; and I was now prompted, by my desire to avoid further hostilities, to get some of them on board, as the only method left of convincing them, that we intended them no harm, and had it in our power to contribute to their gratification and convenience. Thus far my intentions certainly were not criminal; and though in the contest, which I had not the least reason to expect, our victory might have been complete without so great an expense of life; yet in such situations, when the command to fire has been given, no man can restrain its excess, or prescribe its effect." Our voyagers were successful in conciliating the minds of the three boys, to which Tupia particularly contributed. When their fears were allayed, and their cheerfulness returned, they sang a song with a degree of taste, that surprised the English gentlemen. The tune, like those of our psalms, was solemn and slow, containing many notes and semitones. Some further attempts were made to establish an intercourse with the natives, and Mr. Cook and his friends, on the 10th, went on shore for that purpose; but being unsuccessful in their endeavours, they resolved to re-embark lest their stay should embroil them in another quarrel, and cost more of the Indians their lives. On the next day the lieutenant weighed anchor, and stood away from this unfortunate and inhospitable place. As it had not afforded a single article that was wanted excepting wood, he gave it the name of Poverty Bay. By the inhabitants it is called Taoneroa, or Long Sand. I shall not regularly pursue the course of our commander round New Zealand. In this course he spent nearly six months, and made large additions to the knowledge of navigation and geography. By making almost the whole circuit of New Zealand, he ascertained it to be two islands, with a strength of evidence which no prejudice could gainsay or resist. He obtained likewise a full acquaintance with the inhabitants of the different parts of the country, with regard to whom it was clearly proved, that they are eaters of human flesh. Omitting a number of minute circumstances, I shall only select a few things which mark Mr. Cook's personal conduct, and relate to his intercourse with the natives. The good usage the three boys had met with, and the friendly and generous manner in which they were dismissed to their own homes, had some effect in softening the dispositions of the neighbouring Indians. Several of them, who had come on board while the ship lay becalmed in the afternoon, manifested every sign of friendship, and cordially invited the English to go back to their old bay, or to a cove which was not quite so far off. But Lieutenant Cook chose rather to prosecute his discoveries, having reason to hope that he should find a better harbour than any he had yet seen. While the ship was, hauling round to the south end of a small island, which the lieutenant had named Portland, from its very great resemblance to Portland in the British Channel, she suddenly fell into shoal water and broken ground. The soundings were never twice the same, jumping at once from seven fathom to eleven. However, they were always seven fathom or more; and in a short time the Endeavour got clear of danger, and again sailed in deep water. While the ship was in apparent distress, the inhabitants of the islands, who in vast numbers sat on its white cliffs, and could not avoid perceiving some appearance of confusion on board, and some irregularity in the working of the vessel, were desirous of taking advantage of her critical situation. Accordingly, five canoes full of men, and well armed, were put off with the utmost expedition; and they came so near, and shewed so hostile a disposition by shouting, brandishing their lances, and using threatening gestures, that the lieutenant was in pain for his small boat, which was still employed in sounding. By a musket which he ordered to be fired over them, they were rather provoked than intimidated. The firing of a four pounder loaded with grape shot, though purposely discharged wide of them, produced a better effect. Upon the report of the piece the Indians all rose up and shouted; but instead of continuing the chase, they collected themselves together, and, after a short consultation, went quietly away. On the 14th of October, Lieutenant Cook having hoisted out his pinnace and long boat to search for water, just as they were about to set off, several boats full of the New Zealand people were seen coming from the shore. After some time five of these boats, having on board between eighty and ninety men, made towards the ship; and four more followed at no great distance, as if to sustain the attack. When the first five had gotten within about a hundred yards of the Endeavour, they began to sing their war song, and brandishing their pikes, prepared for an engagement. As the lieutenant was extremely desirous of avoiding the unhappy necessity of using fire-arms against the natives, Tupia was ordered to acquaint them that our voyagers had weapons which, like thunder, would destroy them in a moment; that they would immediately convince them of their power by directing their effect so that they should not be hurt; but that if they persisted in any hostile attempt, they would be exposed to the direct attack of these formidable weapons. A four pounder, loaded with grape shot, was then fired wide of them; and this expedient was fortunately attended with success. The report, the flash, and above all the shot, which spread very far in the water, terrified the Indians to such a degree, that they began to paddle away with all their might. At the instance, however, of Tupia, the people of one of the boats were induced to lay aside their arms, and to come under the stern of the Endeavour; in consequence of which they received a variety of presents. On the next day a circumstance occurred, which shewed how ready one of the inhabitants of New Zealand was to take an advantage of our navigators. In a large armed canoe, which came boldly alongside of the ship, was a man who had a black skin thrown over him, somewhat like that of a bear. Mr. Cook being desirous of knowing to what animal it originally belonged, offered the Indian for it a piece of red baize. With this bargain he seemed to be greatly pleased, immediately pulling off the skin, and holding it up in the boat. He would not, however, part with it till he had the cloth in his possesssion; and as their could be no transfer of property if equal caution should be exercised on both sides, the lieutenant ordered the baize to be delivered into his hands. Upon this, instead of sending up the skin, he began with amazing coolness to pack up both that and the cloth, which he had received as the purchase of it, in a basket: nor did he pay the least regard to Mr. Cook's demand or remonstrances, but soon after put off from the English vessel. Our commander was too generous to revenge this insult by any act of severity. During the course of a traffic which was carrying on for some fish, little Tayeto, Tupia's boy, was placed among others over the ship's side; to hand up what was purchased. While he was thus employed, one of the New Zealanders, watching his opportunity, suddenly seized him and dragged him into a canoe. Two of the natives then held him down in the fore part of it, and the others, with great activity, paddled her off with all possible celerity. An action so violent rendered it indispensably necessary that the marines, who were in arms upon the deck, should be ordered to fire. Though the shot was directed to that part of the canoe which was furthest from the boy, and somewhat wide of her, it being thought favourable rather to miss the rowers than to run the hazard of hurting Tayeto, it happened that one man dropped. This occasioned the Indians to quit their hold of the youth, who instantly leaped into the water, and swam towards the ship. In the meanwhile, the largest of the canoes pulled round and followed him; and till some muskets and a great gun were fired at her, did not desist from the pursuit. The ship being brought to, a boat was lowered, and the poor boy was taken up unhurt. Some of the gentlemen, who with their glasses traced the canoes to shore, agreed in asserting that they saw three men carried up the beach, who appeared to be either dead, or wholly disabled by their wounds. While, on the 18th, the Endeavour lay abreast of a peninsula within Portland Island, called Terakako, two of the natives, who were judged to be chiefs, placed an extraordinary degree of confidence in Mr. Cook. They were so well pleased with the kindness which had been shown them in a visit to the ship, that they determined not to go on shore till the next morning. This was a circumstance by no means agreeable to the lieutenant, and he remonstrated against it; but as they persisted in their resolution, he agreed to comply with it, provided their servants were also taken on board, and their canoe hoisted into the ship. The countenance of one of these two chiefs was the most open and ingenuous that our commander had ever seen, so that he soon gave up every suspicion of his entertaining any sinister design. When the guests were put on shore the next morning, they expressed some surprise at seeing themselves so far from their habitations. On Monday the 23rd, while the ship was in Tagadoo Bay, Lieutenant Cook went on shore to examine the watering-place, and found every thing agreeable to his wishes. The boat landed in the cove, without the least serf; the water was excellent, and conveniently situated: there was plenty of wood close to the high water mark, and the disposition of the people was as favourable in all respects as could be desired. Early the next morning, our commander sent Lieutenant Gore to superintend the cutting of wood and filling of water, with a sufficient number of men for both purposes, and all the marines as a guard. Soon after he went on shore himself, and continued there during the whole day. Mr. Banks and Dr. Solander, who had landed on the same day, found in their walks several things worthy of notice. As they were advancing in some of the valleys, the hills on each side of which were very steep, they were suddenly struck with the sight of an extraordinary natural curiosity. It was a rock perforated through its whole substance, so as to form a rude but stupendous arch or cavern, opening directly to the sea. This aperture was seventy-five feet long, twenty-seven broad, and five and forty feet high, commanding a view of the bay and the hills on the other side, which were seen through it; and opening at once upon the view, produced an effect far superior to any of the contrivances of art. When on the 28th the gentlemen of the Endeavour went on shore upon an island which lies to the left hand of the entrance of Tolaga Bay, they saw there the largest canoe they had yet met with; her length being sixty-eight feet and a half, her breadth five feet, and her height three feet six inches. In the same island was a larger house than any they had hitherto seen; but it was in an unfinished state, and full of chips. While the ship was in Hicks's Bay, the inhabitants of the adjoining coast were found to be very hostile. This gave much uneasiness to our navigators, and was indeed contrary to their expectation; for they had hoped that the report of their power and clemency had spread to a greater extent. At day-break, on the 1st of November, they counted no less than five and forty canoes that were coming from the shore towards the Endeavour; and these were followed by several more from another place. Some of the Indians traded fairly; but others of them took what was handed down to them without making any return, and added derision to fraud. The insolence of one of them was very remarkable. Some linen hanging over the ship's side to dry, this man without any ceremony untied it, and put it up in his bundle. Being immediately called to, and required to return it, instead of doing so, he let his canoe drop astern, and laughed at the English. A musket which was fired over his head, did not put a stop to his mirth. From a second musket, which was loaded with small shot, he shrunk a little, when the shot struck him upon his back; but he regarded it no more than one of our men would have done the stroke of a rattan, and continued with great composure to pack up the linen which he hard stolen. All the canoes now dropped astern, and set up their song of defiance, which lasted till they were at about four hundred yards' distance from the ship. As they did not appear to have a design of attacking our voyagers, Lieutenant Cook was unwilling to do them any hurt; and yet he thought that their going off in a bravado might have a bad effect when it should be reported on shore. To convince them therefore, that they were still in his power, though far beyond the reach of any missile weapon with which they were acquainted, he ordered a four pounder to be fired in such a manner as to pass near them. As the shot happened to strike the water, and to rise several times at a great distance beyond the canoes, the Indians were so much terrified, that without once looking behind them, they paddled away as fast as they were able. In standing westward from a small island called Mowtohora, the Endeavour suddenly shoaled her water front seventeen to ten fathom. As the lieutenant knew that she was not far off from some small islands and rocks, which lead been seen before it was dark, and which he had intended to have passed that evening, he thought it more prudent to tack, and to spend the night under Mowtohora, where he was certain that there was no danger. It was happy for himself, and for all our voyagers, that he formed this resolution. In the morning they discovered ahead of them several rocks, some of which were level with the surface of the water, and some below it; and the striking against which could not in the hour of darkness, have been avoided. In passing between these rocks and the main, the ship had only from ten to seven fathom water. While Mr. Cook was near an island which he called the Mayor, the inhabitants of the neighbouring coast displayed many instances of hostility, and, in their traffic with our navigators, committed various acts of fraud and robbery. As the lieutenant intended to continue in the place five or six days, in order to make an observation of the transit of Mercury, it was absolutely necessary for the prevention of future mischief, to convince these people that the English were not to be ill treated with impunity. Accordingly, some small shot were fired at a thief of uncommon insolence, and a musket ball was discharged through the bottom of his boat. Upon this it was paddled to about a hundred yards' distance; and to the surprise of Mr. Cook and his friends, the Indians in the other canoes took not the least notice of their wounded companion, though he bled very much, but returned to the ship, and continued to trade with the most perfect indifference and unconcern. For a considerable time they dealt fairly. At last, however, one of them thought fit to move off with two different pieces of cloth which had been given for the same weapon. When he had gotten to such a distance, that he thought himself secure of his prizes, a musket was fired after him, which fortunately struck the boat just at the water's edge, and made two holes in her side. This excited such an alarm, that not only the people who were shot at, but all the rest of the canoes, made off with the utmost expedition. As the last proof of superiority, our commander ordered a round shot to be fired over them, and not a boat stopped till they got to land. After an early breakfast on the 9th of November, Lieutenant Cook went on shore, with Mr. Green, and proper instruments, to observe the transit of Mercury. Mr. Banks and Dr. Solander were of the party. The weather had for some time been very thick, with much rain; but this day proved so favourable, that not a cloud intervened during the whole transit. The observation of the ingress was made by Mr. Green alone, Mr. Cook being employed in taking the Sun's altitude to ascertain the time. While the gentlemen were thus engaged on shore, they were alarmed by the firing of a great gun from the ship: and on their return received the following account of the transaction from Mr. Gore, the second lieutenant, who had been left commanding officer on board. During the carrying on of a trade with some small canoes, two very large ones came up full of men. In one of the canoes were forty-seven persons, all of whom were armed with pikes, stones, and darts, and assumed the appearance of a hostile intention. However, after a little time they began to traffic, some of them offering their arms, and one of them a square piece of cloth, which makes a part of their dress, called _haabow_. Mr. Gore having agreed for it, sent down the price, which was a piece of British cloth, and expected his purchase. But as soon as the Indian had gotten Mr. Gore's cloth in his possession, he refused to part with his own, and put off his canoe. Upon being threatened for his fraud, he and his companions began to sing their war song in defiance, and shook their paddles. Though their insolence did not proceed to an attack, and only defied Mr. Gore to take any remedy in his power, he was so provoked, that he levelled a musket, loaded with ball, at the offender, while he was holding the cloth in his hand, and shot him dead. When the Indian fell, all the canoes put off to some distance, but continued to keep together in such a manner that it was apprehended they might still meditate an attack. To secure therefore a safe passage for the boat of the Endeavour, which was wanted on shore, a round shot was fired with so much effect over their heads, as to make them all flee with the utmost precipitation. It was matter of regret to Lieutenant Cook that Mr. Gore had not, in the case of the offending Indian, tried the experiment of a few small shot, which had been successful in former instances of robbery. On Friday, the 10th, our commander, accompanied by Mr. Banks and the other gentlemen, went with two boats, to examine a large river that empties itself into the head of Mercury Bay. As the situation they were now in abounded with conveniences, the lieutenant has taken care to point them out, for the benefit of future navigators. If any occasion should ever render it necessary for a ship either to winter here, or to stay for a considerable length of time, tents might be built on a high point or peninsula in this place, upon ground sufficiently spacious for the purpose; and they might easily be made impregnable to the whole force of the country. Indeed the most skilful engineer in Europe could not choose a situation better adapted to enable a small number to defend themselves against a greater. Among other accommodations which the Endeavour's company met with in Mercury Bay, they derived an agreeable refreshment from some oyster beds, which they had fortunately discovered. The oysters, which were as good as ever came from Colchester, and about the same size, were so plentiful, that not the boat only, but the ship itself, might have been loaded in one tide. On Wednesday, the 15th, Lieutenant Cook sailed out of Mercury Bay. This name has been given to it, on account of the observation which had there been made of the transit of that planet over the sun. The river where oysters had been so plentifully found, he called Oyster River. There is another river, at the head of the Bay, which is the best and safest place for a ship that wants to stay any length of time. From the number of mangroves about it, the lieutenant named it Mangrove River. In several parts of Mercury Bay, our voyagers saw, thrown upon the shore, great quantities of iron sand, which is brought down by every little rivulet of freshwater that finds its way from the country. This is a demonstration, that there is ore of that metal not far inland; and yet none of the inhabitants of New Zealand, who had yet been seen, knew the use of iron, or set upon it the least degree of value. They had all of them preferred the most worthless and useless trifle not only to a nail, but to any tool of that metal. Before the Endeavour left the bay, the ship's name and that of the commander were cut upon one of the trees near the watering place, together with the date of the year and month when our navigators were there. Besides this, Mr. Cook, after displaying the English colours took formal possession of the place in the name of his Britannic Majesty, King George the Third. In the range from Mercury Bay, several canoes, on the 18th, put off from different places, and advanced towards the Endeavour. When two of them, in which there might be about sixty men, came within the reach of the human voice, the Indians sung their war song, but seeing that little notice was taken of them, they threw a few stones at the English, and then rowed off towards the shore. In a short time, however, they returned, as if with a fixed resolution to provoke our voyagers to a battle, animating themselves by their song as they had done before. Tupia, without any directions from the gentlemen of the Endeavour, began to expostulate with the natives, and told them that our people had weapons which could destroy them in a moment. Their answer to this expostulation was, in their own language, 'Come on shore, and we will kill you all.'--'Well,' replied Tupia, 'but why should you molest us while we are at sea? As we do not wish to fight, we shall not accept your challenge to come on shore; and here there is no pretence for a quarrel, the sea being no more your property than the ship.' This eloquence, which greatly surprised Lieutenant Cook and his friends, as they had not suggested to Tupia any of the arguments he made use of, produced no effect upon the minds of the Indians, who soon renewed their attack. The oratory of a musket, which was fired through one of their boats, quelled their courage, and sent them instantly away. While our commander was in the Bay of Islands, he had a favourable opportunity of examining the interior part of the country and its produce. At daybreak, therefore on the 30th of the month, he set out in the pinnace and long-boat accompanied by Mr. Banks, Dr. Solander, and Tupia, and found the inlet, at which they entered, end in a river, about nine miles above the ship. Up this river, to which was given the name of the Thames, they proceeded till near noon, when they were fourteen miles within its entrance. As the gentlemen then found the face of the country to continue nearly the same, without any alteration in the course of the stream, and had no hope of tracing it to its source, they landed on the west side, to take a view of the lofty trees which every where adorned its banks. The trees were of a kind which they had seen before, both in Poverty Bay, and Hawke's Bay, though only at a distance. They had not walked a hundred yards into the woods, when they met with one of the trees, which, at the height of six feet above the ground, was nineteen feet eight inches in the girt. Lieutenant Cook, having a quadrant with him, measured its height from the root to the first branch, and found it to be eighty-nine feet. It was as straight as an arrow, and tapered but very little in proportion to its height; so that, in the lieutenant's judgment, there must have been three hundred and fifty-six feet of solid timber in it exclusive of the branches. As the party advanced, they saw many other trees, which were still larger. A young one they cut down, the wood of which was heavy and solid, not fit for masts, but such as would make the finest plank in the world. The carpenter of the ship, who was with the party, said that the timber resembled that of the pitch-pine, which is lightened by tapping. If it should appear, that some such method would be successful in lightening these trees, they would then furnish masts superior to those of any country in Europe. As the wood was swampy, the gentlemen could not range far; but they found many stout trees of other kinds, with which they were totally unacquainted, and specimens of which they brought away. On the 22d, another instance occurred in which the commanding officer left on board did not know how to exercise his power with the good sense and moderation of Mr. Cook. While some of the natives were in the ship below with Mr. Banks, a young man, who was upon the deck, stole a half minute glass, and was detected just as he was carrying it off. Mr. Hicks, in his indignation against the offender, was pleased to order that he should be punished, by giving him twelve lashes with a cat o' nine tails. When the other Indians, who were on board, saw him seized for the purpose, they attempted to rescue him; and being resisted, they called for their arms, which were handed from the canoes. At the same time, the people of one of the canoes attempted to come up the side of the Endeavour. The tumult having called up Mr. Banks and Tupia, the natives ran to the latter, and solicited his interposition. All, however, which he could do, as Mr. hicks continued inexorable, was to assure them, that nothing was intended against the life of their companion, and that it was necessary that he should suffer some punishment for his offence. With this explanation they appeared to be satisfied; and when the punishment had been inflicted, an old man among the spectators, who was supposed to be the criminal's father, gave him a severe beating, and sent him down into his canoe. Notwithstanding this, the Indians were far from being reconciled to the treatment which their countryman had received. Their cheerful confidence was gone; and though they promised, at their departure, to return with some fish, the English saw them no more. On the 29th of November, Lieutenant Cook, Mr. Banks, Dr. Solander, and others with them, were in a situation somewhat critical and alarming. Having landed upon an island in the neighbourhood of Cape Bret, they were in a few minutes surrounded by two or three hundred people. Though the Indians were all armed, they came on in so confused and straggling a manner, that it did not appear that any injury was intended by them; and the English gentlemen were determined that hostilities should not begin on their part. At first the natives continued quiet; but their weapons were held ready to strike, and they seemed to be rather irresolute than peaceable. While the lieutenant and his friends remained in a state of suspense, another party of Indians came up; and the boldness of the whole body being increased by the augmentation of their numbers, they began the dance and song, which are their preludes to a battle. An attempt, that was made by a number of them, to seize the two boats which had brought our voyagers to land, appeared to be the signal for a general attack. It now became necessary for Mr. Cook to exert himself with vigour Accordingly, he discharged his musket, which was loaded with small shot, at one of the forwardest of the assailants, and Mr. Banks, and two of our men, fired immediately afterwards. Though this made the natives fall back in some confusion, nevertheless, one of the chiefs, who was at the distance of about twenty yards, had the courage to rally them, and, calling loudly to his companions, led them on to the charge. Dr. Solander instantly discharged his piece at this champion, who, upon feeling the shot, stopped short, and then ran away with the rest of his countrymen. Still, however, they did not disperse, but got upon rising ground, and seemed only to want some leader of resolution to renew their assault. As they were now gotten beyond the reach of small shot, the English fired with ball, none of which taking place, the Indians continued together in a body. While our people were in this doubtful situation, which lasted about a quarter of an hour, the ship, from which a much greater number of natives were seen than could be discovered on shore, brought her broad side to bear, and entirely dispersed them, by firing a few shot over their heads. In this skirmish, only two of them were hurt with the small shot, and not a single life was lost; a case which would not have happened if Lieutenant Cook had not restrained his men, who either from fear or the love of mischief, shewed as much impatience to destroy the Indians, as a sportsman to kill his game. Such was the difference between the disposition of the common seamen and marines, and that of their humane and judicious commander. On the same day Mr. Cook displayed a very exemplary act of discipline. Some of the ship's people, who when the natives were to be punished for a fraud, assumed the inexorable justice of a Lycurgus, thought fit to break into one of their plantations, and to dig up a quantity of potatoes. For this the lieutenant ordered each of them to receive twelve lashes, after which two of them were discharged. But the third, in a singular strain of morality, insisted upon it, that it was no crime in an Englishman to plunder an Indian plantation. The method taken by our commander to refute his casuistry, was to send him back to his confinement, and not, permit him to be released, till he had been punished with six lashes more. The Endeavour, on the 5th of December, was in the most imminent hazard of being wrecked. At four o'clock in the morning of that day our voyagers weighed, with a light breeze; but it being variable with frequent calms, they made little way. From that time till the afternoon they kept turning out of the bay, and about ten at night were suddenly becalmed, so that the ship could neither wear nor exactly keep her station. The tide or current setting strong, she drove toward land so fast; that before any measures could be taken for her security, she was within a cable's length of the breakers. Though our people had thirteen fathom water, the ground was so foul, that they did not dare to drop their anchor. In this crisis the pinnace being immediately hoisted out to take the ship in tow, and the men sensible of their danger, exerted themselves to the utmost, a faint breeze sprang up off the land, and our navigators perceived, with unspeakable joy, that the vessel made headway. So near was she to the shore, that Tupia, who was ignorant of the hair's breadth escape the company had experienced, was at this very time conversing with the Indians upon the beach, whose voices were distinctly heard, notwithstanding the roar of the breakers. Mr. Cook and his friends now thought that all danger was over; but about an hour afterwards, just as the man in the chains had cried 'seventeen fathom,' the ship struck. The shock threw them into the utmost consternation: and almost instantly the man in the chains cried out 'five fathom.' By this time, the rock on which the ship had struck being to the windward, she went off without having received the least damage; and the water very soon deepening to twenty fathoms, she again sailed in security. The inhabitants in the Bay of Islands were found to be far more numerous than in any other part of New Zealand which Lieutenant Cook had hitherto visited. It did not appear that they were united under one head; and, though their towns were fortified, they seemed to live together in perfect amity. The Endeavour on the 9th of December, lying becalmed in Doubtless Bay, an opportunity was taken to inquire of the natives concerning their country; and our navigators learned from them, by the help of Tupia, that at the distance of three days' rowing in their canoes, at a place called Moore-Whennua, the land would take a short turn to the southward, and thence extend no more to the west. This place the English gentlemen concluded to be the land discovered by Tasman, and which had been named by him Cape Maria van Diemen. The lieutenant, finding the inhabitants so intelligent, inquired further, if they knew of any country besides their own. To this they answered, that they had never visited any other; but that their ancestors had told them, that there was a country of great extent, to the north-west by north, or north-north west, called Ulimaroa, to which some people had sailed in a very large canoe; and that only a part of them had returned, who reported, that, after a passage of a month, they had seen a country where the people eat hogs. On the 30th of December, our navigators saw the land, which they judged to be Cape Maria van Diemen, and which corresponded with the account that had been given of it by the Indians. The next day, from the appearance of Mount Camel, they had a demonstration that, where they now were, the breadth of New Zealand could not be more than two or three miles from sea to sea. During this part of the navigation, two particulars occurred which are very remarkable. In latitude 35° S. and in the midst of summer, Lieutenant Cook met with a gale of wind, which, from its strength and continuance, was such as he had scarcely ever been in before: and he was three weeks in getting ten leagues to the westward, and five weeks in getting fifty leagues; for at this time being the 1st of January, 1770, it was so long since he had passed Cape Bret. While the gale lasted, our voyagers ware happily at a considerable distance from the land; since, otherwise, it was highly probable that they would never have returned to relate their adventures. The shore at Queen Charlotte's Sound, where the English had arrived on the 14th of January, seemed to form several bays, into one of which the lieutenant proposed to carry the ship, which was now become very foul, in order to careen her, to repair some defects, and to obtain a recruit of wood and water. At day-break, the next morning, he stood in for an inlet, and at eight got within the entrance. At nine o'clock, there being little wind, and what there was being variable, the Endeavour was carried by the tide or current within two cables' length of the north-west shore where she had fifty-four fathom water. By the help, of the boats she was gotten clear; and about two, our people anchored in a very safe and convenient cove. Soon after, Mr. Cook, with most of the gentlemen, landed upon the coast, where they found a fine stream of excellent water, and wood in the greatest plenty. Indeed the land, in this part of the country, was one forest, of vast extent. As the gentlemen had brought the seine with them, it was hauled once or twice; and with such success, that different sorts of fish were caught amounting nearly to three hundred weight. The equal distribution of these among the ship's company, furnished them with a very agreeable refreshment. When Lieutenant Cook, Mr. Banks, Dr. Solander, Tupia, and some others, landed on the 16th, they met with an Indian family, among whom they found horrid and indisputable proofs of the custom of eating human flesh. Not to resume so disagreeable a subject, it may here be observed once for all, that evidences of the same custom appeared on various occasions. On the next day a delightful object engaged the attention of our voyagers. The ship lying at the distance of somewhat less than a quarter of a mile from the shore, they were awakened by the singing of an incredible number of birds, who seemed to strain their throats in emulation of each other. This wild melody was infinitely superior to any they had ever heard of the same kind, and seemed to be like small bells, most exquisitely tuned. It is probable, that the distance, and the water between, might be of no small advantage to the sound. Upon inquiry, the gentlemen were informed, that the birds here always began to sing about two hours after midnight; and that, continuing their music till sunrise, they were silent the rest of the day. In this last respect they resembled the nightingales of our own country. On the 18th, Lieutenant Cook went out in the pinnace to take a view of the bay in which the ship was now at anchor; and found it to be of great extent, consisting of numberless small harbours and coves, in every direction. The lieutenant confined his excursion to the western side, and the coast where he landed being an impenetrable forest, nothing could be seen worthy of notice. As our commander and his friends were returning, they saw a single man in a canoe fishing: rowing up to him, to their great surprise, he took not the least notice of them; and even when they were alongside of him, continued to follow his occupation, without adverting to them any more than if they had been invisible. This behaviour was not, however the result either of sullenness or stupidity; for upon being requested to draw up his net, that it might be examined, he readily complied. He shewed likewise to our people his mode of fishing, which was simple and ingenious. When, on the 19th, the armourer's forge was set up, and all hands on board were busy in careening, and in other necessary operations about the vessel, some Indians, who had brought plenty of fish, exchanged them for nails, of which they had now begun to perceive the use and value. This may be considered as one instance in which they were enlightened and benefited by their intercourse with our navigators. While, on the 22d, Mr. Banks and Dr. Solander employed themselves in botanizing near the beach, our commander, taking a seaman with him, ascended one of the hills of the country. Upon reaching its summit, he found the view of the inlet, the head of which he had a little before in vain attempted to discover in the pinnace, intercepted by hills still higher than that on which he stood, and which were rendered inaccessible by impenetrable woods. He was, however, amply rewarded for his labour; for he saw the sea on the eastern side of the country, and a passage leading from it to that on the west, a little to the eastward of the entrance of the inlet where the ship lay. The main land, which was on the south-east side of this inlet, appeared to be a narrow ridge of very high hills, and to form part of the south-west side of the strait. On the opposite side, the land trended away east as far as the eye could reach; and to the south-east there was discerned an opening to the sea, which washes the eastern coast. The lieutenant saw also, on the east side of the inlet, some islands which he had before taken to be part of the main land. In returning to the ship, he examined the harbours and coves that lie behind the islands which he had seen from the hills. The next day was employed by him in further surveys and discoveries. During a visit to the Indians, on the 24th, Tupia being of the party, they were observed to be continually talking of guns and shooting people. For this subject of their conversation, the English gentlemen could not at all account. But, after perplexing themselves with various conjectures, they at length learned, that, on the 21st, one of our officers, under the pretence of going out to fish, had rowed up to a hippah, or village, on the coast. When he had done so, two or three canoes coming off towards his boat, his fears suggested that an attack was intended, in consequence of which three muskets were fired, one with small shot, and two with ball, at the Indians, who retired with the utmost precipitation. It is highly probable, that they had come out with friendly intentions, for such intentions were expressed by their behaviour, both before and afterwards. This action of the officer exhibited a fresh instance, how little some of the people under Lieutenant Cook had imbibed of the wise, discreet, and humane spirit of their commander. On the morning of the 26th, the lieutenant went again out in the boat, with Mr. Banks and Dr. Solander, and entered one of the bays, which lie on the east side of the inlet, in order to obtain another sight of the strait which passed between the eastern and western seas. Having landed, for this purpose, at a convenient place, they climbed a hill of very considerable height, from which they had a full view of the strait, with the land on the opposite shore, which they judged to be about four leagues distant. As it was hazy in the horizon, they could not see far to the south-east; but Mr. Cook saw enough to determine him to search the passage with the ship as soon as he should put to sea. The gentlemen found, on the top of the hill, a parcel of loose stones, with which they erected a pyramid, and left in it some musket balls, small shot, beads, and such other things, which they happened to have about them, as were likely to stand the test of time. These, not being of Indian workmanship, would convince any European, who should come to the place and pull it down, that natives of Europe had been there before. After this, the lieutenant and his friends went to a town of which the Indians had informed them, and which, like one they had already seen, was built upon a small island or rock, so difficult of access, that they gratified their curiosity at the risk of their lives. Here, as had been the case in former visits to the inhabitants of that part of the country near which the ship now lay, they were received with open arms, carried through the whole of the place, and shown all that it contained. The town consisted of between eighty and a hundred houses, and had only one fighting stage. Mr. Cook, Mr. Banks, and Dr. Solander, happened to have with them a few nails and ribands, and some paper, with which the people were so highly gratified, that when the gentlemen went away, they filled the English boat with dried fish, of which it appeared that they had laid up large quantities. A report was spread, that one of the men, that had been so rashly fired upon by the officer who had visited the hippah, under the pretence of fishing, was dead of his wounds. But, on the 29th, the lieutenant had the great consolation of discovering that this report was groundless. On the same day he went again on shore, upon the western point of the inlet, and, from a hill of considerable height, had a view of the coast to the north-west. The furthest land he could see, in that quarter, was an island at the distance of about ten leagues, lying not far from the main. Between this island and the place were he stood, he discovered, close under the shore, several other islands, forming many bays, in which there appeared to be good anchorage for shipping. After he had set off the different points for his survey, he erected another pile of stones, in which he left a piece of silver coin, with some musket balls and beads, and a fragment of an old pendant flying at the top. On the 30th of January, the ceremony was performed of giving name to the inlet where our voyagers now lay, and of erecting a memorial of the visit which they had made to this place. The carpenter having prepared two posts for the purpose, our commander ordered them to be inscribed with the ship's name, and the dates of the year and the month. One of these he set up at the watering place, hoisting the union-flag upon the top of it; and the other he carried over to the island that lies nearest the sea, and which is called by the natives Motuara. He went first, accompanied by Mr. Monkhouse and Tupia, to the neighbouring village, or hippah, where he met with an old man, who had maintained a friendly intercourse with the English. To this old man, and several Indians besides, the lieutenant, by means of Tupia, explained his design, which, he informed them, was to erect a mark upon the island, in order to shew to any other ship, which should happen to come thither, that our navigators had been there before. To this the inhabitants readily consented, and promised that they would never pull it down. He then gave something to every one present, and to the old man a silver threepence, and some spike-nails, with the king's broad arrow cut deep upon them. These were things which Mr. Cook thought were the most likely to be long preserved. After this, he conveyed the post to the highest part of the island; and, having fixed it firmly in the ground, hoisted upon it the union flag, and honoured the inlet with the name of Queen Charlotte's Sound. At the same time, he took formal possession of this and the adjacent country, in the name and for the use of his Majesty King George the Third. The ceremony was concluded by the gentlemen's drinking a bottle of wine to her majesty's health; and the bottle being given to the old man, who had attended them up the hill, he was highly delighted with his present. A philosopher, perhaps might inquire on what ground Lieutenant Cook could take formal possession of this part of New Zealand, in the name and _for the use_ of the King of Great Britain, when the country was already inhabited, and of course belonged to those by whom it was occupied, and whose ancestors might have resided in it for many preceding ages. To this the best answer seems to be, that the lieutenant, in the ceremony performed by him, had no reference to the original inhabitants, or any intention to deprive them of their natural rights, but only to preclude the claims of future European navigators, who, under the auspices and for the benefit of their respective states or kingdoms, might form pretensions, to which they were not entitled by prior discovery. On the 31st, our voyagers having completed their wooding, and filled their water casks, Mr. Cook sent out two parties, one to cut and make brooms, and another to catch fish. In the evening there was a strong gale from the north-west, with such a heavy rain, that the little wild musicians on shore suspended their song, which till now had been constantly heard during the night with a pleasure that it was impossible to lose without regret. The gale, on the 1st of February, increased to a storm, with heavy gusts from the high land, one of which broke the hawser, that had been fastened to the shore, and induced the necessity of letting go another anchor. Though, towards midnight, the gale became more moderate, the rain continued with so much violence, that the brook, which supplied the ship with water, overflowed its banks; in consequence of which ten small casks, that had been filled the day before, were carried away, and, notwithstanding the most diligent search for them, could not be recovered. The Endeavour, on Monday the 5th, got under sail; but the wind soon failing, our commander was obliged again to come to anchor, a little above Motuara. As he was desirous of making still further inquiries, whether any memory of Tasman had been preserved in New Zealand, he directed Tupia to ask of the old man before mentioned, who had come on board to take his leave of the English gentlemen, whether he had ever heard that such a vessel as theirs had before visited the country. To this he replied in the negative; but said, that his ancestors had told him, that there once had arrived a small vessel from a distant land, called Ulimaroa, in which were four men, who upon their reaching the shore were all killed. On being asked where this country lay, he pointed to the northward. Of Ulimaroa, Lieutenant Cook had heard something before, from the people about the Bay of Islands, who said, that it had been visited by their ancestors. Tupia had also some confused traditionary notions concerning it; but no certain conclusion could be drawn either from his account or that of the old Indian. Soon after the ship came to anchor the second time, Mr. Banks and Dr. Solander, who had gone on shore to see if any gleanings of natural knowledge remained, fell in, by accident, with the most agreeable Indian family they had yet seen, and which afforded them a better opportunity of remarking the personal subordination among the natives, than had before offered. The whole behaviour of this family was affable, obliging, and unsuspicious. It was matter of sincere regret to the two gentlemen, that they had not sooner met with these people, as a better acquaintance with the manners and disposition of the inhabitants of the country might hence have been obtained in a day, than had been acquired during the whole stay of the English upon the coast. When, on the 6th of February, Lieutenant Cook had gotten out of the sound, he stood over to the eastward, in order to get the strait well open before the tide of ebb approached. At seven in the evening, two small islands, which lie off Cape Koamaroo, at the south-east head of Queen Charlotte's Sound, bore east, at the distance of about four miles. It was nearly calm, and the tide of ebb setting out, the Endeavour, in a very short time, was carried by the rapidity of the stream close upon one of the islands, which was a rock rising almost perpendicularly out of the sea. The danger increased every moment, and there was but one expedient to prevent the ship's being dashed to pieces, the success of which a few moments would determine. She was now within little more than a cable's length of the rock, and had above seventy-five fathom water. But, upon dropping an anchor, and veering above one hundred and fifty fathom of cable, she was happily brought up. This, however would not have saved our navigators, if the tide, which set south by east, had not, upon meeting with the island, changed its direction to the south-east, and carried them beyond the first point. In this situation they were not above two cables' length from the rocks; and here they remained in the strength of the tide, which set to the south-east, after the rate of at least five miles an hour from a little after seven till midnight, when the tide abated, and the vessel began to heave. By three in the morning, a light breeze at north-west having sprung up, our voyagers sailed for the eastern shore; though they made but little way, in consequence of the tide being against them. The wind, however, having afterwards freshened, and come to north and north-east, with this, and the tide of ebb, they were in a short time hurried through the narrowest part of the strait, and then stood away for the southernmost land they had in prospect. There appeared, over this land, a mountain of stupendous height, which was covered with snow. The narrowest part of the strait, through which the Endeavour had been driven with such rapidity, lies between Cape Tierawitte, on the coast of Eaheinomauwe, and Cape Koamaroo; the distance between which our commander judged to be four or five leagues. Notwithstanding the difficulties arising from this tide, now its strength is known, the strait may be passed without danger. Some of the officers started a notion, that Eaheinomauwe was not an island, and that the land might stretch away to the south-east, from between Cape Turnagain and Cape Palliser, there being a space of between twelve and fifteen leagues which had not yet been seen. Though Lieutenant Cook, from what he had observed the first time he discovered the strait, and from many other concurrent circumstances, had the strongest conviction that they were mistaken, he, nevertheless, resolved to leave no possibility of doubt with respect to an object of so much importance. For this purpose he gave such a direction to the navigation of the ship, as would most effectually tend to determine the matter. After a course of two days he called the officers upon deck, and asked them, whether they were not now satisfied that Eaheinomauwe was an island. To this question they readily answered in the affirmative; and all doubts being removed, the lieutenant proceeded to farther researches. During Mr. Cook's long and minute examination of the coast of New Zealand, he gave names to the bays, capes, promontories, islands, and rivers, and other places which were seen or visited by him; excepting in those cases where their original appellations were learned from the natives. The names he fixed upon were either derived from certain characteristic or adventitious circumstances, or were conferred in honour of his friends and acquaintance, chiefly those of the naval line. Such of the readers of the present work as desire to be particularly informed concerning them, will naturally have recourse to the indications of them in the several maps on which they are described. The ascertaining of New Zealand to be an island did not conclude Lieutenant Cook's examination of the nature, situation, and extent of the country. After this, he completed his circumnavigation, by ranging from Cape Turnagain southward along the eastern coast of Poenammoo, round Cape South, and back to the western entrance of the strait be had passed, and which was very properly named Cook's Strait. This range, which commenced on the 9th of February, I shall not minutely and regularly pursue; but content myself, as in the former course, with mentioning such circumstances as are more directly adapted to my immediate design. In the afternoon of the 14th, when Mr. Banks was out in the boat a shooting, our voyagers saw, with their glasses, four double canoes put off from the shore towards him, having on board fifty-seven men. The lieutenant, being alarmed for the safety of his friend, immediately ordered signals to be made for his return; but he was prevented from seeing them by the situation of the gun with regard to the ship. However, it was soon with pleasure observed, that his boat was in motion; and he was taken on board before the Indians, who perhaps had not discerned him, came up. Their attention seemed to be wholly fixed upon the ship. They came within about a stone's cast of her, and then stopped, gazing at the English with a look of vacant astonishment. Tupia in vain exerted his eloquence to prevail upon them to make a nearer approach. After surveying our navigators some time, they left them, and made towards the shore. The gentlemen could not help remarking, on this occasion, the different dispositions and behaviour of the different inhabitants of the country, at the first sight of the Endeavour. The people now seen kept aloof with a mixture of timidity and wonder; others had immediately commenced hostilities; the man who was found fishing alone in his canoe appeared to regard our voyagers as totally unworthy of notice; and some had come on board almost without invitation, and with an air of perfect confidence and good will. From the conduct of the last visitors, Lieutenant Cook gave the land from which they had put off, and which had the appearance of an island, the name of Lookers-on. When an island, which lies about five leagues from the coast of Tovy-Poenammoo, and which was named Banks's Island, was first discovered in the direction of south by west, some persons on board were of opinion, that they saw land bearing south-south-east, and south-east by east. Our commander, who was himself upon the deck at the time, told them that in his judgment it was no more than a cloud, which, as the sun rose, would dissipate and vanish. Being, however determined to leave no subject for disputation which experiment could remove, he ordered the ship to steer in the direction which the supposed country was said to bear. Having gone in this direction eight and twenty miles, without discovering any signs of land, the Endeavour resumed her intended course to the southward, it being the particular view of the lieutenant to ascertain whether Poenammoo was an island or a continent. In passing some rocks on the 9th of March, in the night, it appeared in the morning that the ship had been in the most imminent danger. Her escape was indeed critical in the highest degree. To these rocks, therefore, which, from their situation, are so well adapted to catch unwary strangers, Mr. Cook gave the name of the Traps. On the same day he reached a point of land which he called the South Cape, and which he supposed, as proved in fact to be the case, the southern extremity of the country. In sailing, on Wednesday the 14th, the Endeavour passed a small narrow opening in the land, where there seemed to be a very safe and convenient harbour, formed by an island which lay eastward in the middle of the opening. On the land, behind the opening, are mountains, the summits of which were covered with snow, that appeared to have recently fallen. Indeed our voyagers for two days past, had found the weather extremely cold. On each side the entrance of the opening, the land rises almost perpendicularly from the sea to a stupendous height. For this reason Lieutenant Cook did not choose to carry the ship into the harbour. He was sensible that no wind could blow there but right in or right out: and he did not think it by any means advisable to put into a place whence he could not have gotten out, but with a wind, which, experience had taught him did not blow more than one day in a month. Sagacious as this determination of our commander was, it did not give universal satisfaction. He acted in it contrary to the opinion of some persons on board, who expressed in strong terms their desire of coming to harbour; not sufficiently considering, that present convenience ought not to be purchased at the expense of incurring great future disadvantages. By the 27th of March, Mr. Cook had circumnavigated the whole country of Tovy-Poenammoo, and arrived within sight of the island formerly mentioned, which lies at the distance of nine leagues from the entrance of Queen Charlotte's Sound. Having at this time thirty tons of empty water-casks on board, it was necessary to fill them before he finally proceeded on his voyage. For this purpose he hauled round the island, and entered a bay, situated between that and Queen Charlotte's Sound, and to which the name was given of Admiralty Bay. The business of wooding and watering having been completed on the 30th, and the ship being ready for the sea, the point now to be determined was, what rout should be pursued in returning home, that would be of most advantage to the public service. Upon this subject the lieutenant thought proper to take the opinion of his officers. He had himself a strong desire to return by Cape Horn, because that would have enabled him to determine, whether there is or is not a southern continent. But against this scheme it was a sufficient objection, that our navigators must have kept in a high southern latitude, in the very depth of winter, and in a vessel which was not thought to be in a condition fit for the undertaking. The same reason was urged with still greater force, against their proceeding directly for the Cape of Good Hope, because no discovery of moment could be expected in that rout. It was therefore resolved that they should return by the East Indies; and that, with this view, they should steer westward, till they should fall in with the east coast of New Holland, and then follow the direction of that coast to the northward, till they should arrive at its northern extremity. If that should be found impracticable, it was further resolved, that they should endeavour to fall in with the land, or islands, said to have been discovered by Quiros. In the six months which Lieutenant Cook had spent in the examination of New Zealand, he made very large additions to the knowledge of geography and navigation. That country was first discovered in the year 1642, by Abel Jansen Tasman, a Dutch navigator. He traversed the eastern coast from latitude 34° 43', and entered the strait now called Cook's Strait; but being attacked by the natives soon after he came to an anchor, in the place which he named Murderer's Bay, he never went on shore. Nevertheless, he assumed a kind of claim of the country, by calling it Staaten Land, or the Land of the States, in honour of the States General. It is now usually distinguished in maps and charts by the name of New Zealand. The whole of the country, excepting that part of the coast which was seen by Tasman from on board his ship, continued from his time, to the voyage of the Endeavour, altogether unknown. By many persons it has been supposed to constitute a part of a southern continent; but it was now ascertained by Mr. Cook to consist of two large islands, divided from each other by a strait or passage, which is about four or five leagues broad. These islands are situated between the latitudes of 34° and 48° south, and between the longitudes of 181° and 194° west; a matter which Mr. Green determined with uncommon exactness, from innumerable observations of the sun and moon, and one of the transits of Mercury. The northernmost of these islands is called by the natives Eaheinomauwe, and the southernmost Tovy, or Tavai Poenammoo. It is not, however, certain, whether the whole southern island, or only part of it, is comprehended under the latter name. Tovy Poenammoo is principally a mountainous, and to all appearance a barren country. The only inhabitants and signs of inhabitants that were discovered upon all the islands, were the people whom our voyagers saw in Queen Charlotte's Sound, some that came off to them under the snowy mountains, and several fires which were discerned to the west of Cape Saunders. Eaheinomauwe has a much better appearance. Though it is not only hilly but mountainous, even the hills and mountains are covered with wood, and every valley has a rivulet of water. The soil in these valleys and in the plains, many of which are not overgrown with wood, is in general light, but fertile. It was the opinion of Mr. Banks and Dr. Solander, as well as of the other gentlemen on board, that all kinds of European grain, plants, and fruit would flourish here in the utmost luxuriance. There is reason to conclude, from the vegetables which our navigators found in Eaheinomauwe, that the winters are milder than those in England; and the summer was experienced not to be hotter, though it was more equally warm. If this country, therefore, should be settled by people from Europe, they might, with a little industry, very soon be supplied in great abundance, not merely with the necessaries, but even with the luxuries of life. In Eaheinomauwe there are no quadrupeds but dogs and rats. At least, no other were seen by our voyagers; and the rats are so scarce that they wholly escaped the notice of many on board. Of birds the species are not numerous; and of these no one kind, excepting perhaps the gannet, is exactly the same with those of Europe. Insects are not in greater plenty than birds. The sea makes abundant recompense for this scarcity of animals upon the land. Every creek swarms with fish, which are not only wholesome, but equally delicious with those in our part of the world. The Endeavour seldom anchored in any station, or with a light gale passed any place, that did not afford enough, with hook and line, to serve the whole ship's company. If the seine were made use of it seldom failed of producing a still more ample supply. The highest luxury of this kind, with which the English were gratified was the lobster, or sea cray-fish. Among the vegetable productions of the country, the trees claim a principal place; there being forests of vast extent full of the straightest, the cleanest, and the largest timber Mr. Cook and his friends had ever seen. Mr. Banks and Dr. Solander were gratified by the novelty, if not by the variety of the plants. Out of about four hundred species, there were not many which had hitherto been described by botanists. There is one plant that serves the natives instead of hemp and flax, and which excels all that are applied to the same purposes in other countries. If the settling of New Zealand should ever be deemed an object deserving the attention of Great Britain, our commander thought that the best place for establishing a colony would either be on the banks of the Thames, or in the territory adjoining to the Bay of Islands. Each of these places possess the advantage of an excellent harbour. By means of the river, settlements might be extended, and a communication established with the inland parts of the country. Vessels might likewise be built of the fine timber which is every where to be met with, at very little trouble and expense. But I am in danger of forgetting myself, and of running into a detail which may be thought rather to exceed the intentions of the present narrative. It is difficult to restrain the pen, when such a variety of curious and entertaining matter lies before it; and I must entreat the indulgence of my readers while I mention two or three further particulars. One circumstance peculiarly worthy of notice, is the perfect and uninterrupted health of the inhabitants of New Zealand. In all the visits made to their towns, where old and young, men and women, crowded about our voyagers, they never observed a single person who appeared to have any bodily complaint; nor among the numbers that were seen naked, was once perceived the slightest eruption upon the skin, or the least mark which indicated that such an eruption had, formerly existed. Another proof of the health of these people is the facility with which the wounds they at any time receive are healed. In the man who had been shot with a musket ball through the fleshy part of his arm, the wound seemed to be so well digested, and in so fair a way of being perfectly healed, that if Mr. Cook had not known that no application had been made to it, he declared that he certainly should have inquired, with a very interested curiosity, after the vulnerary herbs and surgical art of the country. An additional evidence of human nature's being untainted with disease in New Zealand, is the great number of old men with whom it abounds. Many of them, by the loss of their hair and teeth, appeared to be very ancient and yet none of them were decrepid. Although they were not equal to the young in muscular strength, they did not come in the least behind them with regard to cheerfulness and vivacity. Water, as far as our navigators could discover, is the universal and only liquor of the New Zealanders. It is greatly to be wished, that their happiness in this respect may never be destroyed by such a connexion with the European nations, as shall introduce that fondness for spirituous liquors, which hath been so fatal to the Indians of North America. From the observations which Lieutenant Cook and his friends made on the people of New Zealand, and from the similitude which was discerned between them and the inhabitants of the South Sea Islands, a strong proof arose, that both of them had one common origin; and this proof was rendered indubitable by the conformity of their language. When Tupia addressed himself to the natives of Eaheinomauwe and Poenammoo, he was perfectly understood. Indeed it did not appear that the language of Otaheite differed more from that of New Zealand, than the language of the two islands into which it is divided, did from each other. Hitherto the navigation of Lieutenant Cook had been unfavourable to the notion of a southern continent; having swept away at least three-fourths of the positions upon which that notion had been founded. The track of the Endeavour had demonstrated, that the land seen by Tasman, Juan Fernandes, Hermite, the commander of a Dutch squadron, Quiros, and Roggewein, was not, as they had supposed, part of such a continent. It had also totally destroyed the theoretical arguments in favour of a southern continent, which had been drawn from the necessity of it to preserve an equilibrium between the two hemispheres. As, however, Mr. Cook's discoveries, so far as he had already proceeded, extended only to the northward of forty degrees, south latitude, he could not therefore give an opinion concerning what land might lie farther to the southward. This was a matter, therefore, which he earnestly wished to be examined; and to him at length was reserved the honour, as we shall hereafter see, of putting a final end to the question. On Saturday the 31st of March, our commander sailed from Cape Farewell in New Zealand, and pursued his voyage to the westward. New Holland, or as it is now called, New South Wales, came in sight on the 19th of April; and on the 28th of that month the ship anchored in Botany Bay. On the preceding day, in consequence of its falling calm when the vessel was not more than a mile and a half from the shore and within some breakers, our navigators had been in a very disagreeable situation; but happily a light breeze had sprung from the land, and carried them out of danger. In the afternoon the boats were manned; and Lieutenant Cook and his friends, having Tupia of their party, set out from the Endeavour. They intended to land where they had seen some Indians, and began to hope, that as these Indians had paid no regard to the ship when she came into the bay, they would be as inattentive to the advances of the English towards the shore. In this, however, the gentlemen were disappointed: for as soon as they approached the rocks, two of the men came down upon them to dispute their landing, and the rest ran away. These champions, who were armed with lances about ten feet long, called to our navigators in a very loud tone, and in a harsh dissonant language, of which even Tupia did not understand a single word. At the same time, they brandished their weapons, and seemed resolved to defend their coast to the utmost, though they were but two to forty. The lieutenant, who could not but admire their courage, and who was unwilling that hostilities should commence with such inequality of force on their side, ordered his boat to lie upon her oars. He and the other gentlemen then parlied with them by signs; and to obtain their good-will, he threw them nails, beads, and several trifles besides, with which they appeared to be well pleased. After this our commander endeavoured to make them understand that he wanted water, and attempted to convince them by all the methods in his power, that he had no injurious designs against them. Being willing to interpret the waving of their hands as an invitation to proceed, the boat put in to the shore; but no sooner was this perceived, than it was opposed by the two Indians, one of whom seemed to be a youth about nineteen or twenty years old, and the other a man of middle age. The only measure now left for Mr. Cook was to fire a musket between them which being done, the youngest of them brought a bundle of lances on the rock, but recollecting himself in an instant he snatched them up again in great haste. A stone was then thrown at the English, upon which the lieutenant ordered a musket to be fired with small shot. This struck the eldest upon the legs, and he immediately ran to one of the houses, which was at about a hundred yards distance. Mr. Cook, who now hoped that the contest was over, instantly landed with his party; but they had scarcely quitted the boat when the Indian returned, having only left the rocks to fetch a shield or target for his defence. As soon as he came up, he and his comrade threw each of them a lance in the midst of our people, but happily without hurting a single person. At the firing of a third musket, one of the two men darted another lance, and then both of them ran away. After this the gentlemen repaired to the huts, and threw into the house where the children were, some beads, ribbons, pieces of cloth, and other presents. These they hoped would procure them the good will of the inhabitants. When, however, the lieutenant and his companions returned the next day, they had the mortification of finding that the beads and ribbons, which they had left the night before, had not been removed from their places, and that not an Indian was to be seen. Several of the natives of the country came in sight on the 30th, but they could not be engaged to begin an intercourse with our people. They approached within a certain distance of them, and, after shouting several times, went back into the woods. Having done this once more, Mr. Cook followed them himself, alone and unarmed, a considerable way along the shore, but without prevailing upon them to stop. On the 1st of May, he resolved to make an excursion into the country. Accordingly, our commander, Mr. Banks, Dr. Solander, and seven others, all of them properly accoutred for the expedition, set out, and repaired first to the huts near the watering-place, whither some of the Indians continued every day to resort. Though the little presents which had been left there before had not yet been taken away, our gentlemen added others of still greater value, consisting of cloth, beads, combs, and looking-glasses. After this they went up into the country, the face of which is finely diversified by wood and lawn. The soil they found to be either swamp or light sand.[6] [Footnote 6: In a part of the country that was afterwards examined, the soil was found to be much richer; being a deep black mould, which the lieutenant thought very fit for the production of grain of any kind.] In cultivating the ground, there would be no obstruction from the trees, which are tall, straight, and without underwood, and stand at a sufficient distance from each other. Between the trees, the land is abundantly covered with grass. Our voyagers saw many houses of the inhabitants, but met with only one of the people, who ran away as soon as he discovered the English. At every place where they went they left presents, hoping that at length they might procure the confidence and good will of the Indians. They perceived some traces of animals; and the trees over their heads abounded with birds of various kinds, among which were many of exquisite beauty. Loriquets and cockatoos, in particular, were so numerous, that they flew in flocks of several scores together. While the lieutenant and his friends were upon this excursion, Mr. Gore, who had been sent out in the morning to dredge for oysters, having performed that service, dismissed his boat, and taking a midshipman with him, set out to join the waterers by land. In his way, he fell in with a body of two and twenty Indians, who followed him, and were often at no greater distance than that of twenty yards. When he perceived them so near, he stopped, and faced about, upon which they likewise stopped; and when he went on again, they continued their pursuit. But though they were all armed with lances, they did not attack Mr. Gore; so that he and the midshipman got in safety to the watering-place. When the natives came in sight of the main body of the English, they halted at about the distance of a quarter of a mile, and stood still. By this Mr. Monkhouse and two or three of the waterers were encouraged to march up to them; but seeing the Indians keep their ground, they were seized with a sudden fear which is not uncommon to the rash and foolhardy, and made a hasty retreat. This step increased the danger which it was intended to avoid. Four of the Indians immediately ran forwards, and discharged their lances at the fugitives, with such force that they went beyond them. Our people recovering their spirits, stopped to collect the lances, upon which the natives, in their turn, began to retire. At this time Mr. Cook came up, with Mr. Banks, Dr. Solander, and Tupia; and being desirous of convincing the Indians that they were neither afraid of them, nor designed to do them any injury, they advanced towards them, endeavouring, by signs of expostulation and entreaty, to engage them to an intercourse but without effect. From the boldness which the natives discovered on the first landing of our voyagers, and the terror that afterward seized them at the sight of the English, it appears that they were sufficiently intimidated by our fire-arms. There was not indeed, the least reason to believe that any of them had been much hurt by the small shot which had been fired at them when they attacked our people on their coming out of the boat. Nevertheless, they had probably seen from their lurking places, the effects which the muskets had upon birds. Tupia, who was become a good marksman, frequently strayed abroad to shoot parrots; and while he was thus employed, he once met with nine Indians, who, as soon as they perceived that he saw them, ran from him, in great alarm and confusion. While on the 3rd of May, Mr. Banks was gathering plants near the watering-place, Lieutenant Cook went with Dr. Solander and Mr. Monkhouse, to the head of the bay, for the purpose of examining that part of the country, and of making further attempts to form some connexions with the natives. In this excursion they acquired additional knowledge concerning the nature of the soil, and its capacities for cultivation, but had no success in their endeavours to engage the inhabitants in coming to a friendly intercourse. Several parties, that were sent into the country, on the next day, with the same view, were equally unsuccessful. In the afternoon our commander himself, with a number of attendants, made an excursion to the north shore, which he found to be without wood, and to resemble in some degree, our moors in England. The surface of the ground was, however, covered with a thin brush of plants, rising to about the height of the knee. Near the coast, the hills are low, but there are others behind them, which gradually ascend to a considerable distance, and are intersected with marshes and morasses. Among the articles of fish which, at different times were caught, were large stingrays. One of them, when his entrails were taken out, weighed three hundred and thirty-six pounds. It was upon account of the great quantity of plants which Mr. Banks and Dr. Solander collected in this place, that Lieutenant Cook was induced to give it the name of Botany Bay. It is situated in the latitude of 34° south, and in the longitude of 208° 37' west; and affords a capacious, safe, and convenient shelter for shipping. The Endeavour anchored near the south shore, about a mile within the entrance, for the convenience of sailing with a southerly wind, and because the lieutenant thought it the best situation for watering. But afterward he found a very fine stream on the north shore, where was a sandy cove, in which a ship might lie almost land-locked, and procure wood and water to the greatest abundance. Though wood is every where plentiful our commander saw only two species of it that could be considered as timber. Not only the inhabitants who were first discovered, but all who afterward came in sight, were entirely naked. Of their mode of life, our voyagers could know but little, as not the least connexion could be formed with them; but it did not appear that they were numerous, or that they lived in societies. They seemed, like other animals, to be scattered about along the coast, and in the woods. Not a single article was touched by them of all that were left at their huts, or at the places which they frequented; so little sense had they of those small conveniences and ornaments, which are generally very alluring to the uncivilized tribes of the globe. During Mr. Cook's stay at this place, he caused the English colours to be displayed every day on shore, and took care that the ship's name, and the date of the year, should be inscribed upon one of the trees near the watering-place. At day-break, on Sunday the 6th of May, our navigators sailed from Botany Bay; and as they proceeded on their voyage, the lieutenant gave the names that are indicated upon the map to the bays, capes, points, and remarkable hills which successively appeared in sight. On the 14th, as the Endeavour advanced to the northward, being then in latitude 30° 22' south, and longitude 206° 39' west, the land gradually increased in height, so that it may be called a hilly country. Between this latitude and Botany Bay, it exhibits a pleasing variety of ridges, hills, valleys and plains, all clothed with wood, of the same appearance with that which has been mentioned before. The land near the shore is in general low and sandy, excepting the points, which are rocky, and over many of which are high hills, that, at their first rising out of the water, have the semblance of islands. On the next day, the vessel being about a league from the shore, our voyagers discovered smoke in many places, and having recourse to their glasses, they saw about twenty of the natives, who had each of them a large bundle upon his back. The bundles our people conjectured to be palm leaves for covering the houses of the Indians, and continued to observe them above an hour, during which they walked upon the beach, and up a path that led over a hill of gentle ascent. It was remarkable, that not one of them was seen to stop and look towards the Endeavour. They marched along without the least apparent emotion either of curiosity or surprise, though it was impossible that they should not have discerned the ship, by some casual glance, as they went along the shore, and though she must have been the most stupendous and unaccountable object they had ever beheld. While on the 17th, our navigators were in a bay, to which Lieutenant Cook had given the name of Moreton's Bay, and at a place were the land was not at that time visible, some on board, having observed that the sea looked paler than usual, were of opinion that the bottom of the bay opened into a river. The lieutenant was sensible that there was no real ground for this supposition. As the Endeavour had here thirty-four fathom water, and a fine sandy bottom, these circumstances alone were sufficient to produce the change which had been noticed in the colour of the sea. Nor was it by any means necessary, to suppose a river, in order to account for the land at the bottom of the bay not being visible. If the land there was as low as it had been experienced to be in a hundred other parts of the coast, it would be impossible to see it from the station of the ship. Our commander would, however, have brought the matter to the test of experiments, if the wind had been favourable to such a purpose. Should any future navigator be disposed to determine the question, whether there is or is not a river in this place, Mr. Cook has taken care to leave the best directions for finding its situation. On the 22nd, as our voyagers were pursuing their course from Harvey's Bay, they discovered with their glasses that the land was covered with palm-nut trees, which they had not seen from the time of their leaving the islands within the tropic. They saw also two men walking along the shore, who paid them as little attention, as they had met with on former occasions. At eight o'clock in the evening of this day, the ship came to an anchor in five fathom, with a fine sandy bottom. Early in the morning of the next day, the lieutenant, accompanied by Mr. Banks, Dr. Solander, the other gentlemen, Tupia, and a party of men, went on shore in order to examine the country. The wind blew fresh, and the weather was so cold, that being at a considerable distance from land, they took their cloaks as a necessary equipment for the voyage. When they landed, they found a channel leading into a large lagoon. Both the channel and the lagoon were examined by our commander with his usual accuracy. There is in the place a small river of fresh water, and room for a few ships to lie in great security. Near the lagoon grows the true mangrove, such as exists in the West India islands, and the first of the kind that had been yet met with by our navigators. Among the shoals and sand banks of the coast, they saw many large birds, and some in particular of the same kind which they had seen in Botany Bay. These they judged to be pelicans, but they were so shy as never to come within reach of a musket. On the shore was found a species of the bustard, one of which was shot that was equal in size to a turkey, weighing seventeen pounds and a half. All the gentlemen agreed that this was the best bird they had eaten since they left England; and in honour of it they called the inlet Bustard Bay. Upon the mud banks, and under the mangroves, were innumerable oysters of various kinds, and among others the hammer oyster, with a large proportion of small pearl oysters. If in deeper water there should be equal plenty of such oysters at their full growth, Mr. Cook was of opinion that a pearl fishery might be established here to very great advantage. The people who were left on board the ship asserted, that, while the gentlemen were in the woods, about twenty of the natives came down to the beach, abreast of the Endeavour, and, after having looked at her for some time, went away. Not a single Indian was seen by the gentlemen themselves, though they found various proofs, in smoke, fires, and the fragments of recent meals, that the country was inhabited. The place seemed to be much trodden, and yet not a house, or the remains of a house, could be discerned. Hence the lieutenant and his friends were disposed to believe, that the people were destitute of dwellings, as well as of clothes; and that like the other commoner of nature, they spent their nights in the open air. Tupia himself was struck with their apparently unhappy condition; and shaking his head, with an air of superiority and compassion, said that they were taata enos, 'poor wretches.' On the 25th, our voyagers, at the distance of one mile from the land, were abreast of a point, which Mr. Cook found to lie directly under the tropic of Capricorn; and for this reason he called it Cape Capricorn. In the night of the next day, when the ship had anchored at a place which was distant four leagues from Cape Capricorn, the tide rose and fell near seven feet; and the flood set to the westward, and the ebb to the eastward. This circumstance was just the reverse of what had been experienced when the Endeavour was at anchor to the eastward of Bustard Bay. While our people were under sail, on the 26th, and were surrounded with islands, which lay at different distance from the main land, they suddenly fell into three fathom of water. Upon this the lieutenant anchored, and sent away the master to sound a channel, which lay between the northernmost island and the main. Though the channel appeared to have a considerable breadth, our commander suspected it to be shallow, and such was in fact the case. The master reported, at his return, that he had only two fathom and a half in many places; and where the vessel lay at anchor, she had only sixteen feet, which was not two feet more than she drew. Mr. Banks who, while the master was sounding the channel, tried to fish from the cabin window with hook and line, was successful in catching two sort of crabs, both of them such as our navigators had not seen before. One of them was adorned with a most beautiful blue, in every respect equal to the ultramarine. With this blue all his claws and joints are deeply tinged; while the under part of him was white, and so exquisitely polished, that to colour and brightness it bore an exact resemblance to the white of old china. The other crab was also marked, though somewhat more sparingly, with the ultramarine on his joints and his toes; and on his back were three brown spots of a singular appearance. Early the next morning, Lieutenant Cook, having found the passage between the Islands, sailed to the northward, and, on the evening of the succeeding day, anchored at about two miles distance from the main. At this time a great number of islands, lying a long way without the ship, were in sight. On the 29th, the lieutenant sent away the master with two boats to sound the entrance of an inlet, which lay to the west, and into which he intended to go with the vessel, that he might wait a few days for the moon's increase, and have an opportunity of examining the country. As the tide was observed to ebb and flow considerably, when the Endeavour had anchored within the inlet, our commander judged it to be a river, that might run pretty far up into land. Thinking that this might afford a commodious situation for laying the ship ashore, and cleaning her bottom, he landed with the master, in search of a proper place for the purpose. He was accompanied in the excursion by Mr. Banks and Dr. Solander; and they found walking exceedingly troublesome, in consequence of the ground's being covered with a kind of grass, the seeds of which were very sharp and bearded. Whenever these seeds stuck into their clothes, which happened at every step, they worked forward by means of the beard, till they got at the flesh. Another disagreeable circumstance was, that the gentlemen were incessantly tormented with the stings of a cloud of musquitos. They soon met with several places where the ship might conveniently be laid ashore; but were much disappointed in not being able to find any fresh water. In proceeding up the country they found gum trees, the gum upon which existed only to very small quantities. Gum trees of a similar kind and as little productive, had occurred in other parts of the coast of New South Wales. Upon the branches of the trees were ants' nests, made of clay as big as a bushel. The ants themselves, by which the nests were inhabited, were small, and their bodies white. Upon another species of the gum trees, was found a small black ant, which perforated all the twigs, and, having worked out the pith, occupied the pipe in which it had been contained. Notwithstanding this, the parts in which these insects, to an amazing number, had formed a lodgment, bore leaves and flowers, and appeared to be entirely in a flourishing state. Butterflies were found in such multitudes, that the account of them seems almost to be incredible. The air was so crowded with them, for the space of three or four acres, that millions might be seen in every direction; and the branches and twigs of the trees were at the same time covered with others that were not upon the wing. A small fish a of singular kind was likewise met with in this place. Its size was about that of a minnow, and it had two very strong breast-fins. It was found in places which were quite dry, and where it might be supposed that it had been left by the tide; and yet it did not appear to have become languid from that circumstance: for when it was approached, it leaped away as nimbly as a frog. Indeed it did not seem to prefer water to land. Though the curiosity of Mr. Cook and his friends was gratified by the sight of these various objects, they were disappointed in the attainment of their main purpose, the discovery of fresh water; and a second excursion, which was made by them on the afternoon of the same day, was equally unsuccessful. The failure of the lieutenant's hopes determined him to make but a short stay in the place. Having, however, observed from an eminence, that the inlet penetrated a considerable way into the country, he formed a resolution of tracing it in the morning. Accordingly, at sunrise, on Wednesday the 30th of May, he went on shore, and took a view of the coast and the islands that lie off it with their bearings. For this purpose he had with him an azimuth compass; but he found, that the needle differed very considerably in its position, even to thirty degrees; the variation being in some places more, in others less. Once the needle varied from itself no less than two points in the distance of fourteen feet. Mr. Cook having taken up some of the loose stones which lay upon the ground, applied them to the needle, but they produced no effect; whence he concluded that in the hills there was iron ore, traces of which he had remarked both here and in the neighbouring parts. After he had made his observations upon the hill, he proceeded with Dr. Solander up the inlet. He set out with the first of the flood, and had advanced above eight leagues, long before it was high-water. The breadth of the inlet, thus far, was from two to five miles, upon a direction south-west by south; but here it opened every way, and formed a large lake, which to the north-west communicated with the sea. Our commander not only saw the sea in this direction, but found the tide of flood coming strongly in from that point. He observed, also, an arm of this lake extending to the eastward. Hence he thought it not improbable, that it might communicate with the sea in the bottom of the bay, which lies to the westward of the Cape, that on the chart is designated by the name of Cape Townshend. On the south side of the lake is a ridge of hills which the lieutenant was desirous of climbing. As, however, it was high water, and the day was far spent; and as the weather, in particular, was dark and rainy, he was afraid of being bewildered among the shoals in the night, and therefore was obliged to give up his inclination, and to make the best of his way to the ship. Two people only were seen by him, who followed the boat along the shore a good way at some distance; but he could not prudently wait for them, as the tide ran strongly in his favour. Several fires in one direction, and smoke in another, exhibited farther proofs of the country's being in a certain degree inhabited. While Mr. Cook, with Dr. Solander, was tracing the inlet, Mr. Banks and a party with him engaged in a separate excursion, in which they had not proceeded far within land, before their course was obstructed by a swamp, covered with mangroves. This, however, they determined to pass; and having done it with great difficulty, they came up to a place where there had been four small fires, near to which lay some shells and bones of fish, that had been roasted. Heaps of grass were also found lying together, on which four or five people appeared to have slept. Mr. Gore, in another place, observed the track of a large animal. Some bustards were likewise seen, but not any other bird, excepting a few beautiful loriquets, of the same kind with those which had been noticed in Botany Bay. The country in general, in this part of New South Wales, appeared sandy and barren, and destitute of the accommodations which could fit it for being possessed by settled inhabitants. From the ill success that attended the searching for fresh water, Lieutenant Cook called the inlet in which the ship lay Thirsty Sound. No refreshment of any other sort was here procured by our voyagers. Our commander, not having a single inducement to stay longer in this place, weighed anchor in the morning of the 31st and put to sea. In the prosecution of the voyage, when the Endeavour was close under Cape Upstart, the variation of the needle, at sunset, on the 4th of June, was 9° east, and at sunrise the next day, it was no more that 5° 35'. Hence the lieutenant concluded, that it had been influenced by iron ore, or by some other magnetical matter contained under the surface of the earth. In the afternoon of the 7th our navigators saw upon one of the islands what had the appearance of cocoa-nut trees; and as few nuts would at this time have been very acceptable, Mr. Cook sent Lieutenant Hicks ashore, to see if he could procure any refreshment. He was accompanied by Mr. Banks and Dr. Solander; and in the evening the gentlemen returned, with an account that what had been taken for cocoa-nut trees were a small kind of cabbage-palm, and that, excepting about fourteen or fifteen plants, nothing could be obtained which was worth bringing away. On the 8th, when the Endeavour was in the midst of a cluster of small islands, our voyagers discerned with their glasses, upon one of the nearest of these islands, about thirty of the natives, men, women, and children, all standing together, and looking with great attention at the ship. This was the first instance of curiosity that had been observed among the people of the country. The present Indian spectators were entirely naked. Their hair was short, and their complexion the same with that of such of the inhabitants as had been seen before. In navigating the coast of New South Wales, where the sea in all parts conceals shoals, which suddenly project from the shore, and rocks, that rise abruptly like a pyramid from the bottom, our commander had hitherto conducted his vessel in safety, for an extent of two and twenty degrees of latitude, being more than one thousand three hundred miles. But, on the 10th of June, as he was pursuing his course from a bay to which he had given the name of Trinity Bay, the Endeavour fell into a situation, as critical and dangerous, as any that is recorded in the history of navigation; a history which abounds with perilous adventures, and almost miraculous escapes. Our voyagers were now near the latitude assigned to the islands that were discovered by Quiros, and which, without sufficient reason, some geographers have thought proper to join to this land. The ship had the advantage of a fine breeze, and a clear moonlight night; and in standing off from six till near nine o'clock, she had deepened her water from fourteen to twenty-one fathom. But while our navigators were at supper, it suddenly shoaled, and they fell into twelve, ten, and eight fathom, within the compass of a few minutes. Mr. Cook immediately ordered every man to his station, and all was ready to put about and come to an anchor, when deep water being met with again at the next cast of the lead, it was concluded that the vessel had gone over the tail of the shoals which had been seen at sun-set, and that the danger was now over. The idea of security was confirmed by the water's continuing to deepen to twenty and twenty-one fathom, so that the gentlemen left the deck in great tranquillity, and went to bed. However, a little before eleven, the water shoaled at once from twenty to seventeen fathom, and before the lead could be cast again, the ship struck, and remained immoveable, excepting so far as she was influenced by the heaving of the surge, that beat her against the crags of the rock upon which she lay. A few moments brought every person upon deck, with countenances suited to the horrors of the situation. As our people knew, from the breeze which they had in the evening, that they could not be very near the shore, there was too much reason to conclude, that they were on a rock of coral, which, on account of the sharpness of its points, and the roughness of its surface, is more fatal than any other. On examining the depth of water round the ship, it was speedily discovered that the misfortune of our voyagers was equal to their apprehensions. The vessel had been lifted over a ledge of the rock, and lay in a hollow within it, in some places of which hollow there were from three to four fathom, and in others not so many feet of water. To complete the scene of distress, it appeared from the light of the moon, that the sheathing boards from the bottom of the ship were floating away all around her, and at last her false keel; so that every moment was making way for the whole company's being swallowed up by the rushing in of the sea. There was now no chance but to lighten her, and the opportunity had unhappily been lost of doing it to the best advantage; for, as the Endeavour had gone ashore just at high water, and by this time it had considerably fallen, she would, when lightened, be but in the same situation as at first. The only alleviation of this circumstance was, that as the tide ebbed, the vessel settled to the rocks, and was not beaten against them with so much violence. Our people had, indeed, some hope from the next tide, though it was doubtful whether the ship would hold together so long, especially as the rock kept grating part of her bottom with such force as to be heard in the fore store-room. No effort, however, was remitted from despair of success. That no time might be lost, the water was immediately started in the hold, and pumped up; six guns, being all that were upon the deck, a quantity of iron and stone ballast, casks, hoop-staves, oil jars, decayed stores, and a variety, of things besides, were thrown overboard with the utmost expedition. Every one exerted himself not only without murmuring and discontent, but even with an alacrity which almost approached to cheerfulness. So sensible, at the same time, were the men of the awfulness of their situation, that not an oath was heard among them, the detestable habit of profane swearing being instantly subdued by the dread of incurring guilt when a speedy death was in view. When Lieutenant Cook and all the people about him were thus employed, the opening of the morning of the 11th of June presented them with a fuller prospect of their danger. The land was seen by them at about eight leagues distance, without any island in the intermediate space upon which, if the ship had gong to pieces, they might have been set ashore by the boats, and carried thence by different turns to the main. Gradually, however, the wind died away, and, early in the forenoon, it became a dead calm; a circumstance this, peculiarly happy in the order of Divine Providence; for if it had blown hard, the vessel must inevitably have been destroyed. High water being expected at eleven in the morning, and every thing being made ready to heave her off if she should float; to the inexpressible surprise and concern of our navigators, so much did the day tide fall short of that of the night, that though they had lightened the ship nearly fifty ton, she did not float by a foot and a half. Hence it became necessary to lighten her still more, and every thing was thrown overboard that could possibly be spared. Hitherto the Endeavour had not admitted much water; but as the tide fell, it rushed in so fast, that she could scarcely be kept free, though two pumps were incessantly worked. There were now no hopes but from the tide at midnight; to prepare for taking the advantage of which the most vigorous efforts were exerted. About five o'clock in the afternoon the tide began to rise, but, at the same time, the leak increased to a most alarming degree. Two more pumps, therefore, were manned, one of which unhappily would not work. Three pumps, however, were kept going, and at nine o'clock the ship righted. Nevertheless, the leak had gained so considerably upon her, that it was imagined that she must go to the bottom, as soon as she ceased to be supported by the rock. It was, indeed, a dreadful circumstance to our commander and his people, that they were obliged to anticipate the floating of the vessel, not as an earnest of their deliverance, but as an event which probably would precipitate their destruction. They knew that their boats were not capable of carrying the whole of them on shore, and that when the dreadful crisis should arrive, all command and subordination being at an end, a contest for preference might be expected, which would increase even the horrors of shipwreck, and turn their rage against each other. Some of them were sensible that if they should escape to the main land, they were likely to suffer more upon the whole, than those who would be left on board to perish in the waves. The latter would only be exposed to instant death; whereas the former, when they got on shore, would have no lasting or effectual defence against the natives, in a part of the country where even nets and fire-arms could scarcely furnish them with food. But supposing that they should find the means of subsistence; how horrible must be their state, to be condemned to languish out the remainder of their lives in a desolate wilderness without the possession or hope of domestic comfort; and to be cut off from all commerce with mankind, excepting that of the naked savages, who prowl the desert, and who perhaps are some of the most rude and uncivilized inhabitants of the earth. The dreadful moment which was to determine the fate of our voyagers now drew on; and every one saw, in the countenances of his companions, the picture of his own sensations. Not, however, giving way to despair, the lieutenant ordered the capstan and windlass to be manned with as many hands as could be spared from the pumps, and the ship having floated about twenty minutes after ten o'clock, the grand effort was made, and she was heaved into deep water. It was no small consolation to find, that she did not now admit of more water than she had done when upon the rock. By the gaining, indeed, of the leak upon the pumps, three feet and nine inches of water were in the hold; notwithstanding which, the men did not relinquish their labour. Thus they held the water as it were at bay: but having endured excessive fatigue of body, and agitation of mind, for more than twenty-four hours, and all this being attended with little hope of final success, they began, at length, to flag. None of them could work at the pump above five or six minutes together, after which, being totally exhausted they threw themselves down upon the deck, though a stream of water, between three or four inches deep, was running over it from the pumps. When those who succeeded them had worked their time, and in their turn were exhausted, they threw themselves down in the same manner and the others started up again, to renew their labour. While thus they were employed in relieving each other, an accident was very nearly putting an immediate end to all their efforts. The planking which lines the ship's bottom is called the ceiling, between which and the outside planking there is a space of about eighteen inches. From this ceiling only, the man who had hitherto attended the well had taken the depth of the water, and had given the measure accordingly. But, upon his being relieved, the person who came in his room reckoned the depth to the outside planking which had the appearance of the leak's having gained upon the pumps eighteen inches in a few minutes. The mistake, however, was soon detected; and the accident, which in its commencement was very formidable to them, became, in fact, highly advantageous. Such was the joy which every man felt at finding his situation better than his fears had suggested, that it operated with wonderful energy, and seemed to possess him with a strong persuasion that scarcely any real danger remained. New confidence and new hope inspired fresh vigour; and the efforts of the men were exerted with so much alacrity and spirit, that before eight o'clock in the morning the pumps had gained considerably upon the leak. All the conversation now turned upon carrying the ship into some harbour, as a thing not to be doubted; and as hands could be spared from the pumps, they were employed in getting up the anchors. It being found impossible to save the little bower anchor, it was cut away at a whole cable, and the cable of the stream anchor was lost among the rocks; but in the situation of our people, these were trifles which scarcely attracted their notice. The fore topmast and fore yard were next erected, and there being a breeze from the sea, the Endeavour, at eleven o'clock, got once more under sail, and stood for the land. Notwithstanding these favourable circumstances, our voyagers were still very far from being in a state of safety. It was not possible long to continue the labour by which the pumps had been made to gain upon the leak; and as the exact place of it could not be discovered, there was no hope of stopping it within. At this crisis, Mr. Monkhouse, one of the midshipmen, came to Lieutenant Cook, and proposed an expedient he had once seen used on board a merchant ship, which had sprung a leak that admitted more than four feet water in an hour, and which by this means had been safely brought from Virginia to London. To Mr. Monkhouse, therefore, the care of the expedient, which is called forthering the ship, was, with proper assistance, committed; and his method of proceeding was as follows. He took a lower studding sail, and having mixed together a large quantity of oakum and wool, he stitched it down as lightly as possible, in handfuls upon the sail, and spread over it the dung of the sheep of the vessel, and ether filth. The sail being thus prepared, it was hauled under the ship's bottom by ropes, which kept it extended. When it came under the leak, the suction that carried in the water, carried in with it the oakum and wool from the surface of the sail. In other parts the water was not sufficiently agitated to wash off the oakum and the wool. The success of the expedient was answerable to the warmest expectations; for hereby the leak was so far reduced, that, instead of gaining upon three pumps, it was easily kept under with one. Here was such a new source of confidence and comfort, that our people could scarcely have expressed more joy, if they had been already in port. It had lately been the utmost object of their hope, to run the ship ashore in some harbour, either of an island or the main, and to build a vessel out of her materials, to carry them to the East Indies. Nothing, however, was now thought of but to range along the coast in search of a convenient place to repair the damage the Endeavour had sustained, and then to prosecute the voyage upon the same plan as if no impediment had happened. In justice and gratitude to the ship's company, and the gentlemen on board, Mr. Cook has recorded, that although in the midst of their distress all of them seemed to have a just sense of their danger, no man gave way to passionate exclamations, or frantic gestures. 'Every one appeared to have the perfect possession of his mind, and every one exerted himself to the utmost, with a quiet and patient perseverance, equally distant from the tumultuous violence of terror, and the gloomy inactivity of despair.' Though the lieutenant hath said nothing of himself, it is well known that his own composure, fortitude, and activity, were equal to the greatness of the occasion. To complete the history of this wonderful preservation, it is necessary to bring forward a circumstance, which could not be discovered till the ship was laid down to be repaired. It was then found, that one of her holes, which was large enough to have sunk our navigators, if they had had eight pumps instead of four, and had been able to keep them incessantly going, was in a great measure filled up by a fragment of the rock, upon which the Endeavour had struck. To this singular event, therefore, it was owing, that the water did not pour in with a violence, which must speedily have involved the Endeavour and all her company in inevitable destruction. Hitherto none of the names, by which our commander had distinguished the several parts of the country seen by him, were memorials of distress. But the anxiety and danger, which he and his people had now experienced, induced him to call the point in sight, which lay to the northward, Cape Tribulation. The next object, after this event, was to look out for a harbour, where the defects of the ship might be repaired, and the vessel put into proper order for future navigation. On the 14th, a small harbour was happily discovered, which was excellently adapted to the purpose. It was, indeed, remarkable, that, during the whole course of the voyage, our people had seen no place which, in their present circumstances, could have afforded them the same relief. They could not, however, immediately get into it; and in the midst of all their joy for their unexpected deliverance, they had not forgotten that there was nothing but a lock of wool between them and destruction. At this time, the scurvy, with many formidable symptoms, began to make its appearance among our navigators. Tupia, in particular, was so grievously affected with the disease, that all the remedies prescribed by the surgeon could not retard its progress. Mr. Green, the astronomer, was also upon the decline. These and other circumstances embittered the delay which prevented our commander and his companions from getting on shore. In the morning of the 17th, though the wind was still fresh, the lieutenant ventured to weigh, and to put in for the harbour, the entrance into which was by a very narrow channel. In making the attempt, the ship was twice run aground. At the first time she went off without any trouble, but the second time, she stuck fast. Nevertheless, by proper exertions, in conjunction with the rising of the tide, she floated about one o'clock in the afternoon, and was soon warped into the harbour. The succeeding day was employed in erecting two tents, in landing the provisions and stores, and in making every preparation for repairing the damages which the Endeavour had sustained. In the meanwhile, Mr. Cook, who had ascended one of the highest hills that overlooked the harbour was by no means entertained with a comfortable prospect; the low land near the river being wholly overrun with mangroves, among which the salt water flows at every tide, and the high land appearing to be altogether stony and barren. Mr. Banks also took a walk up the country, and met with the frames of several old Indian houses, and places where the natives, though not recently, had dressed shell fish. The boat, which had this day been dispatched to haul the seine, with a view of procuring some fish for the refreshment of the sick, returned without success. Tupia was more fortunate. Having employed himself in angling, and lived entirely upon what he caught, he recovered in a surprising degree. Mr. Green, to the regret of his friends, exhibited no symptoms of returning health. On the 19th, Mr. Banks crossed the river, to take a farther view of the country; which he found to consist principally of sand hills. Some Indian houses were seen by him, that appeared to have been very lately inhabited; and in his walk be met with large flocks of pigeons and crows. The pigeons were exceedingly beautiful. Of these he shot several; but the crows, which were exactly like those in England, were so shy, that they never came within the reach of his gun. It was not till the 22nd, that the tide so far left the Endeavour, as to give our people an opportunity of examining her leak. In the place where it was found, the rocks had made their way through four planks, and even into the timbers. Three more planks were greatly damaged, and there was something very extraordinary in the appearance of the breaches. Not a splinter was to be seen, but all was as smooth as if the whole had been cut away by an instrument. It was a peculiarly happy circumstance, that the timbers were here very close, since otherwise the ship could not possibly have been saved. Now also it was that the fragment of rock was discovered, which, by sticking in the leak of the vessel had been such a providential instrument of her preservation. On the same day, some of the people who had been sent to shoot pigeons for the sick, and who had discovered many Indian houses, and a fine stream of fresh water reported at their return, that they had seen an animal as large as a greyhound, of a slender make, of a mouse colour, and extremely swift. As the lieutenant was walking, on the morning of the 24th, at a little distance from the ship, he had an opportunity of seeing an animal of the same kind. From the description he gave of it, and from an imperfect view which occurred to Mr. Banks, the latter gentleman was of opinion that its species was hitherto unknown. The position of the vessel, while she was refitting for sea, was very near depriving the world of that botanical knowledge, which Mr. Banks had procured at the expense of so much labour, and such various perils. For the greater security of the curious collection of plants which he had made during the whole voyage, he had removed them into the bread room. This room is in the after part of the ship, the head of which, for the purpose of repairing her, was laid much higher than the stern. No one having thought of the danger to which this circumstance might expose the plants, they were found to be under water. However, by the exercise of unremitting care and attention, the larger part of them were restored to a state of preservation. On the 29th of June, at two o'clock in the morning Mr. Cook, in conjunction with Mr. Green, observed an emersion of Jupiter's first satellite. The time here was 2h 18' 53", which gave the longitude of the place at 214° 42' 30" west: its latitude is 15° 26' south. The next morning the lieutenant sent some of the young gentlemen to take a plan of the harbour, whilst he himself ascended a hill, that he might gain a full prospect of the sea: and it was a prospect which presented him with a lively view of the difficulties of his situation. To his great concern he saw innumerable sand-banks and shoals, lying in every direction of the coast. Some of them extended as far as he could discern with his glass, and many of them did but just rise above water. To the northward there was an appearance of a passage, and this was the only direction to which our commander could hope to get clear, in the prosecution of his voyage; for, as the wind blew constantly from the south-east, to return by the southward would have been extremely difficult, if not absolutely impossible. On this, and the preceding day, our people had been very successful in hauling the seine. The supply of fish was so great, that the lieutenant was now able to distribute two pounds and a half to each man. A quantity of greens having likewise been gathered, he ordered them to be boiled with peas. Hence an excellent mess was produced, which, in conjunction with the fish, afforded an unspeakable refreshment to the whole of the ship's company. Early in the morning of the 2d of July, Lieutenant Cook sent the master out of the harbour, in the pinnace, to sound about the shoals, and to search for a channel to the northward. A second attempt, which was made this day, to heave off the ship, was as unsuccessful as a former one had been. The next day the master returned, and reported that he had found a passage out to sea, between the shoals. On one of these shoals, which consisted of coral rocks, many of which were dry at low water, he had landed, and found there cockles, of so enormous a size, that a single cockle was more than two men could eat. At the same place he met with a great variety of other shell fish, and brought back with him a plentiful supply for the use of his fellow voyagers. At high water, this day, another effort was made to float the ship, which happily succeeded; but it being found, that she had sprung a plank between decks, it became necessary to lay her ashore a second time. The lieutenant, being anxious to attain a perfect knowledge of the state of the vessel, got one of the carpenters crew, a man in whom he could confide, to dive on the fifth to her bottom, that he might examine the place where the sheathing had been rubbed off. His report, which was, that three streaks of the sheathing, about eight feet long, were wanting, and that the main plank had been a little rubbed, was perfectly agreeable to the account that had been given before by the master and others, who had made the same examination; and our commander had the consolation of finding, that, in the opinion of the carpenter, this matter would be of little consequence. The other damage, therefore, being repaired, the ship was again floated at high water, and all hands were employed in taking the stores on board, and in putting her into a condition for proceeding on her voyage. To the harbour in which she was refitted for the sea, Mr. Cook gave the name of the Endeavour River. On the morning of the 6th, Mr. Banks accompanied by Lieutenant Gore, and three men, set out in a small boat up the river, with a view of spending a few days in examining the country. In this expedition nothing escaped his notice, which related either to the natural history or the inhabitants of the places he visited. Though he met with undoubted proofs, that several of the natives were at no great distance, none of them came within sight. Having found, upon the whole, that the country did not promise much advantage from a farther search, he and his party re-embarked in their boat, and returned, on the 8th, to the ship. During their excursion, they had slept upon the ground in perfect security, and without once reflecting upon the danger they would have incurred, if, in that situation, they had been discovered by the Indians. Lieutenant cook had not been satisfied with the account which the master had given of his having traced a passage between the shoals, into the sea. He sent him out, therefore, a second time, upon the same business; and, on his return, he made a different report. Having been seven leagues out at sea, the master was now of opinion, that there was no such passage as he had before imagined. His expedition, however, though in this respect unsuccessful, was not wholly without its advantage. On the very rock where he had seen the large cockles, he met with a great number of turtle; and though he had no better an instrument than a boat hook, three of them were caught, which together weighed seven hundred and ninety-one pounds. An attempt, which, by order of the lieutenant, was made the next morning to obtain some more turtle, failed, through the misconduct of the same officer, who had been so fortunate on the preceding day. Hitherto the natives of this part of the country had eagerly avoided holding any intercourse with our people: but at length their minds, through the good management of Mr. Cook, became more favourably disposed. Four of them having appeared, on the 10th, in a small canoe, and seeming to be busily employed in striking fish, some of the ships company were for going over to them in a boat. This, however, the lieutenant would not permit, repeated experience having convinced him that it was more likely to prevent than to procure an interview. He determined to pursue a contrary method, and to try what could be done by letting them alone, and not appearing to make them, in the least degree, the objects of his notice. So successful was this plan, that after some preparatory intercourse, they came alongside the ship, without expressing any fear or distrust. The conference was carried on, by signs, with the utmost cordiality till dinner time, when, being invited by our people to go with them and partake of their provision, they declined it, and went away in their canoe. One of these Indians was somewhat above the middle age; the three others were young. Their statue was of the common size, but their limbs were remarkably small. The colour of their skin was a dark chocolate. Their hair was black, but not woolly; and their features were far from being disagreeable. They had lively eyes, and their teeth were even and white. The tones of their voices were soft and musical, and there was a flexibility in their organs of speech, which enabled them to repeat with great facility many of the words pronounced by the English. On the next morning, our voyagers had another visit from four of the natives. Three of them were the same who had appeared the day before, but the fourth was a stranger, to whom his companions gave the name of Yaparico. He was distinguished by a very peculiar ornament. This was the bone of a bird nearly as thick as a man's finger, and five or six inches long, which he had thrust into a hole, made in the gristle that divides the nostrils. An instance of the like kind, and only one, had been seen in New Zealand. It was found, however, that among all these people the same part of the nose was perforated; that they had holes in their ears; and that they had bracelets, made of plaited hair, upon the upper part of their arms. Thus the love of ornament takes place among them though they are absolutely destitute of apparel. Three Indians, on the 12th, ventured down to Tupia's tent, and were so well pleased with their reception, that one of them went with his canoe to fetch two others, who had never been seen by the English. On his return, he introduced the strangers by name, a ceremony which was never omitted upon such occasions. From a father acquaintance with the natives, it was found, that the colour of their skins was not so dark as had at first been apprehended, and that all of them were remarkably clean-limbed, and extremely active and nimble. Their language appeared to be more harsh than that of the islanders to the South Sea. On the 14th, Mr. Gore had the good fortune to kill one of the animals before mentioned, and which had been the subject of much speculation. It is called by the natives Kanguroo; and when dressed proved most excellent meat. Indeed, our navigators might now be said to fare sumptuously every day; for they had turtle in great plenty, and it was agreed that these were far superior to any which our people had ever tasted in England. This the gentlemen justly imputed to their being eaten fresh from the sea, before their natural fat had been wasted, or their juices changed, by the situation and diet they are exposed to when kept in tubs. Most of the turtle here caught were of the kind called green turtle, and their weight was from two to three hundred pounds. In the morning of the 16th, while the men were engaged in their usual employment of getting the ship ready for the sea, our commander climbed one of the heights on the north side of the river, and obtained from it an extensive view of the inland country, which he found agreeably diversified by hills, valleys, and large plains, that in many places were richly covered with wood. This evening, the lieutenant and Mr. Green observed an emersion of the first satellite of Jupiter, which gave 214° 53' 45" of longitude. The observation taken on the 29th of June had given 214° 48' 30"; and the mean was 214° 48' 7-1/2", being the longitude of the place west of Greenwich. On the 17th, Mr. Cook sent the master and one of the mates in the pinnace, to search for a channel northward; after which, accompanied by Mr. Banks and Dr. Solander, he went into the woods on the other side of the water. In this excursion, the gentlemen had a farther opportunity of improving that acquaintance with the Indians, who by degrees became so familiar, that several of them the next day ventured on board the ship. There the lieutenant left them, apparently much entertained, that he might go with Mr. Banks to take a farther survey of the country, and especially to indulge an anxious curiosity they had of looking round about them upon the sea; of which they earnestly wished, but scarcely dared to hope, that they might obtain a favourable and encouraging prospect. When, after having walked along the shore seven or eight miles to the northward, they ascended a very high hill, the view which presented itself to them inspired nothing but melancholy apprehensions. In every direction they saw rocks and shoals without number; and there appeared to be no passage out to sea, but through the winding channels between them, the navigation of which could not be accomplished without the utmost degree of difficulty and danger. The spirits of the two gentlemen were not raised by this excursion. On the 19th, our voyagers were visited by ten of the natives: and six or seven more were seen at a distance, chiefly women, who were as naked as the male inhabitants of the country. There being at that time a number of turtles on the deck of the ship, the Indians who came on board were determined to get one of them; and expressed great disappointment and anger, when our people refused to comply with their wishes. Several attempts were made by them to secure what they wanted by force; but all their efforts proving unsuccessful, they suddenly leaped into their canoe in a transport of rage, and paddled towards the shore. The lieutenant, with Mr. Banks, and five or six of the ship's crew, immediately went into the boat, and got ashore, where many of the English were engaged in various employments. As soon as the natives reached the land, they seized their arms, which had been laid up in a tree, and having snatched a brand from under a pitch-kettle that was boiling, made a circuit to the windward of the few things our people had on shore, and with surprising quickness and dexterity set on fire to the grass in that way. The grass, which was as dry as stubble, and five or six feet high, burned with surprising fury; and a tent of Mr. Banks's would have been destroyed if that gentleman had not immediately got some of the men to save it, by hauling it down upon the beach. Every part of the smith's forge that would burn was consumed. This transaction was followed by another of the same nature. In spite of threats and entreaties, the Indians went to a different place, where several of the Endeavour's crew were washing, and where the seine, the other nets, and a large quantity of linen were laid out to dry, and again set fire to the grass. The audacity of this fresh attack rendered it necessary that a musket, loaded with small shot, should be discharged at one of them; who being wounded at the distance of about forty yards they all betook themselves to flight. In the last instance the fire was extinguished before it had made any considerable progress; but where it had first began, it spread far into the woods. The natives being still in sight, Mr. Cook, to convince them that they had not yet gotten out of his reach, fired a musket, charged with ball, abreast of them among the mangroves, upon which they quickened their pace, and were soon out of view. It was now expected that they would have given our navigators no farther trouble; but in a little time their voices were heard in the woods, and it was perceived that they came nearer and nearer. The lieutenant, therefore, together with Mr. Banks, and three or four more persons, set out to meet them; and the result of the interview, in consequence of the prudent and lenient conduct of our commander and his friends, was a complete reconciliation. Soon after the Indians went away, the woods were seen to be on fire at the distance of about two miles. This accident, if it had happened a little sooner, might have produced dreadful effects; for the powder had been but a few days on board, and it was not many hours that the store tents, with all the valuable things contained in it had been removed. From the fury with which the grass would burn in this hot climate, and the difficulty of extinguishing the fire, our voyagers determined never to expose themselves to the like danger, but to clear the ground around them, if ever again they should be under the necessity of pitching their tents in such a situation. In the evening of this day, when every thing was gotten on board the ship, and she was nearly ready for sailing, the master returned with the disagreeable account that there was no passage for her to the northward. The next morning, the lieutenant himself sounded and buoyed the bar. At this time, all the hills for many miles round were on fire, and the appearance they assumed at night was eminently striking and splendid. In an excursion which was made by Mr. Banks, on the 23rd, to gather plants, he found the greatest part of the cloth that had been given to the Indians lying in a heap together. This, as well as the trinkets which had been bestowed upon them, they probably regarded as useless lumber. Indeed, they seemed to set little value on any thing possessed by our people, excepting their turtle, and that was a commodity which could not be spared. As Lieutenant Cook was prevented by blowing weather from attempting to get out to sea, Mr. Banks and Dr. Solander seized another opportunity, on the 24th, of pursuing their botanical researches. Having traversed the woods the greater part of the day, without success, as they were returning through a deep valley they discovered lying upon the ground several marking nuts, anacardiam orientale. Animated with the hope of meeting the tree that bore them, a tree which perhaps no European botanist had ever seen, they sought for it with great diligence and labour, but to no purpose. While Mr. Banks was again gleaning the country, on the 26th, to enlarge his treasure of natural history, he had the good fortune to take an animal of the oppossum tribe, together with two young ones. It was a female, and though not exactly of the same species, much resembled the remarkable animal which Mons. de Buffon hath described by the name of phalanger. On the morning of the 29th, the weather becoming calm, and a light breeze having sprung up by land, Lieutenant Cook sent a boat to see what water was upon the bar, and all things were made ready for putting to sea. But, on the return of the boat, the officer reported, that there were only thirteen feet of water on the bar. As the ship drew thirteen feet six inches, and the sea-breeze set in again in the evening, all hope of sailing on that day was given up. The weather being more moderate on the 31st, the lieutenant had thoughts of trying to warp the vessel out of the harbour; but upon going out himself to the boat, he found, that the wind still blew so fresh, that it would not be proper to make the attempt. A disagreeable piece of intelligence occured on the succeeding day. The carpenter, who had examined the pumps, reported, that they were all of them in a state of decay. One of them was so rotten, that, when hoisted up, it dropped to pieces, and the rest were not in a much better condition. The chief confidence, therefore, of our navigators was now in the soundness of the ship; and it was a happy circumstance, that she did not admit more than one inch of water in an hour. Early on the 3rd of August, another unsuccessful attempt was made to warp the vessel out of the harbour but in the morning of the next day the efforts of our voyagers were more prosperous, and the Endeavour got once more under sail with a light air from the land, which soon died away, and was followed by sea-breezes from south-east by south. With these breezes the ship stood off to sea, east by north, having the pinnace ahead, which was ordered to keep sounding without intermission. A little before noon the lieutenant anchored in fifteen fathom water, with a sandy bottom, the reason of which was, that he did not think it safe to run in among the shoals, till, by taking a view of them from the mast-head at low water, he might be able to form some judgment which way it would be proper for him to steer. This was a matter of nice and arduous determination. As yet Mr. Cook was in doubt, whether he should beat back to the southward, round all the shoals, or seek a passage to the eastward or the northward: nor was it possible to say, whether each of these courses might not be attended with equal difficulty and danger. The impartiality and humanity of Lieutenant Cook's conduct in the distribution of provisions ought not to pass unnoticed. Whatever turtle or other fish were caught, they were always equally divided among the whole ship's crew, the meanest person on board having the same share with the lieutenant himself. He hath justly observed, that this is a rule which every commander will find it his interest to follow, in a voyage of a similiar nature. Great difficulties occured in the navigation from the Endeavour river. On the 5th of August, the lieutenant had not kept his course long, before shoals were discovered in every quarter, which obliged him, as night approached, to come to an anchor. In the morning of the 6th there was so strong a gale, that our voyagers were prevented from weighing. When it was low water, Mr. Cook, with several of his officers, kept a look-out at the mast head, to see if any passage could be discovered between the shoals. Nothing, however, was in view, excepting breakers, which extended from the south round by the east as far as to the north-west, and reached out to sea, beyond the sight of any of the gentlemen. It did not appear that these breakers were caused by one continued shoal, but by several, which lay detached from each other. On that which was farthest to the eastward, the sea broke very high, so that the lieutenant was induced to think, that it was the outermost shoal. He was now convinced, that there was no passage to sea, but through the labyrinth formed by these shoals; and, at the same time, he was wholly at a loss what course to steer, when the weather should permit the vessel to sail. The master's opinion was, that our navigators should beat back the way they came; but as the wind blew strongly, and almost without intermission, from that quarter, this would have been an endless labour: and yet, if a passage could not be found to the northward, there was no other alternative. Amidst these anxious deliberations, the gale increased, and continued, with little remission, till the morning of the 10th, when the weather becoming more moderate, our commander weighed, and stood in for the land. He had now come to a final determination of seeking a passage along the shore to the northward. In pursuance of this resolution, the Endeavour proceeded in her course, and at noon came between the farthermost headland that lay in sight, and three islands which were four or five leagues to the north of it, out at sea. Here our navigators thought they saw a clear opening before them, and began to hope that they were once more out of danger. Of this hope, however, they were soon deprived; on which account, the lieutenant gave to the headland the name of Cape Flattery. After he had steered some time along the shore, for what was believed to be the open channel, the petty officer at the mast-head cried aloud, that he saw land ahead, which extended quite round to the three islands, and that between the ship and them there was a large reef. Mr. Cook, upon this, ran up the mast-head himself, and plainly discerned the reef, which was so far to the windward, that it could not be weathered. As to the land which the petty officer had supposed to be the main, our commander was of opinion, that it was only a cluster of small islands. The master, and some others, who went up the mast-head after the lieutenant, were entirely of a different opinion. All of them were positive that the land in sight did not consist of islands, but that it was a part of the main: and they rendered their report still more alarming, by adding, that they saw breakers around them on every side. In a situation so critical and doubtful, Mr. Cook thought proper to come to an anchor, under a high point which he immediately ascended, that he might have a farther view of the sea and the country. The prospect he had from this place, which he called Point Look-out, clearly confirmed him in his former opinion; the justness of which displayed one of the numerous instances, wherein it was manifest, how much he exceeded the people about him in sagacity of his judgment concerning matters of navigation. The lieutenant, being anxious to discover more distinctly the situation of the shoals, and the channel between them, determined to visit the northernmost and largest of the three islands before mentioned; which, from its height and its lying five leagues out to sea, was peculiarly adapted to his purpose. Accordingly, in company with Mr. Banks, whose fortitude and curiosity stimulated him to take a share in every undertaking, he set out in the pinnace, on the morning of the 11th, upon this expedition. He sent, at the same time, the master in the yawl, to sound between the low islands and the mainland. About one o'clock, the gentlemen reached the place of their destination, and immediately, with a mixture of hope and fear, proportioned to the importance of the business, and the uncertainty of the event, ascended the highest hill they could find. When the lieutenant took a survey of the prospect around him, he discovered, on the outside of the islands, and at the distance of two or three leagues from them, a reef of rocks, upon which the sea broke in a dreadful surf, and which extended farther than his sight could reach. Hence, however, he collected, that there was no shoals beyond them; and, as he perceived several breaks or openings in the reef, and deep water between that and the islands, he entertained hopes of getting without the rocks. But though he saw reason to indulge, in some degree, this expectation, the haziness of the weather prevented him from obtaining that satisfactory intelligence which he ardently desired. He determined, therefore, by staying all night upon the island, to try whether the next day would not afford him a more distinct and comprehensive prospect. Accordingly, the gentlemen took up their lodging under the shelter of a bush, which grew upon the beach. Not many hours were devoted by them to sleep; for, at three in the morning, Mr. Cook mounted the hill a second time, but had the mortification of finding the weather much more hazy than it had been on the preceding day. He had early sent the pinnace, with one of the mates, to sound between the island and the reefs, and to examine what appeared to be a channel through them. The mate, in consequence of its blowing hard, did not dare to venture into the channel, which he reported to be very narrow. Nevertheless, our commander, who judged, from the description of the place, that it had been seen to disadvantage, was not discouraged by this account. While the lieutenant was engaged in his survey, Mr. Banks, always attentive to the great object of natural history, collected some plants which he had never met with before. No animals were perceived upon the place, excepting lizards, for which reason the gentlemen gave it the name of Lizard Island. In their return to the ship, they landed on a low sandy island that had trees upon it, and which abounded with an incredible number of birds, principally sea-fowl. Here they found the nest of an eagle, and the nest of some other bird, of what species they could not distinguish; but it must certainly be one of the largest kinds that exist. This was apparent from the enormous size of the nest, which was built with sticks upon the ground, and was no less than six and twenty feet in circumference, and two feet eight inches in height. The spot which the gentlemen were now upon they called Eagle Island. When Lieutenant Cook got on board he entered into a very serious deliberation concerning the course he should pursue. After considering what he had seen himself and the master's report, he was of opinion, that by keeping in with the main land, he should run the risk of being locked in by the great reef, and of being compelled at last to return back in search of another passage. By the delay that would hence be occasioned, our navigators would almost certainly be prevented from getting in time to the East Indies, which was a matter of the utmost importance, and indeed of absolute necessity; for they had now not much more than three months' provision on board, at short allowance. The judgment the lieutenant had formed together with the facts and appearances on which it was grounded, he stated to his officers, by whom it was unanimously agreed, that the best thing they could do would be to quit the coast entirely, till they could approach it again with less danger. In pursuance of this resolution, the Endeavour, early in the morning of the 13th, got under sail, and successfully passed through one of the channels or openings in the outer reef, which Mr. Cook had seen from the island. When the ship had gotten without the breakers, there was no ground within one hundred and fifty fathom, and our people found a large sea rolling in upon them from the south-east. This was a certain sign that neither land nor shoals were near them in that direction. So happy a change in the situation of our voyagers was sensibly felt in every breast, and was visible in every countenance. They had been little less than three months in a state that perpetually threatened them with destruction. Frequently had they passed their nights at anchor within hearing of the surge, that broke over the shoals and rocks; and they knew, that, if by any accident the anchors should not hold against an almost continual tempest, they must in a few minutes inevitably perish. They had sailed three hundred and sixty leagues, without once, even for a moment, having a man out of the chains heaving the lead. This was a circumstance which perhaps never had happened to any other vessel. But now our navigators found themselves in an open sea with deep water; and the joy they experienced was proportioned to their late danger, and their present security. Nevertheless, the very waves, which proved by their swell that our people had no rocks or shoals to fear, convinced them, at the same time, that they could not put a confidence in the ship equal to what they had done before she struck. So far were the leaks widened by the blows she received from the waves, that she admitted no less than nine inches of water in an hour. If the company had not been lately in so much more imminent danger, this fact, considering the state of the pumps, and the navigation which was still in view, would have been a matter of very serious concern. The passage or channel, through which the Endeavour passed into the open sea beyond the reef, lies in latitude 14° 32' south. It may always be known by the three high islands within it, to which, on account of the use they may be of in guiding the way of future voyagers, our commander gave the appellation of the islands of Direction. It was not a long time that our navigators enjoyed the satisfaction of being free from the alarm of danger. As they were pursuing their course in the night of the 15th, they sounded frequently, but had no bottom with one hundred and forty fathom, nor any ground with the same length of line. Nevertheless, at four in the morning of the 16th, they plainly heard the roaring of the surf, and at break of day saw it foaming to a vast height, at not more than the distance of mile. The waves, which rolled in upon the reef, carried the vessel towards it with great rapidity; and, at the same time, our people could reach no ground with an anchor, and had not a breath of wind for the sail. In a situation so dreadful, there was no resource but in the boats; and most unhappily, the pinnace was under repair. By the help, however, of the long-boat and the yawl, which were sent ahead to tow, the ship's head was got round to the northward, a circumstance which might delay, if it could not prevent destruction. This was not effected till six o'clock, and our voyagers were not then a hundred yards from the rock, upon which the same billow had washed the side of the vessel broke to a tremendous height, the very next time it rose. There was only, therefore, a dreary valley between the English and destruction; a valley no wider than the base of one wave, while the sea under them was unfathomable. The carpenter, in the meanwhile, having hastily patched up the pinnace, she was hoisted out, and sent ahead to tow in aid of the other boats. But all these efforts would have been ineffectual, if a light air of wind had not sprung up, just at the crisis of our people's fate. It was so light an air, that at any other time it would not have been observed: but it was sufficient to turn the scale in favour of our navigators; and in conjunction with the assistance which was afforded by the boats, it gave the ship a perceptible motion obliquely from the reef. The hopes of the company now revived: but in less than ten minutes a dead calm succeeded, and the vessel was again driven towards the breakers, which were not at the distance of two hundred yards. However, before the ground was lost which had already been gained, the same light breeze returned, and lasted ten minutes more. During this time a small opening about a quarter of a mile distant, was discovered in the reef; upon which Mr. Cook immediately sent one of the mates to examine it, who reported that its breadth was not more than the length of the ship, but that within it there was smooth water. This discovery presented the prospect of a possibility of escape, by pushing the vessel through the opening. Accordingly, the attempt was made, but it failed of success; for when our people, by the joint assistance of their boats and the breeze, had reached the opening, they found that it had become high water; and, to their great surprise, they met the tide of ebb running out like a mill-stream. In direct contrariety to their expectations, some advantage was gained by this event. Though it was impossible to go through the opening, the stream, which prevented the Endeavour from doing it, carried her out about a quarter of a mile; and the boats were so much assisted in towing her by the tide of ebb, that at noon she had gained the distance of nearly two miles. However, there was yet too much reason to despair of deliverance. For even if the breeze, which had now died away, had revived, our navigators were still embayed in the reef: and the tide of ebb being spent, the tide of flood, notwithstanding their utmost efforts, drove the ship back again into her former perilous situation. Happily, about this time, another opening was perceived, nearly a mile to the westward. Our commander immediately sent Mr. Hicks, the first lieutenant, to examine it; and in the meanwhile the Endeavour struggled hard with the flood, sometimes gaining, and sometimes losing ground. During this severe service, every man did his duty with as much calmness and regularity as if no danger had been near. At length Mr. Hicks returned with the intelligence, that the opening, though narrow and hazardous, was capable of being passed. The bare possibility of passing it was encouragement sufficient to make the attempt; and indeed all danger was less to be dreaded by our people, than that of continuing in their present situation. A light breeze having fortunately sprung up, this, in conjunction with the aid of the boats, and the very tide of flood that would otherwise have been their destruction, enabled them to enter the opening, through which they were hurried with amazing rapidity. Such was the force of the torrent by which they were carried along, that they were kept from driving against either side of the channel, which in breadth was not more than a quarter of a mile. While they were shooting this gulf, their soundings were remarkably irregular, varying from thirty to seven fathom, and the ground at bottom was foul. As soon as our navigators had gotten within the reef, they came to an anchor; and their joy was exceedingly great, at having regained a situation, which, three days before, they had quitted with the utmost pleasure and transport. Rocks and shoals, which are always dangerous to the mariner, even when they are previously known and marked, are peculiarly dangerous in seas which have never been navigated before; and in this part of the globe they are more perilous than in any other. Here they consist of reefs of coral rock, which rise like a wall almost perpendicularly out of the deep, and are always overflowed at high water. Here, too, the enormous waves of the vast southern ocean, meeting with so abrupt a resistance, break, with inconceivable violence, in a surf which cannot be produced by any rocks or storms in the northern hemisphere. A crazy ship, shortness of provision, and a want of every necessary, greatly increased the danger to our present voyagers of navigating in this ocean. Nevertheless, such is the ardour of the human mind, and so flattering is the distinction of a first discoverer, that Lieutenant Cook and his companions cheerfully encountered every peril, and submitted to every inconvenience. They chose rather to incur the charge of imprudence and temerity, than to leave a country unexplored which they had discovered, or to afford the least colour for its being said, that they were deficient in perseverance and fortitude. It scarcely needs to be added, that it was the high and magnanimous spirit of our commander, in particular, which inspired his people with so much resolution and vigour. The lieutenant, having now gotten within the reef, determined, whatever might be the consequence, to keep the main land on board, in his future route to the northward. His reason for this determination was, that, if he had gone without the reef again, he might have been carried by it so far from the coast, as to prevent his being able to ascertain whether this country did, or did not, join to New Guinea; a question which he had fixed upon resolving, from the first moment that he had come within sight of land. To the opening through which the Endeavour had passed, our commander, with a proper sense of gratitude to the Supreme Being, gave the name of Providential Channel. In the morning of the 17th, the boats had been sent out, to see what refreshments could be procured; and returned in the afternoon with two hundred and forty pounds of the meat of shell fish, chiefly of cockles. Some of the cockles were as much as two men could move, and contained twenty pounds of good meat. Mr. Banks, who had gone out in his little boat, accompanied by Dr. Solander, brought back a variety of curious shells, and many species of corals. In the prosecution of the voyage, our people, on the 19th, were encompassed on every side with rocks and shoals: but, as they had lately been exposed to much greater danger, and these objects were now become familiar, they began to regard them comparatively with little concern. On the 21st, there being two points in view, between which our navigators could see no land, they conceived hopes of having at last found a passage into the Indian Sea. Mr. Cook, however, that he might be able to determine the matter with greater certainty, resolved to land upon an island, which lies at the south-east point of the passage. Accordingly, he went into the boat, with a party of men, accompanied by Mr. Banks and Dr. Solander. As they were getting to shore, some of the natives seemed inclined to oppose their landing, but soon walked leisurely away. The gentlemen immediately climbed the highest hill, from which no land could be seen between the south-west and west-south-west; so that the lieutenant had not the least doubt of finding a channel, through which he could pass to New Guinea. As he was now about to quit the coast of New Holland, which he had traced from latitude thirty-eight to this place, and which he was certain no European had ever seen before, he once more hoisted English colours. He had, indeed, already taken possession of several particular parts of the country. But he now took possession of the whole eastern coast, with all the bays, harbours, rivers, and islands situated upon it, from latitude 38° to latitude 10°-1/2' south, in right of His Majesty King George the Third, and by the name of New South Wales. The party then fired three volleys of small arms, which were answered by the same number from the ship. When the gentlemen had performed this ceremony upon the island, which they called Possession Island, they re-embarked in their boat, and, in consequence of a rapid ebb tide, had a very difficult and tedious return to the vessel. On the 23rd, the wind had come round the south-west; and though it was but a gentle breeze, yet it was accompanied by a swell from the same quarter, which, in conjunction with other circumstances, confirmed Mr. Cook in his opinion, that he had arrived to the northern extremity of New Holland, and that he had now an open sea to the westward. These circumstances afforded him peculiar satisfaction, not only because the dangers and fatigues of the voyage were drawing to a conclusion, but because it could no longer be doubted whether New Holland and New Guinea were two separate islands. The north-east entrance of the strait lies in the latitude of 10° 39' south, and in the longitude of 218° 36' west; and the passage is formed by the main land, and by a congeries of islands, the north-west, called by the lieutenant the Prince of Wales's Islands, and which may probably extend as far as to New Guinea. Their difference is very great, both in height and circuit, and many seemed to be well covered with herbage and wood: nor was there any doubt of their being inhabited. Our commander was persuaded, that among these islands as good passages might be found, as that through which the vessel came, and the access to which might be less perilous. The determination of this matter he would not have left to future navigators, if he had been less harassed by danger and fatigue and had possessed a ship in better condition for the purpose. To the channel through which he passed, he gave the name of Endeavour Straits. New Holland, or, as the eastern part of it was called by Lieutenant Cook, New South Wales, is the largest country in the known world, which does not bear the name of a continent. The length of coast along which our people sailed, when reduced to a strait line, was no less than twenty-seven degrees of latitude, amounting nearly to two thousand miles. In fact the square surface of the island is much more than equal to the whole of Europe. We may observe, with regard to the natives, that their number bears no proportion to the extent of their territory. So many as thirty of them had never been seen together but once, and that was at Botany Bay. Even when they appeared determined to engage the English, they could not muster above fourteen or fifteen fighting men: and it was manifest, that their sheds and houses did not lie so close together, as to be capable of accommodating a larger party. Indeed our navigators saw only the sea-coast on the eastern side; between which and the western shore there is an immense track of land, that is wholly unexplored. But it is evident, from the totally uncultivated state of the country which was seen by our people, that this immense tract must either be altogether desolate, or at least more thinly inhabited than the parts which were visited. Of traffic, the natives had no idea, nor could any be communicated to them. The things which were given them they received, but did not appear to understand the signs of the English requiring a return. There was no reason to believe that they eat animal food raw. As they have no vessel in which water can be boiled, they either broil their meat upon the coals, or bake in a hole by the help of hot stones, agreeably to the custom of the inhabitants of the South Sea islands. Fire is produced by them with great facility, and they spread it in a surprising manner. For producing it, they take two pieces of soft wood, one of which is a stick about eight or nine inches long, while the other piece is flat. The stick they shape into an obtuse point at one end, and pressing it upon the flat wood, turn it nimbly by holding it between both their hands. In doing this, they often shift their hands up, and then move them down, with a view of increasing the pressure as much as possible. By this process they obtain fire in less than two minutes, and from the smallest spark they carry it to any height or extent with great speed and dexterity. It was not possible, considering the limited intercourse which our navigators had with the natives of New South Wales that much could be learned with regard to their language. Nevertheless, as this is an object of no small curiosity to the learned, and is indeed of peculiar importance in searching into the origin of the various nations that have been discovered, Mr. Cook and his friends took some pains to collect such a specimen of it as might, in a certain degree, answer the purpose. Our commander did not quit the country without making such observations, relative to the currents and tides upon the coast, as, while they increase the general knowledge of navigation, may be of service to future voyagers. The irregularity of the tides is an object worthy of notice. From the coast of New South Wales, the lieutenant steered on the 23rd of August, for the coast of New Guinea, and on the 25th, fell upon a dangerous shoal. The ship was in six fathom, but scarcely two were found, upon sounding round her, at the distance of half a cable's length. This shoal was of such an extent, reaching from the east round by the north and west to the south-west, that there was no method for the vessel to get clear of it, but by her going back the way in which she came. Here was another hair's breadth escape; for it was nearly high water, and there ran a short cockling sea, which if the ship had struck, must very soon have bulged her. So dangerous was her situation, that, if her direction had been half a cable's length more, either to the right or left, she must have struck before the signal for the shoal could have been made. It had been Lieutenant Cook's intention to steer north-west till he had made the south coast of New Guinea, and it was his purpose to touch upon it, if that could be found practicable. But in consequence of the shoals he met with, he altered his course, in the hope of finding a clearer channel, and deeper water. His hope was agreeably verified; for by noon, on the 26th, the depth of water was gradually increased to seventeen fathom. On the 28th, our voyagers found the sea to be in many places covered with a brown scum, such as the sailors usually called spawn. When the lieutenant first saw it he was alarmed, fearing, that the ship was again among shoals; but the depth of water, upon sounding, was discovered to be equal to what it was in other places. The same appearance had been observed upon the coasts of Brazil and New Holland, in which cases it was at no great distance from the shore. Mr. Banks and Dr. Solander examined the scum, but could not determine what it was, any farther then as they saw reason to suppose that it belonged to the vegetable kingdom. The sailors, upon meeting with more of it, gave up the notion of its being spawn, and finding a new name for it, called it sea sawdust. At day break, on the 3rd of September, our navigators came in sight of New Guinea, and stood in for it, with a fresh gale, till nine o'clock, when they brought to, being in three fathom water and within about three or four miles of land. Upon this the pinnace was hoisted, and the lieutenant set off from the ship with the boat's crew, accompanied by Mr. Banks, Dr. Solander, and Mr. Banks's servants, being in all twelve persons, well armed. As soon as they came ashore, they discovered the prints of human feet, which could not long have been impressed upon the sand. Concluding, therefore, that the natives were at no great distance, and there being a thick wood which reached to within a hundred yards of the water, the gentlemen thought it necessary to proceed with caution, lest their retreat to the boat should be cut off. When they had walked some way along the skirts of the wood, they came to a grove of cocoa-nut trees, at the fruit of which they looked very wishfully; but not thinking it safe to climb, they were obliged to leave it without tasting a single nut. After they had advanced about a quarter of a mile from the boat, three Indians rushed out of the wood with a hideous shout, and, as they ran towards the English, the foremost threw something out of his hand, which flew on one side of him, and burned exactly like gunpowder though without making any report. The two other natives having at the same instant discharged their arrows, the lieutenant and his party were under the necessity of firing, first with small shot, and a second time with ball. Upon this, the three Indians ran away with great agility. As Mr. Cook had no disposition forcibly to invade this country, either to gratify the appetites or the curiosity of his people, and was convinced that nothing was to be done upon friendly terms, he and his companions returned with all expedition towards their boat. When they were aboard, they rowed abreast of the natives, who had come down to the shore in aid of their countrymen and whose number now amounted to between sixty and a hundred. Their appearance was much the same as that of the New Hollanders; they nearly resembled them in stature, and in having their hair short and cropped. Like them, also, they were absolutely naked but the colour of their skin did not seem quite so dark, which, however, might be owing to their being less dirty. While the English gentlemen were viewing them, they were shouting defiance, and letting off their fires by four or five at a time. Our people could not imagine what these fires were, or what purposes they were intended to answer. Those who discharged them had in their hands a short piece of stick, which they swung sideways from them, and immediately there issued fire and smoke, exactly resembling those of a musket, and of as short a duration. The men on board the ship, who observed this surprising phenomenon, were so far deceived by it, as to believe that the Indians had fire-arms. To the persons in the boat, it had the appearance of the firing of volleys without a report. The place where this transaction happened lies in the latitude of 6° 15' south, and is about sixty-five leagues to the north-east of Port Saint Augustine, or Walche Caep, and is near what is called in the charts C. de la Colta de St. Bonaventura. In every part of the coast, the land is covered with a vast luxuriance of wood and herbage. The cocoa-nut, the bread-fruit, and the plantain-tree, flourish here in the highest perfection; besides which, the country abounds with most of the trees, shrubs, and plants, that are common to the South Sea islands, New Zealand, and New Holland. Soon after Mr. Cook and his party had returned to the ship, our voyagers made sail to the westward, the lieutenant having resolved to spend no more time upon this coast; a resolution which was greatly to the satisfaction of a very considerable majority of his people. Some of the officers indeed were particularly urgent that a number of men might be sent ashore, to cut down cocoa-nut trees for the sake of their fruit. This, however, our commander absolutely refused, as equally unjust and cruel. It was morally certain, from the preceding behaviour of the natives, that if their property had been invaded, they would have made a vigorous effort to defend it; in which case, the lives of many of them must have been sacrificed; and perhaps, too, several of the English would have fallen in the contest. The necessity of a quarrel with the Indians would have been regretted by the lieutenant, even if he had been impelled to it by a want of the necessaries of life; but to engage in it for the transient gratification that would arise from obtaining two or three hundred green cocoa-nuts, appeared in his view highly criminal. The same calamity, at least with regard to the natives, would probably have occurred, if he had sought for any other place on the coast, to the northward and westward, where the ship might have lain so near the shore, as to cover his people with the guns when they had landed. Besides, there was cause to believe, that before such a place could have been found, our navigators would have been carried so far to the westward, as to be obliged to go to Batavia, on the north side of Java. This, in Mr. Cook's opinion, would not have been so safe a passage, as that to the south of Java, through the strait of Sunda, Another reason for his making the best of his way to Batavia, was the leakiness of the vessel, which rendered it doubtful, whether it would not be necessary to heave her down when she arrived at that port. Our commander's resolution was farther confirmed by the consideration, that no discovery could be expected in seas which had already been navigated, and where the coasts had been sufficiently described both by Spanish and Dutch geographers, and especially by the latter. The only merit claimed by the lieutenant, in this part of his voyage, was the having established it as a fact beyond all controversy, that New Holland and New Guinea are two distinct countries. Without staying, therefore, on the coast of New Guinea, the Endeavour, on the same day, directed her course to the westward, in pursuing which, Mr. Cook had an opportunity of rectifying the errors of former navigators. Very early in the morning of the 6th of September, our voyagers passed a small island, which lay to the north-north-west; and at day-break they discovered another low island, extending from that quarter to north-north-east. Upon the last island, which appeared to be of considerable extent, the lieutenant would have landed to examine its produce, if the wind had not blown so fresh, as to render his design impracticable. Unless these two islands belong to the Arrou islands, they have no place in the charts; and if they do belong to the Arrou islands, they are laid down at too great a distance from New Guinea. Some other land which was seen this day ought, by its distance from New Guinea, to have been part of the Arrou islands; but if any dependance can be placed on former charts, it lies a degree farther to the south. On the 7th, when the ship was in latitude 9° 30' south, and longitude 229° 34' west, our people ought to have been in sight of the Weasel Isles, which, in the charts, are laid down at the distance of twenty or twenty-five leagues from the coast of New Holland. But as our commander saw nothing of them, he concluded that they must have been placed erroneously. Nor will this be deemed surprising, when it is considered, that not only these islands, but the coast which bounds this sea, have been explored at different times, and by different persons, who had not all the requisites for keeping accurate journals which are now possessed; and whose various discoveries have been delineated upon charts by others, perhaps at the distance of more than a century after such discoveries had been made. In pursuing their course, our navigators passed the islands of Timor, Timor-lavet, Rotte, and Seman. While they were near the two latter islands, they observed, about ten o'clock at night, on the 16th of the month, a phenomenon in the heavens, which in many particulars resembled the Aurora Borealis, though in others it was very different. It consisted of a dull reddish light, which reached about twenty degrees above the horizon; and though its extent, at times, varied much, it never comprehended less than eight or ten points of the compass. Through, and out of the general appearance, there passed rays of light of a brighter colour, which vanished, and were renewed, nearly in the same manner as those of the Aurora Borealis, but entirely without the tremulous or vibratory motion which is seen in that phenomenon. The body of this light bore south-south-east from the ship, and continued, without any diminution of its brightness, till twelve o'clock, and probably a longer time, as the gentlemen were prevented from observing it farther, by their retiring to sleep. By the 16th, Lieutenant Cook had gotten clear of all the islands which had then been laid down in the maps as situated between Timor and Java, and did not expect to meet with any other in that quarter. But the next morning an island was seen bearing west-south-west, and at first he believed that he had made a new discovery. As soon as our voyagers had come close in with the north side of it, they had the pleasing prospect of houses and cocoa-nut trees, and of what still more agreeably surprised them, numerous flocks of sheep. Many of the people on board were at this time in a bad state of health, and no small number of them had been dissatisfied with the lieutenant for not having touched at Timor. He readily embraced, therefore, the opportunity of landing at a place which appeared so well calculated to supply the necessities of the company, and to remove both the sickness and the discontent which had spread among them. This place proved to be the island of Savu, where a settlement had lately been made by the Dutch. The great design of our commander was to obtain provisions, which, after some difficulty, and some jealousy on the part of Mr. Lange, the Dutch resident, were procured. These provisions were nine buffaloes, six sheep, three hogs, thirty dozen of fowls, many dozens of eggs, some cocoa-nuts, a few limes, a little garlic, and several hundred gallons of palm syrup. In obtaining these refreshments at a reasonable price, the English were not a little assisted by an old Indian, who appeared to be a person of considerable authority under the king of the country. The lieutenant and his friends were one day very hospitably entertained by the king himself, though the royal etiquette did not permit his majesty to partake of the banquet. So little in general, had the island of Savu been known, that Mr. Cook had never seen a map or chart in which it is clearly or accurately laid down. The middle of it lies in about the latitude of 10° 35' south, and longitude 237° 30' west; and from the ship it presented a prospect, than which nothing can be more beautiful. This prospect, from the verdure and culture of the country, from the hills, richly clothed, which rise in a gentle and regular ascent, and from the stateliness and beauty of the trees, is delightful to a degree that can scarcely be conceived by the most lively imagination. With regard to the productions and natives of the island, the account which our navigators were enabled to give of them, and which is copious and entertaining, was, in a great measure, derived from the information of Mr. Lange. An extraordinary relation is given of the morals of the people of this island, and which if true, must fill every virtuous mind with pleasure. Their characters and conduct are represented as irreproachable, even upon the principles of Christianity. Though no man is permitted to have more than one wife, an illicit commerce between the sexes is scarcely known among them. Instances of theft are very rare; and so far are they from revenging a supposed injury by murder, that when any difference arises between them they immediately, and implicitly refer it to the determination of their king. They will not so much as make it the subject of private debate, lest they should hence be provoked to resentment and ill will. Their delicacy and cleanliness are suited to the purity of their morals. From the specimen which is given of the language of Savu, it appears to have some affinity with that of the South Sea islands. Many of the words are exactly the same, and the terms of numbers are derived from the same origin. On the 21st of September, our navigators got under sail, and having pursued their voyage till the 1st of October, on that day they came within sight of the island of Java. During their course from Savu, Lieutenant Cook allowed twenty minutes a-day for the westerly current, which he concluded must run strong at this time, especially on the coast of Java; and accordingly, he found that this allowance was exactly equivalent to the effect of the current upon the ship. Such was the sagacity of our commander's judgment in whatever related to navigation. On the 2nd, two Dutch ships being seen to lie off Anger Point, the lieutenant sent Mr. Hicks on board one of them to inquire news concerning England, from which our people had so long been absent. Mr. Hicks brought back the agreeable intelligence, that the Swallow, commanded by Captain Cateret, had been at Batavia two years before. In the morning of the 5th, a prow came alongside of the Endeavour, with a Dutch officer, who sent down to Mr. Cook a printed paper in English, duplicates of which he had in other languages. This paper was regularly signed, in the name of the governor and council of the Indies, by their secretary, and contained nine questions, very ill expressed, two of which only the lieutenant thought proper to answer. These were what regarded the nation and name of his vessel, and whither she was bound. On the 9th, our voyagers stood in for Batavia road, where they found the Harcourt Indiaman from England, two English private traders, and a number of Dutch ships. Immediately a boat came on board the Endeavour, and the officer who commanded having inquired who our people were, and whence they came, instantly returned with such answers as were given him. In the mean time Mr. Cook sent a lieutenant ashore, to acquaint the governor of his arrival, and to make an apology for not having saluted; a ceremony he had judged better to omit; as he could only make use of three guns, excepting the swivels, which he was of opinion would not be heard. It being universally agreed, that the ship could not safely proceed to Europe without an examination of her bottom, our commander determined to apply for leave to heave her down at Batavia; and for this purpose he drew up a request in writing, which, after he had waited first upon the governor-general, and then upon the council, was readily complied with, and he was told, that he should have every thing he wanted. In the evening of the 10th, there was a dreadful storm of thunder, lightning, and rain, during which the mainmast of one of the Dutch East Indiamen was split, and carried away by the deck; and the maintop-mast and topgallant-mast were shivered to pieces. The stroke was probably directed by an iron spindle, which was at the maintop gallantmast head. As this ship lay very near the Endeavour, she could scarcely have avoided sharing the same fate, had it not been for the conducting chain, which fortunately had been just gotten up, and which conveyed the lightning over the side of the vessel. But though she escaped the lightning, the explosion shook her like an earthquake; and the chain at the same time appeared like a line of fire. Mr. Cook has embraced this occasion of earnestly recommending similar chains to every ship; and hath expressed his hope that all who read his narrative will be warned against having an iron spindle at the mast-head. The English gentlemen had taken up their lodging and boarding at an hotel, or kind of inn, kept by the order of government. Here they met with those impositions, in point of expense and treatment, which are too common to admit of much surprise. It was not long, however, that they submitted to ill usage. By a farther acquaintance with the manner of dealing with their host, and by spirited remonstrances, they procured a better furnished table. Mr. Banks, in a few days, hired a small house for himself and his party; and as soon as he was settled in his new habitation, sent for Tupia, who bad hitherto continued on board on account of sickness. When he quitted the ship, and after he came into the boat, he was exceedingly lifeless and dejected; but no sooner did he enter the town, than he appeared to be inspired with another soul. A scene so entirely new and extraordinary filled him with amazement. The houses, carriages, streets, people, and a multiplicity of other objects, rushing upon him at once, produced an effect similar to what is ascribed to enchantment. His boy, Tayeto, expressed his wonder and delight in a still more rapturous manner. He danced along the streets in a kind of extacy, examining every object with a restless and eager curiosity, which was excited and gratified every moment. Tupia's attention was particularly excited by the various dresses of the passing multitude; and when he was informed, that at Batavia every one wore the dress of his own country, he expressed his desire of appearing in the garb of Otabeite. Accordingly, South Sea cloth being sent for from the ship, he equipped himself with great expedition and dexterity. Lieutenant Cook imagined that at Batavia he should find it easy to take up what money he might want for repairing and refitting, the Endeavour; but in this he was mistaken. No private person could be found who had ability and inclination to furnish the sum which was necessary. In this exigency, the lieutenant had recourse by a written request, to the governor, from whom he obtained an order for being supplied out of the Dutch company's treasury. When our voyagers had been only nine days at Batavia, they began to feel the fatal effects of the climate and situation. Tupia, after his first flow of spirits had subsided, grew every day worse and worse; and Tayeto was seized with an inflamation upon his lungs. Mr. Banks and Dr. Solander were attacked by fevers, and in a little time almost every person both on board and on shore, was sick. The distress of our people was indeed very great and the prospect before them discouraging in the highest degree. Tupia, being desirous of breathing a freer air than among the numerous houses that obstructed it ashore, had a tent erected for him on Cooper's island, to which he was accompanied by Mr. Banks, who attended this poor Indian with the greatest humanity, till he was rendered incapable of doing it, by the violent increase of his own disorder. On the 5th of November. Mr. Monkhouse, the surgeon of the ship, a sensible, skilful man, whose loss was not a little aggravated by the situation of the English, fell the first sacrifice to this fatal country. Tayeto died on the 9th, and Tupia, who loved him with the tenderness of a parent, sunk at once after the loss of the boy, and survived him only a few days. The disorders of Mr. Banks and Dr. Solander grew to such a height, that the physician declared they had no chance of preserving their lives but by removing into the country. Accordingly, a house was hired for them at the distance of about two miles from the town; where, in consequence of enjoying a purer air, and being better nursed by two Malayan women, whom they had bought, they recovered by slow degrees. At length, Lieutenant Cook was himself taken ill; and out of the whole ship's company, not more than ten were able to do duty. In the midst of these distresses, our commander was diligently and vigorously attentive to the repair of his vessel. When her bottom came to be examined, she was found to be in a worse condition than had been apprehended. Her false keel and main keel were both of them greatly injured; a large quantity of the sheathing was torn off; and among several planks which were much damaged, two of them, and the half of a third, were so worn for the length of six feet, that they were not above the eighth part of an inch in thickness; and here the worms had made way quite into the timbers. In this state the Endeavour had sailed many hundred leagues, in a quarter of the globe where navigation is dangerous in the highest degree. It was happy for our voyagers, that they were ignorant of their perilous situation; for it must have deeply affected them, to have known, that a considerable part of the bottom of the vessel was thinner than the sole of a shoe, and that all their lives depended upon so slight and fragile a barrier between them and the unfathomable ocean. The repair of the Endeavour was carried on very much to Mr. Cook's satisfaction. In justice to the Dutch officers and workmen, he hath declared, that in his opinion, there is not a marine yard in the world, where a ship can be laid with more convenience, safety, and dispatch, or repaired with greater diligence and skill. He was particularly pleased with the manner of heaving down by two masts, and gives it a decided preference to the method which had hitherto been practised by the English. The lieutenant was not one of those on whom the bigotry could be charged of adhering to old customs, in opposition to the dictates of reason and experience. By the 8th of December, the Endeavour was perfectly refitted. From that time to the 24th, our people were employed in completing her stock of water, provisions, and stores, in erecting some new pumps, and in various other necessary operations. All this business would have been effected much sooner, if it had not been retarded by the general sickness of the men. In the afternoon of the 24th, our commander took leave of the governor of Batavia, and of several other gentlemen belonging to the place, with whom he had formed connexions, and to whom he had been greatly obliged for their civilities and assistance. In the meanwhile, an accident intervened, which might have been attended with disagreable effects. A seaman, who had run away from one of the Dutch ships in the road, entered on board the Endeavour. Upon his being reclaimed, as a subject of Holland, Mr. Cook, who was on shore, declared, that if the man appeared to be a Dutchman, he should certainly be delivered up. When however, the order was carried to Mr. Hicks, who commanded on board, he refused to surrender the seaman, alleging, that he was a subject of great Britain, born in Ireland. In this conduct, Mr. Hicks acted in perfect conformity to the lieutenant's intention and directions. The captain of the Dutch vessel, in the next place, by a message from the governor-general, demanded the man as a subject of Denmark. To this Mr. Cook replied, that there must be some mistake in the general's message, since he would never demand of him a Danish seaman, whose only crime was that of preferring the English to the Dutch service. At the same time the lieutenant added, that to strew the sincerity of his desire to avoid disputes, if the man was a Dane, he should be delivered up as a courtesy; but that, if he appeared to be an English subject, he should be kept at all events. Soon after, a letter was brought from Mr. Hicks, containing indubitable proofs that the seaman in question was a subject of his Britannic majesty. This letter Mr. Cook sent to the governor, with an assurance to his excellency, that he would not part with the man on any terms. A conduct so firm and decisive produced the desired effect, no more being heard of the affair. In the evening of the 25th, our commander went on board, together with Mr. Banks and the rest of the gentlemen who had resided constantly on shore. The gentlemen, though considerably better, were far from being perfectly recovered. As this time, the sick persons in the ship amounted to forty, and the rest of the company were in a very feeble condition. It was remarkable, that every individual had been ill excepting the sailmaker, who was an old man between seventy and eighty years of age, and who was drunk every day during the residence of our people at Batavia. Three seamen and Mr. Green's servant died, besides the surgeon, Tupia, and Tayeto. Tupia did not entirely fall a sacrifice to the unwholesome, stagnant, and putrid air of the country. As he had been accustomed from his birth, to subsist chiefly upon vegetable food, and particularly on ripe fruit, he soon contracted the disorders which are incident to a sea life, and would probably have sunk under them before the voyage of the English could have been completed, even if they had not been obliged to go to Batavia to refit their vessel. Our navigators did not stay at this place without gaining an extensive acquaintance with the productions of the country, and the manners and customs of the inhabitants. The information which was obtained on these heads, will be found to constitute a very valuable addition to what was heretofore known upon the subject. On Thursday the 27th of December, the Endeavour stood out to sea; and on the 5th of January, 1771, she came to an anchor, under the south-east side of Prince's Island. The design of this was to obtain a recruit of wood and water, and to procure some refreshments for the sick, many of whom had become much worse than they were when they left Batavia. As soon as the vessel was secured, the lieutenant, Mr. Banks, and Dr. Solander went on shore, and were conducted by some Indians they met with to a person who was represented to be the king of the country. After exchanging a few compliments with his majesty, the gentlemen proceeded to business, but could not immediately come to a settlement with him in respect to the price of turtle. They were more successful in their search of a watering-place, having found water conveniently situated, and which they had reason to believe would prove good. As they were going off, some of the natives sold them three turtle, under a promise that the king should not be informed of the transaction. On the next day a traffic was established with the Indians, upon such terms as were offered by the English; so that by night our people had plenty of turtle. The three which had been purchased the evening before were in the mean time dressed for the ship's company, who, excepting on the preceding day, had not, for nearly the space of four months, been once served with salt provisions. Mr. Banks, in the evening, paid his respects to the king at his palace, which was situated in the middle of a rice field. His majesty was busily employed in dressing his own supper; but this did not prevent him from receiving his visitant in a very gracious manner. During the following days the commerce with the natives for provisions was continued; in the course of which they brought down to the trading place, not only a quantity of turtle, but fowls, fish, monkeys, small deer, and some vegetables. On the evening of the 11th, when Mr. Cook went on shore to see how those of his people conducted their business, who were employed in wooding and watering, he was informed that an axe had been stolen. As it was a matter of consequence to prevent others from being encouraged to commit thefts of the like kind, he resolved not to pass over the offence, but to insist upon redress from the king. Accordingly, after some altercation, his majesty promised that the axe should be restored in the morning, and the promise was faithfully performed. On the 15th, our commander weighed, and stood out for sea. Prince's Island, where he lay about ten days, was formerly much frequented by the India ships of many nations, and especially those of England, but it had lately been forsaken, on account of the supposed badness of its water. This supposition, however, arose from a want of duly examining the brook by which the water is supplied. It is, indeed, brackish at the lower part of the brook, but higher up it will be found excellent. The lieutenant, therefore, was clearly of opinion, that Prince's Island is a more eligible place for ships to touch at, than either at North Island or New Bay; from neither of which places any considerable quantity, of other refreshments can be procured. As the Endeavour proceeded on her voyage to the Cape of Good Hope, the seeds of disease, which had been received at Batavia, appeared with the most threatening symptoms, and reduced our navigators to a very melancholy situation. The ship was, in fact, nothing better than an hospital, in which those who could go about were not sufficient for a due attendance upon those who were sick. Lest the water which had been taken in at Prince's island should have had any share in adding to the disorder of the men, the lieutenant ordered it to be purified with lime; and, as a farther remedy against infection, he directed all the parts of the vessel between the decks to be washed with vinegar. The malady had taken too deep root to be speedily eradicated. Mr. Banks was reduced so low by it, that for some time there was no hope of his life; and so fatal was the disease to many others, that almost every night a dead body was committed to the sea. There were buried, in the course of about six weeks, Mr. Sporing, a gentleman who was one of Mr. Banks's assistants; Mr. Parkinson, his natural history painter, Mr. Green, the astronomer; the boatswain, the carpenter, and his mate; Mr. Monkhouse the midshipman, another midshipman, the old jolly sailmaker and his assistant, the ship's cook, the corporal of the marines, two of the carpenter's crew, and nine seamen. In all, the loss amounted to three and twenty persons, besides the seven who died at Batavia. It is probable that these calamitous events, which could not fail of making a powerful impression on the mind of Lieutenant Cook, might give occasion to his turning his thoughts more zealously to those methods of preserving the health of seamen, which he afterwards pursued with such remarkable success. On Friday the 15th of March, the Endeavour arrived off the Cape of Good Hope; and as soon as she was brought to an anchor, our commander waited upon the governor, from whom he received assurances that he should be furnished with every supply which the country could afford. His first care was to provide a proper place for the sick, whose number was not small; and a house was speedily found, where it was agreed that they should be lodged and boarded at the rate of two shillings a day for each person. The run from Java Head to the Cape of Good Hope did not furnish many subjects of remark, that could be of any great use to future voyagers. Such observations, however, as occurred to him, the lieutenant has been careful to record, not being willing to omit the least circumstance that may contribute to the safety and facility of navigation. The lieutenant, having lain at the Cape to recover the sick, to procure stores, and to refit his vessel, till the 14th of April, then stood out of the bay, and proceeded on his voyage homeward. In the morning of the 29th, he crossed his first meridian, having circumnavigated the globe in the direction from east to west. The consequence of which was, that he lost a day, an allowance for which had been made at Batavia. On the 1st of May be arrived at St Helena, where he staid till the 4th to refresh; during which time Mr. Banks employed himself in making the complete circuit of the island, and in visiting the places most worthy of observation. The manner in which slaves are described as being treated in this island, must be mentioned with indignation. According to our commander's representation, while every kind of labour is performed by them, they are not furnished either with horses or with any of the various machines which art has invented to facilitate their task. Carts might conveniently be used in some parts, and where the ground is too steep for them, wheelbarrows might be employed to great advantage; and yet there is not a wheelbarrow in the whole island. Though every thing which is conveyed from place to place is done by slaves alone, they have not the simple convenience of a porter's knot, but carry their burden upon their heads. They appeared to be a miserable race, worn out by the united operation of excessive labour and ill usage; and Mr. Cook was sorry to observe, and to say, that instances of wanton cruelty were much more frequent among his countrymen at St. Helena, than among the Dutch, who are generally reproached with want of humanity, both at Batavia and the Cape of Good Hope. It is impossible for a feeling mind to avoid being concerned that such an account should be given of the conduct of any who are entitled to the name of Britons. The lieutenant's reproof, if just, hath, it may be hoped, long before this reached the place, and produced some good effect.[7] If slavery, that disgrace to religion, to humanity, and, I will add, to sound policy, must still be continued, every thing ought to be done which can tend to soften its horrors. [Footnote 7: Near the conclusion of Captain Cook's second voyage, there is the following short note. 'In the account given of St. Helena, in the narrative of my former voyage, I find some mistakes. Its inhabitants are far from exercising a wanton cruelty over their slaves; and they have had wheel carriages and porters' knots for many years.' This note I insert with pleasure. Nevertheless, I cannot think that the lieutenant could have given so strong a representation of things, if, at the time in which it was written, it had been wholly without foundation.] When our commander departed from St. Helena, on the 4th, it was in company with the Portland man-of-war, and twelve Indiamen. With this fleet he continued to sail till the 10th, when, perceiving that the Endeavour proceeded much more heavily than any of the other vessels, and that she was not likely to get home so soon as the rest, he made a signal to speak with the Portland. Upon this captain Elliot himself came on board, and Mr. Cook delivered to him the common log-books of his ship, and the journals of some of the officers. The Endeavour, however, kept in company with the fleet till the morning of the 23rd, at which time there was not a single vessel in sight. On that day died Mr. Hicks, and in the evening his body was committed to the sea, with the usual ceremonies. Mr. Charles Clerke, a young man extremely well qualified for the station, and whose name will hereafter frequently occur, received an order from Mr. Cook to act as lieutenant in Mr. Hicks's room. The rigging and sails of the ship were now become so bad, that something was continually giving way. Nevertheless, our commander pursued his course in safety; and on the 10th of June, land, which proved to be the Lizard, was discovered by Nicholas Young, the boy who had first seen New Zealand. On the 11th, the lieutenant ran up the channel. At six the next morning he passed Beachy Head; and in the afternoon of the same day, he came to an anchor in the Downs, and went on shore at Deal. Thus ended Mr. Cook's first voyage round the world, in which he had gone through so many dangers, explored so many countries, and exhibited the strongest proofs of his possessing an eminently sagacious and active mind; a mind that was equal to every perilous enterprise, and to the boldest and most successful efforts of navigation and discovery. CHAPTER. III. Account of Captain Cook during the period between his first and second Voyage. The manner in which Lieutenant Cook had performed his circumnavigation of the globe justly entitled him to the protection of government and the favour of his sovereign. Accordingly, he was promoted to be a commander in his majesty's navy, by commission bearing date on the 29th of August, 1771. Mr. Cook, on this occasion, from a certain consciousness of his own merit, wished to have been appointed a post captain. But the Earl of Sandwich, who was now at the head of the Admiralty board, though he had the greatest regard for our navigator, could not concede to his request, because a compliance with it would have been inconsistent with the order of the naval service. The difference was in point of rank only, and not of advantage. A commander has the same pay as a post captain, and his authority is the same when he is in actual employment. The distinction is a necessary step in the progress to the higher honours of the profession. It cannot be doubted, but that the president and council of the Royal Society were highly satisfied with the manner in which the transit of Venus had been observed. The papers of Mr. Cook and Mr. Green relative to this subject, were put into the hands of the astronomer royal, to be by him digested, and that he might deduce from them the important consequences to science which resulted from the observation. This was done by him with an accuracy and ability becoming his high knowledge and character. On the 21st of May, 1772, Captain Cook communicated to the Royal Society, in a letter addressed to Dr. Maskelyne, an 'Account of the flowing of the tides in the South Sea, as observed on board his Majesty's Bark, the Endeavour.' The reputation our navigator had acquired by his late voyage was deservedly great; and the desire of the public, to be acquainted with the new scenes and new objects which were now brought to light, was ardently excited. It is not surprising, therefore, that different attempts were made to satisfy the general curiosity. There soon appeared a publication, entitled, 'A Journal of a voyage round the World.' This was the production of some person who had been upon the expedition; and though his account was dry and imperfect, it served, in a certain degree, to relieve the eagerness of inquiry. The journal of Sidney Parkinson, draftsman to Sir Joseph Banks, to whom it belonged by ample purchase, was likewise printed, from a copy surreptitiously obtained; but an injunction from the Court of Chancery for some time prevented its appearance. This work, though dishonestly given to the world, was recommended by plates. But it was Dr. Hawkesworth's account of Lieutenant Cook's voyage which completely gratified the public curiosity. This account, which was written by authority, was drawn up from the journal of the lieutenant, and the papers of Sir Joseph Banks; and, besides the merit of the composition, derived an extraordinary advantage from the number and excellence of its charts and engravings, which were furnished at the expense of government. The large price given by the booksellers for this work, and the avidity with which it was read, displayed, in the strongest light, the anxiety of the nation to be fully informed in every thing that belonged to the late navigation and discoveries. Captain Cook, during his voyage, had sailed over the Pacific Ocean in many of those latitudes, in which a southern continent had been expected to lie. He had ascertained, that neither New Zealand nor New Holland were parts of such a continent. But the general question concerning its existence had not been determined by him, nor did he go out for that purpose, though some of the reasons on which the notion of it had been adopted were dispelled in the course of his navigation. It is well known how fondly the idea of a _Terra Australis incognita_ had for nearly two centuries been entertained. Many plausible philosophical arguments have been urged in its support, and many facts alleged in its favour. The writer of this narrative fully remembers how much his imagination was captivated, in the more early part of his life, with the hypothesis of a southern continent. He has often dwelt upon it with rapture, and been highly delighted with the authors who contended for its existence, and displayed the mighty consequences which would result from its being discovered. Though his knowledge was infinitely exceeded by that of some able men who paid a particular attention to the subject, he did not come behind them in the sanguineness of his hopes and expectation. Every thing, however, which relates to science must be separated from fancy, and brought to the test of experiment: and here was an experiment richly deserving to be tried. The object, indeed, was of peculiar magnitude, and worthy to be pursued by a great prince, and a great nation. Happily, the period was arrived in Britain for the execution of the most important scientific designs. A regard to matters of this kind, though so honourable to crowned heads, had heretofore been too much neglected even by some of the best of our princes. Our present sovereign had already distinguished his reign by his patronage of science and literature, but the beginnings which had hitherto been made were only the pledges of future munificence. With respect to the object now in view, the gracious dispositions of his majesty were ardently seconded by the noble lord who had been placed at the head of the board of admiralty. The Earl of Sandwich was possessed of a mind, which was capable of comprehending and encouraging the most enlarged views and schemes with regard to navigation and discovery. Accordingly, it was by his particular recommendation that a resolution was formed for the appointment of an expedition, finally to determine the question concerning the existence of a southern continent. Quiros seems to have been the first person, who had any idea that such a continent existed, and he was the first that was sent out for the sole purpose of ascertaining the fact. He did not succeed in the attempt; and the attempts of various navigators down to the present century, were equally unsuccessful. When the design of accomplishing this great object was resolved upon, it did not admit of any hesitation by whom it was to be carried into execution. No person was esteemed equally qualified with Captain Cook, for conducting an enterprise, the view of which was to give the utmost possible extent to the geography of the globe, and the knowledge of navigation. For the greater advantage of the undertaking, it was determined that two ship should be employed; and much attention was paid to the choice of them, and to their equipment for the service. After mature deliberation by the navy board, during which particular regard was had to the captain's wisdom and experience, it was agreed, that no vessels were so proper for discoveries in distant unknown parts, as those which were constructed like the Endeavour. This opinion concurring with that of the Earl of Sandwich, the admiralty came to a resolution that two ships should be provided of a similar construction. Accordingly, two vessels, both of which had been built at Whitby, by the same person who built the Endeavour, were purchased of Captain William Hammond, of Hull. They were about fourteen or sixteen months old at the time when they were bought, and in Captain Cook's judgment, were as well adapted to the intended service as if they had been expressly constructed for that purpose. The largest of the two, which consisted of four hundred and sixty-two tons burden, was named the Resolution. To the other, which was three hundred and thirty-six tons burden, was given the name of the Adventure. On the 28th of November, 1771, Captain Cook was appointed to the command of the former; and, about the same time, Mr. Tobias Furneaux was promoted to the command of the latter. The complement of the Resolution, including officers and men, was fixed at a hundred and twelve persons; and that of the Adventure, at eighty one. In the equipment of these ships, every circumstance was attended to that could contribute to the comfort and success of the voyage. They were fitted in the most complete manner, and supplied with every extraordinary article which was suggested to be necessary or useful. Lord Sandwich, whose zeal was indefatigable upon this occasion, visited the vessels from time to time, to be assured that the whole equipment was agreeable to his wishes, and to the satisfaction of those who were to engage in the expedition. Nor were the navy and victualling boards wanting in procuring for the ships the very best of stores and provisions, with some alterations in the species of them, that were adapted to the nature of the enterprise; besides which, there was an ample supply of antiscorbutic articles, such as malt, sour krout, salted cabbage, portable broth saloup, mustard, marmalade of carrots, and inspissated juice of wort and beer. No less attention was paid to the cause of science in general, the admiralty engaged Mr. William Hodges, an excellent landscape painter, to embark in the voyage, in order to make drawings and paintings of such objects, as could not so well be comprehended from written description. Mr. John Reinhold Forster and his son were fixed upon to explore and collect the natural history of the countries which might be visited, and an ample sum was granted by parliament for the purpose. That nothing might be wanting to accomplish the scientific views of the expedition, the board of longitude agreed with Mr. William Wales and Mr. William Bayley, to make astronomical observations. Mr. Wales was stationed in the Resolution, and Mr. Bayley in the Adventure. By the same board they were furnished with the best of instruments, and particularly with four time-pieces, three constructed by Arnold, and one by Mr. Kendal, on Mr. Harrison's principles. Though Captain Cook had been appointed to the command of the Resolution on the 28th of November 1771, such were the preparations necessary for so long and important a voyage, and the impediments which occasionally and unavoidably occurred, that the ship did not sail from Deptford till the 9th of April following, nor did she leave Long Reach till the 10th of May. In plying down the river, it was found necessary to put into Sheerness, in order to make some alterations in her upper works. These the officers of the yard were directed immediately to take in hand; and Lord Sandwich and Sir Hugh Palliser came down to see them executed in the most effectual manner. The ship being again completed for sea by the 22d of June, Captain Cook on that day sailed from Sheerness, and, on the 3d of July, joined the Adventures in Plymouth Sound. Lord Sandwich, in his return from a visit to the dock-yards, having met the Resolution on the preceding evening, his lordship and Sir Hugh Palliser gave the last mark of their great attention to the object of the voyage, by coming on board, to assure themselves, that every thing was done which was agreeable to our commander's wishes, and that his vessel was equipped entirely to his satisfaction. At Plymouth, Captain Cook received his instructions; with regard to which, without entering into a minute detail of them, it is sufficient to say, that he was sent out upon the most enlarged plan of discovery, that is known in the history of navigation. He was instructed not only to circumnavigate the whole globe, but to circumnavigate it in high southern latitudes, making such traverses, from time to time, into every corner of the Pacific Ocean not before examined, as might finally and effectually resolve the much agitated question about the existence of a southern continent, in any part of the southern hemisphere, to which access could be had by the efforts of the boldest and most skilful navigators. CHAPTER IV. Narrative of Captain Cook's second Voyage round the World. On the 13th of July, Captain Cook sailed from Plymouth, and on the 29th of the same month anchored in Funchiale Road, in the island of Madeira. Having obtained a supply of water, wine, and other necessaries at that island, he left it on the 1st of August, and sailed to the southward. As he proceeded in his voyage, he made three puncheons of beer of the inspissated juice of malt; and the liquor produced was very brisk and drinkable. The heat of the weather, and the agitation of the ship, had hitherto withstood all the endeavours of our people to prevent this juice from being in a high state of fermentation. If it could be kept from fermenting, it would be a most valuable article at sea. The captain, having found that his stock of water would not last to the Cape of Good Hope, without putting his men to a scanty allowance, resolved to stop at St. Jago, one of the Cape de Verd islands, for a supply. At Port Praya, in this island, he anchored on the 10th of August, and by the 14th had completed his water, and procured some other refreshments; upon which he set sail and prosecuted his course. He embraced the occasion, which his touching at St. Jago afforded him, of giving such a delineation and description of Port Praya, and of the supplies there to be obtained, as might be of service to future navigators. On the 20th of the month, the rain poured down upon our voyagers, not in drops but in streams; and the wind at the same time being variable and rough, the people were obliged to attend so constantly upon the decks, that few of them escaped being completely soaked. This circumstance is mentioned, to show the method that was taken by Captain Cook to preserve his men from the evil consequences of the wet to which they had been exposed. He had every thing to fear from the rain, which is a great promoter of sickness in hot climates. But to guard against this effect, he pursued some hints that had been suggested to him by Sir Hugh Palliser and Captain Campbell, and took care that the ship should be aired and dried with fires made between the decks, and that the damp places of the vessel should be smoked; beside which the people were ordered to air their bedding and to wash and dry their clothes, whenever there was an opportunity. The result of these precautions was, that there was not one sick person on board the Resolution. Captain Cook, on the 8th of September, crossed the line in the longitude of 8° west, and proceeded, without meeting anything remarkable, till the 11th of October. When at 6h. 24m. 12s. by Mr. Kendal's watch, the moon rose about four digits eclipsed; soon after which the gentlemen prepared to observe the end of the eclipse. The observers were, the captain himself, and Mr. Forster, Mr. Wales, Mr. Pickersgill, Mr. Gilbert, and Mr. Harvey. Our commander had been informed, before he left England, that he sailed at an improper season of the year, and that he should meet with much calm weather, near and under the line. But though such weather may happen in some years, it is not always, or even generally to be expected. So far was it from being the case with Captain Cook, that he had a brisk south-west wind in those very latitudes where the calms had been predicted: nor was he exposed to any of the tornadoes, which are so much spoken of by other navigators. On the 29th of the month, between eight and nine o'clock at night, when our voyagers were near the Cape of Good Hope, the whole sea, within the compass of their sight, became at once, as it were, illuminated. The captain had been formerly convinced, by Mr. Banks and Dr. Solander, that such appearances in the ocean were occasioned by insects. Mr. Forster, however, seemed disposed to adopt a different opinion. To determine the question, our commander ordered some buckets of water to be drawn up from alongside the ship, which were found full of an innumerable quantity of small globular insects, about the size of a common pin's head, and quite transparent. Though no life was perceived in them, there could be no doubt of their being living animals, when in their own proper element: and Mr. Forster became now well satisfied that they were the cause of the sea's illumination. On the 30th, the Resolution and Adventure anchored in Table Bay; soon after which Captain Cook went on shore, and, accompanied by Captain Furneaux, and the two Mr. Forsters, waited on Baron Plettenberg, the governor of the Cape of Good Hope, who received the gentlemen with great politeness, and promised them every assistance the place could afford. From him our commander learned, that two French ships from the Mauritius, about eight months before, had discovered land in the latitude of 48° south, along which they sailed forty miles, till they came to a bay, into which they were upon the point of entering, when they were driven off, and separated in a hard gale of wind. Previously to this misfortune, they had lost some of their boats and people, that had been sent to sound the bay. Captain Cook was also informed by Baron Plettenberg, that in the month of March, two other ships from the island of Mauritius, had touched at the Cape in their way to the South Pacific Ocean; where they were going to make discoveries, under the command of M. Marion. From the healthy condition of the crews, both of the Resolution and Adventure, it was imagined by the captain that his stay at the Cape would be very short. But the necessity of waiting till the requisite provisions could be prepared and collected, kept him more than three weeks at this place; which time was improved by him in ordering both the ships to be caulked and painted, and in taking care that, in every respect, their condition should be as good as when they left England. On the 22d of November, our commander sailed from the Cape of Good Hope, and proceeded on his voyage, in search of a southern continent. Having gotten clear of the land, he directed his course for Cape Circumcision; and, judging that cold weather would soon approach, he ordered slops to be served to such of the people as were in want of them, and gave to each man the fear-nought jacket and trowsers allowed by the admiralty. On the 29th, the wind, which was west-north-west, increased to a storm, that continued, with some few intervals of moderate weather, till the 6th of December. By this gale, which was attended with hail and rain, and which blew at times with such violence that the ships could carry no sails, our voyagers were driven far to the eastward of their intended course, and no hopes were left to the captain of reaching Cape Circumcision. A still greater misfortune was the loss of the principal part of the live stock on board, consisting of sheep, hogs, and geese. At the same time, the sudden transition from warm mild weather, to weather which was extremely cold and wet, was so severely felt by our people, that it was necessary to make some addition to their allowance of spirits, by giving each of them a dram on particular occasions. Our navigators, on the 10th of December, began to meet with islands of ice. One of these islands was so much concealed from them by the haziness of the weather, accompanied with snow and sleet, that they were steering directly towards it, and did not see it till it was at a less distance than that of a mile. Captain Cook judged it to be about fifty feet high, and half a mile in circuit. It was flat at the top, and its sides rose in a perpendicular direction, against which the sea broke to a great height. The weather continuing to be hazy, the captain, on account of the ice islands, was obliged to proceed with the utmost caution. Six of them were passed on the 12th, some of which were nearly two miles in circuit, and sixty feet high; nevertheless, such were the force and height of the waves, that the sea broke quite over them. Hence was exhibited a view, that for a few moments was pleasing to the eye; but the pleasure was soon swallowed up in the horror which seized upon the mind, from the prospect of danger. For if a ship should be so unfortunate as to get on the weather side of one of these islands, she would be dashed to pieces in a moment. The vessels, on the 14th, were stopped by an immense field of low ice, to which no end could be seen, either to the east, west, or south. In different parts of this field were islands or hills of ice, like those which our voyagers had found floating in the sea, and twenty of which had presented themselves to view the day before. Some of the people on board imagined that they saw land over the ice, and Captain Cook himself at first entertained the same sentiment. But upon more narrowly examining these ice hills, and the various appearances they made when seen through the haze, he was induced to change his opinion. On the 18th, though in the morning our navigators had been quite imbayed, they were, notwithstanding, at length enabled to get clear of the field of ice. They were, however, at the same time, carried in among the ice islands, which perpetually succeeded one another; which were almost equally dangerous; and the avoiding of which was a matter of the greatest difficulty. But perilous as it is to sail in a thick fog, among these floating rocks, as our commander properly called them; this is preferable to the being entangled with immense fields of ice under the same circumstances. In this latter case the great danger to be apprehended, is the getting fast in the ice; a situation which would be alarming in the highest degree. It had been a generally received opinion, that such ice as hath now been described, is formed in bays and rivers. Agreeably to this supposition, our voyagers were led to believe that land was not far distant, and that it lay to the southward behind the ice. As, therefore, they had sailed above thirty leagues along the edge of the ice, without finding a passage to the south, Captain Cook determined to run thirty or forty leagues to the east, and afterward to endeavour to get to the southward. If, in this attempt, he met with no land or other impediment, his design was to stretch behind the ice, and thus to bring the matter to a decision. The weather, at this time, affected the senses with a feeling of cold much greater than that which was pointed out by the thermometer, so that the whole crew complained. In order the better to enable them to sustain the severity of the cold, the Captain directed the sleeves of their jackets to be lengthened with baize; and had a cap made for each man of the same stuff, strengthened with canvass. These precautions greatly contributed to their comfort and advantage. It is worthy of observation, that although the weather was as sharp, on the 25th of December, as might have been expected, in the same month of the year, in any part of England, this was the middle of summer with our navigators. Some of the people now appearing to have symptoms of the scurvy, fresh wort was given them every day, prepared under the direction of the surgeons, from the malt which had been provided for the purpose. By the 29th, it became sufficiently ascertained, from the course our commander had pursued, that the field of ice, along which the ships had sailed, did not join to any land as had been conjectured. At this time, Captain Cook came to a resolution, provided he met with no impediment, to run as far west as the meridian of Cape Circumcision. While he was prosecuting this design, a gale arose, on the 31st, which brought with it such a sea, as rendered it very dangerous for the vessels to remain among the ice; and the danger was increased by discovering an immense field to the north, which extended farther than the eye could reach. As our voyagers were not above two or three miles from this field, and were surrounded by loose ice, there was no time to deliberate. They hauled to the South; and though they happily got clear, it was not till the ships had received several hard knocks from the loose pieces, which were of the largest kind. On Friday, the 1st of January, 1773, the gale abated; and on the next day, in the afternoon, our people had the felicity of enjoying the sight of the moon, the face of which had not been seen by them but once since they had departed from the Cape of Good Hope. Hence a judgment may be formed of the sort of weather they had been exposed to, from the time of their leaving that place. The present opportunity was eagerly seized, for making several observations of the sun and moon. Captain Cook was now nearly in the same longitude which is assigned to Cape Circumcision, and about ninety-five leagues to the south of the latitude in which it is said to lie. At the same time the weather was so clear, that land might have been seen at the distance of fourteen or fifteen leagues. He concluded it, therefore, to be very probable, that what Bouvet took for land was nothing but mountains of ice, surrounded by loose or field ice. Our present navigators had naturally been led into a similar mistake. The conjecture, that such ice as had lately been seen was joined to land, was a very plausible one, though not founded on fact. Upon the whole, there was good reason to believe, that no land was to be met with, under this meridian, between the latitude of fifty-five and fifty-nine, where some had been supposed to exist. Amidst the obstructions Captain Cook was exposed to, from the ice islands which perpetually succeeded each other, he derived one advantage from them, and that was, a supply of fresh water. Though the melting and stowing away of the ice takes up some time, and is, indeed, rather tedious, this method of watering is otherwise the most expeditious our commander had ever known. The water produced was perfectly sweet and well tasted. Upon the ice islands, penguins, albatrosses, and other birds were frequently seen. It had hitherto been the received opinion, that such birds never go far from land, and that the sight of them is a sure indication of its vicinity. That this opinion is not well founded, at least where ice islands exist, was now evinced by multiplied experience. By Sunday the 17th of January, Captain Cook reached the latitude of 67° 15' south, when he could advance no farther. At this time the ice was entirely closed to the south, in the whole extent from east to west-south-west, without the least appearance of any opening. The captain, therefore, thought it no longer prudent to persevere in sailing southward; especially as the summer was already half spent, and there was little reason to hope that it would be found practicable get round the ice. Having taken this resolution, he determined to proceed directly in search of the land which had lately been discovered by the French; and as, in pursuing his purpose, the weather was clear at intervals, he spread the ships abreast four miles from each other, in order the better to investigate any thing that might lie in their way. On the 1st of February our voyagers were in the latitude of 48° 30' south, and in longitude 58° 7' east, nearly in the meridian of the island of St. Mauritius. This was the situation in which the land said to have been discovered by the French was to be expected; but as no signs of it had appeared, our commander bore away to the east. Captain Furneaux, on the same day, informed Captain Cook, that he had just seen a large float of sea, or rock weed, and about it several of the birds called divers. These were certain signs of the vicinity of land, though whether it lay to the east or west could not possibly be known. Our commander, therefore, formed the design of proceeding in his present latitude four or five degrees of longitude to the west of the meridian he was now in, and then to pursue his researches eastward. The west and north-west winds, which had continued for some days, prevented him from carrying this purpose into execution. However, he was convinced from the perpetual high sea he had lately met with, that there could be no great extent of land to the west. While Captain Cook, on the next day, was steering eastward, Captain Furneaux told him that he thought the land was to the north-west of them; as he had, at one time, observed the sea to be smooth, when the wind blew in that direction. This observation was by no means conformable to the remarks which had been made by our commander himself. Nevertheless, such was his readiness to attend to every suggestion, that he resolved to clear up the point, if the wind would admit of his getting to the west in any reasonable time. The wind, by veering to the north, did admit of his pursuing the search; and the result of it was, his conviction that if any land was near, it could only be an island of no considerable extent. Captain Cook and his philosophical friends, while they were traversing this part, of the southern ocean, paid particular attention to the variation of the compass, which they found to be from 27° 50' to 30° 26' west. Probably the mean of the two extremes, viz. 29° 4', was the nearest the truth, as it coincided with the variation observed on board the Adventure. One unaccountable circumstance is worthy of notice, though it did not now occur for the first time. It is, that when the sun was on the starboard of the ship, the variation was the least; and when on the larboard side, the greatest. On the 8th, our commander, in consequence of no signals having been answered by the Adventure, had reason to apprehend that a separation had taken place. After waiting two days, during which guns were kept discharging, and false fires were burned in the night, the fact was confirmed; so that the Resolution was obliged to proceed alone in her voyage. As she pursued her course, penguins and other birds, from time to time, appeared in great numbers; the meeting with which gave our navigators some hopes of finding land, and occasioned various speculations with regard to its situation. Experience, however, convinced them, that no stress was to be laid on such hopes. They were so often deceived, that they could no longer look upon any of the oceanic birds, which frequent high latitudes, as sure signs of the vicinity of land. In the morning of the 17th, between midnight and three o'clock, lights were seen in the heavens, similar to those which are known in the northern hemisphere, by the name of the Aurora Borealis. Captain Cook had never heard that an Aurora Australis had been seen before. The officer of the watch observed, that it sometimes broke out in spiral rays, and in a circular form; at which time, its light was very strong, and its appearance beautiful. It was not perceived to have any particular direction. On the contrary, at various times, it was conspicuous in different parts of the heavens, and diffused its light throughout the whole atmosphere. On the 20th, our navigators imagined that they saw land to the south-west. Their conviction of its real existence was so strong, that they had no doubt of the matter; and accordingly they endeavoured to work up to it, in doing which the weather was favourable to their purpose. However what had been taken for land proved only to be clouds, that in the evening entirely disappeared, and left a clear horizon, in which nothing could be discerned but ice islands. At night the Aurora Australis was again seen, and the appearance it assumed was very brilliant and luminous. It first discovered itself in the east, and in a short time spread over the whole heavens. In the night of the 23rd, when the ship was in latitude 61° 52' south, and longitude 95° 2' east, the weather being exceedingly stormy, thick, and hazy, with sleet and snow, our voyagers were on every side surrounded with danger. In such a situation it was natural for them to wish for daylight: but daylight, when it came, served only to increase their apprehensions, by exhibiting those huge mountains of ice to their view, which the darkness had prevented them from seeing. These unfavourable circumstances, at so advanced a season of the year, discouraged Captain Cook from putting into execution a resolution he had formed, of once more crossing the antarctic circle. Accordingly, early in the morning of the 24th, he stood to the north, with a very hard gale, and a very high sea, which made great destruction among the ice islands. But so far was this incident from being of any advantage to our navigators, that it greatly increased the number of pieces they had to avoid. The large pieces, which broke from the ice islands, were found to be much more dangerous than the islands themselves. While the latter rose so high out of the water, that they could generally be seen, unless the weather was very thick and hazy, before our people nearly approached them, the others could not be discerned, in the night, till they were under the ship's bows. These dangers, however, were now become so familiar to the captain and his company, that the apprehensions they caused were never of long duration; and a compensation was, in some degree, made for them, by the seasonable supplies of fresh water, which the ice islands afforded, and by their very romantic appearance. The foaming and dashing of the waves into the curious holes and caverns which were formed in many of them greatly heightened the scene; and the whole exhibited a view, that at once filled the mind with admiration and horror, and could only be described by the hand of an able painter. In sailing from the 25th to the 28th, the wind was accompanied with a large hollow sea, which rendered Captain Cook certain, that no land, of any considerable extent, could lie within a hundred or a hundred and fifty leagues from east to south-west. Though this was still the summer season in that part of the world, and the weather was become somewhat warmer than it had been before, yet such were the effects of the cold, that a sow having farrowed nine pigs in the morning, all of them, notwithstanding the utmost care to prevent it, were killed before four o'clock in the afternoon. From the same cause, the captain himself and several of his people had their fingers and toes chilblained. For some days afterward, the cold considerably abated; but still it could not be said that there was summer weather, according to our commander's ideas of summer in the northern hemisphere, as far as sixty degrees of latitude, which was nearly as far as he had then been. As he proceeded on his voyage, from the 28th of February to the 11th of March, he had ample reason to conclude, from the swell of the sea and other circumstances, that there could be no land to the south, but what must lie at a great distance. The weather having been clear on the 13th and 14th, Mr. Wales had an opportunity of getting some observations of the sun and moon; the results of which, reduced to noon, when the latitude was 58° 22' south, gave 136° 22' east longitude. Mr. Kendal's and Mr. Arnold's watches gave each of them 134° 42'; and this was the first and only time in which they had pointed out the same longitude, since the ships had departed from England. The greatest difference, however, between them, since our voyagers had left the Cape, had not much exceeded two degrees. From the moderate, and what might almost be called pleasant weather, which had occurred for two or three days, Captain Cook began to wish that he had been a few degrees of latitude farther south; and he was even tempted to incline his course that way. But he soon met with weather which convinced him that he had proceeded full far enough; and that the time was approaching when these seas could not be navigated without enduring intense cold. As he advanced in his course, he became perfectly assured, from repeated proofs, that he had left no land behind him in the direction of west-south-west; and that no land lay to the south on this side sixty degrees of latitude. He came, therefore, to a resolution, on the 17th, to quit the high southern latitudes, and to proceed to New Zealand, with a view of looking for the Adventure, and of refreshing his people. He had, also, some thoughts, and even a desire, of visiting the east coast of Van Dieman's Land, in order to satisfy himself whether it joined the coast of New South Wales. The wind however, not permitting him to execute this part of his design, he shaped his course for New Zealand, in sight of which he arrived on the 25th, and where he came to anchor on the day following, in Dusky Bay. He had now been a hundred and seventeen days at sea, during which time he had sailed three thousand six hundred and sixty-leagues without having once come within sight of land. After so long a voyage, in a high southern latitude, it might reasonably have been expected, that many of Captain Cook's people would be ill of the scurvy. This, however, was not the case. So salutary were the effects of the sweet wort, and several articles of provision, and especially of the frequent airing and sweetening of the ship, that there was only one man on board who could be said to be much afflicted with the disease; and even in that man, it was chiefly occasioned by a bad habit of body, and a complication of other disorders. As our commander did not like the place in which he had anchored, he sent Lieutenant Pickersgill over to the south-east side of the bay, in search of a better; and the lieutenant succeeded in finding a harbour that was in every respect desirable. In the meanwhile, the fishing-boat was very successful; returning with fish sufficient for the whole crew's supper and in the morning of the next day, as many were caught as served for dinner. Hence were derived certain hopes of being plentifully supplied with this article. Nor did the shores and woods appear more destitute of wild fowl; so that our people had the prospect of enjoying, with ease, what, in their situation, might be called the luxuries of life. These agreeable circumstances determined Captain Cook to stay some time in the bay, in order to examine it thoroughly; as no one had ever landed before on any of the southern parts of New Zealand. On the 27th, the ship entered Pickersgill Harbour; for so it was called, from the name of the gentleman by whom it had first been discovered. Here wood, for fuel and other purposes, was immediately at hand; and a fine stream of fresh water was not above a hundred yards from the stern of the vessel. Our voyagers, being thus advantageously situated, began vigorously to prepare for their necessary occupations by clearing places in the woods, in order to set up the astronomer's observatory, and the forge for the iron work, and to erect tents for the sailmakers and coopers. They applied themselves, also, to the brewing of beer from the branches or leaves of a tree, which greatly resembled the American black spruce. Captain Cook was persuaded, from the knowledge which he had of this tree, and from the similarity it bore to the spruce, that, with the addition of inspissated juice of wort and molasses, it would make a very wholesome liquor, and supply the want of vegetables, of which the country was destitute. It appeared, by the event, that he was not mistaken in his judgment. Several of the natives were seen on the 28th, who took little notice of the English, and were very shy of access; and the captain did not choose to force an intercourse with them, as he had been instructed, by former experience, that the best method of obtaining was to leave time and place to themselves. While our commander continued in his present situation, he took every opportunity of examining the bay. As he was prosecuting his survey of it, on the 6th of April, his attention was directed to the north side, where he discovered a fine capacious cove, in the bottom of which is a fresh-water river. On the west side are several beautiful cascades; and the shores are so steep that water might directly be conveyed from them into the ship. Fourteen ducks, besides, other birds, having been shot in this place, he gave it the name of Duck Cove. When he was returning in the evening, he met with three of the natives, one man and two women, whose fears he soon dissipated, and whom he engaged in a conversation, that was little understood on either side. The youngest of the women had a volubility of tongue that could not be exceeded; and she entertained Captain Cook, and the gentlemen who accompanied him with a dance. By degrees, our commander obtained the good will and confidence of the Indians. His presents, however, were at first received with much indifference, hatchets and spike-nails excepted. At a visit, on the 12th, from a family of the natives, the captain, perceiving they approached the ship with great caution, met them in a boat, which he quitted when he came near them, and went into their canoe. After all, he could not prevail upon them to go on board the Resolution; but at length they put on shore in a little creek, and seating themselves abreast the English vessel, entered into familiar conversation with several of the officers and seamen; in which they paid a much greater regard to some, whom they probably mistook for females, than to others. So well indeed, were they now reconciled to our voyagers, that they took up their quarters nearly within the distance of a hundred yards from the ship's watering place. Captain Cook, in his interview with them, had caused the bagpipes and fife to play, and the drum to beat. The two former they heard with apparent insensibility; but the latter excited in them a certain degree of attention. On the 18th, a chief, with whom some connexions had already been formed, was induced, together with his daughter, to come on board the Resolution. Previously to his doing it, he presented the captain with a piece of cloth and a green talk hatchet. He gave also a piece of cloth to Mr. Forster; and the girl gave another to Mr. Hodges. Though this custom of making presents, before any are received, is common with the natives of the South Sea isles, our commander had never till now seen it practised in New Zealand. Another thing performed by the chief before he went on board was the taking of a small green branch in his hand, with which he struck the ship's side several times, repeating a speech or prayer. This manner, as it were, of making peace is likewise prevalent among all the nations of the South Seas. When the chief was carried into the cabin, he viewed every part of it with some degree of surprise; but it was not possible to fix his attention to any one object for a single moment. The works of art appeared to him in the same light as those of nature, and were equally distant from his powers of comprehension. He and his daughter seemed to be the most struck with the number of the decks, and other parts of the ship. As Captain Cook proceeded in examining Dusky Bay, he occasionally met with some few more of the natives, with regard to whom he used every mode of conciliation. On the 20th the chief and his family, who had been more intimate with our navigators than any of the rest of the Indians, went away, and never returned again. This was the more extraordinary, as in all his visits he had been gratified with presents. From different persons, he had gotten nine or ten hatchets, and three or four times that number of large spike nails, besides a variety of other articles. So far as these things might be deemed riches in New Zealand, he was undoubtedly become by far the most wealthy man in the whole country. One employment of our voyagers, while in Dusky Bay, consisted in seal hunting, an animal which was found serviceable for three purposes. The skins were made use of for rigging, the fat afforded oil for the lamps, and the flesh was eaten. On the 24th, the captain, having five geese remaining of those he had brought with him from the Cape of Good Hope, went and left them at a place to which he gave the name of Goose Cove. This place he fixed upon for two reasons; first, because there were no inhabitants to disturb them; and, secondly, because here was the greatest supply of proper food; so that he had no doubt of their breeding, hoped that in time they might spread over the whole country, to its eminent advantage. Some days afterward, when everything belonging to the ship had been removed from the shore, he set fire to the top-wood in order to dry a piece of ground, which he dug up, and sowed with several sorts of garden seeds. The soil, indeed, was not such as to promise much success to the planter; but it was the best that could be discovered. The 25th of April was the eighth fair day our people had successively enjoyed; and there was reason to believe that such a circumstance was very uncommon in the place where they now lay, and at that season of the year. This favourable weather afforded them the opportunity of more speedily completing their wood and water, and of putting the ship into a condition for sea. On the evening of the 25th, it began to rain; and the weather was afterwards extremely variable, being, at times, in a high degree wet, cold, and stormy. Nothing, however, prevented Captain Cook from prosecuting, with his usual sagacity and diligence, his search into every part of Dusky Bay; and, as there are few places in New Zealand where necessary refreshments may be so plentifully obtained, as in this bay, he hath taken care to give such a description of it, and of the adjacent country, as may be of service to succeeding navigators. Although this country lies far remote from what is now the trading part of the world, yet, as he justly observes, we can by no means tell what use future ages may derive from the discoveries made in the present. The various anchoring places are delineated on our commander's chart, and the most convenient of them he has particularly described. Not only about Dusky Bay, but through all the southern part of the western coast of Tavai-poenammo, the country is exceedingly mountainous. A prospect more rude and craggy is rarely to be met with; for, inland, there are only to be seen the summits of mountains of a tremendous height, and consisting of rocks that are totally barren and naked, excepting where they are covered with snow. But the land which borders on the sea-coast is thickly clothed with wood almost down to the water's edge; and this is the case with regard to all the adjoining islands. The trees are of various kinds, and are fit for almost every possible use. Excepting in the river Thames, Captain Cook had not found finer timber in all New Zealand; the most considerable species of which is the spruce tree; for that name he had given it, from the similarity of its foliage to the American spruce, though the wood is more ponderous, and bears a greater resemblance to the pitch pine. Many of these trees are so large, that they would be able to furnish mainmasts for fifty-gun ships. Amidst the variety of aromatic trees and shrubs which this part of New Zealand produced, there was none which bore fruit fit to be eaten. The country was not found so destitute of quadrupeds as was formerly imagined. As Dusky Bay presented many advantages to our navigators, so it was attended with some disagreeable circumstances. There were great numbers of small black sandflies, which were troublesome to a degree that our commander had never experienced before. Another evil arose from the continual quantity of rain that occurred in the bay. This might, indeed, in part proceed from the season of the year: but it is probable that the country must at all times be subject to much wet weather, in consequence of the vast height and vicinity of the mountains. It was remarkable that the rain, though our people were perpetually exposed to it, was not productive of any evil consequences. On the contrary, such of the men as were sick and complaining when they entered the bay, recovered daily, and the whole crew soon became strong and vigorous. So happy a circumstance could only be attributed to the healthiness of the place, and the fresh provisions it afforded; among which the beer was a very material article. The inhabitants of Dusky Bay are of the same race with the other natives of New Zealand, speak the same language, and adhere nearly to the same customs. Their mode of life appears to be a wandering one; and though they are few in number, no traces were remarked of their families being connected together In any close bonds of union or friendship. While the Resolution lay in the bay, Mr. Wales made a variety of scientific observations relative to latitude and longitude, the variation of the compass, and the diversity of the tides. When Captain Cook left Dusky Bay, he directed his course for Queen Charlotte's Sound, where he expected to find the Adventure. This was on the 11th of May, and nothing remarkable occurred till the 17th, when the wind at once flattened to a calm, the sky became suddenly obscured by dark dense clouds, and there was every prognostication of a tempest. Soon after, six waterspouts were seen, four of which rose and spent themselves between the ship and the land; the fifth was at a considerable distance, on the other side of the vessel; and the sixth, the progressive motion of which was not in a straight, but in a crooked line, passed within fifty yards of the stern of the Resolution, without producing any evil effect. As the captain had been informed that the firing of a gun would dissipate waterspouts, he was sorry that he had not tried the experiment. But, though he was near enough, and had a gun ready for the purpose, his mind was so deeply engaged in viewing these extraordinary meteors, that he forgot to give the necessary directions. On the next day, the Resolution came within sight of Queen Charlotte's Sound, where Captain Cook had the satisfaction of discovering the Adventure; and both ships felt uncommon joy at thus meeting again after an absence of fourteen weeks. As the events which happened to Captain Furneaux, during the separation of the two vessels, do not fall within the immediate design of the present narrative, it may be sufficient to observe, that he had an opportunity of examining, with somewhat more accuracy than had hitherto been done, Van Dieman's Land, and his opinion was, that there are no straits between this land and New Holland, but a very deep bay. He met, likewise, with farther proofs, that the natives of New Zealand are eaters of human flesh. The morning after Captain Cook's arrival in Queen Charlotte's Sound, he went himself, at daybreak, to look for scurvy-grass, celery, and other vegetables; and he had the good fortune to return with a boatload, in a very short space of time. Having found, that a sufficient quantity of these articles might be obtained for the crews of both the ships, he gave orders that they should be boiled with wheat and portable broth, every day for breakfast; and with pease and broth for dinner. Experience had taught him, that the vegetables now mentioned, when thus dressed, are extremely beneficial to seamen, in removing the various scorbutic complaints to which they are subject. Our commander had entertained a desire of visiting Van Dieman's Land, in order to inform himself whether it made a part of New Holland. But as this point had been, in a great measure, cleared up by Captain Furneaux, he came to a resolution to continue his researches to the east, between the latitudes of 41° and 46°; and he directed accordingly, that the ships should be gotten ready for putting to sea as soon as possible. On the 20th, he sent on shore the only ewe and ram that remained of those which, with the intention of leaving them in this country, he had brought from the Cape of Good Hope. Soon after he visited several gardens, that by order of captain Furneaux had been made and planted with various articles; all of which were in such a flourishing state, that, if duly attended to, they promised to be of great utility to the natives. The next day, Captain Cook himself set some men to work to form a garden on Long Island, which he stocked with different seeds, and particularly with the roots of turnips, carrots, parsnips, and potatoes. These were the vegetables that would be of the most real use to the Indians, and of these it was easy to give them an idea, by comparing them with such roots as they themselves knew. On the 22nd, Captain Cook received the unpleasant intelligence, that the ewe and ram, which with so much care and trouble he had brought to this place, were both of them found dead. It was supposed that they had eaten some poisonous plant; and by this accident all the captain's hopes of stocking New Zealand with a breed of sheep were instantly blasted. The intercourse which our great navigator had with the inhabitants of the country, during this his second visit to Queen Charlotte's Sound, was of a friendly nature. Two or three families took up their abode near the ships, and employed themselves daily in fishing, and in supplying the English with the fruits of their labour. No small advantage hence accrued to our people, who were by no means such expert fishers as the natives, nor were any of our methods of fishing equal to theirs. Thus, in almost every state of society, particular arts of life are carried to perfection; and there is something which the most polished nations may learn from the most barbarous. On the 2nd of June, when the Resolution and Adventure were almost ready to put to sea, Captain Cook sent on shore, on the east side of the sound, two goats, a male and female; and Captain Furneaux left, near Cannibal Cove, a boar and two breeding sows. The gentlemen had little doubt but that the country would, in time, be stocked with these animals, provided they were not destroyed by the Indians before they became wild. Afterwards there would be no danger; and as the natives knew nothing of their being left behind, it was hoped that it might be some time before they would be discovered. It is remarkable that, during Captain Cook's second visit to Charlotte Sound, he was not able to recollect the face of any one person whom he had seen there three years before. Nor did it once appear, that even a single Indian had the least knowledge of our commander, or of any of our people who had been with him in his last voyage. Hence he thought it highly probable, that the greatest part of the natives who inhabited this sound to the beginning of the year 1770, had either since been driven out of it, or had removed, of their own accord, to some other situation. Not one-third of the inhabitants were there now, that had been seen at that time. Their strong hold on the point of Motuara was deserted, and in every part of the sound many forsaken habitations were discovered. In the captain's opinion, there was not any reason to believe, that the place had ever been very populous. From comparing the two voyages together, it may be collected that the Indians of Eahei-nomauwe are in somewhat of a more improved state of society than those of Tavai-poenammo. Part of the 4th of June was employed by Captain Cook in visiting a chief and a whole tribe of the natives, consisting of between ninety and a hundred persons, including men, women and children. After the captain had distributed some presents among these people, and shewn to the chief the gardens which had been made, he returned on board, and spent the remainder of the day in the celebration of his royal master's nativity. Captain Furneaux and all his officers were invited upon the occasion; and the seamen were enabled, by a double allowance, to partake of the general joy. As some might think it an extraordinary step in our commander, to proceed in discoveries so far south as forty-six degrees of latitude in the very depth of winter, he has recorded his motives for this part of his conduct. Winter, he acknowledges, is by no means favourable for discoveries. Nevertheless, it appeared to him to be necessary that something should be done in that season, in order to lessen the work in which he was engaged; and lest he should not be able to finish the discovery of the southern part of the south Pacific Ocean in the ensuing summer. Besides, if he should discover any land in his route to the east, he would be ready to begin to explore it, as soon as ever the season should be favourable. Independently of all these considerations, he had little to fear; having two good ships well provided, and both the crews being healthy. Where then could he better employ his time? If he did nothing more, he was at least in hopes of being enabled to point out to posterity, that these seas may be navigated, and that it is practicable to pursue discoveries even in the depth of winter. Such was the ardour of our navigator for prosecuting the ends of his voyage, in circumstances which would have induced most men to act a more cautious part! During Captain Cook's stay in the sound, he had observed, that the second visit to this country had not mended the morals of the natives of either sex. He had always looked upon the females of New Zealand as more chaste than the generality of Indian women. Whatever favours a few of them might have granted to the people in the Endeavour, such intercourse usually took place in a private manner, and did not appear to be encouraged by the men. But now the captain was told, that the male Indians were the chief promoters of this shameful traffic, and that, for a spikenail, or any other thing they valued, they would oblige the women to prostitute themselves, whether it were agreeable or contrary to their inclinations. At the same time no regard was paid to the privacy which decency required. The account of this fact must be read with concern by every wellwisher to the good order and happiness of society, even without adverting to considerations of a higher nature. On the 7th of June, Captain Cook put to sea from Queen Charlotte's Sound, with the Adventure in company. I shall omit the nautical part of the route from New Zealand to Otaheite, which continued till the 15th of August; and shall only select such circumstances as are more immediately suitable to the design of the present narrative. It was found, on the 29th of July, that the crew of the Adventure were in a sickly state. Her cook was dead, and about twenty of her best men were rendered incapable of duty by the scurvy and flux. At this time, no more than three men were on the sick list on board the Resolution; and only one of these was attacked with the scurvy. Some others, however, began to discover the symptoms of it; and, accordingly, recourse was had to wort, marmalade of carrots, and the rob of lemons and oranges, with the usual success. Captain Cook could not account for the prevalence of the scurvy being so much greater in the Adventure than in the Resolution, unless it was owing to the crew of the former being more scorbutic when they arrived in New Zealand than the crew of the latter, and to their eating few or no vegetables while they lay in Queen Charlotte's Sound. This arose partly from their want of knowing the right sorts, and partly from the dislike which seamen have to the introduction of a new diet. Their aversion to any unusual change of food is so great, that it can only be overcome by the steady and persevering example and authority of a commander. Many of Captain Cook's people, officers as well as common sailors, disliked the boiling of celery, scurvy-grass, and other greens with pease and wheat; and by some the provision, thus prepared, was refused to be eaten. But, as this had no effect on the captain's conduct, their prejudice gradually subsided: they began to like their diet as much as the rest of their companions; and, at length, there was hardly a man in the ship who did not attribute the freedom of the crew from the scurvy, to the beer and vegetables which had been made use of at New Zealand. Henceforward, whenever the seamen came to a place where vegetables could be obtained, our commander seldom found it necessary to order them to be gathered; and, if they were scarce, happy was the person who could lay hold on them first. On the 1st of August, when the ships were in the latitude of 25° 1', and the longitude of 130° 6' west, they were nearly in the same situation with that which is assigned by Captain Carteret for Pitcairn's Island, discovered by him in 1767. For this island, therefore, our voyagers diligently looked; but saw nothing. According to the longitude in which he had placed it, Captain Cook must have passed it fifteen leagues to the west. But as this was uncertain, he did not think it prudent to lose any time in searching for it, as the sickly state of the Adventure's people required as speedy an arrival as possible at a place of refreshment. A sight of it, however, would have been of use in verifying or correcting, not only the longitude of Pitcairn's Island, but of the others discovered by Captain Carteret in that neighbourhood. It is a diminution of the value of that gentleman's voyage, that his longitude was not confirmed by astronomical observations, and that hence it was liable to errors, the correction of which was out of his power. As Captain Cook had now gotten to the northward of Captain Carteret's tracks, he no longer entertained any hopes of discovering a continent. Islands were all that he could expect to find, until he returned again to the south. In this and his former voyage, he had crossed the ocean in the latitude of 40° and upwards, without meeting any thing which could, in the least, induce him to believe that he should attain the great object of his pursuit. Every circumstance concurred to convince him, that, between the meridian of America and New Zealand, there is no southern continent; and that there is no continent farther to the south, unless in a very high latitude. This, however; was a point too important to be left to opinions and conjectures. It was to be determined by facts; and the ascertainment of it was appointed, by our commander, for the employment of the ensuing summer. It was the 6th of August before the ships had the advantage of the trade wind. This they got at southeast, being at that time in the latitude of 19° 36' south, and the longitude of 131° 32' west. As Captain Cook had obtained the south east trade wind, he directed his course to the west-north-west; not only with a view of keeping in with the strength of the wind, but also to get to the north of the islands discovered in his former voyage, that he might have a chance of meeting with any other islands which might lie in the way. It was in the track which had been pursued by M. de Bougainville that our commander now proceeded. He was sorry that he could not spare time to sail to the north of this track; but at present, on account of the sickly state of the Adventure's crew, the arriving at a place where refreshments could be procured was an object superior to that of discovery. To four of the islands which were passed by Captain Cook, he gave the names of Resolution Island, Doubtful Island, Furneaux Island, and Adventure Island. They are supposed to be the same that were seen by M. de Bougainville; and these with several others, which constitute a cluster of low and half-drowned isles, that gentleman distinguished by the appellation of the Dangerous Archipelago. The smoothness of the sea sufficiently convinced our navigators, that they were surrounded by them, and that it was highly necessary to proceed with the utmost caution, especially in the night. Early in the morning, on the 15th of August, the ships came within sight of Osnaburg Island, or Maitea, which had been discovered by Captain Wallis. Soon after, Captain Cook acquainted Captain Furneaux, that it was his intention to put into Oaiti-piha Bay, near the south-east end of Otaheite, for the purpose of procuring what refreshments he could from that part of the island, before he went down to Matavai. At six to the evening the island was seen bearing west; and our people continued to advance towards it till midnight, when they brought to, till four o'clock in the morning; after which, they sailed in for the land with a fine breeze at east. At day-break, they found themselves within the distance of half a league from the reef; and, at the same time, the breeze began to fail them, and was at last succeeded by a calm. It now became necessary for the boats to be hoisted out, in order to tow off the ships; but all the efforts of our voyagers, to keep them from being carried near the reef, were insufficient for the purpose. As the calm continued, the situation of the vessels became still more dangerous. Captain Cook, however, entertained hopes of getting round the western point of the reef and into the bay. But, about two o'clock in the afternoon, when he came before an opening or break of the reef, through which he had flattered himself that he might get with the ships, he found, on sending to examine it, that there was not a sufficient depth of water. Nevertheless, this opening caused such an indraught of the tide of flood through it, as was very near proving fatal to the Resolution; for as soon as the vessels got into the stream, they were carried towards the reef with great impetuosity. The moment the captain perceived this, he ordered one of the warping machines, which was held in readiness, to be carried out with about four hundred fathoms of rope; but it did not produce the least effect: and our navigators had now in prospect the horrors of shipwreck. They were not more than two cables' length from the breakers; and, though it was the only probable method which was left of saving the ships, they could find no bottom to anchor. An anchor, however, they did drop; but before it took hold, and brought them up, the Resolution was in less than three fathom water and struck at every fall of the sea, which broke close under her stern in a dreadful surf, and threatened her crew every moment with destruction. Happily the Adventure brought up without striking. Presently, the Resolution's people carried out two kedge-anchors, with hawsers to each; and these found ground a little without the bower. By heaving upon them, and cutting away the bower anchor, the ship was gotten afloat, where Captain Cook and his men lay for some time in the greatest anxiety, expecting every minute that either the kedges would come home, or the hawsers be cut in two by the rocks. At length, the tide ceased to act in the same direction: upon which the captain ordered all the boats to try to tow off the vessel. Having found this to be practicable, the two kedges were hove up; and at that moment a light air came off from the land, by which the boats were so much assisted, that the Resolution soon got clear of all danger. Our commander then ordered all the boats to assist the Adventure; but before they reached her, she was under sail with the land breeze, and in a little time joined her companion, leaving behind her three anchors, her coasting cable, and two hawsers, which were never recovered. Thus were our voyagers once more safe at sea, after narrowly escaping being wrecked on the very island, at which, but a few days before, they had most ardently wished to arrive. It was a peculiarly happy circumstance, that the calm continued, after bringing the ships into so dangerous a state; for if the sea breeze, as is usually the ease, had set, in, the Resolution must inevitably have been lost, and probably the Adventure likewise. During the time in which the English were in this critical situation, a number of the natives were either on board or near the vessel in their canoes. Nevertheless, they seemed to be insensible of our people's danger, shewing not the least surprise, joy, or fear, when the ships were striking; and they went away a little before sunset, quite unconcerned. Though most of them knew Captain Cook again, and many inquired for Mr. Banks and others who had been with the captain before, it was remarkable that not one of them asked for Tupia. On the 17th the Resolution and Adventure anchored in Oaiti-piha Bay, immediately upon which they were crowded with the inhabitants of the country, who brought with them cocoa-nuts, plantains, bananas, apples, yams, and other roots, which were exchanged for nails and beads. To some, who called themselves chiefs, our commander made presents of shirts, axes, and several articles besides, in return for which they promised to bring him hogs and fowls; a promise which they did not perform, and which, as might be judged from their conduct, they had never had the least intention of performing. In the afternoon of the same day, Captain Cook landed in company with Captain Furneaux, for the purpose of viewing the watering-place, and of sounding the disposition of the natives. The article of water, which was now much wanted on board, he found might conveniently he obtained, and the inhabitants behaved with great civility. Notwithstanding this civility, nothing was brought to market, the next day, but fruit and roots, though it was said that many hogs were seen about the houses in the neighbourhood. The cry was, that they belonged to Waheatoua, the earee de hi, or king; who had not yet appeared, nor indeed, any other chief of note. Among the Indians that came on board the Resolution, and no small number of whom did not scruple to call themselves earees, there was one of this sort, who had been entertained in the cabin most of the day, and to all of whose friends Captain Cook had made presents, as well as liberally to himself. At length, however, he was caught taking things which did not belong to him, and handing them out of the quarter gallery. Various complaints of the like nature being, at the same time, made against the natives who were on deck, our commander turned them all out of the ship. His cabin guest was very rapid in his retreat; and the captain was so exasperated at his behaviour, that after the earee had gotten to some distance from the Resolution, he fired two muskets over his head, by which he was so terrified that he quitted his canoe and took to the water. Captain Cook then sent a boat to take the canoe; but when the boat approached the shore, the people on land began to pelt her with stones. The captain, therefore, being in some pain for her safety, as she was unarmed, went himself in another boat to protect her, and ordered a great gun, loaded with ball, to be fired along the coast, which made all the Indians retire from the shore, and he was suffered to bring away two canoes without the least show of opposition. In a few hours peace was restored, and the canoes were returned to the first person who came for them. It was not till the evening of this day, that any one inquired after Tupia, and then the inquiry was made by only two or three of the natives. When they learned the cause of his death, they were perfectly satisfied; nor did it appear to our commander that they would have felt a moment's uneasiness, if Tupia's decease had proceeded from any other cause than sickness. They were as little concerned about Aotourou, the man who had gone away with M. de Bougainville. But they were continually asking for Mr. Banks, and for several others who had accompanied Captain Cook in his former voyage. Since that voyage, very considerable changes had happened in the country. Toutaha, the regent of the great peninsula of Otaheite, had been killed, in a battle which was fought between the two kingdoms about five months before the Resolution's arrival; and Otto was now the reigning prince. Tubourai Tamaide, and several more of the principal friends to the English, had fallen in this battle, together with a large number of the common people. A peace subsisted, at present, between the two grand divisions of the island. On the 20th, one of the natives carried off a musket belonging to the guard onshore. Captain Cook, who was himself a witness of the transaction, sent out some of his people after him; but this would have been to very little purpose, if the thief had not been intercepted by several of his own countrymen, who pursued him voluntarily, knocked him down, and returned the musket to the English. This act of justice prevented our commander from being placed in a disagreeable situation. If the natives had not given their immediate assistance, it would scarcely have been in his power to have recovered the musket, by any gentle means whatever; and if he had been obliged to have recourse to other methods, he was sure of loosing more than ten times its value. The fraud of one, who appeared as a chief, is, perhaps, not unworthy of notice. This man, in a visit to Captain Cook, presented him with a quantity of fruit; among which were a number of cocoa-nuts, that had already been exhausted of their liquor by our people, and afterwards thrown overboard. These the chief had picked up, and tied so artfully in bundles, that at first the deception was not perceived. When he was informed of it, without betraying the least emotion, and affecting a total ignorance of the matter, he opened two or three of the nuts himself, signified that he was satisfied of the fact, and then went on shore and sent off a quantity of plantains and bananas. The ingenuity and the impudence of fraud are not solely the production of polished society. Captain Cook, on the 23rd, had an interview with Waheatoua, the result of which was that our navigators obtained this day as much pork as furnished a meal to the crews of both the vessels. In the captain's last voyage, Waheatoua, who was then little more than a boy, was called Tearee; but having succeeded to his father's authority, he had assumed his father's name. The fruits that were procured at Oaiti-piha Bay contributed greatly to the recovery of the sick people belonging to the Adventure. Many of them, who had been so ill as to be incapable of moving without assistance, were, in the compass of a few days, so far recovered that they were able to walk about of themselves. When the Resolution entered the bay, she had but one scorbutic man on board. A marine, who had long been sick; and who died the second day after her arrival, of a complication of disorders, had not the least mixture of the scurvy. On the 24th, the ships put to sea, and arrived the next evening in Matavia Bay. Before they could come to an anchor, the decks were crowded with the natives, many of whom Captain Cook knew, and by most of whom he was well remembered. Among a large multitude of people, who were collected together upon the shore, was Otoo, the king of the island. Our commander paid him a visit on the following day, at Oparree, the place of his residence; and found him to be a fine, personable, well-made man, six feet high, and about thirty years of age. The qualities of his mind were not correspondent to his external appearance: for when Captain Cook endeavoured to obtain from him the promise of a visit on board, he acknowledged that he was afraid of the guns, and, indeed, manifested in all his actions that he was a prince of a timorous disposition. Upon the captain's return from Oparree, he found the tents, and the astronomer's observatories, set up, on the same spot from which the transit of Venus had been observed in 1769. The sick, being twenty in number from the Adventure, and one from the Resolution, all of whom were ill of the scurvy, he ordered to be landed; and he appointed a guard of marines on shore, under the command of Lieutenant Edgcumbe. On the 27th, Otoo was prevailed upon, with some degree of reluctance, to pay our commander a visit. He came attended with a numerous train, and brought with him fruits, a hog, two large fish, and a quantity of cloth: for which he and all his retinue were gratified with suitable presents. When Captain Cook conveyed his guests to land, he was met by a venerable lady, the mother of the late Toutaha, who seized him by both hands, and burst into a flood of tears, saying, _Toutaha tiyo no toutee matty Toutaha_; that is, 'Toutaha, your friend, or the friend of Cook, is dead.' He was so much affected with her behaviour, that it would have been impossible for him to have refrained from mingling his tears with hers, had not Otoo, who was displeased with the interview, taken him from her. It was with difficulty that the captain could obtain permission to see her again, when he gave her an axe and some other articles. Captain Furneaux, at this time presented the king with two fine goats, which, if no accident befell them, might be expected to multiply. Several days had passed in a friendly intercourse with the natives, and in the procuring provisions, when, in the evening of the 30th, the gentlemen on board the Resolution were alarmed with the cry of murder, and with a great noise on shore, near the bottom of the bay, and at a distance from the English encampment. Upon this, Captain Cook, who suspected that some of his own men were concerned in the affair, immediately dispatched an armed boat, to know the cause of the disturbance, and to bring off such of his people as should be found in the place. He sent also, to the Adventure, and to the post on shore, to learn who were missing: for none but those who were upon duty were absent from the Resolution. The boats speedily returned with three marines and a seaman. Some others, likewise, were taken, belonging to the Adventure; and all of them being put under confinement, our commander, the next morning, ordered them to be punished according to their deserts. He did not find that any mischief had been done, and the men would confess nothing. Some liberties which they had taken with the women had probably given occasion to the disturbance. To whatever cause it was owing, the natives were so much alarmed, that they fled from their habitations in the dead of night, and the alarm was spread many miles along the coast. In the morning, when Captain Cook went to visit Otoo, by appointment, he found he had removed, or rather fled, to a great distance from the usual place of his abode. After arriving where he was, it was some hours before the captain could be admitted to the sight of him; and then he complained of the riot of the preceding evening. The sick being nearly recovered, the water completed, and the necessary repairs of the ships finished, Captain Cook determined to put to sea without delay. Accordingly, on the 1st of September, he ordered every thing to be removed from the shore, and the vessels to be unmoored, in which employment his people were engaged the greater part of the day. In the afternoon of the same day, Lieutenant Pickersgill returned from Attahourou, to which place he had been sent by the captain, for the purpose of procuring some hogs that had been promised. In this expedition, the lieutenant had seen the celebrated Oberea, who has been so much the object of poetical fancy. Her situation was very humble compared with what it had formerly been. She was not only altered much for the worse in her person, but appeared to be poor, and of little or no consequence or authority in the island. In the evening, a favourable wind having sprung up, our commander put to sea; on which occasion he was obliged to dismiss his Otaheite friends sooner than they wished to depart; but well satisfied with his kind and liberal treatment. From Matavai Bay, Captain Cook directed his course for the island of Huaheine, where he intended to touch. This island he reached the next day, and, early in the morning of the 3rd of September, made sail for the harbour of Owharre, in which he soon came to an anchor. The Adventure, not happening to turn into the harbour with equal facility, got ashore on the north side of the channel; but, by the timely assistance which Captain Cook had previously provided, in case such an accident should occur, she was gotten off again, without receiving any damage. As soon as both the ships were in safety, our commander; together with Captain Furneaux, landed upon the island, and was received by the natives with the utmost cordiality. A trade immediately commenced; so that our navigators had a fair prospect of being plentifully supplied with fresh pork and fowls, which, to people in their situation, was a very desirable circumstance. On, the 4th, Lieutenant Pickersgill sailed with the cutter, on a trading party, toward the south end of the isle. Another trading party was also sent on shore near the ships, which party Captain Cook attended himself, to see that the business was properly conducted at the first setting out, this being a point of no small importance. Every thing being settled to his mind, he went, accompanied by Captain Furneaux, and Mr. Forster, to pay a visit to his old friend Oree, the chief of the island. This visit was preceded by many preparatory ceremonies. Among other things the chief sent to our commander the inscription engraved on a small piece of pewter, which he had left with him in July, 1761. It was in the bag that Captain Cook had made for it, together with a piece of counterfeit English coin, and a few beads, which had been put in at the same time; whence it was evident what particular care had been taken of the whole. After the previous ceremonies had been discharged, the captain wanted to go to the king, but he was informed that the king would come to him. Accordingly, Oree went up to our commander, and fell on his neck, and embraced him; nor was it a ceremonious embrace, for the tears which trickled down the venerable old man's cheeks sufficiently bespoke the language of his heart. The presents, which Captain Cook made to the chief on this occasion, consisted of the most valuable articles he had; for he regarded him as a father. Oree, in return, gave the captain a hog, and a quantity of cloth, promising that all the wants of the English should be supplied; and it was a promise to which he faithfully adhered. Indeed, he carried his kindness to Captain Cook so far, as not to fail sending him every day, for his table, a plentiful supply of the very best of ready-dressed fruits and roots. Hitherto, all things had gone on in the most agreeable manner; but on Monday, the 6th, several circumstances occurred, which rendered it an unpleasant and troublesome day. When our commander went to the trading-place, he was informed that one of the inhabitants had behaved with remarkable insolence. The man was completely equipped in the war habit, had a club in each hand, and seemed bent upon mischief. Captain Cook took, therefore, the clubs from him, broke them before his eyes, and with some difficulty compelled him to retire. About the same time, Mr. Sparrman, who had imprudently gone out alone to botanize, was assaulted by two men, who stripped him of every thing which he had about him, excepting his trowsers, and struck him again and again with his own hanger, though happily without doing him any harm. When they had accomplished their purpose, they made off; after which another of the natives brought a piece of cloth to cover him, and conducted him to the trading place, where the inhabitants, in a large number, were assembled. The instant that Mr. Sparrman appeared in the condition now described, they all fled with the utmost precipitation. Captain Cook, having recalled a few of the Indians, and convinced them that he should take no step to injure those who were innocent, went to Oree to complain of the outrage. When the chief had heard the whole affair related, he wept aloud, and many other of the inhabitants did the same. After the first transports of his grief had subsided, he began to expostulate with his people, telling them (for so his language was understood by the English) how well Captain Cook had treated them both in this and his former voyage, and how base it was in them to commit such actions. He then took a minute account of the things of which Mr. Sparrman had been robbed, and, after having promised to use his utmost endeavours for the recovery of them, desired to go into the captain's boat. At this, the natives, apprehensive doubtless for the safety of their prince, expressed the utmost alarm, and used every argument to dissuade him from so rash a measure. All their remonstrances, however, were in vain. He hastened into the boat; and as soon as they saw that their beloved chief was wholly in our commander's power, they set up a great outcry. Indeed, their grief was inexpressible; they prayed, entreated nay, attempted to pull him out of the boat; and every face was bedewed with tears. Even Captain Cook himself was so moved by their distress, that he united his entreaties with theirs, but all to no purpose. Oree insisted upon the captain's coming into the boat, which was no sooner done, than he ordered it to be put off. His sister was the only person among the Indians who behaved with a becoming magnanimity on this occasion; for, with a spirit equal to that of her royal brother, she alone did not oppose his going. It was his design, in coming into the boat of the English, to proceed with them in search of the robbers. Accordingly, he went with Captain Cook, as far as it was convenient, by water, when they landed, entered the country, and travelled same miles inland; in doing which the chief led the way, and inquired after the criminals of every person whom he saw. In this search he would have gone to the very extremity of the island, if our commander, who did not think the object worthy of so laborious a pursuit, had not refused to proceed any farther. Besides, as he intended to sail the next morning, and all manner of trade was stopped in consequence of the alarm of the natives, it became the more necessary for him to return, that he might restore things to their former state. It was with great reluctance that Ores was prevailed upon to discontinue the search, and to content himself with sending, at Captain Cook's request, some of his people for the things which had been carried off. When he and the captain had gotten back to the boat, they found there the chief's sister, and several other persons, who had travelled by land to the place. The English gentlemen immediately stepped into their boat, in order to return on board, without so much as asking Oree to accompany them; notwithstanding which, he insisted upon doing it; nor could the opposition and entreaties of those who were about him induce him to desist from his purpose. His sister followed his example, uninfluenced, on this occasion, by the supplications and tears of her daughter. Captain Cook amply rewarded the chief and his sister for the confidence they had placed in him; and, after dinner, conveyed them both on shore, where some hundreds of people waited to receive them, many of whom embraced Oree with tears of joy. All was now peace and gladness: the inhabitants crowded in from every part, with such a plentiful supply of hogs, fowls, and vegetable productions, that the English presently filled two boats; and the chief himself presented the captain with a large hog, and a quantity of fruit. Mr. Sparrman's hanger the only thing of value which he had lost, was brought back, together with part of his coat; and our navigators were told, that the remaining articles should be restored the next day. Some things which had been stolen from a party of officers, who had gone out a shooting, were returned in like manner. The transactions of this day have been the more particularly related, as they shew the high opinion which the chief had formed of our commander, and the unreserved confidence that he placed in his integrity and honour. Oree had entered into a solemn friendship with Captain Cook, according to all the forms which were customary in the country; and he seemed to think, that this friendship could not be broken by the act of any other persons. It is justly observed by the captain, that another chief may never be found, who, under similar circumstances, will act in the same manner. Oree, indeed, had nothing to fear: for it was not our commander's intention to hurt a hair of his head, or to detain him a moment longer than was agreeable to his own desire. But of this how could he and his people be assured? They were not ignorant, that when he was once in Captain Cook's power, the whole force of the island would not be sufficient to recover him, and that they must have complied with any demands, however great, for his ransom. The apprehensions, therefore, of the inhabitants, for their chief's and their own safety, had a reasonable foundation. Early on the 7th, while the ships were unmooring, the captain went to pay his farewell visit to Oree, and took with him such presents as had not only a fancied value, but a real utility. He left, also, with the chief the inscription plate, that had been before in his possession, and another small copper-plate, on which were engraved these words: 'Anchored here, his Britannic Majesty's ships, Resolution and Adventure, September, 1773.' These plates, together with some medals, were put up in a bag; of which Oree promised to take care, and to produce them to the first ship or ships that should arrive at the island. Having, in return, given a hog to Captain Cook, and loaded his boat with fruit, they took leave of each other, when the good old chief embraced our commander with tears in his eyes. Nothing was mentioned, at this interview, concerning the remainder of Mr. Sparrman's property. As it was early in the morning, the captain judged that it had not been brought in, and he was not willing to speak of it to Oree, lest he should give him pain about things which there had not been time to recover. The robbers having soon afterward been taken, Oree came on board again, to request that our commander would go on shore, either to punish them, or to be present at their punishment; but this not being convenient to him, he left them to the correction of their own chief. It was from the island of Huaheine that Captain Furneaux received into his ship a young man named Omai, a native of Ulietea, of whom so much hath since been known and written. This choice Captain Cook at first disapproved; as thinking that the youth was not a proper sample of the inhabitants of the Society Islands; being inferior to many of them in birth and acquired rank, and not having any peculiar advantage in point of shape, figure, or complexion. The captain afterward found reason to be better satisfied with Omai's having accompanied our navigators, to England. During the short stay of the vessels at Huaheine, our people were very successful in obtaining supplies of provisions. No less than three hundred hogs, besides fowls and fruit, were procured; and had the ships continued longer at the place, the quantity might have been greatly increased. Such was the fertility of this small island, that none of these articles of refreshment were seemingly diminished, but appeared to be as plentiful as ever. From Huaheine our navigators sailed for Ulietea; where, trade was carried on in the usual manner, and a most friendly intercourse renewed between Captain Cook and Oree, the chief of the island. Here Tupia was inquired after with particular eagerness, and the inquirers were perfectly satisfied with the account which was given of the occasion of that Indian's decease. On the morning of the 15th, the English were surprised at finding that none of the inhabitants of Ulietea came off to the ships, as had hitherto been customary. As two men belonging to the Adventure had stayed on shore all night, contrary to orders, Captain Cook's first conjectures were, that the natives had stripped them, and were afraid of the revenge which would be taken of the insult. This, however, was not the case. The men had been treated with great civility, and could assign no cause for the precipitate flight of the Indians. All that the captain could learn was, that several were killed and others wounded, by the guns of the English This information alarmed him for the safety of some of our people, who had been sent out in two boats to the island of Otaha. He determined, therefore, it possible, to see the chief himself. When he came up to him, Oree threw his arms around our commander's neck, and burst into tears; in which he was accompanied by all the women, and some of the men; so that the lamentations became general. Astonishment alone kept Captain Cook from joining in their grief. At last, the whole which he could collect from his inquiries was, that the natives had been alarmed on account of the absence of the English boats, and imagined that the captain, upon the supposition of the desertion of his men, would use violent means for the recovery of his loss. When the matter was explained, it was acknowledged that not a single inhabitant, or a single Englishman, had been hurt. This groundless consternation displayed in a strong light the timorous disposition of the people of the Society islands. Our navigators were as successful in procuring provisions at Ulietea as they had been at Huaheine. Captain Cook judged that the number of hogs obtained amounted to four hundred or upwards: many of them, indeed, were only roasters, while others exceeded a hundred pounds in weight; but the general run was from forty to sixty. A larger quantity was offered than the ships could contain; so that our countrymen were enabled to proceed on their voyage with no small degree of comfort and advantage. Our commander, by his second visit to the Society islands, gained a farther knowledge of their general state, and of the customs of the inhabitants. It appeared, that a Spanish ship had been lately at Otaheite, and the natives complained, that a disease had been communicated to them by the people of this vessel which according to their account affected the head, the throat, and the stomach, and at length ended in death. With regard to a certain disorder, the effects of which have so fatally been felt in the latter ages of the world, Captain Cook's inquiries could not absolutely determine whether it was known to the islanders before they were visited by the Europeans. If it was of recent origin, the introduction of it was, without a dissentient voice, ascribed to the voyage of M. de Bougainville. One thing which our commander was solicitous to ascertain, was, whether human sacrifices constituted a part of the religious customs of these people, The man of whom he had made his inquiries, and several other natives took some pains to explain the matter; but, from our people's ignorance of the language of the country, their explication could not be understood. Captain Cook afterwards learned from Omai that the inhabitants of the Society islands offer human sacrifices to the Supreme Being. What relates to funeral ceremonies excepted, all the knowledge he could obtain concerning their religion was very imperfect and defective. The captain had an opportunity, in this voyage of rectifying the great injustice which had been done to the women of Otaheite and the neighbouring isles. They had been represented as ready, without exception to grant the last favour to any man who would come up to their price: but our commander found that this was by no means the case. The favours both of the married women and of the unmarried, of the better sort, were as difficult to be obtained in the Society islands as in any other country whatever. Even with respect to the unmarried females of the lower class, the charge was not indiscriminately true. There were many of these who would not admit of indecent familiarities. The setting this subject in a proper light must be considered as one of the agreeable effects of Captain Cook's second voyage. Every enlightened mind will rejoice at what conduces to the honour of human nature in general, and of the female sex in particular. Chastity is so eminently the glory of that sex, and, indeed, is so essentially connected with the good order of society, that it must be a satisfaction to reflect, that there is no country, however ignorant or barbarous, in which this virtue is not regarded as an object of moral obligation. This voyage enabled our commander to gain some farther knowledge concerning the geography of the Society isles; and he found it highly probable, that Otaheite is of greater extent than he had computed it in his former estimation. The astronomers did not neglect to set up their observatories, and to make observations suited to their purpose. On the 17th of September, Captain Cook sailed from Ulietea, directing his course to the west, with an inclination to the south. Land was discovered on the 23rd of the month, to which he gave the name of Harvey's Island. On the 1st of October, he reached the island of Middleburg. While he was looking about for a landing place, two canoes, each of them conducted by two or three men, came boldly alongside the ship, and some of the people entered it without hesitation. This mark of confidence inspired our commander with so good an opinion of the inhabitants, that he determined, if possible, to pay them a visit, which he did the next day. Scarcely had the vessels gotten to an anchor, before they were surrounded by a great number of canoes, full of the natives, who brought with them cloth, and various curiosities, which they exchanged for nails, and such other articles as were adapted to their fancy. Among those who came on board, was a chief, named Tioony, whose friendship Captain Cook immediately gained by proper presents, consisting principally of a hatchet and some spike-nails. A party of our navigators, with the captain at the head of them having embarked in two boats, proceeded to the shore, where they found an immense crowd of people, who welcomed them to the island with loud acclamations. There was not so much as a stick, or any other weapon, in the hands of a single native, so pacific were their dispositions and intentions. They seemed to be more desirous of giving than receiving; and many of them, who could not approach near to the boats, threw into them, over the heads of others, whole bales of cloth, and then retired, without either asking or waiting for anything in return. The whole day was spent by our navigators in the most agreeable manner. When they returned on board in the evening, every one expressed how much he was delighted with the country, and the very obliging behaviour of the inhabitants, who seemed to vie with each other in their endeavours to give pleasure to our people. All this conduct appeared to be the result of the most pure good nature, perhaps without being accompanied with much sentiment or feeling; for when Captain Cook signified to the chief his intention of quitting the island, he did not seem to be in the least moved. Among other articles presented by the captain to Tioony, he left him an assortment of garden seeds, which, if properly used, might be of great future benefit to the country. From Middleburg, the ships sailed down to Amsterdam, the natives of which island were equally ready with those of the former place to maintain a friendly intercourse with the English. Like the people of Middleburg, they brought nothing with them but cloth, matting, and such other articles as could be of little service; and for these our seamen were so simple as to barter away their clothes. To put a stop, therefore to so injurious a traffic, and to obtain the necessary refreshments, the captain gave orders, that no sort of curiosities should be purchased by any person whatever. This injunction produced the desired effect. When the inhabitants saw that the English would deal with them for nothing but eatables, they brought off bananas and cocoa-nuts in abundance, together with some fowls and pigs; all of which they exchanged for small nails and pieces of cloth. Even a few old rags were sufficient for the purchase of a pig or a fowl. The method of carrying on trade being settled, and proper officers having been appointed to prevent disputes, our commander's next object was to obtain as complete a knowledge as possible of the island of Amsterdam. In this he was much facilitated by a friendship which he had formed with Attago, one of the chiefs of the country. Captain Cook was struck with admiration, when he surveyed the beauty and cultivation of the island. He thought himself transported into the most fertile plains of Europe. There was not an inch of waste ground. The roads occupied no larger a space than was absolutely necessary, and the fences did not take up above four inches each. Even such a small portion of ground was not wholly lost; for many of the fences themselves contained useful trees or plants. The scene was every where the same; and nature, assisted by a little art, no where assumes a more splendid appearance than in this island. Friendly as were the natives of Amsterdam, they were not entirely free from the thievish disposition which had so often been remarked in the islanders of the Southern Ocean. The instances, however, of this kind, which occurred, were not of such a nature as to produce any extraordinary degree of trouble, or to involve our people in a quarrel with the inhabitants. Captain Cook's introduction to the king of the island afforded a scene somewhat remarkable. His majesty was seated with so much sullen and stupid gravity, that the captain took him for an idiot, whom the Indians, from some superstitious reasons, were ready to worship. When our commander saluted and spoke to him, he neither answered, nor took the least notice of him; nor did he alter a single feature of his countenance. Even the presents which were made to him could not induce him to resign a bit of his gravity, or to speak one word, or to turn his head either to the right hand or to the left. As he was in the prime of life, it was possible that a false sense of dignity might engage him to assume so solemn a stupidity of appearance. In the history of mankind, instances might probably be found which would confirm this supposition. It is observable, that the two islands of Middleburg and Amsterdam are guarded from the sea by a reef of coral rocks, which extend out from the shore about one hundred fathoms. On this reef the force of the sea is spent before it reaches the land. The same, indeed, is, to a great measure, the situation of all the tropical isles which our commander had seen in that part of the globe; and hence arises an evidence of the wisdom and goodness of Providence; as by such a provision, nature has effectually secured them from the encroachments of the sea, though many of them are mere points, when compared with the vast ocean by which they are surrounded. In Amsterdam, Mr. Forster not only found the same plants that are at Otaheite and the neighbouring islands, but several others, which are not to be met with in those places. Captain Cook took care, by a proper assortment of garden-seeds and pulse, to increase the vegetable stock of the inhabitants. Hogs and fowls were the only domestic animals that were seen in these islands. The former are of the same sort with those which have been met with in other parts of the Southern Ocean; but the latter are far superior, being as large as any in Europe, and equal, if not preferable, with respect to the goodness of their flesh. Both men and women are of a common size with Europeans. Their colour is that of a lightish copper, and with a greater uniformity than occurs among the natives of Otaheite and the Society Isles. Some of the English gentlemen were of opinion, that the inhabitants of Middleburg and Amsterdam were a much handsomer race; while others with whom Captain Cook concurred, maintained a contrary sentiment. However this may be, their shape is good, their features regular, and they are active, brisk, and lively. The women, in particular, are the merriest creatures our commander had ever met with: and, provided any person seemed pleased with them, they would keep chattering by his side without the least invitation, or considering whether they were understood. They appeared in general to be modest, though there were several amongst them of a different character. As there were yet on board some complaints of a certain disorder, the captain took all possible care to prevent its communication. Our navigators were frequently entertained by the women with songs, and this in a manner which was by no means disagreeable. They had a method of keeping time by snapping their fingers. Their music was harmonious as well as their voices, and there was a considerable degree of compass in their notes. A singular custom was found to prevail in these islands. The greater part of the people were observed to have lost one or both of their little fingers; and this was not peculiar to rank, age, or sex; nor was the amputation restricted to any specific period of life. Our navigators endeavoured in vain to discover the reason of so extraordinary a practice. A very extensive knowledge of the language of Middleburg and Amsterdam could not be obtained during the short stay which was made there by the English. However, the more they inquired into it, the more they found that it was, in general, the same with that which is spoken at Otaheite and the Society isles. The difference is not greater than what frequently occurs betwixt the most northern and western parts of England. On the 7th of October, Captain Cook proceeded on his voyage. His intention was to sail directly to Queen Charlotte's Sound, in New Zealand, for the purpose of taking in wood and water, after which he was to pursue his discoveries to the south and the east. The day after he quitted Amsterdam, he passed the island of Pilstart; an island which had been discovered by Tasman. On the 21st, he made the land of New Zealand, at the distance of eight or ten leagues from Table Cape. As our commander was very desirous of leaving in the country such an assortment of animals and vegetables as might greatly contribute to the future benefit of the inhabitants, one of the first things which he did was to give to a chief, who had come off in a canoe, two boars, two sows, four hens, and two cocks, together with a quantity of seeds, The seeds were of the most useful kind; such as wheat, french and kidney beans, pease, cabbage, turnips, onions, carrots, parsnips, and yams. The man to whom these several articles were presented, though he was much more enraptured with a spike-nail half the length of his arm, promised, however, to take care of them, and in particular, not to kill any of the animals. If he adhered to his promise, they would be sufficient, in a due course of time, to stock the whole island. It was the 3rd of November before Captain Cook brought the Resolution into Ship Cove, in Queen Charlotte's Sound. He had been beating about the island from the 21st of October, during which time his vessel was exposed to a variety of tempestuous weather. In one instance he had been driven off the land by a furious storm, which lasted two days, and which would have been dangerous in the highest degree, had it not fortunately happened that it was fair overhead, and that there was no reason to be apprehensive of a lee-shore. In the course of the bad weather which succeeded this storm, the Adventure was separated from the Resolution, and was never seen or heard of through the whole remainder of the voyage. The first object of our commander's attention, after his arrival in Queen Charlotte's Sound, was to provide for the repair of his ship, which had suffered in various respects, and especially in her sails and rigging. Another matter which called for his notice was the state of the bread belonging to the vessel, and he had the mortification of finding, that a large quantity of it was damaged. To repair this loss in the best manner he was able, he ordered all the casks to be opened, the bread to be picked, and such parcels of it to be baked, in the copper oven, as could by that means be recovered. Notwithstanding this care, four thousand two hundred and ninety-two pounds were found totally unfit for use; and about three thousand pounds more could only be eaten by people in the situation of our navigators. Captain Cook was early in his inquiries concerning the animals which had been left at New Zealand, in the former part of his voyage. He saw the youngest of the two sows that Captain Furneaux had put on shore in Cannibal Cove. She was in good condition, and very tame. The boar and other sow, if our commander was rightly informed, were taken away and separated, but not killed. He was told that the two goats, which he had landed up the Sound, had been destroyed by a rascally native of the name of Goubiah; so that the captain had the grief of discovering that all his benevolent endeavours to stock the country with useful animals were likely to be frustrated by the very people whom he was anxious to serve. The gardens had met with a better fate. Every thing in them, excepting potatoes, the inhabitants had left entirely to nature, who had so well performed her part, that most of the articles were in a flourishing condition. Notwithstanding the inattention and folly of the New Zealanders, Captain Cook still continued his zeal for their benefit. To the inhabitants who resided at the Cove, he gave a boar, a young sow, two cocks, and two hens, which had been brought from the Society islands. At the bottom of the West Bay, he ordered to be landed without the knowledge of the Indians, four hogs, being three sows and one boar, together with cocks and two hens. They were carried a little way into the woods, and as much food was left them as would serve them for ten or twelve days; which was done to prevent their coming down to the shore in search of sustenance, and by that means being discovered by the natives. The captain was desirous of replacing the two goats which Goubiah was understood to have killed, by leaving behind him the only two that yet remained in his possession. But he had the misfortune, soon after his arrival at Queen Charlotte's Sound to lose the ram; and this in a manner for which it was not easy to assign the cause. Whether it was owing to any thing he had eaten, or to his being stung with nettles, which were very plentiful in the place, he was seized with fits that bordered upon madness. In one of these fits, he was supposed to have run into the sea, and to have been drowned: and thus every method, which our commander had taken to stock the country with sheep and goats, proved ineffectual. He hoped to be more successful with respect to the boars and sows and the cocks and hens, which he left in the island. While the boatswain, one day, and a party of men, were employed in cutting broom, some of them stole several things from a private hut of the natives, in which was deposited most of the treasures they had received from the English as well as property of their own. Complaint being made by the Indians to Captain Cook, and a particular man of the boatswain's party having been pointed out to the captain, as the person who had committed the theft, he ordered him to be punished in their presence. With this they went away seemingly satisfied, although they did not recover any of the articles which they had lost. It was always a maxim with our commander, to punish the least crimes which any of his people were guilty of with regard to uncivilized nations. Their robbing us with impunity he by no means considered as a reason for our treating them in the same manner. Addicted as the New Zealanders were, in a certain degree, to stealing, a disposition which must have been very much increased by the novelty and allurement of the objects presented to their view; they had, nevertheless, when injured themselves, such a sense of justice as to apply to Captain Cook for redress. The best method, in his opinion, of preserving a good understanding with the inhabitants of countries in this state of society, is, first, to convince them of the superiority we have over them in consequence of our fire arms, and then to be always upon our guard. Such a conduct, united with strict honesty and gentle treatment, will convince them, that it is their interest not to disturb us, and prevent them from forming any general plan of attack. In this second visit of our navigators to New Zealand, they met with indubitable evidence that the natives were eaters of human flesh. The proofs of this fact had a most powerful influence on the mind of Oedidee, a youth of Bolabola, whom Captain Cook had brought in the Resolution from Ulietea. He was so affected, that he became perfectly motionless, and exhibited such a picture of horror, that it would have been impossible for art to describe that passion with half the force with which it appeared in his countenance. When he was roused from this state by some of the English, he burst into tears; continued to weep and scold by turns; told the New Zealanders that they were vile men; and assured them, that he would not be any longer their friend. He would not so much as permit them to come near him; and he refused to accept or even to touch, the knife by which some human flesh had been cut off. Such was Oedidee's indignation against the abominable custom; and our commander has justly remarked, that it was an indignation worthy to be imitated by every rational being. The conduct of this young man, upon the present occasion, strongly points out the difference which had taken place, in the progress of civilization, between the inhabitants of the Society islands and those of New Zealand. It was our commander's firm opinion, that the only human flesh which was eaten by these people was that of their enemies, who had been slain in battle. During the stay of our voyagers in Queen Charlotte's Sound, they were plentifully supplied with fish, procured from the natives at a very easy rate; and, besides the vegetables afforded by their own gardens, they every where found plenty of scurvy-grass and celery. These Captain Cook ordered to be dressed every day for all his hands. By the attention which he paid to his men in the article of provisions, they had for three months lived principally on a fresh diet, and, at this time, there was not a sick or corbutic person on board. The morning before the captain sailed, he wrote a memorandum, containing such information as he thought necessary for Captain Furneaux, in case he should put into the sound. This memorandum was buried in a bottle under the root of a tree in the garden; and in such a manner, that it could not avoid being discovered, if either Captain Furneaux, or any other European, should chance to arrive at the cove. Our commander did not leave New Zealand without making such remarks on the coast between Cape Teerawhitte and Cape Palliser as may be of service to future navigators. It being now the unanimous opinion that the Adventure was no where upon the island, Captain Cook gave up all expectations of seeing her any more during the voyage. This circumstance, however, did not discourage him from fully exploring the southern parts of the Pacific ocean, in the doing of which he intended to employ the whole of the ensuing season. When he quitted the coast, he had the satisfaction to find that not a man of the crew was dejected, or thought that the dangers, they had yet to go through, were to the least augmented by their being alone. Such was the confidence they placed in their commander, that they were as ready to proceed cheerfully to the south, or wherever he might lead them, as if the Adventure, or even a larger number of ships had been in company. On the 26th of November, Captain Cook sailed from New Zealand in search of a continent, and steered to the south, inclining to the east. Some days after this, our navigators reckoned themselves to be antipodes to their friends in London, and consequently were at as great a distance from them as possible. The first ice island was seen on the 12th of December, farther south than the first ice which had been met with after leaving the Cape of Good Hope in the preceding year. In the progress of the voyage, ice islands continually occurred, and the navigation became more and more difficult and dangerous. When our people were in the latitude of 67° 5' south, they all at once got within such a cluster of these islands, together with a large quantity of loose pieces, that to keep clear of them was a matter of the utmost difficulty. On the 22nd of the month, the Resolution was in the highest latitude she had yet reached; and circumstances now became so unfavourable, that our commander thought of returning more to the north. Here there was no probability of finding any land, or a possibility of getting farther south. To have proceeded, therefore, to the east in this latitude, must have been improper, not only on account of the ice, but because a vast space of sea to the north must have been left unexplored, in which there might lie a large tract of country. It was only by visiting those parts, that it could be determined whether such a supposition was well founded. As our navigators advanced to the north-east on the 24th, the ice islands increased so fast upon them, that, at noon, they could see nearly a hundred around them, besides an immense number of small pieces. In this situation they spent Christmas-day, much in the same manner as they had done in the former year. Happily our people had continual day-light, and clear weather for had it been as foggy as it was on some preceding days, nothing less than a miracle could have saved them from being dashed to pieces. While the Resolution was in the high latitudes many of her company were attacked with a slight fever, occasioned by colds. The disorder, however, yielded to the simplest remedies, and was generally removed in a few days. On the 5th of January, 1774, the ship not being then in much more than fifty degrees of latitude, there were only one or two persons on the sick list. After Captain Cook, agreeably to his late resolution, had traversed a large extent of ocean, without discovering land, he again directed his course to the southward. By the 30th of the month, through obstructions and difficulties, which, from their similar nature to those already mentioned, it would be tedious to repeat, he reached to the seventy-first degree of latitude. Thus far had he gone: but to have proceeded farther would have been the height of folly and madness. It would have been exposing himself, his men, and his ship to the utmost danger, and perhaps to destruction, without the least prospect of advantage. The captain was of opinion, as indeed were most of the gentlemen on board, that the ice now in sight extended quite to the pole, or might join to some land, to which it might be fixed from the earliest time. If, however, there be such land, it can afford no better retreat for birds, or any other animals, than the ice itself, with which it must be wholly covered. Though our commander had not only the ambition of going farther than any one had done before, but of proceeding as far as it was possible for man to go, he was the less dissatisfied with the interruption he now met with, as it shortened the dangers and hardships inseparable from the navigation of the southern polar regions. In fact he was impelled by inevitable necessity to tack, and stand back to the north. The determination which Captain Cook now formed was to spend the ensuing winter within the tropic, if he met with no employment before he came there. He was well satisfied, that no continent was to be found in this ocean, but what must lie so far to the south, as to be wholly inaccessible on account of ice. If there existed a continent in the southern Atlantic Ocean, he was sensible that he could not explore it, without having the whole summer before them. Upon a supposition, on the other hand, that there is no land there he might undoubtedly have reached the Cape of Good Hope by April. In that case, he would have put an end to the finding of a continent; which was indeed the first object of the voyage. But this could not satisfy the extensive and magnanimous mind of our commander. He had a good ship, expressly sent out on discoveries, a healthy crew, and was not in want either of stores or of provisions. In such circumstances, to have quitted this Southern Pacific Ocean, would, he thought, have been betraying not only a want of perseverance, but of judgment, in supposing it to have been so well explored, that nothing farther could be done. Although he had proved that there was no continent but what must lie far to the south, there remained, nevertheless, room for very large islands in places wholly unexamined. Many, likewise, of those which had formerly been discovered had been but imperfectly explored, and their situations were as imperfectly known. He was also pursuaded, that his continuing some time longer in this sea would be productive of improvements in navigation and geography, as well as in other sciences. In consequence of these views, it was Captain Cook's intention first to go in search of the land said to have been discovered by Juan Fernandez, in the last century. If he should fail in finding this land, he proposed to direct his course in quest of Easter Island or Davis's Land, the situation of which was known with so little certainty, that none of the attempts lately made for its discovery had been successful. He next intended to get within the tropic, and then to proceed to the west, touching at, and settling the situations of such islands, as he might meet with till he arrived at Otaheite, where it was necessary for him to stop, to look for the Adventure. It was also in his contemplation to run as far west as the Tierra Austral del Espiritu Santo, which was discovered by Quiros, and to which M. de Bougainville has given the name of the Great Cyclades. From this land, it was the captain's plan to steer to the south, and so back to the east, between the latitudes of fifty and sixty. In the execution of this plan, it was his purpose, if possible, to attain the length of Cape Horn in the ensuing November, when he should have the best part of the summer before him, to explore the southern part of the Atlantic Ocean. Great as was this design, our commander thought it capable of being carried into execution; and when he communicated it to his officers, he had the satisfaction of finding that it received their zealous and cheerful concurrence. They displayed the utmost readiness for executing, in the most effectual manner, every measure he thought proper to adopt. With such good examples to direct them, the seamen were always obedient and alert; and on the present occasion, so far were they from wishing the voyage to be concluded, that they rejoiced at the prospect of its being prolonged another year, and of soon enjoying the benefits of a milder climate. In pursuing his course to the north, Captain Cook became well assured, that the discovery of Juan Fernandez, if any such was ever made, could be nothing more than a small island. At this time, the captain was attacked by a bilious colic, the violence of which confined him to his bed. The management of the ship, upon this occasion, was left to Mr. Cooper, the first officer, who conducted her entirely to his commander's satisfaction. It was several days before the most dangerous symptoms of Captain Cook's disorder were removed; during which time, Mr. Patten the surgeon, in attending upon him, manifested not only the skilfulness of a physician, but the tenderness of a nurse. When the captain began to recover, a favourite dog, belonging to Mr. Forster, fell a sacrifice to his tender stomach. There was no other fresh meat whatever on board, and he could eat not only of the broth which was made of it, but of the flesh itself, when there was nothing else that he was capable of tasting. Thus did he derive nourishment and strength from food, which to most people in Europe, would have been in the highest degree disgusting, and productive of sickness. The necessity of the case overcame every feeling of dislike. On the 11th of March, our navigators came within sight of Easter Island, or Davis's Land; their transactions at which place were of too little moment to deserve a particular recital. The inhabitants are, in general, a slender race. In colour, features, and language, they bear such an affinity to the people of the more western isles, that there can be no doubt of their having been descended from one common original. It is indeed extraordinary, that the same nation should have spread themselves to so wide an extent, as to take in almost a fourth part of the circumference of the globe. With regard to the disposition of the natives of Easter Island, it is friendly and hospitable; but they are as much addicted to stealing, as any of their neighbours. The island itself hath so little to recommend it, that no nation need to contend for the honour of its discovery. So sparing has nature been of her favours to this spot, that there is in it no safe anchorage, no wood for fuel, no fresh water worth taking on board. The most remarkable objects in the country are some surprising gigantic statues, which were first seen by Roggewein. It was with pleasure that our commander quitted a place, which could afford such slender accommodations to voyagers, and directed his course for the Marquesas Islands. He had not been long at sea, before he was again attacked by his bilious disorder. The attack, however, was not so violent as the former one had been. He had reason to believe, that the return of his disease was owing to his having exposed and fatigued himself too much at Easter Island. On the 6th and 7th of April, our navigators came within sight of four islands, which they knew to be the Marquesas. To one of them, which was a new discovery, Captain Cook gave the name of Hood's Island, after that of the young gentleman by whom it was first seen. As soon as the ship was brought to an anchor in Madre de Dios, or Resolution Bay, in the Island of St. Christina, a traffic commenced, in the course of which the natives would frequently keep our goods, without making any return. At last the captain was obliged to fire a musket-ball over one man, who had several times treated the English in this manner. This produced only a temporary effect. Too many of the Indians having come on board, our commander, who was going into a boat to find a convenient place for mooring the ship, said to the officers, "You must look well after these people or they will certainly carry off something or other." Scarcely had he gotten into the boat, when he was informed, that they had stolen an iron stanchion from the opposite gangway, and were carrying it off. Upon this he ordered his men to fire over the canoe, till he could get round in the boat, but not to kill any one. Such, however, was the noise made by the natives, that the order was not heard; and the unhappy thief was killed at the first shot. All the Indians having retired with precipitation, in consequence of this unfortunate accident, Captain Cook followed them into the bay, prevailed upon some of them to come alongside his boat, and, by suitable presents, so far conciliated their minds, that their fears seemed to be in a great measure allayed. The death of their countryman did not cure them of their thievish disposition; but, at length, it was somewhat restrained by their conviction, that no distance secured them from the reach of our muskets. Several smaller instances of their talent at stealing, the captain thought proper to overlook. The provisions obtained at St. Christina were yams, plantains, breadfruit, a few cocoa-nuts, fowls, and small pigs. For a time, the trade was carried on upon reasonable terms: but the market was at last ruined by the indiscretion of some young gentlemen, who gave away in exchange various articles which the inhabitants had not seen before, and which captivated their fancy above nails, or more useful iron tools. One of the gentleman had given for a pig a very large quantity of red feathers, which he had gotten at Amsterdam. The effect of this was particularly fatal. It was not possible to support the trade, in the manner in which it was now begun, even for a single day. When, therefore, our commander found that he was not likely to be supplied, on any conditions, with sufficient refreshments, and that the island was neither very convenient for taking in wood and water, nor for affording the necessary repairs of the ship, he determined to proceed immediately to some other place, where the wants of his people could be effectually relieved. After having been nineteen weeks at sea, and having lived all that time upon salt diet, a change in their food could not avoid being peculiarly desirable: and yet, on their arrival at St. Christina, it could scarcely be asserted that a single man was sick; and there were but a few who had the least complaint of any kind. 'This,' says Captain Cook, 'was undoubtedly owing to the many antiscorbutic articles we had on board, and to the great attention of the surgeon, who was remarkably careful to apply them in time.' It may justly be added, that this was likewise owing to the singular care of the captain himself, and to the exertions of his authority, in enforcing the excellent regulations which his wisdom and humanity had adopted. The chief reason for our commander's touching at the Marquesas Islands, was to fix their situation; that being the only circumstance in which the nautical account of them, given in Mr. Dalrymple's collection, is deficient. It was farther desirable to settle this point, as it would lead to a more accurate knowledge of Mendana's other discoveries. Accordingly, Captain Cook has marked the situation of the Marquesas with his usual correctness. He has also taken care to describe the particular cove in Resolution Bay, in the island of St. Christina, which is most convenient for obtaining wood and water. It is remarkable, with respect to the inhabitants of the Marquesas Islands, that collectively taken, they are, without exception the finest race of people in this sea. Perhaps they surpass all other nations in symmetry of form, and regularity of features. It is plain, however, from the affinity of their language to that of Otaheite and the Society Isles, that they are of the same origin. Of this affinity the English were fully sensible, though they could not converse with them; but Oedidee was capable of doing it tolerably well. From the Marquesas, Captain Cook steered for Otaheite, with a view of falling in with some of the islands discovered by former navigators, and especially by the Dutch, the situation of which had not been accurately determined. In the course of the voyage, he passed a number of low islots, connected together by reefs of coral rocks. One of the islands, on which Lieutenant Cooper went on shore, with two boats well armed, was called by the natives Tiookea. It had been discovered and visited by Captain Byron. The inhabitants of Tiookea are of a much darker colour than those of the higher islands, and appeared to be more fierce in their dispositions. This may be owing to their manner of gaining their subsistence, which is chiefly from the sea, and to their being much exposed to the sun and the weather. Our voyagers observed, that they were stout well-made men, and that they had marked on their bodies the figure of a fish, which was a good emblem of their profession. Besides passing by St. George's Islands, which had been so named by Captain Byron, our commander made the discovery of four others. These he called Palliser's Isles, in honour of his particular friend, Sir Hugh Palliser. The inhabitants seemed to be the same sort of people as those of Tiookea, and, like them, were armed with long pikes. Captain Cook could not determine with any degree of certainty, whether the group of isles he had lately seen, were, or were not, any of those that had been discovered by the Dutch navigators. This was owing to the neglect of recording, with sufficient accuracy, the situation of their discoveries. Our commander, hath, in general, observed with regard to this part of the ocean, that, from the latitude of twenty down to fourteen or twelve, and from the meridian of a hundred and thirty-eight to a hundred and forty-eight or a hundred and fifty west, it is so strewed with low isles, that a navigator cannot proceed with too much caution. On the 22nd of April, Captain Cook reached the Island of Otaheite, and anchored in Matavia Bay. As his chief reason for putting in at this place was to give Mr. Wales an opportunity of ascertaining the error Of the watch by the known longitude, and to determine anew her rate of going, the first object was to land the instruments, and to erect tents for the reception of a guard, and such other people, as it was necessary to have on shore. Sick there were none; for the refreshments which had been obtained at the Marquesas had removed every complaint of that kind. From the quantity of provisions, which, contrary to expectation, our commander now found at Otaheite, he determined to make a longer stay in the island than he had at first intended. Accordingly, he took measures for the repairs of the ship, which the high southern latitudes had rendered indispensably necessary. During Captain Cook's stay at Otaheite, he maintained a most friendly connexion with the inhabitants; and a continual interchange of visits was preserved between him and Otoo, Towha, and other chiefs of the country. His traffic with them was greatly facilitated by his having fortunately brought with him some red parrot feathers from the island of Amsterdam. These were jewels of high value in the eyes of the Otaheitans. The captain's stock in trade was by this time greatly exhausted; so that, if it had not been for the feathers, he would have found it difficult to have supplied the ship with the necessary refreshments. Among other entertainments which our commander and the rest of the English gentlemen met with at Otaheite, one was a grand naval review. The vessels of war consisted of a hundred and sixty large double canoes, well equipped, manned, and armed. They were decorated with flags and streamers; and the chiefs, together with all those who were on the fighting stages, were dressed in their war habits. The whole fleet made a noble appearance; such as our voyagers had never seen before in this sea, or could ever have expected. Besides the vessels of war, there were a hundred and seventy sail of smaller double canoes, which seemed to be designed for transports and victuallers. Upon each of them was a little house; and they were rigged with mast and sail, which was not the case with the war canoes. Captain Cook guessed, that there were no less than seven thousand seven hundred and sixty men in the whole fleet. He was not able to obtain full information concerning the design of this armament. Notwithstanding the agreeable intercourse that was, in general, maintained between our commander and the people of Otaheite, circumstances occasionally happened, which called for peculiar exertions of his prudence and resolution. One of the natives, who had attempted to steal a water-cask from the watering-place, was caught in the fact, sent on board, and put in irons. In this situation, he was seen by King Otoo, and other chiefs. Captain Cook having made known to them the crime of their countryman, Otoo entreated that he might be set at liberty. This the captain however refused, alleging, that since he punished his own people, when they committed the least offence against Otoo's, it was but just that this man should also be punished. As Captain Cook knew that Otoo would not punish him, he resolved to do it himself. Accordingly, he directed the criminal to be carried on shore to the tents, and having himself followed, with the chiefs and other Otaheitans, he ordered the guard out, under arms, and commanded the man to be tied up to a post. Otoo again solicited the culprit's release, and in this he was seconded by his sister, but in vain. The captain expostulated with him on the conduct of the man, and of the Indians in general; telling him, that neither he nor any of the ship's company, took the smallest matter of property from them without first paying for it; enumerating the articles which the English had given in exchange for such and such things; and urging, that it was wrong in them to steal from those who were their friends. He added, that the punishing of the guilty person would be the means of saving the lives of several of Otoo's people, by deterring them from committing crimes of the like nature, and thus preventing them from the danger of being shot to death, which would certainly happen, at one time or other, if they persisted in their robberies. With these arguments the king appeared to be satisfied, and only desired that the man might not be killed. Captain Cook then directed, that the crowd, which was very great, should be kept at a proper distance, and, in the presence of them all, ordered the fellow two dozen of lashes with a cat-o'-nine-tails. This punishment the man sustained with great firmness, after which he was set at liberty. When the natives were going away, Towha called them back, and, with much gracefulness of action, addressed them in a speech of nearly half an hour in length, the design of which was to condemn their present conduct, and to recommend a different one for the future. To make a farther impression upon the minds of the inhabitants, our commander ordered his marines to go through their exercises, and to load and fire in volleys with ball. As they were very quick in their manoeuvres, it is more easy to conceive than to describe the amazement which possessed the Indians during the whole time, and especially those of them who had not seen any thing of the kind before. The judicious will discern, with regard to this narrative, that it throws peculiar light on Captain Cook's character. Nor is it an uncurious circumstance in the history of human society, that a stranger should thus exercise jurisdiction over the natives of a country, in the presence of the prince of that country, without his authority, and even contrary to his solicitations. Another disagreeable altercation with the inhabitants of Otaheite arose from the negligence of one of the English sentinels on shore. Having either slept or quitted his post, an Indian seized the opportunity of carrying off his musket. When any extraordinary theft was committed, it immediately excited such an alarm among the natives in general, from their fear of Captain Cook's resentment, that they fled from their habitations, and a stop was put to the traffic for provisions. On the present occasion, the captain had no small degree of trouble; but, by his prudent conduct, the musket was recovered, peace restored, and commerce again opened. In the differences which happened with the several people he met with in his voyages, it was a rule with him, never to touch the least article of their property, any farther than to detain their canoes for a while, when it became absolutely necessary. He always chose the most mild and equitable methods of bringing them to reason; and in this he not only succeeded, but frequently put things upon a better footing than if no contention had taken place. During this visit to Otaheite, fruit and other refreshments were obtained in great plenty. The relief arising from them was the more agreeable and salutary, as the bread of the ship was in a bad condition. Though the biscuit had been aired and picked at New Zealand, it was now in such a state of decay, that it was necessary for it to undergo another airing and cleaning, in which much of it was found wholly rotten, and unfit to be eaten. This decay was judged to be owing to the ice our navigators had frequently taken in, when to the southward, which made the hold of the vessel cold and damp, and to the great heat that succeeded when they came to the north. Whatever was the cause, the loss was so considerable, that the men were put to a scanty allowance in this article, with the additional mortification, of the bread's being bad as could be used. Two goats, that had been given by Captain Furneaux to Otoo, in the former part of the voyage, seemed to promise fair for answering the purposes for which they were left upon the island. The ewe, soon after, had two female kids, which were now so far grown as to be almost ready to propagate. At the same time, the old ewe was again with kid. The people were very fond of them, and they were in excellent condition. From these circumstances, Captain cook entertained a hope, that, in a course of years they would multiply so much, as to be extended over all the isles of the Southern Ocean. The like success did not attend the sheep which had been left in the country. These speedily died, one excepted, which was said to be yet alive. Our navigators also furnished the natives with cats, having given away no less than twenty at Otaheite, besides some which had been made presents of at Ulietea and Huaheine. With regard to the number of the inhabitants of Otaheite, our commander collected, from comparing several facts together, that, including women and children, there could not be less, in the whole island, than two hundred and four thousand. This number, at first sight, exceeded his belief. But when he came to reflect on the vast swarms of people that appeared whereever he went, he was convinced, that the estimate was agreeable to truth. Such was the friendly treatment which our voyagers met with at Otaheite, that one of the gunner's mates was induced to form a plan for remaining in the country. As he knew that he could not execute his scheme with success, while the Resolution continued in Matavai Bay, he took the opportunity, when she was ready to quit it, and the sails were set for the purpose, to slip overboard. Being a good swimmer, he had no doubt of getting safe to a canoe, which was at some distance ready to receive him; for his design was concerted with the natives, and had even been encouraged by Otoo. However, he was discovered before he had gotten clear of the ship, and a boat being presently hoisted out, he was taken up, and brought back to the vessel. When our commander reflected on this man's situation, he did not think him very culpable, or his desire of staying in the island so extraordinary, as might at first view be imagined. He was a native of Ireland, and had sailed in the Dutch service. Captain Cook, on his return from his former voyage, had picked him up at Batavia, and had kept him in his employment ever since. It did not appear, that he had either friends or connexions, which could bind him to any particular part of the world. All nations being alike to him, where could he be more happy than at Otaheite? Here, in one of the finest climates of the globe, he could enjoy not only the necessaries, but the luxuries of life, in ease and plenty. The captain seems to think, that if the man had applied to him in time, he might have given his consent to his remaining in the country. On the 15th of May, Captain Cook anchored in O'Wharre Harbour, in the island of Huaheine. He was immediately visited by his friend Oree, and the same agreeable intercourse subsisted between the captain and this good old chief, which had formerly taken place. Red feathers were not here in such estimation as they had been at Otaheite; the natives of Huaheine having the good sense to give a preference to the more useful articles of nails and axes. During the stay of our voyagers in the island, some alarms were occasioned by the thievish disposition of several of the inhabitants; but matters subsided without any material consequences. A solemn march, which our commander made through part of the country, at the head of forty-eight men, tended to impress the Indians with a sense of his power and authority. In fact, their attempts at stealing had been too much invited by the indiscretion of some of the English, who unguardedly separated themselves in the woods, for the purpose of killing birds; and who managed their muskets so unskillfully, as to render them less formidable in the eyes of the natives. I cannot persuade myself to omit a dramatic entertainment, at which several of the gentlemen belonging to the Resolution attended one evening. The piece represented a girl as running away with our navigators from Otaheite; and the story was partly founded in truth; for a young woman had taken a passage in the ship, down to Ulietea. She happened to be present at the representation of her own adventures; which had such an effect upon her, that it was with great difficulty that she could be prevailed upon by the English gentlemen to see the play out, or to refrain from tears while it was acting. The piece concluded with the reception which she was supposed to meet with from her friends at her return; and it was a reception that was by no means favourable. As these people, when they see occasion, can add little extempore pieces to their entertainments, it is reasonable to imagine, that the representation now described was intended as a satire against the girl, and to discourage others from following her steps. Such is the sense which they entertain of the propriety of female decorum. During Captain Cook's stay at Huaheine, breadfruit, cocoa-nuts, and other vegetable productions, were procured in abundance, but not a sufficiency of hogs to supply the daily expense of the ship. This was partly owing to a want of proper articles for traffic. The captain was obliged, therefore, to set the smiths at work to make different sorts of nails, iron tools, and instruments, in order to enable him to obtain refreshments at the islands he was yet to visit, and to support his credit and influence among the natives. When our commander was ready to sail from Huaheine, Oree was the last man that went out of the vessel. At parting, Captain Cook told him, that they should meet each other no more; at which he wept and said, 'Let your sons come, we will treat them well.' At Ulietea, to which the captain next directed his course, the events that occurred were nearly similar to those which have already been related. He had always been received by the people of this island in the most hospitable manner, and they were justly entitled to every thing which it was in his power to grant. They expressed the deepest concern at his departure, and were continually importuning him to return. Oree the chief, and his wife and daughter, but especially the two latter, scarcely ever ceased weeping. Their grief was so excessive, that it might, perhaps, be doubted whether it was entirely sincere and unaffected; but our commander was of opinion that it was real. At length, when he was ready to sail, they took a most affectionate leave. Oree's last request to Captain Cook was, that he would return; and when he could not obtain a promise to that effect, he asked the name of his burying-place. To this strange question the captain answered, without hesitation, that it was Stepney; that being the parish in which he lived when in London. Mr. Forster, to whom the same question was proposed, replied with greater wisdom and recollection, that no man, who used the sea, could say where he should be buried. As our commander could not promise, or even then suppose, that more English ships would be sent to the southern isles, Oedidee, who for so many months had been the faithful companion of our navigators, chose to remain in his native country. But he left them with a regret fully demonstrative of his esteem and affection, nor could any thing have torn him from them, but the fear of never returning. When Oree pressed so ardently Captain Cook's return, he sometimes gave such answers, as left room for hope. At these answers Oedidee would eagerly catch, take him on one side, and ask him over again. The captain declares, that he had not words to describe the anguish which appeared in this young man's breast, when he went away. He looked up at the ship, burst into tears, and then sunk down into the canoe. Oedidee was a youth of good parts, and of a docile, gentle, and humane disposition; but as he was almost wholly ignorant of the religion, government, manners, customs, and traditions of his countrymen, and the neighbouring islands, no material knowledge could have been collected from him, had our commander brought him away. He would, however, in every respect, have been a better specimen of the nation than Omai. When Captain Cook first came to these islands, he had some thoughts of visiting Tupia's famous Bolabola. But having obtained a plentiful supply of refreshments, and the route he had in view allowing him no time to spare, he laid this design aside, and directed his course to the west. Thus did he take his leave, as he then thought, for ever, of these happy isles, on which benevolent nature has spread her luxuriant sweets with a lavish hand; and in which the natives, copying the bounty of Providence, are equally liberal; being ready to contribute plentifully and cheerfully to the wants of navigators.[8] [Footnote 8: From Mr. Wales's observations it appeared, that during five mouths, in which the watch had passed through the extremes of heat and cold, it went better in the cold than in the hot climates.] On the 6th of June, the day after our voyagers left Ulietea, they saw land, which they found to be a low reef island, about four leagues in compass, and of a circular form. This was Howe Island, which had been discovered by Captain Wallis. Nothing remarkable occurred from tills day to the 16th, when land was again seen. It was another reef island; and being a new discovery, Captain Cook gave it the name of Palmerston Island, in honour to Lord Palmerston. On the 20th, fresh land appeared, which was perceived to be inhabited. This induced our commander to go on shore with a party of gentlemen; but the natives were found to be fierce and untractable. All endeavours to bring them to a parley were to no purpose; for they came on with the ferocity of wild boars, and instantly threw their darts. Two or three muskets discharged in the air, did not prevent one of them from advancing still farther, and throwing another dart, or rather a spear, which passed close over Captain Cook's shoulder. The courage of this man had nearly cost him his life. When he threw his spear, he was not five paces from the captain, who had resolved to shoot him for his own preservation. It happened, however, that his musket missed fire; a circumstance on which he afterward reflected with pleasure. When he joined his party, and tried his musket in the air, it went off perfectly well. This island, from the disposition and behaviour of the natives, with whom no intercourse could be established, and from whom no benefit could be received, was called by our commander Savage Island. It is about eleven leagues in circuit; is of a round form and good height: and has deep waters close to its shores. Among its other disadvantages, it is not furnished with a harbour. In pursuing his course to the west-south-west, Captain Cook passed by a number of small islands, and, on the 26th, anchored on the north side of Anamocka, or Rotterdam. A traffic immediately commenced with the natives, who brought what provisions they had, being chiefly yams and shaddocks, which they exchanged for nails, beads, and other small articles. Here, as in many former cases, the captain was put to some trouble, on account of the thievish disposition of the inhabitants. As they had gotten possession of an adze and two muskets, he found it necessary to exert himself with peculiar vigour, in order to oblige them to make a restitution. For this purpose, he commanded all the marines to be armed, and sent on shore; and the result of this measure was, that the things which had been stolen were restored. In the contest, Captain Cook was under the necessity of firing some small shot at a native, who had distinguished himself by his resistance. His countrymen afterward reported that he was dead; but he was only wounded, and that not in a dangerous manner. Though his sufferings were the effects of his own misbehaviour the captain endeavoured to soften them by making him a present, and directing his wounds to be dressed by the surgeon of the ship. The first time that our commander landed at Anamocka, an old lady presented him with a girl, and gave him to understand that she was at his service. Miss, who had previously been instructed, wanted a spikenail or a shirt, neither of which he had to give her; and he flattered himself, that by making the two women sensible of his poverty, he should easily get clear of their importunities. In this, however, he was mistaken. The favours of the young lady were offered upon credit; and on his declining the proposal, the old woman began to argue with him, and then to abuse him. As far as he could collect from her countenance and her actions, the design of her speech was both to ridicule and reproach him, for refusing to entertain so fine a young woman. Indeed the girl was by no means destitute of beauty; but Captain Cook found it more easy to withstand her allurements than the abuses of the ancient matron, and therefore hastened into his boat. While the captain was on shore at Anamocka, he got the names of twenty islands, which lie between the north-west and north-east. Some of them were in sight; and two of them, which are most to the west, are remarkable on account of their great height. These are Amattafoa and Oghao. From a continual column of smoke which was seen daily ascending from the middle of Amattafoa, it was judged that there was a volcano in that island. Anamocka was first discovered by Tasman, and by him was named Rotterdam. It is of a triangular form, and each side extends about three and a half or four miles. From the north-west to the south of the island, round by the east and north, it is encompassed by a number of small isles, sand-banks, and breakers. An end could not be seen to their extent to the north, and they may possibly reach as far to the south as Amsterdam or Tongataboo. Together with Middleburg, or Eaoowe, and Pilsart, these form a group, containing about three degrees of latitude, and two of longitude. To this group Captain Cook had given the name of the Friendly Isles, or Archipelago, from the firm alliance and friendship which seemed to subsist among their inhabitants, and from their courteous behaviour to strangers. The same group may perhaps be extended much farther, even down to Boscawen and Keppel's Isles, which were discovered by Captain Wallis, and lie nearly in the same meridian. Whilst our commander was at Anamocka, he was particularly assiduous to prevent the introduction of a certain disorder. As some of his people brought with them the remains of this disease from the Society Isles, he prohibited them from having any female intercourse, and he had reason to believe that his endeavours were successful. The productions of Rotterdam, and the persons, manners, and customs of its inhabitants, are similar to those of Amsterdam. It is not, however equally plentiful in its fruits, nor is every part of it in so high a state of cultivation. Neither hath it arisen to the same degree of wealth, with regard to cloth, matting, ornaments, and other articles which constitute the chief riches of the islanders of the Southern Ocean. Pursuing their course to the west, our navigators discovered land on the 1st of July; and, upon a nearer approach, found it to be a small island, to which, on account of the number of turtle that were seen upon the coast, Captain Cook gave the name of Turtle Isle. On the 16th, high land was seen bearing south-west, which no one doubted to be the Australis del Espirito Santo of Quiros, and which is called by M. de Bougainville the Great Cyclades. After exploring the coast for some days, the captain came to an anchor, in a harbour in the island of Mallicollo. One of his first objects was to commence a friendly intercourse with the natives; but, while he was thus employed, an accident occurred, which threw all into confusion, though in the end it was rather advantageous than hurtful to the English. A fellow in a canoe, having been refused admittance into one of our boats, bent his bow to shoot a poisoned arrow at the boatkeeper. Some of his countrymen having prevented his doing it that instant, time was given to acquaint our commander with the transaction, who immediately ran upon deck. At this minute, the Indian had directed his bow to the boatkeeper; but upon being called to by Captain Cook, he pointed it at him. Happily, the captain had a musket in his hand loaded with small shot, and gave him the contents. By this however, he was only staggered for a moment; for he still held his bow in the attitude of shooting. A second discharge of the same nature made him drop it, and obliged him, together with the other natives who were in the canoe, to paddle off with all possible celerity. At this time, some of the inhabitants began to shoot arrows from another quarter. A musket discharged in the air had no effect upon them, but no sooner was a four-pound ball shot over their heads than they fled in the utmost confusion. A few hours after these transactions, the English put off in two boats, and landed in the face of four or five hundred people, who were assembled on the shore and who, though they were all armed with bows and arrows, clubs, and spears, made not the least opposition. On the contrary, when they saw Captain Cook advance with nothing but a green branch in his hand, one of them, who appeared to be a chief, giving his bow and arrows to another, met the captain in the water, bearing also a green branch. These being mutually exchanged in token of friendship, the chief led our commander to the crowd, to whom he immediately distributed presents. The marines, in the mean time, were drawn up on the beach. Captain Cook then acquainted the Indians, by signs, that he wanted wood; and in the same manner permission was granted him to cut down the trees. Much traffic could not be carried on with these people, because they set no value on nails, or iron tools, or, indeed, on any articles which our navigators could furnish. In such exchanges as they did make, and which were principally of arrows for pieces of cloth, they distinguished themselves by their honesty. When the ship had begun to sail from the island, and they might easily, in consequence of their canoes dropping astern, have avoided delivering the things they had been paid for, they used their utmost efforts to get up with her, that they might discharge their obligations. One man, in particular, followed the Resolution, a considerable time, and did not reach her till the object which brought him was forgotten. As soon as he came alongside the vessel, he held up the thing which had been purchased; and, though several of the crew offered to buy it, he insisted upon delivering it to the person to whom it had been sold. That person, not knowing him again, would have given something in return; but this he refused, and shewed him what he had before received. There was only a single instance in which the natives took, or even attempted to take, any thing from our voyagers, by any means whatever; and in that case restitution was immediately made, without trouble and without altercation. The inhabitants of Mallicollo, in general, are the most ugly and ill proportioned people that Captain Cook had ever seen, and are in every respect different from all the nations which had been met with in the Southern Ocean. They are a very dark-coloured, and rather a diminutive race, with long heads, flat faces, and countenances, which have some resemblance to that of the monkey. Their hair, which is mostly black or brown, is short and curly; but not altogether so soft and woolly as that of a negro. The difference of this people from any whom our commander had yet visited, appeared not only in their persons but their language. Of about eighty words, which were collected by Mr. Forster, scarcely one was found to bear any affinity to the language spoken in any country or island hitherto described. It was observed by Captain Cook, that the natives could pronounce most of the English words with great ease. They had not so much as a name for a dog, and knew nothing of that animal; for which reason the captain left them a dog and a bitch; and as they were very fond of them, it was highly probable that the breed would be fostered and increased. To the harbour, in which our commander anchored, while he lay at Mallicollo, he gave the name of Port Sandwich. It has many advantages, with regard to depth of water, shelter from winds, and lying so near the shore as to be a cover to those of a ship's company who may be carrying on any necessary operations at land. Soon after our navigators had gotten to sea, which was on the 23rd of July, they discovered three or four small islands, that before had appeared to be connected. At this time the Resolution was not far from the Isle of Ambrym, the Isle of Paoom, and the Isle of Apee. On the next morning, several more islands were discovered, lying off the south-east point of Apee, and constituting a group, which Captain Cook called Shepherd's isles, in honour of his learned and valuable friend, Dr. Shepherd, Plumian professor of Astronomy at Cambridge. The ship was this day in some danger. It suddenly fell calm, and our voyagers were left to the mercy of the current, close by the isles, where no sounding could be found with a line of a hundred and eighty fathoms. The lands or islands, which lay around the vessel in every direction, were so numerous, that they could not be counted. At this crisis a breeze sprung up, which happily relieved the captain and his company from the anxiety the calm had occasioned. Amidst the number of islands, that were continually seen by our navigators, there was only one on which no inhabitants were discerned. This consisted chiefly of a remarkable peaked rock, which was only accessible to birds, and which obtained the name of the Monument. In the farther course of the ship to the southward, our navigators drew near to certain lands, which they found to consist of one large island, the southern and western extremities of which extended beyond their sight. Three or four smaller ones lay off its north side. To the two principal of these Captain Cook gave the name of Montagu and Hinchinbrook; and the large island he named Sandwich, in honour of his noble patron, the Earl of Sandwich. This island, which was spotted with woods and lawns, agreeably diversified over the whole surface, and which had a gentle slope from the hills down to the sea-coast exhibited a most beautiful and delightful prospect. The examination of it was not, however, so much an object with our commander as to proceed to the south, in order to find the southern extremity of the Archipelago. Pursuing his discoveries, Captain Cook came in sight of an island, which was afterwards known to be called by the natives Erromango. After coasting it for three days, he brought his vessel to anchor in a bay there, on the 3rd of August. The next day, he went with two boats to examine the coast, and to look for a proper landing-place, that he might obtain a supply of wood and water. At this time, the inhabitants began to assemble on the shore, and by signs to invite our people to land. Their behaviour was apparently so friendly, that the captain was charmed with it; and the only thing which could give him the least suspicion was, that most of them were armed with clubs, spears, darts, and bows and arrows. He did not, therefore, remit his vigilance; but kept his eye continually upon the chief, watching his looks, as well as his actions. It soon was evident that the intentions of the Indians were totally hostile. They made a violent attempt to sieze upon one of the boats; and though, on our commander's pointing a musket at them, they in some measure desisted, yet they returned in an instant, seemingly determined to carry their design into execution. At the head of the party was the chief; while others, who could not come at the boat, stood behind with darts, stones, and bows and arrows in hand, ready to support their countrymen. As signs and threats had no effect, the safety of Captain Cook and his people became the only object of consideration; and yet he was unwilling to fire on the multitude. He resolved, therefore, to make the chief alone the victim of his own treachery, and accordingly aimed his musket at him; but at this critical moment it missed fire. This circumstance encouraged the natives to despise our weapons, and to shew the superiority of their own, by throwing stones and darts and by shooting arrows. Hence it became absolutely necessary for the captain to give orders to his men to fire upon the assailants. The first discharge threw them into confusion; but a second was scarcely sufficient to drive them off the beach. In consequence of this skirmish, four of the Indians lay, to all appearance, dead on the shore. However, two of them were afterward perceived to crawl into the bushes; and it was happy for these people that not half of the muskets of the English would go off, since otherwise many more must have fallen. The inhabitants were, at length, so terrified as to make no farther appearance; and two oars which had been lost in the conflict, were left standing up against the bushes. It was observed of these islanders, that they seemed of a different race from those of Mallicollo, and that they spoke a different language. They are of a middle size, with a good shape and tolerable features. Their colour is very dark; and their aspect is not mended by a custom they have of painting their faces, some with black, and others with red pigment. As to their hair, it is curly and crisp, and somewhat woolly. The few women who were seen, and who appeared to be ugly, wore a kind of petticoat, made either of palm leaves, or a plant similar in its nature; but the men, like those of Mallicollo, were almost entirely naked. On account of the treacherous behaviour of the inhabitants of Erromango, Captain Cook called a promontory, or peninsula, near which the skirmish happened, _Traitor's Head_. From this place the captain sailed for an island which had been discovered before, at a distance, and at which, on account of his wanting a large quantity of wood and water, he was resolved to make some stay. At first the natives were disposed to be very hostile but our commander, with equal wisdom and humanity contrived to terrify them, without danger to their lives. This was principally effected by firing a few great guns, at which they were so much alarmed, as afterwards to be brought to tolerable order. Among these islanders, many were inclined to be on friendly terms with our navigators, and especially the old people; whilst most of the younger were daring and insolent, and obliged the English to keep to their arms. It was natural enough, that age should be prudent and cautious, and youth bold and impetuous; and yet this distinction, with regard to the behaviour of the various nations which had been visited by Captain Cook, had not occurred before. The island, where the captain now stayed, was found upon inquiry to be called, by the inhabitants, Tanna; and three others in its neighbourhood, and which could be seen from it, were distinguished by the names of Immer, Erronan or Footoona and Annatom. From such information of the natives, as our commander could see no reason to doubt, it appeared, that circumcision was practised among them, and that they were eaters of human flesh. Concerning the latter subject, he should never have thought of asking them a single question, if they had not introduced it themselves, by inquiring whether the English had the same custom. It hath been argued, that necessity alone could be the origin of this horrid practice. But as the people of Tanna are possessed of fine pork and fowls, together with an abundance of roots and fruits, the plea of necessity cannot be urged in their behalf. In fact, no instance was seen of their eating human flesh; and, therefore, there might, perhaps, be some reason to hesitate, in pronouncing them to be cannibals. By degrees the inhabitants grew so courteous and civil, as to permit the English gentlemen to ramble about in the skirts of the woods, and to shoot in them, without affording them the least molestation, or shewing any dislike. One day, some boys of the island having gotten behind thickets, and thrown two or three stones at our people, who were cutting wood, they were fired at by the petty officers on duty. Captain Cook, who was then on shore, was alarmed at the report of the muskets; and, when he was informed of the cause, was much displeased that so wanton a use should be made of our fire-arms. Proper measures were taken by him to prevent such conduct for the future. In the island of Tanna was a volcano, which sometimes made a dreadful noise, and, at each explosion, which happened every three or four minutes, threw up fire and smoke in prodigious columns. At one time, great stones were seen high in the air. At the foot of the hill were several hot springs; and on the side of it Mr. Forster found some places whence smoke of a sulphureous smell issued, through cracks or fissures of the earth. A thermometer that was placed in a little hole made in one of them, and which in the open air stood only at eighty, rose to a hundred and seventy. In another instance, the mercury rose to a hundred and ninety-one. Our commander, being desirous of getting a nearer and good view of the volcano, set out with a party for that purpose. But the gentlemen met with so many obstructions from the inhabitants, who were jealous of their penetrating far into the country, that they thought proper to return. It is observable, with respect to the volcano of Tanna, that it is not on the ridge of the hill to which it belongs, but on its side. Nor is that hill the highest in the country, for there are others near it of more than double its height. It was in moist and wet weather that the volcano was most violent. When our commander was ready to sail from Tanna, an event happened, which gave him much concern. Just as our people were getting some logs into the boat, four or five of the natives stepped forward to see what they were doing. In consequence of the Indians not being allowed to come within certain limits, the sentinel ordered them back, upon which they readily complied. At this time, Captain Cook, who had his eyes fixed upon them, observed the sentry present his piece to the men. The captain was going to reprove him for his action, when, to his inexpressible astonishment, the sentry fired. An attack, so causeless and extraordinary, naturally threw the natives into great confusion. Most of them fled, and it was with difficulty that our commander could prevail upon a few of them to remain. As they ran off, he perceived one of them to fall, who was immediately lifted up by two others, who took him into the water, washed his wound, and then led him off. The wounded person not being carried far, Captain Cook sent for the surgeon of the ship, and accompanied him to the man, whom they found expiring. The rascal that had fired pretended that an Indian had laid an arrow across his bow, and was going to shoot at him: so that he apprehended himself to be in danger. This, however, was no more than what the islanders had always done, to shew that they were armed as well as our voyagers. What rendered, the present incident the more unfortunate was, that it was not the man who bent the bow, but one who stood near him, that was shot by the sentry. The harbour where the captain anchored, during his stay at Tanna, was called by him Port Resolution, after the name of the ship, she being the first vessel by which it was ever entered. It is no more than a little creek, three quarters of a mile in length, and about half that space in breadth. No place can exceed it in its convenience for taking in wood and water, which are both close to the shore. The inhabitant of the island, with whom our commander had the most frequent and friendly connexions, was named Paowang. Very little trade could be carried on with the people of Tanna. They had not the least knowledge of iron; and consequently nails, tools, and other articles made of that metal, and which are so greedily sought for in the more eastern isles, were here of no consideration. Cloth could be of no service to persons who go naked. Among the productions of the island, there is reason to believe that the nutmeg-tree might be mentioned. This is collected from the circumstance of Mr. Forster's having shot a pigeon, in the craw of which a wild nut-meg was discovered. However, though he took some pains to find the tree, his endeavours were not attended with success. It was at first thought by our navigators, that the inhabitants of Tanna were a race between the natives of the Friendly Islands and those of Mallicollo; but by a short acquaintance with them they were convinced, that they had little or no affinity to either, excepting in their hair. Some few men, women, and children, were seen, whose hair resembled that of the English. With regard, however, to these persons, it was obvious, that they were of another nation; and it was understood that they came from Erronan. Two languages were found to be spoken in Tanna. One of them, which appeared to have been introduced from Erronan, is nearly, if not exactly, the same with that of the Friendly islands. The other, which is the proper language of the country, and which is judged to be peculiar to Tanna, Erromango, and Annatom, is different from any that had hitherto been met with by our voyagers. The people of Tanna, are of the middle size, and for the most part slender. There are few tall or stout men among them. In general, they have good feature and agreeable countenances. Like all the tropical race, they are active and nimble; and seem to excel in the use of arms, but not to be fond of labour. With respect to the management of their weapons, Mr. Wales hath made an observation so honourable to Homer, that were I to omit it, I should not be forgiven by my classical readers. 'I must confess,' says Mr. Wales. 'I have often been led to think the feats which Homer represents his heroes as performing with their spears, a little too much of the marvellous to be admitted into an heroic poem; I mean when confined within the strait stays of Aristotle. Nay, even so great an advocate for him as Mr. Pope, acknowledges them to be surprising. But since I have seen what these people can do with their wooden spears, and them badly pointed, and not of a hard nature, I have not the least exception to any one passage in that great poet on this account. But if I see fewer exceptions, I can find infinitely more beauties in him; as he has. I think, scarcely an action, circumstance, or description of any kind whatever, relating to a spear, which I have not seen and recognized among these people; as their whirling motion, and whistling noise, as they fly; their quivering motion, as they stick in the ground when they fall; their meditating their aim, when they are going to throw; and their shaking them in their hand, as they go along.' On the 20th of August, Captain Cook sailed from Tanna, and employed all the remainder of the month in a farther examination of the islands around him. He had now finished his survey of the whole Archipelago, and had gained a knowledge of it, infinitely superior to what had ever been attained before. The northern islands of this Archipelago were first discovered in 1606, by that eminent navigator Quiros, who considered them as part of the Southern continent, which, at that time, and till very lately, was supposed to exist. M. de Bougainville was the next person by whom they were visited, in 1768. This gentleman, however, besides landing in the Isle of Lepers, only made the discovery, that the country was not connected, but composed of islands, which he called the Great Cyclades. Captain Cook, besides ascertaining the situation and extent of these islands, added to them several new ones, which had hitherto been unknown, and explored the whole. He thought, therefore, that he had obtained a right to name them; and accordingly he bestowed upon them the appellation of the _New Hebrides_. His title to this honour will not be disputed in any part of Europe, and certainly not by so enlightened and liberal a people as the French nation. The season of the year now rendered it necessary for our commander to return to the south, while he had yet some time to explore any land he might meet with between the New Hebrides and New Zealand; at which last place he intended to touch, that he might refresh his people, and renew his stock of wood and water for another southern course. With this view, he sailed on the 1st of September, and on the 4th land was discovered; in a harbour belonging to which the Resolution came to an anchor the next day. The design of Captain Cook was not only to visit the country, but to have an opportunity of observing an eclipse of the sun, which was soon to happen. An intercourse immediately commenced with the inhabitants, who, during the whole of the captain's stay, behaved in a very civil and friendly manner. In return, he was solicitous to render them every service in his power. To Teabooma the chief, he sent among other articles, a dog and a bitch, both young, but nearly full grown. It was some time before Teabooma could believe that the two animals were intended for him; but when he was convinced of it, he was lost in an excess of joy. Another, and still more valuable present, was that of a young boar and sow; which, on account of the absence of the chief when they were brought to land, were received with great hesitation and ceremony. The last time that our commander went on shore at this place, he ordered an inscription to be cut on a large tree, setting forth the name of the ship, the date of the year, and other circumstances, which testified that the English were the first discoverers of the country. This he had before done, wherever such a ceremony seemed necessary. How the island was called by the natives, our voyagers could never learn: and therefore, Captain Cook gave it the name of New Caledonia. The inhabitants are strong, robust, active, and well made. With regard to the origin of the nation, the captain judged them to be a race between the people of Tanna and the Friendly Isles; or between those of Tanna and the New Zealanders; or all three. Their language is in some respects a mixture of them all. In their disposition they are courteous and obliging; and they are not in the least addicted to pilfering, which is more than can be asserted concerning any other nation in this sea. The women of New Caledonia, and those likewise of Tanna, were found to be much chaster than the females of the more eastern islands. Our commander never heard that the least favour was obtained from them by any one of his company. Sometimes, indeed, the women would exercise a little coquetry, but they went no farther. The botanists of the ship did not here complain for want of employment. They were diligent in their researches, and their labours were amply rewarded. Every day brought some new accession to botanical knowledge, or that of other branches of natural history. Every thing being ready to put to sea, Captain Cook weighed anchor on the 13th of September, with the purpose of examining the coast of New Caledonia. In pursuing this object, by which he was enabled to add greatly to nautical and geographical knowledge, the Resolution was more than once in danger of being lost, and particularly, in the night of the 28th of the month, she had a narrow escape. Our navigators, on this occasion, were much alarmed; and daylight shewed that their fears had not been ill founded. Indeed, breakers had been continually under their lee, and at a small distance from them; so that they were in the most imminent danger. 'We owed our safety,' says the captain, 'to the interposition of Providence, a good look-out, and the very brisk manner in which the ship was managed.' Our commander now began to be tired of a coast which he could no longer explore but at the risk of losing the vessel, and ruining the whole voyage. He determined, however, not to leave it, till he knew of what kind some groves of trees were, which, by their uncommon appearance, had occasioned much speculation, and had been mistaken, by several of the gentlemen, for bisaltes. Captain Cook was the more solicitous to ascertain the point, as these trees appeared to be of a sort, which might be useful to shipping, and had not been seen any where, but in the southern parts of New Caledonia. They proved to be a species of spruce pine, very proper for spars, which were then wanted. The discovery was valuable, as, excepting New Zealand, there was not an island known, in the South Pacific Ocean, where the ship could supply herself with a mast or yard, to whatever distress she might be reduced. It was the opinion of the carpenter of the Resolution, who was a mastmaker as well as a shipwright, that very good masts might be made from the trees in question. The wood of them, which is white, close-grained, tough, and light, is well adapted to that purpose. One of the small islands where the trees were found, was called by the captain the Isle of Pines. To another, on account of its affording sufficient employment to the botanists, during the little time they stayed upon it, he gave the name of Botany Isle. Captain Cook now took into serious consideration what was farther to be done. He had pretty well determined the extent of the south-west coast of New Caledonia, and would gladly have proceeded to a more accurate survey of the whole, had he not been deterred, not only by the dangers he must encounter, but by the time required for the undertaking, and which he could not possibly spare. Indeed, when he considered the vast ocean he had to explore to the south; the state and condition of the ship; the near approach of summer; and that any material accident might detain him in this sea even for another year, he did not think it advisable to make New Caledonia any longer the object of his attention. But though he was thus obliged, by necessity, for the first time, to leave a coast which he had discovered, before it was fully surveyed, he did not quit it till he had ascertained the extent of the country, and proved, that, excepting New Zealand, it was perhaps the largest island in the Southern Pacific Ocean. As the Resolution pursued her course from New Caledonia, land was discovered, which on a nearer approach, was found to be an island, of good height, and five leagues in circuit. Captain Cook named it Norfolk Isle, in honour of the noble family of Howard. It was uninhabited; and the first persons that ever set foot on it were unquestionably our English navigators. Various trees and plants were observed that are common at New Zealand; and, in particular, the flax plant, which is rather more luxuriant here than in any part of that country. The chief produce of the island is a kind of spruce pine, exceedingly straight and tall, which grows in great abundance. Such is the size of many of the trees, that, breast high, they are as thick as two men can fathom. Among the vegetables of the place, the palm-cabbage afforded both a wholesome and palatable refreshment; and, indeed, proved the most agreeable repast that our people had for a considerable time enjoyed. In addition to this gratification, they had the pleasure of procuring some excellent fish. From Norfolk Isle, our commander steered for New Zealand, it being his intention to touch at Queen Charlotte's Sound, that he might refresh his crew, and put the ship in a condition to encounter the southern latitudes. On the 18th of October, he anchored before Ship Cove in that sound; and the first thing he did, after landing, was to look for the bottle he had left on the shore, in which was a memorandum. It was taken away; and it soon appeared, from indubitable circumstances, that the Adventure had been in the cove after it was quitted by the Resolution. Upon visiting the gardens which had been formed at Motuara, they were found almost in a state of nature, having been wholly neglected by the inhabitants. Many, however, of the articles were in a flourishing condition and shewed how well they liked the soil in which they were planted. It was several days before any of the natives made their appearance; but when they did so, and recognised Captain Cook and his friends, joy succeeded to fear. They hurried in numbers out of the woods, and embraced the English over and over again, leaping and skipping about like madmen. Amidst all this extravagance of joy, they were careful to preserve the honour of their females; for they would not permit some women, who were seen at a distance, to cone near our people. The captain's whole intercourse with the New Zealanders, during this his third visit to Queen Charlotte's Sound, was peaceable and friendly; and one of them, a man apparently of consequence, whose name was Pedro, presented him with a staff of honour, such as the chiefs generally carry. In return, our commander dressed Pedro, who had a fine person, and a good presence, in a suit of old clothes, of which he was not a little proud. Captain Cook still continued his solicitude to stock the island with useful animals; and accordingly, in addition to what he had formerly done, he ordered two pigs a boar and sow, to be put on shore. There was reason to believe, that some of the cocks and hens which had formerly been left here still existed. None of them, indeed, were seen; but a hen's egg was found, which had not been long laid. Mr. Wales had now an opportunity of completing his observations with regard to Queen Charlotte's Sound, so as to ascertain its latitude and longitude with the utmost accuracy. In the captain's former voyage there had been an error in this respect. Such were Mr. Wales's abilities and assiduity, that the same correctness was maintained by him, in determining the situation of all the other places which were visited by our navigators. On the 10th of November, Captain Cook took his departure from New Zealand, in farther pursuit of his great object, the determination of the question concerning the existence of a southern continent. Having sailed till the 27th, in different degrees of latitude, extending from 43 to 55° 48' south, he gave up all hopes of finding any more land in this ocean. He came, therefore, to the resolution of steering directly for the west entrance of the Straits of Magalhaens, with a view of coasting the south side of Terra del Fuego, round Cape Horn, to the Strait Le Maire. As the world had hitherto obtained but a very imperfect knowledge of this shore, the captain thought that the full survey of it would be more advantageous, both to navigation and geography, than any thing he could expect to find in a higher latitude. In the prosecution of his voyage, our commander, on the 17th of December, reached the west coast of Terra del Fuego; and having continued to range it till the 20th, he came to an anchor in a place to which he afterwards gave the name of Christmas Sound. Through the whole course of his various navigations, he had never seen so desolate a coast. It seems to be entirely composed of rocky mountains, without the least appearance of vegetation. These mountains terminate to horrible precipices, the craggy summits of which spire up to a vast height; so that scarcely any thing in nature can appear with a more barren and savage aspect, than the whole of the country. The run which Captain Cook had made directly across the ocean in a high southern latitude, was believed by him to be the first of the kind that had ever been carried into execution. He was, therefore, somewhat particular in remarking every circumstance which seemed to be in the least material. However, he could not but observe, that he had never made a passage any where, of such length, or even of a much shorter extent, in which so few things occurred, that were of an interesting nature. Excepting the variation of the compass, he knew of nothing else that was worthy of notice. The captain had now done with the Southern Pacific Ocean; and he had explored it in such a manner, that it would be impossible for any one to think that more could be performed in a single voyage, towards obtaining that end, than had actually been accomplished. Barren and dreary as the land is about Christmas Sound, it was not wholly destitute of some accomodations, which could not fail of being agreeable to our navigators. Near every harbour they found fresh water and wood for fuel. The country abounds like-wise with wild fowl, and particularly with geese; which afforded a refreshment to the whole crew, that was the more acceptable on account of the approaching festival. Had not Providence thus happily provided for them, their Christmas cheer must have been salt beef and pork. Some Madeira wine, the only article of provision that was mended by keeping, was still left. This in conjunction with the geese, which were cooked in every variety of method, enabled our people to celebrate Christmas as cheerfully as perhaps was done by their friends in England. The inhabitants of Terra del Fuego, Captain Cook found to be of the same nation that he had formerly seen in Success Bay; and the same whom M. de Bougainville has distinguished by the name of Pecharas. They are a little ugly, half-starved, beardless race, and go almost naked. It is their own fault that they are no better clothed, nature having furnished them with ample materials for that purpose. By lining their seal-skin cloaks with the skins and feathers of aquatic birds; by making the cloaks themselves larger; and by applying the same materials to different parts of clothing, they might render their dress much more warm and comfortable. But while they are doomed to exist in one of the most inhospitable climates in the globe, they have not sagacity enough to avail themselves of those means of adding to the conveniences of life, which Providence has put into their power. In short, the captain, after having been a witness to so many varieties of the human race, hath pronounced, that, of all the nations he had seen, the Pecharas are _the most wretched_. Notwithstanding the barrenness of the country, it abounds with a variety of unknown plants, and gave sufficient employment to the botanists of the Resolution. 'Almost every plant,' says Mr. Forster, 'which we gathered on the rocks, was new to us, and some species were remarkable for the beauty of their flowers, or their smell. On the 28th of December, our commander sailed from Christmas Sound, and proceeded on his voyage, round Cape Horn, through Strait le Maire, to Staten Land. This famous Cape was passed by him on the next day, when he entered the Southern Atlantic Ocean. In some charts Cape Horn is laid down as belonging to a small island; but this was neither confirmed, nor could it be contradicted by our navigators; for several breakers appeared in the coast, both to the east and west of it, and the hazy weather rendered every object very indistinct. Though the summits of some of the hills were rocky, the sides and valleys seemed covered with a green turf, and wooded in tufts. In ranging Staten Island, a good port was found, situated three leagues to the westward of St. John, and in a northern direction. Upon account of the day on which the discovery of this port was made (being the 1st of January), Captain Cook gave it the name of New Year's Harbour. The knowledge of it may be of service to future navigators. Indeed, it would be more convenient for ships bound to the west, or round Cape Horn, if its situation would permit them to put to sea with an easterly and northerly wind. But this inconvenience is not of great consequence, since these winds are seldom known to be of long duration. The captain, however, has declared that if he were on a voyage round Cape Horn to the west, and not in want of wood or water, or any thing which might make it necessary to put into port, he would not approach the land at all. By keeping out at sea the currents would be avoided, which, he was satisfied, would lose their force at ten or twelve leagues from land, and be totally without influence at a greater distance. The extent of Terra del Fuego, and consequently that of the Straits of Magalhaens, our commander ascertained to be less than has been laid down by the generality of navigators. Nor was the coast, upon the whole, found to be so dangerous as has often been represented. The weather, at the same time, was remarkably temperate. In one of the little isles near Staten Land, and which had been called by Captain Cook, New Year's Isles, there was observed a harmony between the different animals of the place, which is too curious to be omitted. It seemed as if they had entered into a league not to disturb each other's tranquillity. The greater part of the sea-coast is occupied by the sea-lions; the sea-bears take up their abode in the isle; the shags are posted in the highest cliffs; the penguins fix their quarters where there is the most easy communication to and from the sea; and the rest of the birds choose more retired places. All these animals were occasionally seen to mix together, like domestic cattle and poultry in a farm-yard, without one attempting to molest the other. Nay, the captain had often observed the eagles and vultures sitting on the hills among the shags, while none of the latter, whether old or young, appeared to be in the least disturbed at their presence. It may be asked, then, how do these birds of prey live? This question our commander hath answered, by supposing that they feed on the carcasses of seals and birds which die by various causes. It is probable, from the immense quantity of animals with which this isle abounds, that such carcasses exist in great numbers. From Staten island, Captain Cook sailed, on the 4th of January, with a view, in the first place, of discovering that extensive coast, laid down by Mr. Dalrymple in his chart, in which is the gulf of St. Sebastian: In order to have all other parts before him, the captain designed to make the western point of that gulf. As he had some doubt of the existence of such a coast, this appeared to him the best route for determining the matter, and for exploring the southern part of this ocean. When he came to the situations assigned to the different points of the gulf of St. Sebastian, neither land nor any unequivocal signs of land were discovered. On the contrary, it was evident, that there could not be any extensive tract of country in the direction which had been supposed. Proceeding in his voyage, land was seen on the 14th, which was at first mistaken for an island of ice. It was in a manner wholly covered with snow. From the person by whom it was first discovered, it obtained the name of Wallis's Island. It is a high rock, of no great extent, near to which are some rocky islets. Another island, of a larger compass, on account of the vast number of birds which were upon it, was called Bird Isle. A more extensive range of country had been seen for some time which Captain Cook reached on the 17th, and where he landed, on the same day, in three different places. The head of the bay, in which he came to shore, was terminated by particular ice cliffs, of considerable height. Pieces were continually breaking off, and floating out to sea; and while our navigators were in the bay, a great fall happened, which made a noise like a cannon. No less savage and horrible were the inner parts of the country. The wild rocks raised their summits till they were lost in the clouds, and the valleys lay covered with everlasting snow. There was not a tree to be seen, or a shrub found, that was even big enough to make a tooth-pick. The only vegetation, that was met with, was a coarse strong-bladed grass, growing in tufts, wild burnet, and a plant like moss, which sprang from the rocks. When our commander landed in the bay, he displayed the English colours; and, under a discharge of small arms, took possession of the country in his majesty's name. It was not, however, a discovery which was ever likely to be productive of any considerable benefit. In his return to the ship, Captain Cook brought with him a quantity of seals and penguins, which were an acceptable present to the crew; not from the want of provisions, which were plentiful in every kind, but from a change of diet. Any sort of fresh meat was preferred by most on board to salt. The captain himself was now, for the first time, tired of the salted meats of the ship; and though the flesh of the penguins could scarcely vie with bullock's liver, its freshness was sufficient to render it comparatively agreeable to the palate. To the bay in which he had been, he gave, the name of Possession Bay. The land in which this bay lies, was at first judged by our navigators to be part of a great continent. But, upon coasting round the whole country, it was proved to a demonstration that it was only an island of seventy leagues in circuit. In honour of his majesty, Captain Cook called it the Isle of Georgia. It could scarcely have been thought, that an island of no greater extent than this, situated between the latitude of fifty-four and fifty-five, should, in a manner, be wholly covered, many fathoms deep, with frozen snow, in the height of summer. The sides and summits of the lofty mountains were cased with snow and ice; and an incredible quantity lay in the valleys. So immense was the quantity that our commander did not think that it could be the produce of the island. Some land, therefore, which he had seen at a distance, induced him to believe, that it might belong to an extensive tract, and gave him hopes of discovering a continent. In this respect, however, he was disappointed; but the disappointment did not sit heavy upon him; since, to judge of the bulk by the apprehended sample, it would not have been worth the discovery. It was remarkable, that our voyagers did not see a river, or a stream of fresh water, on the whole coast of the Isle of Georgia. Captain Cook judged it to be highly probable, that there are no perennial springs in the country; and that the interior parts, in consequence of their being much elevated, never enjoy heat enough to melt the snow in sufficient quantities to produce a river or stream of water. In sailing round the island, our navigators were almost continually involved in a thick mist; so that, for any thing they knew to the contrary, they might be surrounded with dangerous rocks. The captain on the 25th of the month, steered from the Isle of Georgia, and, on the 27th, computed that he was in latitude sixty, south. Farther than this he did not intend to go, unless some certain signs of soon meeting with land should be discovered. There was now a long hollow swell from the west, which was a strong indication that no land was to be met with in that direction; and hence arose an additional proof of what has already been remarked, that the extensive coast laid down in Mr. Dalrymple's chart of the ocean between Africa and America and the Gulf of St. Sebastian, doth not exist. Not to mention the various islands which were seen in the prosecution of the voyage, and the names that were given to them, I shall only advert to a few of the more material circumstances. On an elevated coast, which appeared in sight upon the 31st; our commander bestowed the appellation of the Southern Thule. The reason of his giving it this name was, that it is the most southern land that had ever yet been discovered. It is everywhere covered with snow; and displays a surface of vast height. On this day our voyagers were in no small danger from a great westerly swell, which set right upon the shore, and threatened to carry them on the most horrible coast in the world. Happily, the discovery of a point to the north, beyond which no land could be seen, relieved them from their apprehensions. To the more distinguished tracts of country, which were discovered from the 31st of January to the 6th of February, Captain Cook gave the names of Cape Bristol, Cape Montagu, Saunder's Isle, Candlemas Isles, and Sandwich's Land. The last is either a group of islands, or else a point of the continent. For that there is a tract of land near the pole, which is the source of most of the ice that is spread over this vast Southern Ocean, was the captain's firm opinion. He also thought it probable, that this land must extend farthest to the north, where it is opposite to the Southern Atlantic and Indian Oceans. Ice had always been found by him farther to the north in these oceans, than any where else, and this he judged could not be the case, if there were not land of considerable extent to the south. However, the greatest part of this southern continent, if it actually exists, must lie within the polar circle, where the sea is so encumbered with ice, that the land is rendered inaccessible. So great is the risk which is run, in examining a coast in these unknown and icy seas, that our commander, with a modest and well grounded boldness, could assert, that no man would ever venture farther than he had done; and that the lands which may lie to the south will never be explored. Thick fogs, snow storms, intense cold, and every thing besides, that can render navigation dangerous, must be encountered; all which difficulties are greatly heightened by the inexpressibly horrid aspect of the country. It is a country doomed by nature never once to feet the warmth of the sun's rays, but to lie buried in everlasting snow and ice. Whatever ports there may be on the coast, they are almost entirely covered with frozen snow of a vast thickness. If however, any one of them should be so far open as to invite a ship into it, she would run the risk of being fixed there for ever, or of coming out in an ice island. To this it may be added, that the islands and floats on the coast, the great falls from the ice cliffs in the port, or a heavy snow storm, attended with a sharp frost, might be equally fatal. Nothing could exceed the inclination of Captain Cook, if it had been practicable, to penetrate farther to the south: but difficulties like these were not to be surmounted. If he had risked all that had been done during the voyage, for the sake of discovering and exploring a coast, which, when discovered and explored, would have answered no end whatever, or have been of the least use either to navigation or geography, or indeed to any other science, he would justly have been charged with inexcusable temerity. He determined, therefore, to alter his course to the east, and to sail in quest of Bouvet's Land, the existence of which was yet to be settled. Accordingly, this was the principal object of his pursuit, from the 6th to the 22nd of the month. By that day he had run down thirteen degrees of longitude, in the very latitude assigned for Bouvet's Land. No such land, however, was discovered; nor did any proofs occur of the existence of Cape Circumcision. Our commander was at this time no more than two degrees of longitude from the route he had taken to the south, when he left the Cape of Good Hope. It would, therefore, have been to no purpose to proceed any farther to the east in this parallel. But being desirous of determining the question concerning some land that was supposed to have been seen more to the south, he directed his course for the situation in which the discovery of it might be expected. Two days were spent by him in this pursuit, to no effectual purpose. After having run over the place where the land was imagined to lie, without meeting with the least signs of any, it became certain that the ice islands had deceived our navigators, as well as Mr. Bouvet. Captain Cook had row made the circuit of the southern ocean in a high latitude, and traversed it in such a manner as to leave not the least room for the possibility of there being a continent, unless near the pole, and out of the reach of navigation. By twice visiting the tropical sea, he had not only settled the situation of some old discoveries, but made many new ones; and, indeed, even in that part, had left little more to be accomplished. The intention of the voyage had, in every respect, been fully answered, and the southern hemisphere sufficiently explored. A final end was hereby put to the searching after a southern continent, which, for nearly two centuries past had occasionally engrossed the attention of some of the maritime powers, and had been urged with great ardour by philosophers and geographers in different ages. The great purpose of his navigation round the globe being thus completed, the captain began to direct his views towards England. He had, indeed, some thoughts of protracting his course a little longer, for the sake of revisiting the place where the French discovery is said to be situated. But, upon mature deliberation, he determined to lay aside his intention. He considered, that if this discovery had really been made, the end would be as fully answered, as if it had been done by himself. It could only be an island; and, if a judgment might be formed from the degree of cold which our voyagers had experienced in that latitude, it could not be a fertile one. Besides, our commander would hereby have been kept two months longer at sea, and that in a tempestuous latitude, with which the ship was not in a condition to struggle. Her sails and rigging were so much worn, that something was giving way every hour; and there was nothing left, either to repair or to replace them. The provisions of the vessel were in such a state of decay, that they afforded little nourishment, and the company had been long without refreshments. Indeed, the crew were yet healthy, and would cheerfully have gone wherever the captain had judged it proper to lead them; but he was fearful, lest the scurvy should lay hold of them, at a time, when none of the remedies were left by which it could be removed. He thought, likewise, that it would have been cruel in him to have continued the fatigues and hardships they were perpetually exposed to, longer than was absolutely necessary. Throughout the whole voyage, they had merited by their behaviour every indulgence which it was in his power to bestow. Animated by the conduct of the officers, they had shewn that no difficulties or dangers which came in their way were incapable of being surmounted; nor had their activity, courage, and cheerfulness been in the least abated by the separation from them of their consort the Adventure. From all these considerations, which were evidently the dictates of wisdom and humanity, Captain Cook was induced to spend no longer time in searching for the French discoveries, but to steer for the Cape of Good Hope. He determined, however, to direct his course in such a manner, as to look for the Isles of Denia and Marseveen, which are laid down in Dr. Halley's variation chart. After sailing in the proper latitudes from the 25th of February to the 13th of March, no such islands were discovered. Nothing, indeed, had been seen that could encourage our voyagers to persevere in a search after them; and much time could not now be spared, either for the purpose of finding them, or of proving their non-existence. Every one on board was for good reasons impatient to get into port. The captain, therefore, could no longer avoid yielding to the general wishes, and resolving to proceed to the Cape without further delay. Soon after our commander had come to this determination, he demanded of the officers and petty officers, in pursuance of his instructions, the log books and journals they had kept; which were delivered to him accordingly, and sealed up for the inspection of the Admiralty. He enjoined them also, and the whole crew, not to divulge where they had been, till they were permitted to do so by their lordships; an injunction, a compliance with which might probably be rendered somewhat difficult, from the natural tendency there is in men, to relate the extraordinary enterprises and adventures wherein they have been concerned. As the Resolution approached towards the Cape of Good Hope, she fell in first with a Dutch East Indiaman from Bengal, commanded by Captain Bosch; and next with an English Indiaman, being the True Briton, from China, of which Captain Broadly was the commander. Mr. Bosch very obligingly offered to our navigators sugar, arrack, and whatever he had to spare; and Captain Broadly, with the most ready generosity, sent them fresh provisions, tea, and various articles which could not fail of being peculiarly acceptable to people in their situation. Even a parcel of old news-papers furnished no slight gratification to persons who had so long been deprived of obtaining any intelligence concerning their country and the state of Europe. From these vessels Captain Cook received some information with regard to what had happened to the Adventure after her separation from the Resolution. On Wednesday, the 22nd of March,[9] he anchored in Table Bay; where he found several Dutch ships, some French, and the Ceres, an English East Indiaman, bound directly for England, under the command of Captain Newte. By this gentleman he sent a copy of the preceding part of his journal, some charts, and other drawings, to the Admiralty. [Footnote 9: With our navigators who had sailed round the world, it was Wednesday, the 22nd of March; but at the Cape of Good Hope it was Tuesday the 21st.] During the circumnavigation of the globe, from the period of our commander's leaving the Cape of Good Hope to his return to it again, he had sailed no less than twenty thousand leagues. This was an extent of voyage nearly equal to three times the equatorial circumference of the earth, and which had never been accomplished before, by any ship, in the same compass of duration. In such a case, it could not be a matter of surprise, that the rigging and sails of the Resolution should be essentially damaged, and even worn out, and yet, in all this great run, which had been made in every latitude between nine and seventy-one, she did not spring either lowmast, topmast, lower or topsail yard; nor did she so much as break a lower or topmast shroud. These happy circumstances were owing to the good properties of the vessel, and the singular care and abilities of her officers. On the remainder of the voyage it is not necessary to enlarge. Though it was conducted with the same attention to navigation and geography, and with the same sagacity in marking whatever was worthy of observation, nevertheless, as it was not employed in traversing unknown seas, or in discovering countries that had not been heard of before, it may be sufficient briefly to mention the places at which Captain Cook touched before his arrival in England. The repairs of the ship having been completed, and the necessary stores gotten on board, together with a fresh supply of provisions and water, he left the Cape of Good Hope on the 27th of April, and reached the Island of St. Helena on the 15th of May. Here he staid till the 21st, when he sailed for the Island of Ascension, where he anchored on the 28th. From this place he directed his course, on the 31st, for the Island of Fernando de Noronha, at which he arrived on the 9th of June. In the progress of the voyage, our commander made an experiment upon the still for procuring fresh water; and the result of the trial was, that the invention is useful upon the whole, but that to trust entirely to it would by no means be advisable. Indeed, provided there is not a scarcity of fuel, and the coppers are good, as much water may be obtained as will support life; but no efforts will be able to procure a quantity sufficient for the preservation of health, especially in hot climates. Captain Cook was convinced by experience, that nothing contributes more to the health of seamen, than having plenty of water. On the 14th of July, the captain came to anchor in the Bay of Fayal, one of the Azores islands. His sole design in stopping here was to give Mr. Wales an opportunity of finding the rate of the watch, that hereby he might be enabled to fix the longitude of these island with the greater degree of certainty. No sooner, therefore, had our commander anchored, than he sent an officer to wait on the English consul, and to acquaint the governor with the arrival of our navigators, requesting his permission for Mr. Wales to make observations on shore, for the purpose now mentioned. Mr. Dent, who then acted as consul, not only obtained this permission, but accommodated Mr. Wales with a convenient place in his garden, to set up his instruments. This object being accomplished, Captain Cook proceeded on the 19th, with all expedition for England. On the 30th of the same month, he anchored at Spithead, and landed at Portsmouth; having been absent from Great Britain three years and eighteen days, in which time, and under all changes of climate, he had lost but four men, and only one of them by sickness. CHAPTER V. Account of Captain Cook during the Period between his Second Voyage and his Voyage to the Pacific Ocean. The able manner in which Captain Cook had conducted the preceding voyage, the discoveries he had made, and his complete determination of the grand point he had been sent to ascertain, justly and powerfully recommended him to the protection and encouragement of all those who had patronized the undertaking. No alterations had occurred, during his absence, in the presidency of the admiralty department. The noble lord, whose extensive views had taken such a lead in the plans of navigation and discovery, still continued at the head of that board; and it could not be otherwise than a high satisfaction to him, that so extraordinary a degree of success had attended his designs for the enlargement of science. His lordship lust no time in representing Captain Cook's merits to the king; nor did his majesty stand in need of solicitations to shew favour to a man, who had so eminently fulfilled his royal and munificent intentions. Accordingly our navigator, on the 9th of August, was raised to the rank of a post captain. Three days afterwards, he received a more distinguished and substantial mark of the approbation of government: for he was then appointed a captain in Greenwich Hospital; a situation which was intended to afford him a pleasing and honourable reward for his illustrious labours and services. It will easily be supposed, that the lovers of science would, in general, be peculiarly attentive to the effects resulting from Captain Cook's discoveries. The additions he had made to the knowledge of geography, navigation, and astronomy, and the new views he had opened of the diversified state of human life and manners, could not avoid commanding their esteem, and exciting their admiration. With many persons of philosophic literature he was in the habits of intimacy and friendship; he was particularly acquainted with Sir John Pringle, at that time president of the Royal Society. It was natural, therefore, that his scientific friends should wish him to become a member of this learned body; the consequence of which was, that, in the latter end of the year 1775, he was proposed as a candidate for election. On the 29th of February, 1776, he was unanimously chosen; and he was admitted on the 7th of March. That same evening, a paper was read, which he had addressed to Sir John Pringle, containing an account of the method he had taken to preserve the health of the crew of his majesty's ship the Resolution, during her voyage round the world. Another paper, at the request of the president, was communicated by him on the 18th of April. relative to the tides in the South Seas. The tides particularly considered were those in the Endeavour River, on the east coast of New Holland. A still greater honour was in reserve for Captain Cook, than the election of him to be a common member of the Royal Society. It was resolved by Sir John Pringle and the council of the society, to bestow upon him the estimable prize of the gold medal, for the best experimental paper, of the year; and no determination could be founded to greater wisdom and justice. If Captain Cook had made no important discoveries, if he had not determined the question concerning a southern continent, his name would have been entitled to immortality, on account of his humane attention to, and his unparalleled success in preserving the lives and health of his seamen. He had good reason, upon this head, to assume the pleasurable, but modest language, with which he has concluded his narrative of his second navigation round the globe: 'Whatever,' says he, 'may be the public judgment about other matters, it is with real satisfaction, and without claiming any merit but that of attention to my duty, that I can, conclude this account with an observation, which facts enable us to make, that our having discovered the possibility of preserving health among a numerous ship's company, for such a length of time, in such varieties of climate, and amidst such continued hardships and fatigues, will make this voyage remarkable, in the opinion of every benevolent person, when the disputes about the southern continent shall have ceased to engage the attention, and to divide the judgment of philosophers.' It was the custom, of Sir John Pringle, at the delivery of Sir Godfrey Copley's annual medal, to give an elaborate discourse, containing the history of that part of science for the improvement of which the medal was conferred. Upon the present occasion, the president had a subject to enlarge upon, which was perfectly congenial to his disposition and studies. His own life had been much employed in pointing out the means which tended not only to cure, but to prevent, the diseases of mankind; and, therefore, it was with peculiar pleasure and affection that he celebrated the conduct of his friend, who, by precautions equally wise and simple, had rendered the circumnavigation of the globe, so far as health is concerned, quite a harmless undertaking. Towards the beginning of his discourse, Sir John justly asks, 'What inquiry can be so useful as that which hath for its object the saving the lives of men? and when shall we find one more successful than that before us? Here,' adds the president, 'are no vain boastings of the empiric, nor ingenious and delusive theories of the dogmatist; but a concise and artless, and an incontested relation of the means by which, under divine favour, Captain Cook, with a company of a hundred and eighteen men, performed a voyage of three years and eighteen days, throughout all the climates, from fifty-two degrees north to seventy-one degrees south, with the loss of only one man by sickness. I would now inquire.' proceeds Sir John Pringle, 'of the most conversant to the study of bills of mortality, whether, in the most healthful climate, and in the best condition of life, they have ever found so small a number of deaths within that space of time? How great and agreeable then must our surprise be, after perusing the histories of long navigations in former days, when so many perished by marine diseases, to find the air of the sea acquitted of all malignity; and, in fine, that a voyage round the world may be undertaken with less danger, perhaps, to health, than a common tour in Europe!' In the progress of his discourse; the president recounted the dreadful calamities and destruction the scurvy had heretofore brought upon mariners in voyages of great length; after which he pointed out at large, and illustrated with his own observations, the methods pursued by Captain Cook for preserving the health of his men. In conclusion, Sir John remarked, that the Royal Society never more cordially or more meritoriously bestowed the gold medal, that faithful symbol of their esteem and affection. 'For if,' says he, 'Rome decreed the civic crown to him who saved the life of a single citizen, what wreaths are due to that man, who, having himself saved many, perpetuates in your transactions the means by which Britain may now, on the most distant voyages, preserve numbers of her intrepid sons, her _mariners_; who, braving every danger, have so liberally contributed to the fame, to the opulence, and to the maritime empire of their country!'[10] [Footnote 10: Sir John Pringle's Six Discourses, p. 145-147, 199.--It cannot but be acceptable to insert here Captain Cook's enumeration of the several causes to which, under the care of Providence, the uncommon good state of health, experienced by his people, was owing. I shall not trespass upon the reader's time in mentioning them all, but confine myself to such as were found the most useful. 'We were furnished with a quantity of malt, of which was made _sweet wort_. To such of the men as shewed the least symptoms of the scurvy, and also to such as were thought to be threatened with that disorder, this was given, from one to two or three pints a day each man; or in such proportion as the surgeon found necessary, which sometimes amounted to three quarts. This is, without doubt, one of the best antiscorbutic sea medicines yet discovered; and if used in time, will, with proper attention to other things, I am persuaded, prevent the scurvy from making any great progress for a considerable while. But I am not altogether of opinion that it will cure it at sea. '_Sour krout_, of which we had a large quantity; is not only a wholesome vegetable food, but in my judgment, highly antiscorbutic; and it spoils not by keeping. A pound of this was served to each man, when at sea, twice a week, or oftener, as was thought necessary. '_Portable broth_ was another great article of which we had a large supply. An ounce of this to each man, or such other proportion as circumstances pointed out, was boiled in their pease, three days in the week; and when we were in places where vegetables were to be got, it was boiled with them, and wheat or oatmeal, ever morning for breakfast; and also with pease and vegetables for dinner. It enabled us to make several nourishing and wholesome messes, and was the means of making the people eat a greater quantity of vegetables than they would otherwise have done. '_Rob of lemon and orange_ is an antiscorbutic we were not without. The surgeon made use of it in many cases with great success. 'Amongst the articles of victualling, we were supplied with _sugar_ in the room of _oil_, and with _wheat_ for a part of our _oatmeal_; and were certainly gainers by the exchange. Sugar, I apprehend, is a very good antiscorbutic; whereas oil (such as the navy is usually supplied with), I am of opinion, has the contrary effect. 'But the introduction of the most salutary articles, either as provisions or medicines, will generally prove unsuccessful, unless supported by certain regulations. On this principle, many years' experience, together with some hints I had from Sir Hugh Palliser, Captains Campbell, Wallis, and other intelligent officers, enabled me to lay a plan whereby all was to be governed. 'The crew were at three watches, except upon some extraordinary occasions. By this means they were not so much exposed to the weather, as if they had been at watch and watch; and had generally dry clothes to shift themselves, when they happened to get wet. Care was also taken to expose them as little to wet weather as possible. 'Proper methods were used to keep their persons, hammocks, bedding, clothes, &c. constantly clean and dry. Equal care was taken to keep the ship clean and dry betwixt decks. Once or twice a week she was aired with fires; and when this could not be done, she was smoked with gunpowder, mixed with vinegar and water. I had also, frequently, a fire made in an iron pot at the bottom of the well, which was of great use in purifying the air in the lower parts of the ship. To this, and to cleanliness, as well in the ship as amongst the people, too great attention cannot be paid; the least neglect occasions a putrid and disagreeable smell below, which nothing but fires will remove. 'Proper attention was paid to the ships coppers, so that they were kept constantly clean. 'The fat, which boiled out of the salt beef and pork, I never suffered to be given to the people; being of opinion that it promotes the scurvy. 'I was careful to take in water wherever it was to be got, even though we did not want it. Because I look upon fresh water from the shore to be more wholesome than that which has been kept some time on board a ship. Of this essential article we were never at an allowance, but had always plenty for every necessary purpose. Navigators in general cannot, indeed, expect, nor would they wish to meet with such advantages in this respect, as fell to my lot. The nature of our voyage carried us into very high latitudes. But the hardships and dangers, inseparable from that situation, were in some degree compensated by the singular felicity we enjoyed, of extracting inexhaustible supplies of fresh water from an ocean strewed with ice. 'We came to few places, where either the art of man, or the bounty of nature, had not provided some sort of refreshment or other, either in the animal or vegetable way. It was my first care to procure whatever of any kind could be met with, by every means in my power; and to oblige our people to make use thereof, both by my example and authority; but the benefits arising from refreshments of any kind soon became so obvious, that I had little occasion to recommend the one to exert the other.' In a letter which Captain Cook wrote to Sir John Pringle, just before he embarked on his last voyage, dated Plymouth Sound, July 7, 1776, he expressed himself as follows: 'I entirely agree with you, that the dearness of the rob of lemons and of oranges will hinder them from being furnished in large quantities. But I do not think this so necessary; for, though they may assist other things, I have no great opinion of them alone. Nor have I a higher opinion of vinegar. My people had it very sparingly during the late voyage, and, towards the latter part none at all; and yet we experienced no ill effect from the want of it. The custom of washing the inside of the ship with vinegar, I seldom observed; thinking that fire and smoke answered the purpose much better.'] One circumstance alone was wanting to complete the pleasure and celebrity arising from the assignment of Sir Godfrey Copley's medal. Captain Cook was not himself present, to hear the discourse of the president, and to receive the honour conferred upon him. Some months before the anniversary of St. Andrew's day, he had sailed on his last expedition. The medal, therefore, was delivered into the hands of Mrs. Cook, whose satisfaction at being intrusted with so valuable a pledge of her husband's reputation cannot be questioned. Neither can it be doubted, but that the captain, before his departure from England, was fully apprized of the mark of distinction which was intended for him by the Royal Society. Captain Cook, after the conclusion of his second voyage, was called upon to appear in the world in the character of an author. In the account that was published, by authority, of his former circumnavigation of the globe, as well as of those which had been performed by the Captains Byron, Cateret, and Wallis, it was thought requisite to procure the assistance of a professed literary man, whose business it should be to draw up a narrative from the several journals of these commanders. Accordingly, Dr. Hawkesworth, as is universally known, was employed for the purpose. In the present case, it was not esteemed necessary to have recourse to such an expedient. Captain Cook was justly regarded as sufficiently qualified to relate his own story. His journal only required to be divided into chapters, and perhaps to be amended by a few verbal corrections. It is not speaking extravagantly to say, that in point of composition, his history of his voyage reflects upon him no small degree of credit. His style is natural, clear, and manly; being well adapted to the subject and to his own character: and it is possible that a pen of more studied elegance would not have given any additional advantage to the narration. It was not till some time after Captain Cook's leaving England that the work was published; but, in the meanwhile, the superintendence of it was undertaken by his learned and valuable friend, Dr. Douglas, whose late promotion to the mitre hath afforded pleasure to every literary man, of every denomination. When the Voyage appeared it came recommended by the accuracy and excellence of its charts, and by a great variety of engravings, from the curious and beautiful drawings of Mr. Hodges. This work was followed by the publication of the original astronomical observations, which had been made by Mr. Wales in the Resolution, and by Mr. Bayley in the Adventure. It was at the expense of the commissioners of longitude that these observations were made, and it was by their order that they were printed. The book of Mr. Wales and Mr. Bayley displays, in the strongest light, the scientific use and value of Captain Cook's voyage. Some of the circumstances which have now been mentioned have designedly been brought forward more early in point of time than should otherwise have been done, in order to prevent any interruption in the course of the subsequent narrative. Though Captain Cook was expected to, sit down in repose, after his toils and labours, the design of farther discoveries was not laid aside. The illusion, indeed of a _Terra Australis incognita_, to any purposes of commerce, colonization, and utility, had been dispelled: but there was another grand question which remained to be determined; and that was the practicability of a northern passage to the Pacific Ocean. It had long been a favourite object with navigators, and particularly with the English, to discover a shorter, a more commodious, and a more profitable course of sailing to Japan and China, and, indeed, to the East Indies in general, than by making the tedious circuit of the Cape of Good Hope. To find a western passage round North America had been attempted by several bold adventurers, from Frobisher's first voyage, in 1576, to those of James and of Fox, in 1631. By these expeditions a large addition was made to the knowledge of the northern extent of America, and Hudson's and Baffin's Bays were discovered. But the wished-for passage, on that side, into the Pacific Ocean, was still unattained. Nor were the various attempts of our countrymen, and of the Dutch, to find such a passage, by sailing round the north of Asia, in an eastern direction, attended with better success. Wood's failure in 1676, appears to have concluded the long list of unfortunate expeditions in that century. The discovery, if not absolutely despaired of, had been unsuccessful in such a number of instances, that it ceased for many years, to be an object of pursuit. The question was again revived in the present century. Mr. Dobbs, a warm advocate for the probability of a north-west passage through Hudson's Bay, once more recalled the attention of this country to that undertaking. In consequence of the spirit by him excited, Captain Middleton was sent out by government, in 1741, and Captains Smith and More, in 1746. But though an act of Parliament had been passed, which secured a reward of twenty thousand pounds to the discovery of a passage, the accomplishment of this favourite object continued at as great a distance as ever. To ascertain a matter of such importance and magnitude in navigation, was reserved to be another glory of his present majesty's reign. The idea was peculiarly suited to the enlightened mind of the noble lord at the head of the admiralty, and he adopted it with ardour. Preparatory to the execution of the design, Lord Mulgrave sailed with two ships, to determine how far navigation was practicable towards the north pole. In this expedition, his lordship met with the same insuperable difficulties which had been experienced by former voyagers. Nevertheless, the expectation of opening a communication between the Pacific and Atlantic Oceans, by a northerly course, was not abandoned; and it was resolved that a voyage should be undertaken for that purpose. For the conduct of an enterprise, the operations of which were intended to be so new, so extensive, and so various, it was evident that great ability, skill, and experience were indispensably necessary. That Captain Cook was of all men the best qualified for carrying it into execution was a matter that could not be called in question. But, however ardently it might be wished that he would take upon him the command of the service, no one (not even his friend and patron Lord Sandwich himself) presumed to solicit him upon the subject. The benefits he had already conferred on science and navigation, and the labours and dangers he had gone through were so many and great, that it was not deemed reasonable to ask him to engage in fresh perils. At the same time, nothing could be more natural, than to consult him upon every thing relative to the business; and his advice was particularly requested with regard to the properest person for conducting the voyage. To determine this point, the captain, Sir Hugh Palliser, and Mr. Stephens, were invited to Lord Sandwich's to dinner. Here, besides taking into consideration what officer should be recommended to his majesty for accomplishing the purposes in view, many things were said concerning the nature of the design. Its grandeur and dignity, the consequences of it to navigation and science, and the completion it would give to the whole system of discoveries, were enlarged upon in the course of the conversation. Captain Cook was so fired with the contemplation and representation of the object, that he started up, and declared, that he himself would undertake the direction of the enterprise. It is easy to suppose, with what pleasure the noble lord, and the other gentlemen, received a proposal, which was so agreeable to their secret wishes, and which they thought of the highest importance towards attaining the ends of the voyage. No time was lost by the Earl of Sandwich, in laying the matter before the king; and Captain Cook was appointed to the command of the expedition, on the 10th of February, 1776. At the same time, it was agreed that on his return to England, he should be restored to his situation at Greenwich; and, if no vacancy occurred during the interval, the officer who succeeded him was to resign in his favour. The command and the direction of the enterprise being thus happily settled, it became an object of great importance to determine what might be the best course that could be given to the voyage. All former navigators round the globe had returned to Europe by the Cape of Good Hope. But to Captain Cook the arduous task was now assigned, of attempting it by reaching the high northern latitudes between Asia and America; and the adoption of this resolution was, I believe, the result of his own reflections upon the subject. The usual plan, therefore, of discovery was reversed; so that instead of a passage from the Atlantic to the Pacific, one from the latter into the former was to be tried. Whatever openings or inlets there might be on the east side of America, that lie in a direction which could afford any hopes of a passage, it was wisely foreseen, that the ultimate success of the expedition would depend upon there being an open sea between the west side of that continent and the extremities of Asia. Accordingly Captain Cook was ordered to proceed into the Pacific Ocean, through the chain of the new islands which had been visited by him in the southern tropic. After having crossed the equator into the northern parts of that ocean, he was then to hold such a course as might probably fix many interesting points in geography, and produce intermediate discoveries, in his progress northward to the principal scene of his operations. With regard to his grand object, it was determined, for the wisest reasons, and after the most mature deliberation and inquiry, that upon his arrival on the coast of New Albion, he should proceed northward as far as the latitude of 65°, and not lose any time in exploring rivers or inlets, or upon any other account, until he had gotten into that latitude. To give every possible encouragement to the prosecution of the great design in view, the motives of interest were added to the obligations of duty. In the act of parliament which passed in 1745, the reward of twenty thousand pounds had been only held out to the ships _belonging to any of his majesty's subjects_, while his majesty's own ships were excluded. Another, and more capital defect in this act was, that it confined the reward to such ships alone as should discover a passage though Hudson's Bay. By a new law, which passed in 1776, both these deficiencies were effectually remedied. It was now enacted,--'That if any ship, belonging to any of his majesty's subjects, or _to his majesty_, shall find out, and sail through any passage by sea, between the Atlantic and Pacific Oceans; in _any direction_, or parallel of the northern hemisphere, to the northward of the 52° of northern latitude, the owners of such ships, if belonging to any of his majesty's subject, or _the commander, officers, and seamen of such ship belonging to his majesty_, shall receive, as a reward for such discovery, the sum of twenty thousand pounds.' That every thing might be done which could facilitate the success of the grand expedition, Lieutenant Pickersgill was sent out, in 1776, with directions to explore the coast of Baffin's Bay; and in the next year, Lieutenant Young was commissioned not only to examine the western parts of that bay, but to endeavour to find a passage on that side, from the Atlantic to the Pacific Ocean. Nothing was performed by either of these gentlemen that promoted the purposes of Captain Cook's voyage. Two vessels were fixed upon by government for the intended service; the Resolution and the Discovery. The command of the former was given to Captain Cook, and of the other to Captain Clerke. To the Resolution was assigned the same complement of officers and men which she had during her preceding voyage; and the only difference in the establishment of the Discovery from that of the Adventure, was in the single instance of her having no marine officer on board. From the time of the two ships being put into commission, the greatest degree of attention and zeal, was exerted by the Earl of Sandwich and the rest of the board of admiralty, to have them equipped in the most complete manner. Both the vessels were supplied with as much of every necessary article as could conveniently be stowed, and with the best of each kind that could be procured. Whatever, likewise, the experience of the former voyages had shewn to be of any utility in preserving the health of seamen, was provided in large abundance. That some permanent benefit might be conveyed to the inhabitants of Otaheite, and of the other islands of the Pacific Ocean, whom our navigators might happen to visit, it was graciously commanded by his majesty, that an assortment of useful animals should be carried out to those countries. Accordingly, a bull, two cows with their calves, and several sheep, with hay and corn for their subsistence, were taken on board; and it was intended to add other serviceable animals to these, when Captain Cook should arrive at the Cape of Good Hope. With the same benevolent purposes, the captain was furnished with a sufficient quantity, of such of our European garden seeds, as could not fail of being a valuable present to the newly discovered islands, by adding fresh supplies of food to their own vegetable productions. By order of the board of admiralty, many articles besides were delivered to our commander, which were calculated, in various ways, to improve the condition of the natives of the other hemisphere. Still farther to promote a friendly intercourse with them, and to carry on a traffic that might be profitable on both sides, an ample assortment was provided of iron tools and trinkets. An attention no less humane was extended to the wants of our own people. Some additional clothing, adapted to a cold climate, was ordered for the crews of the two ships; and nothing was denied to our navigators that could be supposed to be in the least conducive to their health, or even to their convenience. It was not to these things only, that the extraordinary care of Lord Sandwich, and of the other gentlemen at the head of the naval department, was confined. They were equally solicitous to afford every assistance that was calculated to render the expedition of public utility. Several astronomical and nautical instruments were entrusted, by the board of longitude, to Captain Cook, and Mr. King his second lieutenant; who had undertaken to make the necessary observations, during the voyage, for the improvement of astronomy and navigation. It was originally intended that a professed observator should be sent out in the Resolution; but the scientific abilities of the captain and his lieutenant rendered the appointment of such a person absolutely unnecessary. The case was somewhat different with regard to the Discovery. Mr. William Bayley, who had already given satisfactory proofs of his skill and diligence as an observator, while he was employed in Captain Furneaux's ship, during the late voyage was engaged a second time in that capacity, and appointed to sail on board Captain Clerke's vessel. The department of natural history was assigned to Mr. Anderson, the surgeon of the Resolution, who was as willing, as he was well qualified, to describe every thing in that branch of science which should occur worthy of notice. From the remarks of this gentleman, Captain Cook had derived considerable assistance in his last navigation; especially with regard to the very copious vocabulary of the language of Otaheite, and the comparative specimen of the languages of the other islands which had then been visited. There were several young men among our commander's sea officers, who, under his direction, could be usefully employed in constructing charts, in taking views of the coasts and headlands near which our voyagers might pass, and in drawing plans of the bays and harbours in which they should anchor. Without a constant attention to this object the captain was sensible, that his discoveries could not be rendered profitable to future navigators. That he might go out with every help, which could serve to make the result of the voyage entertaining to the generality of readers, as well as instructive to the sailor and the scholar. Mr. Webber was fixed upon, and engaged to embark in the Resolution, for the express purpose of supplying the unavoidable imperfections of written accounts, by enabling our people to preserve and to bring home, such drawings of the most memorable scenes of their transactions, as could only be executed by a professed and skilful artist. As the last mark of the extraordinary attention which the Earl of Sandwich, Sir Hugh Palliser, and others of the board of admiralty had uniformly shewn to the preparations for the expedition, they went down to Long Reach, and paid a visit to the ships, on the 8th of June, to examine whether everything was completed conformably to their intentions and orders, and to the satisfaction of all who were to embark in the voyage. His lordship and the rest of the admiralty board, together with several noblemen and gentlemen of their acquaintance, honoured Captain Cook, on that day, with their company at dinner. Both upon their coming on board, and their going ashore, they were saluted with seventeen guns, and with three cheers. As the ships were to touch at Otaheite and the Society Islands, it had been determined not to omit the only opportunity which might ever offer of carrying Omai back to his native country. Accordingly, he left London, on the 24th of June, in company with Captain Cook; and it was with a mixture of regret and satisfaction that he took his departure. When England, and those who during the stay, had honoured him with their protection or friendship, were spoken of, his spirits were sensibly affected, and it was with difficulty that he could refrain from tears. But his eyes began to sparkle with joy, as soon as ever the conversation was turned to his own islands. The good treatment he received in England had made a deep impression upon his mind; and he entertained the highest ideas of the country and of the people. Nevertheless, the pleasing prospect he had before him of returning home, loaded with what, he well knew, would there be esteemed invaluable treasures, and the flattering hope, which the possession of these afforded him, of attaining a distinguished superiority among his countrymen, were considerations which operated, by degrees, to suppress every uneasy sensation. By the time he had gotten on board the ship, he appeared to be quite happy. His majesty had furnished Omai with an ample provision of every article which our English navigators, during their former intercourse with Otaheite and the Society Islands, had observed to be in any estimation there, either as useful or ornamental. Many presents, likewise, of the same nature, had been made him by Lord Sandwich, Sir Joseph Banks, and several other gentlemen and ladies of his acquaintance. In short, both during his residence in England, and at his departure from it, no method had been neglected, which could be calculated to render him the instrument of conveying to the inhabitants of the islands of the Pacific Ocean, the most exalted ideas of the greatness and generosity of the British nation. CHAPTER VI. Narrative of Captain Cook's Voyage to the Pacific Ocean, to the Period of his Death. Every preparation for the voyage being completed, Captain Cook received an order to proceed to Plymouth, and to take the Discovery under his command. Having, accordingly, given the proper directions to Captain Clerke, he sailed from the Nore to the Downs, on the 25th of June. On the 30th of the same month, he anchored in Plymouth Sound, where the Discovery was already arrived. It was the 8th day of July before our commander received his instructions for the voyage; and at the same time, he was ordered to proceed with the Resolution, to the Cape of Good Hope. Captain Clerke, who was detained in London, by some unavoidable circumstances, was to follow as soon as he should join his ship. In the evening of the 12th, Captain Cook stood out of Plymouth Sound, and pursued his course down the Channel. It was very early that he began his judicious operations for preserving the health of his crew: for, on the 17th, the ship was smoked between the decks with gunpowder, and the spare sails were well aired. On the 30th, the moon being totally eclipsed, the captain observed it with a night telescope. He had not, on this occasion, an opportunity of making many observations. The reason was, that the moon was hidden behind the clouds the greater part of the time; and this was particularly the case, when the beginning and the end of total darkness, and the end of the eclipse, happened. It being found, that there was not hay and corn sufficient for the subsistence of the stock of animals on board, till the arrival of our people at the Cape of Good Hope, Captain Cook determined to touch at Teneriffe. This island he thought better adapted to the purposes of procuring these articles, and other refreshments, than Madeira. On the 1st of August, he anchored in the road of Santa Cruz, and immediately dispatched an officer to the governor, who, with the utmost politeness, granted everything which our commander requested. Were a judgment to be formed from the appearance of the country in the neighbourhood of Santa Cruz, it might be concluded that Teneriffe is so barren a spot, as to be insufficient for the maintenance even of its own inhabitants. It was proved, however, by the ample supplies which our navigators received, that the islanders had enough to spare for visitors. The necessary articles of refreshment were procured at such moderate prices, as to confirm Captain Cook in his opinion, that Teneriffe is a more eligible place than Madeira, for ships to touch at, which are bound on long voyages. Indeed, the wine of the latter island is far superior to that of the former; but then it can only be purchased by a sum of money proportionably larger. During the short stay which the captain made at Teneriffe, he continued with great assiduity his astronomical observations; and Mr. Anderson has not a little contributed to the farther knowledge of the country, by his remarks on its general state, its natural appearances, its productions, and its inhabitants. He learned, from a sensible and well informed gentleman, who resided in the island, that a shrub is common there, which agrees exactly with the description given by Tournefort and Linnaeus, of the _tea shrub_, as growing in China and Japan. It is reckoned a weed, and every year is rooted out in large quantities from the vineyards. The Spaniards, however, sometimes use it as tea, and ascribe to it all the qualities of that which is imported from China. They give it also the name of tea, and say that it was found in the country when the islands were first discovered. Another botanical curiosity is called the _impregnated lemon_; which is a perfect and distinct lemon enclosed within another, and differing from the outer one only in being a little more globular. The air and climate of Teneriffe are, in general, remarkably healthful, and particularly adapted to give relief in pulmonary complaints. This the gentleman before mentioned endeavoured to account for, from its being always in a person's power to procure a different temperature of the air, by residing at different heights in the island. He expressed, therefore, his surprise that the physicians of England should never have thought of sending their consumptive patients to Teneriffe, instead of Nice or Lisbon. Although it is not understood that there is any great similarity between the manners of the English and those of the Spaniards, it was observable, that the difference between them was very little perceived by Omai. He only said, that the Spaniards did not appear to be so friendly as the English; and that, in their persons, they approached to some resemblance of his own countrymen. On the 4th, Captain Cook sailed from Teneriffe, and proceeded on his voyage. Such was his attention, both to the discipline and the health of his company, that twice in the space of five days, he exercised them at great guns and small arms, and cleared and smoked the ship below decks. On the evening of the 10th, when the Resolution was at a small distance from the island of Bonavista, she ran so close upon a number of sunken rocks, that she did but just weather the breakers. The situation of our voyagers, for a few minutes, was very alarming. In this situation the captain, with the intrepid coolness which distinguished his character, did not choose to sound, as that, without any possibility of lessening, might have heightened the danger. While our commander was near the Cape de Verde Islands, he had an opportunity of correcting an assertion of Mr. Nicholson with regard to the manner of sailing by those islands, which, if implicitly trusted to, might prove of dangerous consequence. On the 13th, our navigators arrived before Port Praya, in the Island of St. Jago; but as the Discovery was not there, and little water had been expended in the passage from Teneriffe, Captain Cook did not think proper to go in; but stood to the southward. In the course of the voyage, between the latitudes of 12° and 7° north, the weather was generally dark and gloomy. The rains were frequent, and accompanied with that close and sultry weather, which too often brings on sickness in this passage. At such a time, the worst consequences are to be apprehended: and commanders of ships cannot be too much upon their guard. It is necessary for them to purify the air between decks with fire and smoke, and to oblige their people to dry their clothes at every opportunity. The constant observance of these precautions on board the Resolution was attended with such success, that the captain had now fewer sick men than on either of his former voyages. This was the more remarkable, as, in consequence of the seams of the vessel having opened so wide, as to admit the rain when it fell, there was scarcely a man who could lie dry in his bed; and the officers in the gun-room were all driven out of their cabins by the water that came through the sides. When settled weather returned, the caulkers were employed in repairing these defects, by caulking the decks and inside weather-works of the ship; for the humanity of our commander would not trust the workmen over the sides, while the Resolution was at sea. On the 1st of September, our navigators crossed the equator. While, on the 8th, Captain Cook was near the eastern coast of Brazil, he was at considerable pains to settle its longitude, which, till some better astronomical observations are made on shore in that country, he concluded to be thirty-five degrees and a half, or thirty-six degrees west, at most. As our people proceeded on their voyage, they frequently saw, in the night, those luminous marine animals, which have formerly been mentioned and described. Some of them appeared to be considerably larger than any which the captain had met with before; and sometimes they were so numerous, that hundreds of them were visible at the same moment. On the 18th of October, the Resolution came to an anchor in Table Bay, at the Cape of Good Hope; and the usual compliments having been paid to Baron Plettenberg the governor, Captain Cook immediately applied himself to his customary operations. Nothing remarkable occurred till the evening of the 31st, when a tempest arose from the south-east, which lasted three days, and which was so violent that the Resolution was the only ship in the bay that rode out the gale without dragging her anchors. The effects of the storm were sensibly felt by our people on shore; for their tents and observatory were torn to pieces, and their astronomical quadrant narrowly escaped irreparable damage. On the 3rd of November, the tempest ceased, and the next day the English were enabled to resume their different employments. It was not till the 10th of the month, that Captain Cook had the satisfaction of seeing the Discovery arrive in the bay, and effect her junction with the Resolution. She had sailed from England on the 1st of August, and would have reached the Cape of Good Hope a week sooner, if she had not been driven from the coast by the late storm. Every assistance was immediately given to put her into a proper condition for proceeding on the voyage. While the necessary preparations for the future navigation was completing, a disaster happened with regard to the cattle which had been carried out in the Resolution. They had been conveyed on shore for the purpose of grazing. The bull, and two cows, with their calves, had been sent to graze along with some other cattle: but Captain Cook was advised to keep the sheep, which were sixteen in number, close to the tents, where they were penned up every evening. During the night preceding the 14th, some dogs having gotten in among them, forced them out of the pen, killed four, and dispersed the rest. Six of them were recovered the next day; but the two rams and two of the finest ewes in the whole flock, were amongst those which were missing. Baron Plettenberg being at this time in the country, our commander applied to Mr. Hemmy, the lieutenant-governor, and to the fiscal, for redress; and both these gentlemen promised to use their endeavours for the recovery of the lost sheep. It is the boast of the Dutch, that the police at the Cape is so carefully executed, that it is scarcely possible for a slave, with all his cunning and knowledge of the country, to effectuate his escape. Nevertheless, Captain Cook's sheep evaded all the vigilance of the fiscal's officers and people. At length, after much trouble and expense, by employing some of the meanest and lowest scoundrels in the place, he recovered all but the two ewes, of which he never could hear the least tidings. The character given of the fellows to whom the captain was obliged to have recourse, by the person who recommended their being applied to, was, that for a ducatoon they would cut their master's throat, burn the house over his head, and bury him and the whole family in the ashes. During the stay of our voyagers at the Cape, some of the officers, accompanied by Mr. Anderson, made a short excursion into the neighbouring country. This gentleman, as usual, was very diligent in recording every thing which appeared to him worthy of observation. His remarks, however, in the present case, will be deemed of little consequence, compared with the full, accurate, and curious account of the Cape of Good Hope, with which Dr. Sparrman hath lately favoured the literary world. With respect to Captain Cook, besides the unavoidable care which lay upon him, in providing his ships with whatever was requisite for the commodious and successful prosecution of the voyage, his attention was eminently directed to scientific objects. He was anxious to ascertain the currents, the variations of the compass, and the latitude and longitude of the places to which he came. The observations which he collected, and recorded in his journal, while he was at the Cape of Good Hope, will be esteemed of the greatest importance by judicious navigators. After the disaster which had happened to the sheep, it may well be supposed that our commander did not long trust on shore those which remained. Accordingly, he gave orders to have them, and the other cattle, conveyed on board as fast as possible. He made an addition, also, to the original stock, by the purchase of two young bulls, two heifers, two young stallions, two mares, two rams, several ewes and goats, and some rabbits and poultry. All these animals were intended for New Zealand. Otaheite, and the neighbouring islands; and, indeed, for any other places in the course of the voyage, where the leaving of any of them might be of service to posterity. In the supplies which were provided at the Cape, Captain Cook paid a particular regard to the nature and extent of his undertaking. As it was impossible to tell when or where he might meet with a place, which could so amply contribute to his necessities, he thought proper to lay in such a store of provisions for both ships, as would be sufficient to last them for two years and upwards. Our commander having given a copy of his instructions to Captain Clerke, and an order directing him how to proceed in case of a separation, weighed from Table Bay on the 30th of November, though it was not till the 3rd of December that he got clear of the land. On the 6th the ships passed through several spots of water, nearly of a red colour. When some of this was taken up, it was found to contain a large quantity of small animals, of a reddish hue, and which the microscope discovered to resemble a cray-fish. As our navigators pursued their course to the south-east, a very strong gale, which they had from the westward, was followed by a mountainous sea, in consequence of which the Resolution rolled and tumbled so much, that the cattle on board were preserved with the utmost difficulty. Soon after, several of the goats, especially the males, together with some sheep, died, notwithstanding, all the care to prevent it, that was exercised by our people. This misfortune was chiefly owing to the coldness of the weather, which now began to be felt in the most sensible manner. On the 12th, land was seen, which, upon a nearer approach, was found to consist of two islands. That which lies most to the south, and is the largest, was judged by Captain Cook to be about fifteen leagues in circuit. The northerly one is about nine leagues in circuit; and the two islands are at the distance of five leagues from each other. As the ships passed through the channel between them, our voyagers could not discover with the assistance of their best glasses, either tree or shrub on either of them. They seemed to have a rocky and bold shore, and their surface is for the most part composed of barren mountains, the summits and sides of which were covered with snow. These two islands, together with four others which lie from nine to twelve degrees of longitude more to the east, and nearly in the same latitude, had been discovered by Captains Marion du Fresne and Crozet, French navigators, in January, 1772, on their passage, in two ships from the Cape of Good Hope to the Philippine Islands. As no names had been assigned to them in a chart of the Southern Ocean, which Captain Crozet communicated to Captain Cook in 1775, our commander distinguished the two larger ones by calling them Prince Edward's Islands, after his majesty's fourth son. To the other four, with a view of commemorating the discoverers, he gave the name of Marion's and Crozet's Islands. Though it was now the middle of summer in this hemisphere, the weather was not less severe than what is generally met with in England in the very depth of winter. Instead however, of being discouraged by this circumstance, the captain shaped his course in such a manner, as to pass to the southward of Marion's and Crozet's Islands, that he might get into the latitude of land which had been discovered by M. de Kerguelen, another French navigator. It was part of our commander's instructions to examine whether a good harbour might not here be found. As our voyagers, on the 24th, were steering to the eastward, a fog clearing up a little, which had involved them for some time, and which had rendered their navigation both tedious and dangerous, land was seen, bearing south-south-east. Upon a nearer approach, it was found to be an island of considerable height, and about three leagues in circuit. Another island, of the same magnitude, was soon after discovered, and in a short space a third, besides some smaller ones. At times, as the fog broke away, there was the appearance of land over the small islands, and Captain Cook entertained thoughts of steering for it, by running in between them. But, on drawing nearer, he found that, so long as the weather continued foggy this would be a perilous attempt. For if there should be no passage, or if our people should meet with any sudden danger, there was such a prodigious sea, breaking on all the shores in a frightful surf, that it would have been impossible for the vessels to be gotten off. At the same time, the captain saw another island; and as he did not know how many more might succeed, he judged it prudent, in order to avoid getting entangled among unknown lands in a thick fog, to wait for clearer weather. The island last mentioned is a high round rock, which was named Bligh's Cap. Our commander had received some very slight information concerning it at Teneriffe, and his sagacity in tracing it was such, as immediately led him to determine, that it was the same that M. de Kerguelen had called the Isle of Rendezvous. His reason for giving it that name is not very apparent; for nothing can rendezvous upon it but fowls of the air, it being certainly inaccessible to every other animal. The weather beginning to clear up, Captain Cook steered in for the land, of which a faint view had been obtained in the morning. This was Kerguelen's land. No sooner had our navigators gotten off Cape François, then they observed the coast to the southward, to be much indented by projecting points and bays; from which circumstance they were sure of finding a good harbour. Accordingly, such a harbour was speedily discovered, in which the ships came to an anchor on the 25th, being Christmas-day. Upon landing, our commander found the shore almost entirely covered with penguins and other birds, and with seals. The latter, which were not numerous, having been unaccustomed to visitors, were so insensible of fear, that as many as were wanted for the purpose of making use of their fat or blubber, were killed without difficulty. Fresh water was so plentiful, that every gully afforded a large stream; but not a single tree or shrub, or the least sign of it, could be met with, and but very little herbage of any sort. Before Captain Cook returned to his ship, he ascended the first ridge of rocks, that rise in a kind of amphitheatre, above one another, in hopes of obtaining a view of the country; in which, however, he was disappointed: for, previously to his reaching the top, there came on so thick a fog, that he could scarcely find his way down again. In the evening, the seine was hauled at the head of the harbour, but only half a dozen small fish were caught. As no better success attended a trial which was made the next day with hook and line, the only resource for fresh provision was in birds, the store of which was inexhaustible. The people having wrought hard for two days, and nearly completed their water the captain allowed them the 27th, as a day of rest, to celebrate Christmas. Many of them, in consequence of this indulgence, went on shore, and made excursions, in different directions, into the country which they found barren and desolate in the highest degree. One of them in his ramble, discovered, and brought to our commander, in the evening, a quart bottle, fastened with some wire to a projecting rock on the north side of the harbour. This bottle contained a piece of parchment, on which was written the following inscription: _Ludovico XV. Galliarum rege et d. de Boynes regi a Secretis ad Res maritimas annis 1772 et 1773._ It was clear, from this inscription, that our English navigators were not the first who had been in the place. As a memorial of our people's having touched at the same harbour, Captain Cook wrote, as follows, on the other side of the parchment: _Naves Resolution et Discovery de Rege Magnae Britanniae, Decembris, 1776._ He then put it again into the bottle, together with a silver twopenny piece of 1772. Having covered the mouth of the bottle with a leaden cap, he placed it, the next morning in a pile of stones, erected for the purpose, upon a little eminence on the north shore of the harbour, and near to the place where it was first found. In this position it cannot escape the notice of any European, whom accident or design may bring into the port. Here the captain displayed the British flag, and named the place Christmas Harbour, from our voyagers having arrived in it on that festival. After our commander had finished the business of the inscription, he went in his boat round the harbour, to examine what the shore afforded. His more particular object was to look for drift-wood; but he did not find a single piece throughout the whole extent of the place. On the same day, accompanied by Mr. King, his second lieutenant, he went upon Cape François, with the hope, that, from this elevation, he might obtain a view of the sea-coast, and of the adjoining islands. But when he had gotten up, he found, that every distant object below him was obscured in a thick fog. The land on the same plain, or of a greater height, was sufficiently visible, and appeared naked and desolate in the highest degree; some hills to the southward excepted, which were covered with snow. On the 29th, Captain Cook departed from Christmas Harbour, and proceeded to range along the coast, with a view of discovering its position and extent. In pursuing his course he met with several promontories and bays, together with a peninsula, all of which he has described and named, chiefly in honour of his various friends. Such was the danger of the navigation, that the ships had more than once a very narrow escape. On the same day, another harbour was discovered, in which the vessels came to an anchor for one night. Here the captain, Mr. Gore, and Mr. Bayley went on shore to examine the country, which they found, if possible, more barren and desolate than the land that lies about Christmas Harbour: and yet, if the least fertility were any where to be expected, it ought to have existed in this place, which is completely sheltered from the bleak and predominating southerly and westerly winds. Our commander observed, with regret, that there was neither food nor covering for cattle of any sort; and that, if he left any, they must inevitably perish. Finding no encouragement to continue his researches, he weighed anchor and put to sea on the 30th, having given to the harbour the name of Port Palliser. On the same day, he came to a point, which proved to be the very eastern extremity of Kerguelen's Land. In a large bay, near this point, there was a prodigious quantity of sea-weed, some of which is of a most extraordinary length. It seemed to be the same kind of vegetable production that Sir Joseph Banks had formerly distinguished by the appellation of _fucus giganteus_. Although the stem is not much thicker than a man's hand, Captain Cook thought himself well warranted to say, that part of it grows to the length of sixty fathoms and upward. The result of the examination of Kerguelen's Land was, that the quantity of latitude which it occupies doth not much exceed one degree and a quarter. Its extent, from east to west, still remains undecided. At its first discovery, it was probably supposed to belong to a southern continent; but, in fact, it is an island, and that of no great extent. If our commander had not been unwilling to deprive M. Kerguelen of the honour of its bearing his name, he would have been disposed, from its sterility, to call it the Island of Desolation. It should here be mentioned, that M. de Kerguelen made two visits to the coast of this country; one in 1772 and another in 1773. With the first of these voyages Captain Cook had only a very slight acquaintance; and to the second he was totally a stranger; so that he scarcely had any opportunity of comparing his own discoveries with those of the French navigator. M. de Kerguelen was peculiarly unfortunate, in having done but little to complete what he had begun; for though he discovered a new land, he could not, in two expeditions to it, once bring his ships to an anchor upon any part of its coasts. Captain Cook had either fewer difficulties to struggle with, or was more successful in surmounting them. During the short time in which our voyagers lay in Christmas Harbour, Mr. Anderson lost no opportunity of searching the country in every direction. Perhaps no place, hitherto discovered, under the same parellel of latitude, affords so scanty a field for a natural historian. All that could be known in the space of time allotted him, and probably all that will ever be worthy to be known, was collected by this gentleman. A verdure, which had been seen at a little distance from the shore, gave our people the flattering expectation of meeting with a variety of herbage: but in this they were greatly deceived. On landing, it was perceived, that the lively colour which had imposed upon them, was occasioned only by one small plant, not unlike some sorts of _saxifrage_. It grows in large spreading tufts a considerable way up the hills. The whole catalogue of plants does not exceed sixteen or eighteen, including several kinds of moss, and a beautiful species of lichen, which rises higher up from the rocks than the rest of the vegetable productions. There is not the appearance of a shrub in the whole country. Nature has been somewhat more bountiful in furnishing it with animals; though, strictly speaking, they are not inhabitants of the place, being all of the marine kind. In general, the land is only used by them for breeding, and as a resting place. Of these animals the most considerable are seals; being of that sort which is called the ursine seal. The birds, which have already been mentioned as very numerous, chiefly consist of penguins, ducks, petrels, albatrosses, shags, gulls, and sea swallows. Penguins, which are far superior in number to the rest are of three kinds, one of which had never been seen by any of our voyagers before. The rocks, or foundations of the hills are principally composed of that dark blue and very hard stone, which seems to be one of the most universal productions of nature. Nothing was discovered that had the least appearance of ore or metal. From this desolate coast Captain Cook took his departure on the 31st, intending, agreeably to his instructions, to touch next at New Zealand; that he might obtain a recruit of water, take in wood, and make hay for the cattle. Their number was now considerably diminished; for two young bulls, one of the heifers, two rams, and several of the goats, had died while our navigators where employed in exploring Kerguelen's Land. For some time they had fresh gales, and tolerably clear weather. But on the 3rd of January, 1777, the wind veered to the north, where it continued eight days, and was attended with so thick a fog, that the ships ran above three hundred leagues in the dark. Occasionally the weather would clear up, and give our people a sight of the sun; but this happened very seldom, and was always of short continuance. However, amidst all the darkness produced by the fog, the vessels, though they seldom saw each other, were so fortunate, in consequence of frequently firing guns as signals, that they did not lose company. On the 12th, the northerly winds ended in a calm. This was succeeded, in a little time, by a wind from the southward, which brought on a rain that continued for twenty-four hours. At the end of the rain, the wind freshened, and veering to the west and north-west, was followed by fair and clear weather. Nothing very remarkable occurred to our voyagers till the 24th, when they discovered the coast of Van Dieman's Land; and, on the 26th, the ships came to an anchor in Adventure Bay. Captain Cook, as soon as he had anchored, ordered the boats to be hoisted out; in one of which he went himself, to look for the most commodious place for obtaining the necessary supplies. Wood and water were found in abundance, and in places sufficiently convenient; but grass, which was most wanted, was scarce, and, at the same time, very coarse. Necessity, however, obliged our people to take up with such as could be procured. On the 28th, the English who were employed in cutting wood, were agreeably surprised with a visit from some of the natives. They consisted of eight men and a boy, who approached our voyagers not only without fear, but with the most perfect confidence and freedom. There was only a single person among them who had any thing which bore the least appearance of a weapon, and that was no more than a stick about two feet long, and pointed at one end. These people were quite naked, and wore no kind of ornaments; unless some large punctures, or ridges, raised in different parts of their bodies, either in straight or curved lines, may be considered in that light. Most of them had their hair and beards smeared with a red ointment: and the faces of some of them were painted with the same composition. Every present which Captain Cook made them they received without the least appearance of satisfaction. Of bread and elephant fish, which were offered them, they refused to taste, but shewed that they were fond of birds, as an article of food. Two pigs, which the captain had brought on shore, having come within their reach, they seized them by the ears, as a dog would have done, and would have carried them off immediately, apparently with no other intention than to kill them. Our commander being desirous of knowing the use of the stick which one of the Indians had in his hands, he signified, by signs, his wishes to that purpose. His intimations so far succeeded, that one of them set up a piece of wood as a mark, and threw at it at the distance of about twenty yards. There was but little reason to commend his dexterity; for, after repeated trials, he was still very wide from his object. Omai, to convince the natives how much our weapons were superior to theirs, then fired his musket at the mark by which they were so greatly terrified, that, notwithstanding all the endeavours of the English to quiet their minds, they ran instantly into the woods. After the retreat of the Indians, Captain Cook, judging that their fears would prevent their remaining near enough to observe what passed, ordered the two pigs, being a boar and sow, to be carried about a mile within the head of the bay, and saw them left there, by the side of a fresh water brook. It was, at first, his benevolent intention to make an additional present to Van Dieman's Land, of a young bull and cow, together with some sheep and goats. But, upon reflection, he laid aside this design; being persuaded that the natives would destroy them, from, their incapacity of entering into his views with regard to the improvement of their country. As pigs are animals which soon become wild, and are fond of the thickest cover of the woods, there was the greater probability of their being preserved. For the accommodation of the other cattle, an open place must have been chosen; in which situation they could not possibly have been concealed many days. On the 29th, about twenty of the inhabitants, men and boys, joined Captain Cook and such of his people as had landed with him, without manifesting the least sign of fear or distrust. It was remarkable, that one of the Indians was conspicuously deformed; nor was he more distinguished by the hump upon his back, than by the drollery of his gestures, and the humour of his speeches, which had the appearance of being intended for the entertainment of our voyagers. Unfortunately, the language in which he spake to them was wholly unintelligible. To each of the present group the captain gave a string of beads and a medal, which they seemed to receive with some satisfaction. On iron, and iron tools, they appeared to set no value. There was reason to believe, that they were even ignorant of fish-hooks; and yet it is difficult to suppose, that a people who inhabit a sea-coast, and who were not observed to derive any part of their sustenance from the productions of the ground, should be unacquainted with some mode of catching fish. However, they were never seen to be thus employed; nor was any canoe or vessel discovered by which they could go upon the water. Though they had rejected the kind of fish which had been offered them, it was evident that shell fish made a part of their food. After Captain Cook had left the shore, several women and children made their appearance, and were introduced to Lieutenant King by some of the men that attended them. These females (a kanguroo skin excepted, which was tied over their shoulders, and seemed to be intended to support their infants) were as naked and as black as the men, and had their bodies marked with scars in the same manner. Many of the children had fine features, and were thought to be pretty; but a less favourable report was made of the women, and especially of those who were advanced in years. Some of the gentlemen, however, belonging to the Discovery, as our commander was informed, paid their addresses and made liberal offers of presents, which were rejected with great disdain. It is certain that this gallantry was not very agreeable to the men: for an elderly man, as soon as he observed it, ordered the women to retire. The order was obeyed; but, on the part of some of the females, with the appearance of a little reluctance. On the present occasion, Captain Cook made some proper and pertinent reflections, which I shall deliver in his own words. 'This conduct,' says he, 'of Europeans among savages, to their women, is highly blamable; as it creates a jealousy in their men, that may be attended with consequences fatal to the success of the common enterprise, and to the whole body of adventures, without advancing the private purpose of the individual, or enabling him to gain the object of his wishes. I believe it has generally been found, amongst uncivilized people, that where the women are easy of access, the men are the first to offer them to strangers; and that, where this is not the case, neither the allurements of presents, nor the opportunity of privacy will be likely to have the desired effect. This observation, I am sure, will hold good throughout all the parts of the South Sea where I have been. Why then should men act so absurd a part, as to risk their own safety, and that of all their companions, in pursuit of a gratification, which they have no probability of obtaining?' While our navigators were at Van Dieman's Land, they were successful in obtaining a plentiful crop of grass for their cattle, and such as was far more excellent than what they had met with at their first going on shore. The quantity collected was judged by the captain to be sufficient to last till his arrival in New-Zealand. Van Dieman's Land had been visited twice before. That name had been given it by Tasman, who discovered it in 1642; from which time it had escaped all notice of European navigators, till Captain Furneaux touched at it, in 1773. It is well known that it is the southern point of New Holland, which is by far the largest island in the world; indeed, so large an island, as almost to deserve the appellation of a continent. While Captain Cook was at this country, he neglected nothing which could promote the knowledge of science and navigation. Here, as every where else, he settled the latitude and longitude of places; marked the variations of the compass, and recorded the nature of the tides. He corrected, likewise, an error of Captain Furneaux, with respect to the situation of Maria's Islands; on which subject he hath candidly remarked, that his own idea is not the result of a more faithful, but merely of a second, examination. Mr. Anderson, during the few days in which the ships remained in Adventure Bay, exerted his usual diligence in collecting as full an account as could be obtained, in so short a period of time, of the natural productions and the inhabitants of the country. Little can be said concerning either the personal activity or genius of the natives. The first, they do not seem to possess in any remarkable degree; and, to all appearance, they have less of the last, than even the half-animated inhabitants of Terra del Fuego. Their not expressing that surprise which might have been expected, from their seeing men so much unlike themselves, and things to which they had hitherto been utter strangers; their indifference for the presents of our people, and their general inattention, were sufficient testimonies that they were not endued with any acuteness of understanding. What the ancient poets tell us of Fauns and Satyrs living in hollow trees is realized at Van Dieman's Land. Some wretched constructions of sticks, covered with bark, and which did not deserve the name of huts, were indeed found near the shore; but these seemed only to have been erected for temporary purposes. The most comfortable habitations of the natives were afforded by the largest trees. These had their trunks hollowed out by fire, to the height of six or seven feet; and there was room enough in them for three or four persons to sit round a hearth, made of clay. At the same time, these places of shelter are durable; for the people take care to leave one side of the tree sound, which is sufficient to keep it in luxuriant growth. The inhabitants of Van Dieman's Land are undoubtedly from the same stock with those of the northern parts of New Holland. Their language, indeed, appeared to be different; but how far the difference extended, our voyagers could not have an opportunity of determining. With regard to the New Hollanders in general, there is reason to suppose that they originally came from the same place with all the Indians of the South Sea. On the 30th of January, 1777, Captain Cook sailed from Adventure Bay, and on the 12th of February came to an anchor at his old station of Queen Charlotte's Sound, in New Zealand. Being unwilling to lose any time, he commenced his operations that very afternoon. By his order, several of the empty water casks were immediately landed, and a place was begun to be cleared for setting up the two observatories, and the erection of tents, to accommodate a guard, and the rest of the company, whose business might require them to remain on shore. Our navigators had not long been at anchor, before a number of canoes, filled with natives, came alongside of the ships. However, very few of them would venture on board; which appeared the more extraordinary, as the captain was well known to them all, and they could not be insensible how liberally he had behaved to them on former occasions. There was one man in particular, whom he had treated with remarkable kindness, during the whole of his last stay in this place; and yet, neither professions of friendship, nor presents, could prevail upon him to enter the Resolution. There was a real cause for this shyness on the part of the New Zealanders. A dreadful event had happened to some of Captain Furneaux's crew, while he lay in Queen Charlotte's Sound, after he had finally separated from Captain Cook, in the former voyage. Ten men, who had been sent out in the large cutter to gather wild greens, for the ship's company, were killed in a skirmish with the natives. What was the cause of the quarrel could not be ascertained, as not one of the company survived to relate the story. Lieutenant Burney, who was ordered to go in search of them, found only some fragments of their bodies, from which it appeared that they had been converted into the food of the inhabitants. It was the remembrance of this event, and the fear of its being revenged, which now rendered the New Zealanders so fearful of entering the English vessels. From the conversation of Omai, who was on board the Adventure when the melancholy affair happened, they knew that it could not be unknown to Captain Cook. The captain, therefore, judged it necessary to use every endeavour to assure them of the continuance of his friendship, and that he should not disturb them on account of the catastrophe. It was most probably in consequence of this assurance, that they soon laid aside all manner of restraint and distrust. In the meanwhile, the operations for refitting the ships, and for obtaining provisions were carried on with great vigour, for the protection of the party on shore, our commander appointed a guard of ten marines, and ordered arms for all the workmen; with whom Mr. King, and two or three petty officers, constantly remained. A boat was never sent to a considerable distance without being armed, or without being under the direction of such officers as might be depended upon, and who were well acquainted with the natives. In Captain Cook's former visits to this country, he had never made use of such precautions; nor was he now convinced of their absolute necessity. But, after the tragical fate of the crew of the Adventure's boat in this sound, and of Captain Marion du Fresne, and some of his people, in the Bay of Islands (in 1772), it was impossible to free our navigators from all apprehensions of experiencing a similar calamity. Whatever suspicions the inhabitants might at first entertain, that their acts of barbarity would be revenged, they very speedily became so perfectly easy upon the subject, as to take up their residence close to our voyagers; and the advantage of their coming to live with the English was not inconsiderable. Every day, when the weather would permit, some of them went out to catch fish, and our people generally obtained, by exchanges, a good share of the produce of their labours, in addition to the supply which was afforded by our own nets and lines. Nor was there a deficiency of vegetable refreshments; to which was united sprucebeer for drink; so that if the seeds of the scurvy had been contracted by any of the crew, they would speedily have been removed by such a regimen. The fact, however, was, that there was only two invalids upon the sick lists in both ships. Curiosities, fish, and women, were the articles of commerce supplied by the New Zealanders. The two first always came to a good market; but the latter did not happen, at this time, to be an acceptable commodity. Our seamen had conceived a dislike to these people, and were either unwilling or afraid to associate with them; the good effect of which was, that our commander knew no instance of a man's quitting his station, to go to the habitations of the Indians. A connexion with women it was out of Captain Cook's power to prevent; but he never encouraged it, and always was fearful of its consequences. Many, indeed, are of opinion, that such an intercourse is a great security among savages. But if this should ever be the case with those who remain and settle among them, it is generally otherwise with respect to travellers and transient visitors. In such a situation as was that of our navigators, a connexion with the women of the natives, betrays more men than it saves. 'What else,' says the captain, 'can reasonably be expected, since all their views are selfish without the least mixture of regard or attachment? My own experience, at least, which hath been pretty extensive, hath not pointed out to me one instance to the contrary.' Amongst the persons who occasionally visited the English, was a chief of the name of Kahoora, who, as Captain Cook was informed, had headed the party that cutoff Captain Furneaux's people, and had himself killed Mr. Rowe, the officer who commanded. This man our commander was strongly solicited to put to death, even by some of the natives; and Omai was perfectly eager and violent upon the subject. To these solicitations the captain paid not the least degree of attention. He even admired Kahoora's courage, and was not a little pleased with the confidence with which he had put himself into his power. Kahoora had placed his whole safety in the declarations that Captain Cook had uniformly made to the New Zealanders; which were that he had always been a friend to them all, and would continue to be so, unless they gave him cause to act otherwise; that as to their inhuman treatment of our people, he should think no more of it, the transaction having happened long ago, and when he was not present; but that, if ever they made a second attempt of the same kind, they might rest assured of feeling the weight of his resentment. While our commander on the 16th, was making an excursion for the purposes of collecting food for his cattle, he embraced the opportunity to inquire, as accurately as possible, into the circumstances which had attended the melancholy fate of our countrymen. Omai was his interpreter on this occasion. The result of the inquiry was, that the quarrel first took its rise from some thefts, in the commission of which the natives were detected; that there was no premeditated plan of bloodshed; and that if these thefts had not, unfortunately, been too hastily resented, no mischief would have happened. Kahoora's greatest enemies, and even the very men that had most earnestly solicited his destruction, confessed, at the same time, that he had no intention of quarrelling with Captain Furneaux's people, and much less of killing any of them, till the fray had actually commenced. Captain Cook continued in this his last visit to New Zealand, the solicitude he had formerly shewn to be of some essential future service to the country. To one chief he gave two goats, a male and female, with a kid; and to another two pigs, a boar and a sow. Although he had obtained a promise from both these chiefs, that they would not kill the animals which had been presented to them, he could not venture to place any great reliance upon their assurances. It was his full intention, on his present arrival in Queen Charlotte's Sound, to have left not only goats and hogs, but sheep, together with a young bull and two heifers. The accomplishment, however, of this resolution depended either upon his finding a chief, who was powerful enough to protect and keep the cattle, or upon his meeting with a place where there might be a probability of their being concealed from those who would ignorantly attempt to destroy them. Neither of these circumstances happened to be conformable to his wishes. At different times he had left to New Zealand ten or a dozen hogs, besides those which had been put on shore by Captain Furneaux. It will, therefore, be a little extraordinary, if this race of animals should not increase and be preserved, either in a wild or a domestic state, or in both. Our commander was informed, that Tiratou, a popular chief among the natives, had a number of cocks and hens, and one sow, in his separate possession. With regard to the gardens which had formerly been planted though they had almost entirely been neglected, and some of them destroyed, they were not wholly unproductive. They were found to contain cabbages, onions, leeks, purslain, radishes, mustard, and a few potatoes. The potatoes, which had first been brought from the Cape of Good Hope, were greatly meliorated by change of soil; and, with proper cultivation, would be superior to those produced in most other countries. A great addition of knowledge was obtained, during this voyage, with respect to the productions of New Zealand, and the manners and the customs of its inhabitants. The zeal of Captain Cook upon the subject was admirably seconded by the sedulous diligence of Mr. Anderson, who omitted no opportunity of collecting every kind and degree of information. I shall only so far trespass on the patience of my readers, as to mention a few circumstances tending to delineate the character of the natives. They seemed to be a people perfectly satisfied with the little they already possess; nor are they remarkably curious either in their observations or their inquiries. New objects are so far from striking them with such a degree of surprise as might naturally be expected, that they scarcely fix their attention even for a moment. In the arts with which they are acquainted, they shew as much ingenuity, both in invention and execution, as any uncivilized nations under similar circumstances. Without the least use of those tools which are formed of metal, they make every thing that is necessary to procure their subsistence, clothing, and military weapons; and all this is done by them with a neatness, a strength, and a convenience, that are well adapted to the accomplishment of the several purposes they have in view. No people can have a quicker sense of an injury done to them than the New Zealanders, or be more ready to resent it; and yet they want one characteristic of true bravery; for they will take an opportunity of being insolent, when they think that there is no danger of their being punished. From the number of their weapons, and their dexterity in using them, it appears, that war is their principal profession. Indeed, their public contentions are so frequent, or rather so perpetual, that they must live under continual apprehensions of being destroyed by each other. From their horrid custom of eating the flesh of their enemies, not only without reluctance, but with peculiar satisfaction, it would be natural to suppose that they must be destitute of every humane feeling, even with regard to their own party. This, however, is not the case; for they lament the loss of their friends with a violence of expression which argues the most tender remembrance of them. At a very early age the children are initiated into all the practices, whether good or bad, of their fathers; so that a boy or girl, when only nine or ten years old, can perform the motions, and imitate the frightful gestures, by which the more aged are accustomed to inspire their enemies with terror. They can keep likewise the strictest time in their song; and it is with some degree of melody that they sing the traditions of their forefathers, their actions in war, and other subjects. The military achievements of their ancestors, the New Zealanders celebrate with the highest pleasure, and spend much of their time in diversions of this sort, and in playing upon a musical instrument, which partakes of the nature of a flute. With respect to their language, it is far from being harsh or disagreeable, though the pronunciation of it is frequently guttural; nor, if we may judge from the melody of some kinds of their songs, is it destitute of those qualities, which fit it to be associated with music. Of its identity with the languages of the other islands throughout the South Sea, fresh proofs were exhibited during the present voyage. At the request of Omai, Captain Cook consented to take with him two youths from New Zealand. That they might not quit their native country under any deluding ideas of visiting it again, the captain took care to inform their parents, in the strongest terms, that they would never return. This declaration seemed, however, to make no kind of impression. The father of the youngest had resigned him with an indifference, which he would scarcely have shewn at parting with his dog, and even stripped the boy of the little clothing he possessed, delivering him quite naked into the hands of our voyagers. This was not the case with the mother of the other youth. She took her leave of him with all the marks of tender affection that might be expected between a parent and a child on such an occasion; but she soon resumed her cheerfulness, and went away wholly unconcerned. On the 25th of the month, Captain Cook stood out of Queen Charlotte's Sound, and by the 27th got clear of New Zealand. No sooner had the ships lost sight of the land, than the two young adventurers from that country, one of whom was nearly eighteen years of age, and the other about ten, began deeply to repent of the step they had taken. It was the experience of the sea-sickness, which gave this turn to their reflections; and all the soothing encouragement the English could think of, was but of a little avail. They wept, both in public and in private, and made their lamentation in a kind of song, that seemed to be expressive of the praises of their country and people, from which they were to be separated for ever. In this disposition they continued for many days: but as their sea-sickness wore off, and the tumult of their minds subsided, the fits of lamentation became less and less frequent, and at length entirely ceased. By degrees, their native country and their friends were forgotten, and they appeared to be as firmly attached to our navigators, as if they had been born in England. In the prosecution of the voyage, Captain Cook met with unfavourable winds; and it was not till the 29th of March that land was discovered. It was found to be an inhabited island, the name of which, as was learned from two of the natives, who came off in a canoe, is Mangeea. Our commander examined the coast with his boats, and had a short intercourse with some of the inhabitants. Not being able to find a proper harbour for bringing the ships to an anchorage, he was obliged, to leave the country unvisited, though it seemed capable of supplying all the wants of our voyagers. The island of Mangeea is full five leagues in circuit, and of a moderate and pretty equal height. It has, upon the whole, a pleasing aspect, and might be made a beautiful spot by cultivation. The inhabitants, who appeared to be both numerous and well fed, seemed to resemble those of Otaheite and the Marquesas in the beauty of their persons; and the resemblance, as far as could be judged in so short a compass of time, takes place, with respect to their general disposition and character. From the coast of Mangeea our commander sailed in the afternoon of the 30th, and on the next day land was again seen, within four leagues of which the ships arrived on the 1st of April. Our people could then pronounce it to be an island, nearly of the same appearance and extent with that which had so lately been left. Some of the natives speedily put off in their canoes, and three of them were pursuaded to come on board the Resolution; on which occasion, their whole behaviour marked that they were quite at their ease, and felt no kind of apprehension that they should be detained, or ill used. In a visit from several others of the inhabitants, they manifested a dread of approaching near the cows and horses: nor could they form the least conception of their nature. But the sheep and goats did not, in their opinion, surpass the limits of their ideas; for they gave our navigators to understand that they knew them to be birds. As there is not the most distant resemblance between a sheep or goat, and any winged animal, this may be thought to be almost an incredible example of human ignorance. But it should be remembered, that, excepting hogs, dogs, and birds, these people were strangers to the existence of any other land animals. In a farther intercourse with the natives, who had brought a hog, together with some plantains and cocoanuts, they demanded a dog from our voyagers, and refused every thing besides which was offered in exchange. One of the gentlemen on board happened to have a dog and a bitch which were great nuisances in the ship; and these he might now have disposed of in a manner that would have been of real future utility to the island. But he had no such views in making them the companions of his voyage. Omai, however, with a goodnature that reflects honour upon him, parted with a favourite dog which he had brought from England; and with this acquisition the people departed highly satisfied. On the 3rd of April, Captain Cook dispatched Mr. Gore, with three boats, to endeavour to get upon the island. Mr. Gore himself, Omai, Mr. Anderson, and Mr. Burney were the only persons that landed. The transactions of the day, of which Mr. Anderson, drew up an ingenious and entertaining account, added to the stock of knowledge gained by our navigators, but did not accomplish Captain Cook's principal object. Nothing was procured by the gentlemen, from the island, that supplied the wants of the ships. In this expedition, Omai displayed that turn of exaggeration, with which travellers have so frequently been charged. Being asked by the natives concerning the English, their ships, their country, and the arms they made use of, his answers were not a little marvellous. He told these people, that our country had ships as large as their islands; on board which were instruments of war (describing our guns) of such dimensions, that several persons might sit within them. At the same time, he assured the inhabitants, that one of these guns was sufficient to crush their whole island at a single shot. Though he was obliged to acknowledge that the guns on board the vessels upon their coast were but small, he contrived by an explosion of gunpowder, to inspire them with a formidable idea of their nature and effect. It is probable, that this representation of, things contributed to the preservation of the gentlemen, in their enterprise on shore; for a strong disposition to retain them had been shewn by the natives. It seemed destined that this day should give Omai more occasions than one of bearing a principal part in its transactions. The island, though never visited by Europeans before, happened to have other strangers residing in it; and it was entirely owing to Omai's having attended on the expedition, that a circumstance so curious came to the knowledge of the English. Scarcely had he been landed upon the beach, when he found, among the crowd which had assembled there, three of his own countrymen, natives of the Society Islands. That, at the distance of about two hundred leagues from those islands, an immense unknown ocean intervening, with the wretched boats their inhabitants are known to make use of, and fit only for a passage where sight of land is scarcely ever lost, such a meeting, at such a place, so accidentally visited, should occur, may well be regarded as one of those unexpected situations with which the writers of feigned adventures love to surprise their readers. When events of this kind really happen in common life, they deserve to be recorded for their singularity. It may easily be supposed with what mutual surprise and satisfaction this interview of Omai with his countrymen was attended. Twelve years before, about twenty persons in number, of both sexes, had embarked on board a canoe at Otaheite, to cross over to the neighbouring island of Ulietea. A violent storm having arisen, which drove them out of their course, and their provisions being very scanty, they suffered incredible hardships, and the greatest part of them perished by famine and fatigue. Four men only survived when the boat overset, and then the destruction of this small remnant appeared to be inevitable. However, they kept hanging by the side of the vessel, which they continued to do for some days, when they were providentially brought within sight of the people of this island, who immediately sent out canoes and brought them on shore. The three men who now survived, expressed a strong sense of the kind treatment they had received; and so well satisfied were they with their present situation, that they refused an offer which was made them of being conveyed to their native country. A very important instruction may be derived from the preceding narrative. It will serve to explain, better than a thousand conjectures of speculative reasoners, how the detached parts of the earth, and, in particular, how the islands of the South Sea, though lying remote from any inhabited continent, or from each other, may have originally been peopled. Similar adventures have occurred in the history of navigation and shipwrecks. The island on which Mr. Gore, Mr. Anderson, Mr. Burney, and Omai, had landed is called Wateeoo by the natives, and is a beautiful spot, having a surface composed of hills and plains, which are covered with a verdure rendered extremely pleasant by the diversity of its hues. Its inhabitants are very numerous; and many of the young men were perfect models in shape; besides which, they had complexions as delicate as those of the women, and appeared to be equally amiable in their dispositions. In their manners, their general habits of life, and their religious ceremonies and opinions, these islanders have a near resemblance to the people of Otaheite and its neighbouring isles; and their language was well understood, both by Omai and the two New Zealanders. The next place visited by Captain Cook was a small island, called Wennooa-ette, or Otakootaia, to which Mr. Gore was sent, at the head of a party who procured about a hundred cocoa-nuts for each ship, and some grass, together with a quantity of the leaves and branches of young trees, for the cattle. Though, at this time, no inhabitants were found in Wennooa-ette, yet, as there remained indubitable marks of its being, at least, occasionally frequented, Mr. Gore left a hatchet, and several nails, to the full value of what had been taken away. On the 5th, our commander directed his course for Harvey's Island, which was only at the distance of fifteen leagues, and where he hoped to procure some refreshments. This island had been discovered by him, in 1773, during his last voyage, when no traces were discerned of its having any inhabitants. It was now experienced to be well peopled, and by a race of men who appeared to differ much, both in person and disposition, from the natives of Wateeoo. Their behaviour was disorderly and clamorous; their colour was of a deeper cast; and several of them had a fierce and rugged aspect. It was remarkable, that not one of them had adopted the practice, so generally prevalent among the people of the southern Ocean, of puncturing or _tatooing_ their bodies. But notwithstanding this singularity, the most unequivocal proofs were exhibited of their having the same common origin; and their language, in particular, approached still nearer to the dialect of Otaheite, than that of Wateeoo, or Mangea. No anchorage for the ships being found in Harvey's island, Captain Cook quitted it without delay. The captain being thus disappointed at all the islands he had met with, since his leaving New Zealand, and his progress having unavoidably been retarded by unfavourable winds, and other unforeseen circumstances, it became impossible to think of doing any thing this year in the high latitudes of the northern hemisphere, from which he was still at so great a distance, though the season for his operations there was already begun. In this situation, it was absolutely necessary, in the first place, to pursue such measures as were most likely to preserve the cattle that were on board. A still more capital object was to save the stores and provisions of the ships, that he might the better be enabled to prosecute his discoveries to the north, which could not now be commenced till a year later than was originally intended. If he had been so fortunate as to have procured a supply of water, and of grass, at any of the islands he had lately visited, it was his purpose to have stood back to the south, till he had met with a westerly wind. But the certain consequence of doing this, without such a supply, would have been the loss of all the cattle; while at the same time, not a single advantage would have been gained, with regard to the grand ends of the voyage. He determined, therefore, to beat away for the Friendly Islands, where he was sure of being abundantly provided. In pursuing his course, agreeably to this resolution, our commander, on the 14th, reached Palmerston Island, where, and at a neighbouring islet, both of which were uninhabited, some little relief was obtained. The boats soon procured a load of scurvy-grass and young cocoa-nut trees, which was a feast for the cattle; and the same feast, with the addition of palm cabbage, and the tender branches of the _wharra_ tree, was continued for several days. On the 16th, Omai, being on shore with the captain, caught with a scoop-net, in a very short time, as much fish as served the whole party for dinner, besides sending a quantity to both the ships. Birds, too, and particularly men-of-war and tropic birds, were plentifully obtained; so that our navigators had sumptuous entertainment. Omai acted as cook upon the occasion. The fish and the birds he dressed with heated stones, after the manner of his country; and performed the operation with a dexterity and good humour which were greatly to his credit. From the islet before mentioned, twelve hundred cocoa-nuts were procured, which being equally divided among the crew, were of great use to them, both on account of the juice and the kernel. There is no water in the islets which are comprehended under the name of Palmerston Island. If that article could be obtained, and good anchorage could be accomplished within the reef, Captain Cook would prefer this island to any of the uninhabited ones, for the mere purpose of refreshment. The quantity of fish that might be caught would be sufficient; and a ship's company could roam about unmolested by the petulance of the inhabitants. Different opinions have been entertained concerning the formation of the low islands in the great ocean. From the observations which our commander now made, he was convinced, that such islands are formed from shoals, or coral banks, and, consequently, that they are always increasing. After leaving Palmerston's Island, Captain Cook steered to the west, with a view of making the best of his way to Annamooka. During his course, the showers were so copious, that our navigators saved a considerable quantity of water. Finding that a greater supply could be obtained by the rain in one hour, than could be gotten by distillation in a month, the captain laid aside the still as a thing which was attended with more trouble than profit. At this time, the united heat and moisture of the weather, in addition to the impossibility of keeping the ships dry, threatened to be noxious to the health of our people. It was however, remarkable, that neither the constant use of salt food, nor the vicissitudes of climate, were productive of any evil effects. Though the only material refreshment our voyagers had received, since their leaving the Cape of Good Hope, was that which they had procured at New Zealand, there was not, as yet, a single sick person on board. This happy situation of things was undoubtedly owing to the unremitting attention of our commander, in seeing that no circumstance was neglected, which could contribute to the preservation of the health of his company. On the 28th of April, Captain Cook touched at the Island of Komango; and, on the 1st of May, he arrived at Annamooka. The station he took was the very same which he had occupied when he visited the country three years before; and it was probably almost in the same place where Tasman, the first discoverer of this and some of the neighbouring islands, anchored in 1643. A friendly intercourse was immediately opened with the natives, and every thing was settled to the captain's satisfaction. He received the greatest civilities from Toobou, the chief of Annamooka; and Taipa, a chief from the Island of Komango, attached himself to the English in so extraordinary a manner, that, in order to be near them in the night, as well as in the day, he had a house brought on men's shoulders, a full quarter of a mile, and placed close to the shed, which was occupied by our party on shore. On the 6th our commander was visited by a great chief from Tongataboo, whose name was Feenou, and who was falsely represented, by Taipa, to be the king of all the Friendly Isles. The only interruption to the harmony which subsisted between our people and the natives of Annamooka arose from the thievish disposition of many of the inhabitants. They afforded frequent opportunities of remarking, how expert they were in the business of stealing. Even some of the chiefs did not think the profession unbecoming their dignity. One of them was detected in carrying a bolt out of the ship, concealed under his clothes; for which Captain Cook sentenced him to have a dozen lashes, and kept him confined till he had paid a hog for his liberty. After this act of justice, our navigators were no longer troubled with thieves of rank: but their servants, or slaves, were still employed in the dirty work; and upon them a flogging seemed to make no greater impression that it would have done upon the mainmast. When any of them happened to be caught in the act, so far were their masters from interceding in their favour, that they often advised our gentlemen to kill them. This, however, being a punishment too severe to be inflicted, they generally escaped without being punished at all; for of the shame, as well as of the pain of corporal chastisement, they appeared to be equally insensible. At length, Captain Clerke invented a mode of treatment, which was thought to be productive of some good effect. He put the thieves into the hands of the barber, and completely shaved their heads. In consequence of this operation, they became objects of ridicule to their own countrymen; and our people, by keeping them at a distance, were enabled to deprive them of future opportunities for a repetition of their rogueries. The island of Annamooka being exhausted of its articles of food, Captain Cook proposed, on the 11th, to proceed directly for Tongataboo. From this resolution, however, he was diverted, at the instance of Feenou, who warmly recommended in preference to it, an island, or rather a group of islands, called Hapaee, lying to the north-east. There, he assured our voyagers, they could be plentifully supplied with every refreshment, in the easiest manner; and he enforced his advice by engaging to attend them thither in person. Accordingly, Hapaee was made choice of for the next station; and the examination of it became an object with the captain, as it had never been visited by any European ships. On the 17th, our commander arrived at Hapaee, where he met with a most friendly reception from the inhabitants, and from Earoupa, the chief of the island. During the whole stay of our navigators, the time was spent in a reciprocation of presents, civilities, and solemnities. On the part of the natives were displayed single combats with clubs, wrestling and boxing-matches, female combatants, dances performed by men, and night entertainments of singing and dancing. The English, on the other hand, gave pleasure to the Indians by exercising the marines, and excited their astonishment by the exhibition of fireworks. After curiosity had, on both sides, been sufficiently gratified, Captain Cook applied himself to the examination of Hapaee, Lefooga, and other neighbouring islands. As the ships were returning, on the 31st, from these islands to Annamooka, the Resolution was very near running full upon a low sandy isle, called Pootoo Pootooa, surrounded with breakers. It fortunately happened, that the men had just been ordered upon deck to put the vessel about, and were most of them at their stations; so that the necessary movements were executed not only with judgment, but also with alertness. This alone saved the ship and her company from destruction. 'Such hazardous situations,' says the captain, 'are the unavoidable companions of the man who goes upon a voyage of discovery.' During our commander's expedition to Hapaee, he was introduced to Poulaho, the real king of the Friendly Isles; in whose presence it instantly appeared how groundless had been Feenou's pretensions to that character. Feenou, however, was a chief of great note and influence. By Poulaho Captain Cook was invited to pass over to Tongataboo, which request he complied with after he had touched, for two or three days, at Annamooka. In the passage, the Resolution was insensibly drawn upon a large flat, on which lay innumerable coral rocks of different depths below the surface of the water. Notwithstanding all the care and attention of our people to keep her clear of them, they could not prevent her from striking on one of these rocks. The same event happened to the Discovery; but fortunately neither of the ships stuck fast or received any damage. On the 10th of June, Captain Cook arrived at Tongataboo, where the king was waiting for him upon the beach, and immediately conducted him to a small, but neat house, which, he was told, was at his service, during his stay in the island. The house was situated a little within the skirts of the woods, and had a fine large area before it; so that a more agreeable spot could not have been provided. Our commander's arrival at Tongataboo was followed by a succession of entertainments similar to those which had occurred at Hapaee, though somewhat diversified in circumstances, and exhibited with additional splendour. The pleasure, however, of the visit was occasionally interrupted by the thieveries of many of the inhabitants. Nothing could prevent their plundering our voyagers, in every quarter; and they did it in the most daring and insolent manner. There was scarcely any thing which they did not attempt to steal; and yet, as the crowd was always great, the captain would not permit the sentinels to fire, lest the innocent should suffer with the guilty. Captain Cook, on the 19th, made a distribution of the animals which he had selected as presents for the principal men of the island. To Poulaho, the king, he gave a young English bull and cow, together with three goats; to Mareewagee, a chief of consequence, a Cape ram and two ewes; and to Feenou a horse and a mare. He likewise left in the island a young boar and three young sows of the English breed; and two rabbits, a buck and a doe. Omai, at the same time, was instructed to represent the importance of these animals, and to explain, as far as he was capable of doing it, the manner in which they should be preserved and treated. Even the generosity of the captain was not without its inconveniences. It soon appeared that some were dissatisfied with the allotment of the animals; for, next morning, two kids and two Turkey-cocks were missing. As our commander could not suppose, that this was an accidental loss, he determined to have them again. The first step he took was to seize on three canoes that happened to be alongside the ships; after which he went on shore, and having found the king, his brother, Feenou, and some other chiefs, he immediately put a guard over them, and gave them to understand, that they must remain under restraint, till not only the kid and the turkeys, but the rest of the things which, at different times, had been stolen from our voyagers, should be restored. This bold step of Captain Cook was attended with a very good effect. Some of the articles which had been lost were instantly brought back, and such good assurances were given with regard to the remainder, that, in the afternoon, the chiefs were released. It was a happy circumstance, with respect to this transaction, that it did not abate the future confidence of Poulaho and his friends in the captain's kind and generous treatment. On the 5th of July was an eclipse of the sun, which, however, in consequence of unfavourable weather, was very imperfectly observed. Happily, the disappointment was of little consequence, as the longitude was more than sufficiently determined by lunar observations. Captain Cook sailed from Tongataboo on the 10th, and, two days after, came to anchor at the island of Middleburg, or Eooa, as it is called by the inhabitants. Here he was immediately visited by Taoofa, the chief, with whom he had formerly been acquainted. The intercourse now renewed was friendly in the highest degree, both with Taoofa and the rest of the natives; and our commander endeavoured to meliorate their condition by planting a pineapple and sowing the seeds of melons, and other vegetables, in the chief's plantation. To this he was encouraged by a proof that his past endeavours had not been wholly unsuccessful. He had, one day, served up to him at his dinner, a dish of turnips, being the produce of the seeds which he had left at Eooa in his last voyage. The stay which Captain Cook made at the Friendly Islands was between two and three months; during which time, some accidental difference excepted, there subsisted the utmost cordiality between the English and the natives. These differences were never attended with any fatal consequences; which happy circumstance was principally owing to the unremitting attention of the captain, who directed all his measures with a view to the prevention of such quarrels, as would be injurious either to the inhabitants or to his own people. So long as our navigators staid at the islands, they expended very little of their sea provisions, subsisting, in general, upon the produce of the country, and carrying away with them a quantity of refreshments, sufficient to last till their arrival at another station, where they could depend upon a fresh supply. It was a singular pleasure to our commander, that he possessed an opportunity of adding to the happiness of these good Indians, by the useful animals which he left among them. Upon the whole, the advantages of having landed at the Friendly Islands were very great; and Captain Cook reflected upon it with peculiar satisfaction, that these advantages were obtained without retarding, for a single moment, the prosecution of the great object of his voyage; the season for proceeding to the north having been previously lost. Besides the immediate benefits which both the natives and the English derived from their mutual intercourse on the present occasion, such a large addition was now made to the geographical knowledge of this part of the Pacific Ocean, as may render no small service to future navigators. Under the denomination of the Friendly Islands must be included not only the group of Hapaee, but all those islands that have been discovered nearly under the same meridian, to the north, as well as some others, which, though they have never hitherto been seen by any European voyagers, are under the dominion of Tongataboo. From the information which our commander received, it appears, that this archipelago is very extensive. Above one hundred and fifty islands were reckoned up by the natives, who made use of bits of leaves to ascertain their number; and Mr. Anderson, with his usual diligence, procured all their names. Fifteen of them are said to be high or hilly, and thirty-five of them large. Concerning the size of the thirty-two which were unexplored, it can only be mentioned, that they must be larger than Annamooka, which was ranked amongst the smaller isles. Several, indeed, of those which belong to this latter denomination, are mere spots, without inhabitants. Captain Cook had not the least doubt but that Prince William's Islands, discovered and so named by Tasman, were comprehended in the list furnished by the natives. He had also good authority for believing that Keppel's and Boscawen's Islands, two of Captain Wallis's discoveries to 1765, were included in the same list; and that they were under the sovereign of Tongataboo, which is the grand seat of government. It must be left to future navigators to extend the geography of this part of the South Pacific Ocean, by ascertaining the exact situation and size of nearly a hundred islands, in the neighbourhood, which our commander had no opportunity of exploring. During the present visit to the Friendly Islands, large additions were made to the knowledge which was obtained, in the last voyage, of the natural history and productions of the country, and the manners and customs of its inhabitants. Though it does not fall within the plan of this narrative to enter into a detail of the particulars recorded, I cannot help taking notice of the explanation which Captain Cook has given of the thievish disposition of the natives. It is an explanation which reflects honour upon his sagacity, humanity, and candour and therefore I shall relate it in his own words: 'The only defect,' says he, 'sullying their character, that we know of, is a propensity to thieving; to which we found those of all ages, and both sexes, addicted, and to an uncommon degree. It should, however, be considered, that this exceptionable part of their conduct seemed to exist merely with respect to us; for, in their general intercourse with one another, I had reason to be of opinion, that thefts do not happen more frequently (perhaps less so) than in other countries, the dishonest practices of whose worthless individuals are not supposed to authorize any indiscriminate censure on the whole body of the people. Great allowances should be made for the foibles of these poor natives of the Pacific Ocean, whose minds were overpowered with the glare of objects, equally new to them as they were captivating. Stealing, among the civilized nations of the world, may well be considered as denoting a character deeply stained with moral turpitude: with avarice, unrestrained by the known rules of right; and with profligacy, producing extreme indigence, and neglecting the means of relieving it. But at the Friendly and other islands which we visited, the thefts, so frequently committed by the natives, of what we had brought along with us, may be fairly traced to less culpable motives. They seemed to arise solely from an intense curiosity or desire to possess something which they had not been accustomed to before, and belonging to a sort of people so different from themselves. And, perhaps, if it were possible, that a set of beings, seemingly, as superior in our judgment, as we are in theirs, should appear amongst us, it might be doubted, whether our natural regard to justice would be able to restrain many from falling into the same error. That I have assigned the true motive for their propensity to this practice, appears from their stealing every thing indiscriminately at first sight, before they could have the least conception of converting their prize to any one useful purpose. But, I believe, with us, no person would forfeit his reputation, or expose himself to punishment, without knowing, beforehand, how to employ the stolen goods. Upon the whole, the pilfering disposition of these islanders, though certainly disagreeable and troublesome to strangers, was the means of affording us some information as to the quickness of their intellects.' With respect to the religion of these Indians, Mr. Anderson maintains, that they have very proper sentiments concerning the immateriality and immortality of the soul; and thinks himself sufficiently authorized to assert, that they do not worship any thing which is the work of their own hands, or any visible part of the creation. The language of the Friendly Islands has the greatest imaginable conformity with that of New Zealand, of Wateeoo, and Mangeea. Several hundreds of the words of it were collected by Mr. Anderson; and amongst these, are terms that express numbers reaching to a hundred thousand. Beyond this limit they never went, and probably were not able to go farther; for it was observed, that when they had gotten thus far, they commonly used a word which expresses an indefinite number. On the 17th of July, our commander took his final leave of the Friendly Islands, and resumed his voyage. An eclipse was observed in the night between the 20th and the 21st; and on the 8th of August land was discovered. Some of the inhabitants, who came off in canoes, seemed earnestly to invite our people to go on shore; but Captain Cook did not think proper to run the risk of losing the advantage of a fair wind, for the sake of examining an island which appeared to be of little consequence. Its name, as was learned from the natives, who spake the Otaheite language, is Toobonai. Pursuing his course, the captain reached Otaheite on the 12th, and steered for Oheitepeha Bay, with an intention to anchor there, in order to draw what refreshments he could from the south-east part of the island, before he went down to Matavai. Omai's first reception amongst his countrymen was not entirely of a flattering nature. Though several persons came on board who knew him, and one of them was his brother-in-law, there was nothing remarkably tender or striking in their meeting. An interview which Omai had, on the 13th, with his sister, was agreeable to the feelings of nature; for their meeting was marked with expressions of tender affection, more easy to be conceived than described. In a visit, likewise, which he received from an aunt, the old lady threw herself at his feet, and plentifully bedewed them with tears of joy. Captain Cook was informed by the natives, that, since he was last at the island, in 1774, two ships had been twice in Oheitepeha Bay, and had left animals in the country. These, on farther inquiry, were found to be hogs, dogs, goats, one bull, and a ram. That the vessels which had visited Otaheite were Spanish, was plain from an inscription that was cut upon a wooden cross, standing at some distance from the front of a house which had been occupied by the strangers. On the transverse part of the cross was inscribed, _Christus vincit._ And on the perpendicular part, _Carolus III. imperat. 1774._ Our commander took this occasion to preserve the memory of the prior visits of the English, by inscribing, on the other side of the post, _Georgius tertius Rex. Annis 1767, 1769, 1773, 1774, & 1777._ Whatever might be the intentions of the Spaniards in their visit to the island, it ought to be remembered to their honour, that they behaved so well to the inhabitants, as always to be spoken of in the strongest expressions of esteem and veneration. Captain Cook had at this time an important affair to settle. As he knew that he could now be furnished with a plentiful supply of cocoa-nuts, the liquor of which is an excellent and wholesome beverage, he was desirous of prevailing upon his people to consent to their being abridged, during their stay at Otaheite and the neighbouring islands, of their stated allowance of spirits to mix with water. But as this stoppage of a favourite article, without assigning some reason for it, might occasion a general murmur, he thought it most prudent to assemble the ship's company, and to make known to them the design of the voyage, and the extent of the future operations. To animate them in undertaking with cheerfulness and perseverance what lay before them he took notice of the rewards offered by parliament, to such of his majesty's subjects as should first discover a communication between the Atlantic and Pacific oceans, in any direction whatever, in the northern hemisphere; and also to such as should first penetrate beyond the eighty-ninth degree of northern latitude. The captain made no doubt, he told them, that he should find them willing to co-operate with him in attempting as far as might be possible, to become entitled to one or both these rewards; but that, to give the best chance of success, it would be necessary to observe the utmost economy in the expenditure of the stores and provisions, particularly the latter, as there was no probability of getting a supply any where, after leaving these islands. He strengthened his argument by reminding them, that, in consequence of the opportunity's having been lost of getting to the north this summer, the voyage must last at least a year longer than had originally been supposed. He entreated them to consider the various obstructions and difficulties they might still meet with, and the aggravated hardships they would endure, if it should be found necessary to put them to short allowance, of any species of provisions, in a cold climate. For these very substantial reasons, he submitted to them, whether it would not be better to be prudent in time, and, rather than to incur the hazard of having no spirits left, when such a cordial would most be wanted, to consent to give up their grog now, when so excellent a liquor as that of cocoa-nuts could be substituted in its place. In conclusion, our commander left the determination of the matter entirely to their own choice. This speech which certainly partook much of the nature of true eloquence, if a discourse admirably calculated for persuasion be entitled to that character, produced its full effect on the generous minds of English seamen. Captain Cook had the satisfaction of finding that his proposal did not remain a single moment under consideration; being unanimously and immediately approved of, without the least objection. By our commander's order, Captain Clerke made the same proposal to his people, to which they, likewise, agreed. Accordingly, grog was no longer served, excepting on Saturday nights; when the companies of both ships had a full allowance of it, that they might drink the healths of their friends in England. On the 24th, Captain Cook quitted the south-east part of Otaheite, and resumed his old station in Matavia Bay. Immediately upon his arrival, he was visited by Otoo, the king of the whole island, and their former friendship was renewed; a friendship which was continued without interruption, and cemented by a perpetual succession of civilities, good offices, and entertainments. One of our commander's first objects was to dispose of all the European animals which were in the ships. Accordingly, he conveyed to Oparre, Otoo's place of residence, a peacock and hen; a turkey cock and hen, one gander and three geese, a drake and four ducks. The geese and ducks began to breed before our navigators left their present station. There were already, at Otoo's, several goats, and the Spanish bull; which was one of the finest animals of the kind that was ever seen. To the bull Captain Cook sent the three cows he had on board, together with a bull of his own; to all which were added the horse and mare, and the sheep that had still remained in the vessels. The captain found himself lightened of a very heavy burden, in having disposed of these passengers. It is not easy to conceive the trouble and vexation, which had attended the conveyance of this living cargo, through such various hazards, and to so immense a distance. But the satisfaction which our commander felt, in having been so fortunate as to fulfil his majesty's humane designs, in sending such valuable animals, to supply the wants of the two worthy nations, afforded him an ample recompense for the many anxious hours he had passed, before this subordinate object of his voyage could be carried into execution. At this time a war was on the point of breaking out, between the inhabitants of Eimeo and those of Otaheite; and by the latter Captain Cook was requested to take a part in their favour. With this request, however, though enforced by frequent and urgent solicitations, the captain, according to his usual wisdom, refused to comply. He alleged, that, as he was not thoroughly acquainted with the dispute, and the people of Eimeo had never offended him, he could not think himself at liberty to engage in hostilities against them. With these reasons Otoo and most of the chiefs appeared to be satisfied; but one of them, Towha, was so highly displeased, that our commander never afterward recovered his friendship. Upon the present occasion, Captain Cook had full and undeniable proof, that the offering of human sacrifices forms a part of the religious institutions of Otaheite. Indeed, he was a witness to a solemnity of this kind; the process of which he has particularly described, and has related it with the just sentiments of indignation and abhorrence. The unhappy victim, who was now offered to the object of worship, seemed to be a middle-aged man, and was said to be one of the lowest class of the people. But the captain could not learn, after all his inquiries, whether the wretch had been fixed upon on account of his having committed any crime which was supposed to be deserving of death. It is certain, that a choice is generally, made either of such guilty persons for the sacrifices, or of common low fellows, who stroll about from place to place, without any visible methods of obtaining an honest subsistence. Those who are devoted to suffer, are never apprised of their fate, till the blow is given, that puts an end to their being. Whenever, upon any particular emergency, one of the great chiefs considers a human sacrifice to be necessary, he pitches upon the victim, and then orders him to be suddenly fallen upon and killed, either with clubs or stones. Although it should be supposed, that no more than one person is ever devoted to destruction on any single occasion, at Otaheite, it will still be found that these occurrences are so frequent, as to cause a shocking waste of the human race; for our commander counted no less than forty-nine skulls of former victims, lying before the Morai, where he had seen another added to the number. It was apparent, from the freshness of these skulls, that no great length of time had elapsed since the wretches to whom they belonged had been offered upon the altar of blood. There is reason to fear, that this custom is as extensive as it is horrid. It is highly probable that it prevails throughout the widely diffused islands of the Pacific Ocean; and Captain Cook had particular evidence of its subsisting at the Friendly Islands. To what an extent the practice of human sacrifices was carried in the ancient world, is not unknown to the learned. Scarcely any nation was free from it in a certain state of society; and, as religious reformation is one of the last efforts of the human mind, the practice may be continued, even when the manners are otherwise far removed from savage life. It may have been a long time before civilization has made such a progress as to deprive superstition of its cruelty, and to divert it from barbarous rites to ceremonies which, though foolish enough, are comparatively mild, gentle and innocent. On the 5th of September, an accident happened, which, though slight in itself, was of some consequence from the situation of things. A young ram of the Cape breed, which had been lambed and brought up with great care on board the ship, as killed by a dog. Desirous as Captain Cook was of propagating so useful a race among the Society Islands, the loss of a ram was a serious misfortune. It was the only one he had of that breed; and of the English breed a single ram was all that remained. Captain Cook and Captain Clerke, on the 14th, mounted on horseback, and took a ride round the plain of Matavai, to the great surprise of a large number of the natives, who attended upon the occasion, and gazed upon the gentlemen with as much astonishment as if they had been Centaurs. What the two captains had begun was afterward repeated every day, by one and another of our people; notwithstanding which, the curiosity of the Otaheitans still continued unabated. They were exceedingly delighted with these animals, after they had seen the use which was made of them. Not all the novelties put together, which European visitors had carried amongst the inhabitants, inspired them with so high an idea of the greatness of distant nations. Though Captain Cook would not take a part in the quarrels between the islands, he was ready to protect his particular friends, when in danger of being injured. Towha, who commanded the expedition against Eimeo, had been obliged to submit to a disgraceful accommodation. Being full of resentment, on account of his not having been properly supported, he was said to have threatened, that, as soon as the captain should leave the island, he would join his forces to those of Tiaraboo, and attack Otoo, at Matavai or Oparre. This induced our commander to declare, in the most public manner, that he was determined to espouse the interest of his friend, against any such combination; and that, whoever presumed to assault him, should feel the weight of his heavy displeasure, when he returned again to Otaheite. Captain Cook's declaration had probably the desired effect; for, if Towha had formed hostile intentions, no more was heard of the matter. The manner in which our commander was freed from a rheumatic complaint, that consisted of a pain extending from the hip to the foot, deserves to be recorded. Otoo's mother, his three sisters, and eight other women went on board, for the express purpose of undertaking the cure of his disorder. He accepted of their friendly offer, had a bed spread for them on the cabin floor, and submitted himself to their directions. Being desired to lay himself down amongst them, then, as many of them as could get round him began to squeeze him with both hands, from head to foot, but more particularly in the part where the pain was lodged till they made his bones crack, and his flesh became a perfect mummy. After undergoing this discipline about a quarter of an hour, he was glad to be released from the women. The operation, however gave him immediate relief; so that he was encouraged to submit to another rubbing down before he went to bed; the consequence of which was, that he was tolerably easy all the succeeding night. His female physicians repeated their prescription the next morning, and again in the evening; after which his pains were entirely removed, and the cure was perfected. This operation, which is called _romee_, is universally practised among these islanders; being sometimes, performed by the men, but more generally by the women. Captain Cook, who now had come to the resolution of departing soon from Otaheite, accompanied, on the 27th, Otoo to Oparre, and examined the cattle and poultry, which he had consigned to his friend's care at that place. Everything was in a promising way, and properly attended. The captain procured from Otoo four goats; two of which he designed to leave at Ulietea, where none had as yet been introduced; and the other two he proposed to reserve for the use of any islands he might chance to meet with in his passage to the north. On the next day, Oleo came on board, and informed our commander that he had gotten a canoe, which he desired him to carry home, as a present to the Earee rahie no Pretane. This, he said, was the only thing he could send which was worthy of his majesty's, acceptance. Captain Cook was not a little pleased with Otoo, for this mark of his gratitude; and the more, as the thought was entirely his own. Not one of our people had given him the least hint concerning it; and it shewed, that he was fully sensible to whom he stood indebted for the most valueable presents that he had received. As the canoe was too large to be taken on board, the captain could only thank him for his good intentions; but it would have given him a much greater satisfaction, if his present could have been accepted. During this visit of our voyagers to Otaheite, such a cordial friendship and confidence subsisted between them and the natives, as never once to be interrupted by any untoward accident. Our commander had made the chiefs fully sensible, that it was their interest to treat with him on fair and equitable terms, and to keep their people from plundering or stealing. So great was Otoo's attachment to the English, that he seemed pleased with the idea of their having a permanent settlement at Matavai; not considering, that from that time he would be deprived of his kingdom, and the inhabitants of their liberties. Captain Cook had too much gratitude and regard for these islanders, to wish that such an event should ever take place. Though our occasional visits may, in some respects, have been of advantage to the natives, he was afraid that a durable establishment among them, conducted as most European establishments amongst Indian nations have unfortunately been, would give them just cause to lament that they had been discovered by our navigators. It is not, indeed, likely that a measure of this kind should at any time seriously be adopted, because it cannot serve either the purposes of public ambition, or private avarice; and, without such inducements, the captain has ventured to pronounce that it will never be undertaken. From Otaheite our voyagers sailed, on the 30th, to Eimeo, where they came to an anchor on the same day. At this island the transactions which happened were, for the most part, very unpleasant. A goat, which was stolen, was recovered without any extraordinary difficulty, and one of the thieves was, at the same time, surrendered; being the first instance of the kind that our commander had met with in his connexions with the Society Islands. The stealing of another goat was attended with an uncommon degree of perplexity and trouble. As the recovery of it was a matter of no small importance, Captain Cook was determined to effect this at any rate; and accordingly he made an expedition across the island, in the course of which he set fire to six or eight houses, and burned a number of war canoes. At last, in consequence of a peremptory message to Maheine, the chief of Eimeo, that not a single canoe should be left in the country, or an end be put to the contest, unless the animal in his possession should be restored, the goat was brought back. This quarrel was as much regretted on the part of the captain, as it could be on that of the natives. It grieved him to reflect, that, after refusing the pressing solicitations of his friends at Otaheite to favour their invasion of this island, he should find himself so speedily reduced to the necessity of engaging, in hostilities against its inhabitants; and in such hostilities as, perhaps, had been more injurious to them than Towha's expedition. On the 11th of October, the ships departed from Eimeo, and the next day arrived at Owharre harbour, on the west side of Huaheine. The grand business of our commander at this island was the settlement of Omai. In order to obtain the consent of the chiefs of the island, the affair was conducted with great solemnity. Omai dressed himself very properly on the occasion; brought with him a suitable assortment of presents; went through a variety of religious ceremonies; and made a speech, the topics of which had been dictated to him by our commander. The result of the negotiation was, that a spot of ground was assigned him, the extent of which, along the shore of the harbour was about two hundred yards; and its depth to the foot of the hill somewhat more. A proportionable part of the hill was included in the grant. This business having been adjusted in a satisfactory manner, the carpenters of both ships were employed in building a small house for Omai, in which he might secure his European commodities. At the same time, some of the English made a garden for his use, in which they planted shaddocks, vines, pineapples, melons, and the seeds of several other vegetable articles. All of these Captain Cook bad the satisfaction of seeing in a flourishing state before he left the island. At Huaheine, Omai found a brother, a sister, and a brother-in-law, by whom he was received with great regard and tenderness. But though these people were faithful and affectionate in their attachment to him, the captain discovered, with concern, that they were of too little consequence in the island to be capable of rendering him any positive service. They had not either authority or influence to protect his person or property; and, in such a situation, there was reason to apprehend, that he might be in danger of being stripped of all his possessions, as soon as he should cease to be supported by the power of the English. To prevent this evil, if possible, our commander advised him to conciliate the favour and engage the patronage and protection of two or three of the principal chiefs, by a proper distribution of some of his moveables; with which advice he prudently complied. Captain Cook, however, did not entirely trust to the operations of gratitude, but had recourse to the more forcible motive of intimidation. With this view, he took every opportunity of signifying to the inhabitants, that it was his intention to return to the island again, after being absent the usual time; and that, if he did not find Omai in the same state of security in which he left him, all those whom he should then discover to have been his enemies should feel the weight of his resentment. As the natives had now formed an opinion that their country would be visited by the ships of England at stated periods, there was ground to hope, that this threatening declaration would produce no inconsiderable effect. When Omai's house was nearly finished, and many of his moveables were carried ashore, a box of toys excited the admiration of the multitude in a much higher degree than articles of a more useful nature. With regard to his pots, kettles, dishes, plates, drinking mugs, glasses, and the whole train of domestic accommodations, which in our estimation are so necessary and important, scarcely any one of his countrymen would condescend to look upon them. Omai himself, being sensible that these pieces of English furniture would be of no great consequence in his present situation, wisely sold a number of them, among the people of the ships, for hatchets, and other iron tools, which had a more intrinsic value in this part of the world, and would give him a more distinguished superiority over those with whom he was to pass the remainder of his days. Omai's family, when he settled at Huaheine, consisted of eight or ten persons, if that can be called a family to which a single female did not as yet belong, nor was likely to belong, unless its master should become less volatile. There was nothing in his present temper which seemed likely to dispose him to look out for a wife; and, perhaps, it is to be apprehended, that his residence in England had not contributed to improve his taste for the sober felicity of a domestic union with some woman of his own country. The European weapons of Omai consisted of a musket, bayonet, and carteuch box; a fowling-piece, two pair of pistols, and two or three swords or cutlasses. With the possession of these warlike implements, he was highly delighted; and it was only to gratify his eager desire for them that Captain Cook was induced to make him such presents. The captain would otherwise have thought it happier for him to be without fire-arms, or any European weapons, lest an imprudent use of them (and prudence was not his most distinguished talent) should rather increase his dangers than establish his superiority. Though it was no small satisfaction to our commander to reflect, that he had brought Omai safe back to the very spot from which he had been taken, this satisfaction was, nevertheless, somewhat diminished by the consideration, that his situation might now be less desirable than it was before his connexion with the English. It was to be feared, that the advantages which he had derived from his visit to England would place him in a more hazardous state, with respect to his personal safety. Whatever faults belonged to Omai's character, they were overbalanced by his good nature and his gratitude. He had a tolerable share of understanding, but it was not accompanied with application and perseverance; so that his knowledge of things was very general, and in most instances imperfect: nor was he a man of much observation. He would not, therefore, be able to introduce many of the arts and customs of England among his countrymen, or greatly to improve those to which they have long been habituated. Captain Cook, however, was confident, that he would endeavour to bring to perfection the fruits and vegetables which had been planted in his garden. This of itself would be no small acquisition to the natives. But the greatest benefit which these islands are likely to receive from Omai's travels, will be in the animals that are left upon them; and which, had it not been for his coming to England, they might probably never have obtained. When these multiply, of which Captain Cook thought there was little reason to doubt, Otaheite and the Society Islands will equal, if not exceed, any country in the known world, for plenty of provisions. Before our commander sailed from Huaheine, he had the following inscription cut on the outside of Omai's house: _Georgius Tertius, Rex, 2 Novembris, 1777. { Resolution, Jac. Cook, Pr. Naves { { Discovery, Car. Clerk, Pr._ On the same day, Omai took his final leave of our navigators, in doing which, he bade farewell to all the officers in a very affectionate manner. He sustained himself with a manly resolution, till he came to Captain Cook, when his utmost efforts to conceal his tears failed; and he continued to weep all the time that the boat was conveying him to shore. Not again to resume the subject I shall here mention, that when the captain was at Ulietea, a fortnight after this event, Omai sent two men with the satisfactory intelligence, that he remained undisturbed by the people of Huaheine, and that every thing succeeded well with him, excepting in the loss of his goat, which had died in kidding. This intelligence was accompanied with a request, that another goat might be given him, together with two axes. Our commander, esteeming himself happy in having an additional opportunity of serving him, dispatched the messengers back with the axes and a couple of kids, male and female, which were spared for him out of the Discovery. The fate of the two youths, who had been brought from New Zealand, must not be forgotten. As they were extremely desirous of continuing with our people, Captain Cook would have carried them to England with him, if there had appeared the most distant probability of their ever being restored to their own country. Tiarooa, the eldest of them, was a very well disposed young man, with strong natural sense, and a capacity of receiving any instruction. He seemed to be fully convinced of the inferiority of New Zealand to these islands, and resigned himself, though not without some degree of reluctance, to end his days, in ease and plenty, in Huaheine. The other had formed so strong an attachment to our navigators, that it was necessary to take him out of the ship, and carry him ashore by force. This necessity was the more painful as he was a witty, smart boy: and, on that account, a great favourite on board. Both these youths became a part of Omai's family. Whilst our voyagers were at Huaheine, the atrocious conduct of one particular thief occasioned so much trouble, that the captain punished him more severely than he had ever done any culprit before. Besides having his head and beard shaved, he ordered both his ears to be cut off, and then dismissed him. It can scarcely be reflected upon without regret, that our commander should have been compelled to such an act of severity. On the 3rd of November, the ships came to an anchor in the harbour of Ohamaneno, in the island of Ulietea. The observatories being set up on the 6th, and the necessary instruments having been carried on shore, the two following days were employed in making astronomical observations. In the night between the 12th and 13th, John Harrison, a marine, who was sentinel at the observatory, deserted, taking with him his arms and accoutrements. Captain Cook exerted himself on this occasion, with his usual vigour. He went himself in pursuit of the deserter, who, after some evasion on the part of the inhabitants, was surrendered. He was found sitting between two women, with the musket lying before him; and all the defence he was able to make was, that he had been enticed away by the natives. As this account was probably the truth, and as it appeared besides, that he had remained upon his post till within ten minutes of the time when he was to have been relieved, the punishment which the captain inflicted upon him was not very severe. Some days after, a still more troublesome affair happened, of the same nature. On the morning of the 24th, the captain was informed that a midshipman and a seaman, both belonging to the Discovery, were missing; and it soon appeared, that they had gone away in a canoe in the preceding evening, and had now reached the other end of the island. As the midshipman was known to have expressed a desire of remaining at these islands, it was evident, that he and his companion had gone off with that intention. Though Captain Clerke immediately set out in quest of them with two armed boats, and a party of marines, his expedition proved fruitless, the natives having amused him the whole day with false intelligence. The next morning an account was brought that the deserters were at Otaha. As they were not the only persons in the ships who wished to spend their days at these favourite islands, it became necessary for the purpose of preventing any farther desertion, to recover them at all events. Captain Cook, therefore, in order to convince the inhabitants that he was in earnest, resolved to go after the fugitives himself; to which measure he was determined, from having observed, in repeated instances, that the natives had seldom offered to deceive him with false information. Agreeably to this resolution, the captain set out, the next morning, with two armed boats, being accompanied by Oree, the chief of Ulietea, and proceeded immediately to Otaha. But when he had gotten to the place where the deserters were expected to be found, he was acquainted that they were gone over to Bolabola. Thither our commander did not think proper to follow them having determined to pursue another measure, which he judged would more effectually answer his purpose. This measure was to put the chief's son, daughter, and son-in-law, into confinement, and to detain them till the fugitives should be restored. As to Oree, he was informed, that he was at liberty to leave the ship whenever he pleased, and to take such methods as he esteemed best calculated to get our two men back; that, if he succeeded, his friends should be released; if not, that Captain Cook was resolved to carry them away with him. The captain added, that the chief's own conduct, as well as that of many of his people, in assisting the runaways to escape, and in enticing others to follow them, would justify any step that could be taken to put a stop to such proceedings. In consequence of this explanation of our commander's views and intentions, Oree zealously exerted himself to recover the deserters, for which purpose he dispatched a canoe to Bolabola, with a message to Opoony, the sovereign of that island, acquainting him with what had happened, and requesting him to seize the two fugitives and send them back. The messenger, who was no less a person than the father of Pootoe, Oree's son-in-law, came, before he set out, to Captain Cook, to receive his commands; which were, not to return without the runaways, and to inform Opoony, that, if they had left Bolabola, he must dispatch canoes in pursuit of them, till they should finally be restored. These vigorous measures were, at length, successful. On the 28th the deserters were brought back; and, as soon as they were on board, the three prisoners were released. Our commander would not have acted so resolutely on the present occasion, had he not been peculiarly solicitous to save the son of a brother officer from being lost to his country. While this affair was in suspense, some of the natives, from their anxiety on account of the confinement of the chief's relations, had formed a design of a very serious nature; which was no less than to seize upon the persons of Captain Clerke and Captain Cook. With regard to Captain Clerke, they made no secret of speaking of their scheme, the day after it was discovered. But their first and grand plan of operations was to lay hold of Captain Cook. It was his custom to bathe, every evening, in fresh water; in doing which he frequently went alone, and always without arms. As the inhabitants expected him to go, as usual, on the evening of the 26th, they had determined at that time to make him a prisoner. But he had thought it prudent, after confining Oree's family, to avoid putting himself in their power; and had cautioned Captain Clerke, and the officers, not to venture themselves far from the ships. In the course of the afternoon, the chief asked Captain Cook, three several times, if he would not go to the bathing-place; and when he found, at last, that the captain could not be prevailed upon, he went off, with all his people. He was apprehensive, without doubt, that the design was discovered; though no suspicion of it was then entertained by our commander, who imagined, that the natives were seized with some sudden fright, from which, as usual, they would quickly recover. On one occasion, Captain Clerke and Mr. Gore were in particular danger. A party of the inhabitants, armed with clubs, advanced against them; and their safety was principally owing to Captain Clerke's walking with a pistol in his hand, which he once fired. The discovery of the conspiracy, especially so far as respected Captain Clerke and Mr. Gore, was made by a girl, whom one of the officers had brought from Huaheine. On this account, those who were charged with the execution of the design were so greatly offended with her, that they threatened to take away her life, as soon as our navigators should leave the island: but proper methods were pursued for her security. It was a happy circumstance that the affair was brought to light; since such a scheme could not have been carried into effect, without being, in its consequences, productive of much distress and calamity to the natives. Whilst Captain Cook was at Ulietea, he was visited by his old friend Oree, who, in the former voyages, was chief, or rather regent, of Huaheine. Notwithstanding his now being, in some degree, reduced to the rank of a private person he still preserved his consequence; never appeared without a numerous body of attendants; and was always provided with such presents, as indicated his wealth, and were highly acceptable. The last of the Society Islands to which our commander sailed was Bolabola, where he arrived on the 8th of December. His chief view in passing over to this island was to procure from its monarch, Opoony, an anchor which Monsieur de Bougainville had lost at Otaheite, and which had been conveyed to Bolabola. It was not from a want of anchors that Captain Cook was desirous of making the purchase, but to convert the iron of which it consisted into a fresh assortment of trading articles, these being now very much exhausted. The captain succeeded in his negotiation, and amply rewarded Opoony for giving up the anchor. Whilst our commander was at Bolabola, he received an account of those military expeditions of the people of this country, which he had heard much of in each of his three voyages, and which had ended in the complete conquest of Ulietea and Otaha. The Bolabola men, in consequence of these enterprises, where in the highest reputation for their valour; and, indeed, were deemed so invincible, as to be the objects of terror to all the neighbouring islands. It was an addition to their fame, that their country was of such small extent, being not more than eight leagues in compass, and not half so large as Ulietea. Captain Cook continued to the last his zeal for furnishing the natives of the South Sea with useful animals. At Bolabola, where there was already a ram, which had originally been left by the Spaniards at Otaheite, he carried ashore an ewe, that had been brought from the Cape of Good Hope; and he rejoiced in the prospect of laying a foundation, by this present, for a breed of sheep in the island. He left also at Ulietea, under the care of Oree, an English boar and sow, and two goats. It may, therefore, be regarded as certain, that not only Otaheite, but all the neighbouring islands, will, in a few years, have their race of hogs considerably improved; and it is probable, that they will be stocked with all the valuable animals, which have been transported thither by their European visitors. When this shall be accomplished, no part of the world will equal these islands, in the variety and abundance of the refreshments which they will be able to afford to navigators; nor did the captain know any place that excelled them, even in their present state. It is an observation of great importance, that the future felicity of the inhabitants of Otaheite, and the Society Islands, will not a little depend on their continuing to be visited from Europe. Our commander could not avoid expressing it as his real opinion, that it would have been far better for these poor people, never to have known our superiority in the accommodations and arts which render life comfortable, than after once knowing it, to be again left and abandoned to their original incapacity of improvement. If the intercourse between them and us should wholly be discontinued, they cannot be restored to that happy mediocrity, in which they lived before they were first discovered. It seemed to Captain Cook, that it was become, in a manner, incumbent upon the Europeans to visit these islands once in three or four years, in order to supply the natives with those conveniences which we have introduced among them, and for which we have given them a predilection. Perhaps they may heavily feel the want of such occasional supplies, when it may be too late to go back to their old and less perfect contrivances; contrivances which they now despise, and which they have discontinued since the introduction of ours. It is, indeed, to be apprehended, that by the time that the iron tools, of which they had become possessed, are worn out, they will have almost lost the knowledge of their own. In this last voyage of our commander, a stone hatchet was as rare a thing among the inhabitants as an iron one was eight years before; and a chisel of bone or stone was not to be seen. Spike nails had succeeded in their place; and of spike nails the natives were weak enough to imagine that they had gotten an inexhaustible store. Of all our commodities, axes, and hatchets remained the most unrivalled; and they must ever be held in the highest estimation through the whole of the islands. Iron tools are so strikingly useful, and are now become so necessary to the comfortable existence of the inhabitants, that, should they cease to receive supplies of them, their situation, in consequence of their neither possessing the materials, nor being trained up to the art of fabricating them, would be rendered completely miserable. It is impossible to reflect upon this representation of things without strong feelings of sympathy and concern. Sincerely is it to be wished, that such may be the order of events, and such the intercourse carried on with the southern islanders, that, instead of finally suffering by their acquaintance with us, they may rise to a higher state of civilization, and permanently enjoy blessings far superior to what they had heretofore known. Amidst the various subordinate employments which engaged the attention of Captain Cook and his associates, the great objects of their duty were never forgotten. No opportunity was lost of making astronomical and nautical observations; the consequence of which was, that the latitude and longitude of the places where the ships anchored, the variations of the compass, the dips of the needle, and the state of the tides, were ascertained with an accuracy that forms a valuable addition to philosophical science, and will be of eminent service to future navigators. Our commander was now going to take his final departure from Otaheite and the Society Islands. Frequently as they had been visited, it might have been imagined, that their religious, political, and domestic regulations, manners and customs, must, by this time, be thoroughly understood. A great accession of knowledge was undoubtedly gained in the present voyage; and yet it was confessed, both by Captain Cook and Mr. Anderson, that their accounts of things were still imperfect in various respects; and that they continued strangers to many of the most important institutions which prevail among the natives. There was one part of the character of several of these people, on which the well regulated mind of the captain would not permit him to enlarge. 'Too much,' says he, 'seems to have been already known, and published in our former relations, about some of the modes of life, that made Otaheite, so agreeable an abode to many on board our ships; and if I could now add any finishing strokes to a picture, the outlines of which have been already drawn with sufficient accuracy, I should still have hesitated to make this journal the place for exhibiting a view of licentious manners, which could only serve to disgust those for whose information I write. From Mr. Anderson's account of the Otaheitans, it appears, that their religious system is extensive, and, in various instances, singular. They do not seem to pay respect to one God as possessing pre-eminence, but believe in a plurality of divinities, all of whom are supposed to be very powerful. In different parts of the island, and in the neighbouring islands, the inhabitants choose those deities for the objects of their worship, who, they think, are most likely to protect them, and to supply all their wants. If, however, they are disappointed in their expectations, they deem it no impiety to change their divinity, by having recourse to another, whom they hope to find more propitious and successful. In general, their notions concerning Deity are extravagantly absurd. With regard to the soul, they believe it, according to Mr. Anderson, to be both immaterial and immortal; but he acknowledges, that they are far from entertaining those sublime expectations of future happiness which the Christian revelation affords, and which even reason alone, duly exercised might teach us to expect. Although seventeen months had elapsed since Captain Cook's departure from England, during which time he had not, upon the whole, been unprofitably employed, he was sensible that, with respect to the principal object of his instructions, it was now only the commencement of his voyage and that, therefore, his attention was to be called anew to every circumstance which might contribute towards the safety of his people, and the ultimate success of the expedition. Accordingly, he had examined into the state of the provisions, whilst he was at the Society Islands, and, as soon as he had left them, and had gotten beyond the extent of his former discoveries, he ordered a survey to be taken of all the boatswain's and carpenters stores which were in the ships, that he might be fully informed of their quantity and condition; and, by that means, know how to use them to the greatest advantage. It was on the 8th of December, the very day on which he had touched there, that our commander sailed from Bolabola. In the night between the 22nd and 23rd, he crossed the line, in the longitude of 203° 15' east; and on the 24th land was discovered, which was found to be one of those low uninhabited islands, that are so frequent in this ocean. Here our voyagers were successful in catching a large quantity of turtle, which supplied them with an agreeable refreshment; and here, on the 28th, an eclipse of the sun was observed by Mr. Bayley, Mr. King, and Captain Cook. On account of the season of the year, the captain called the land where he now was, and which he judged to be about fifteen or twenty leagues in circumference, Christmas Island. By his order, several cocoa-nuts and yams were planted, and some melon seeds sown in proper places; and a bottle was left, containing this inscription: _Georgius Tertius, Rex. 31 Decembris, 1777. { Resolution, Jac. Cook, Pr. Naves { { Discovery. Car. Clerke, Pr._ On the 2nd of January, 1778, the ships resumed their course to the northward, and though several evidences occurred of the vicinity of land, none was discovered till the 18th, when an island made its appearance, bearing north-east by east. Soon after, more land was seen, lying towards the north, and entirely detached from the former. The succeeding day was distinguished by the discovery of a third island in the direction of west-north-west, and as far distant as the eye could reach. In steering towards the second island, our voyagers had some doubt whether the land before them was inhabited; but this matter was speedily cleared up, by the putting off of some canoes from the shore, containing from three to six men each. Upon their approach, the English were agreeably surprised to find, that they spoke the language of Otaheite, and of the other countries which had lately been visited. These people were at first fearful of going on board; but when, on the 20th, some of them took courage, and ventured to do it, they expressed an astonishment, on entering the ship, which Captain Cook had never experienced in the natives of any place during the whole course of his several voyages. Their eyes continually flew from object to object; and, by the wildness of their looks and gestures, they fully manifested their entire ignorance with relation to every thing they saw, and strongly marked to our navigators, that, till this time, they had never been visited by Europeans, or been acquainted with any of our commodities, excepting iron. Even with respect to iron, it was evident that they had only heard of it, or at most, had known it in some small quantity, brought to them at a distant period; for all they understood concerning it was, that it was a substance much better adapted to the purpose of cutting, or boring of holes, than any thing their own country produced. Their ceremonies on entering the ship, their gestures and motions, and their manner of singing, were similar to those which our voyagers had been accustomed to see in the places lately visited. There was, likewise, a farther circumstance in which these people perfectly resembled the other islanders: and that was, in their endeavouring to steal whatever came within their reach; or rather to take it openly, as what would either not be resented or not hindered. The English soon convinced them of their mistake, by keeping such a watchful eye over them that they afterwards were obliged to be less active in appropriating to themselves every object that struck upon their fancy and excited the desire of possession. One order given by Captain Cook at this island was that none of the boats' crews should be permitted to go on shore; the reason of which was, that he might do every thing in his power to prevent the importation of a fatal disease, which unhappily had already been communicated in other places. With the same view, he directed that all female visitors should be excluded from the ships. Another necessary precaution, taken by the captain, was a strict injunction, that no person known to be capable of propagating disorder should be sent upon duty out of the vessels. Thus zealous was the humanity of our commander, to prevent an irreparable injury from being done to the natives. There are men who glory in their shame, and who do not care how much evil they communicate. Of this there was an instance at Tongataboo, in the gunner of the Discovery, who had been stationed on shore to manage the trade for that ship; and who, though he was well acquainted with his own situation, continued to have connexions with different women. His companions expostulated with him without effect, till Captain Clerke, hearing of the dangerous irregularity of his conduct ordered him on board. If I knew the rascal's name, I would hang it up, as far as lies in my power, to everlasting infamy. Mr. Williamson being sent with the boats to search for water, and attempting to land, the inhabitants came down in such numbers, and were so violent in their endeavours to seize upon the oars, muskets, and, in short, every thing they could lay hold of, that he was obliged to fire, by which one man was killed. This unhappy circumstance was not known to Captain Cook till after he had left the island; so that all his measures were directed as if nothing of the kind had happened. When the ships were brought to an anchor, our commander went on shore; and, at the very instant of his doing it, the collected body of the natives all fell flat upon their faces, and continued in that humble posture, till, by expressive signs, he prevailed upon them to rise. Other ceremonies followed; and the next day a trade was set on foot for hogs and potatoes, which the people of the island gave in exchange for nails and pieces of iron, formed into something like chisels. So far was any obstruction from being met with in watering, that, on the contrary, the inhabitants assisted our men in rolling the casks to and from the pool; and readily performed whatever was required. Affairs thus going on to the captain's satisfaction, he made an excursion into the country, accompanied by Mr. Anderson and Mr. Webber, the former of whom was as well qualified to describe with the pen, as the latter was to represent with his pencil, whatever might occur worthy of observation. In this excursion, the gentlemen, among other objects that called for their attention, found a _Morai_. On the return of our commander, he had the pleasure of finding that a brisk trade for pigs, fowls, and roots was carrying on with the greatest good order, and without any attempt to cheat, or steal, on the part of the natives. The rapacious disposition they at first displayed was entirely corrected by their conviction that it could not be exercised with impunity. Among the articles which they brought to barter, the most remarkable was a particular sort of cloak and cap, that might be reckoned elegant, even in countries where dress is eminently the object of attention. The cloak was richly adorned with red and yellow feathers, which in themselves were highly beautiful, and the newness and freshness of which added not a little to their beauty. On the 22nd, a circumstance occurred, which gave the English room to suspect that the people of the island are eaters of human flesh. Not, however, to rest the belief of the existence of so horrid a practice on the foundation of suspicion only, Captain Cook was anxious to inquire into the truth of the fact, the result of which was its being fully confirmed. An old man, in particular, who was asked upon the subject, answered in the affirmative, and seemed to laugh at the simplicity of such a question. His answer was equally affirmative on a repetition of the inquiry; and he added, that the flesh of men was excellent food, or, as he expressed it, "savoury eating". It is understood that enemies slain in battle are the sole objects of this abominable custom. The island, at which our voyagers had now touched, was called Atooi by the natives. Near it was another island, named Oneeheow, where our commander came to an anchor on the 29th of the month. The inhabitants were found to resemble those of Atooi in their dispositions, manners, and customs; and proofs, too convincing, appeared that the horrid banquet of human flesh is here as much relished, amidst plenty, as it is in New Zealand. From a desire of benefiting these people by furnishing them with additional articles of food, the captain left them a ram goat and two ewes, a boar and sow pig of the English breed, and the seeds of melons, pumpkins and onions. These benevolent presents would have been made to Atooi, the larger island, had not our navigators been unexpectedly driven from it by stress of weather. Though the soil of Oneeheow seemed in general poor it was observable, that the ground was covered with shrubs and plants, some of which perfumed the air with a more delicious fragrancy than what Captain Cook had met with at any other of the countries that had been visited by him in this part of the world. It is a curious circumstance, with regard to the islands in the Pacific Ocean which the late European voyages have added to the geography of the globe, that they have generally been found to lie in groups, or clusters. The single intermediate islands, which have as yet been discovered, are few in proportion to the others; though there are probably many more of them that are still unknown, and may serve as steps, by which the several clusters are to some degree connected together. Of the archipelago now first visited, there were five only with which our commander became at this time acquainted. The names of these, as given by the natives, were Woahoo, Atooi, Oneeheow, Oreehoua, and Tahoora. To the whole group Captain Cook gave the appellation of Sandwich Islands, in honour of his great friend and patron, the Earl of Sandwich. Concerning the island of Atooi, which is the largest of the five, and which was the principal scene of the captain's operations, he collected, in conjunction with Mr. Anderson, a considerable degree of information. The land, as to its general appearance, does not in the least resemble any of the islands that our voyagers had hitherto visited within the tropic, on the south side of the equator; excepting so far as regards its hills near the centre, which slope gently towards the sea. Hogs, dogs, and fowls, were the only tame or domestic animals that were to be found; and these were of the same kind with those which exist in the countries of the South Pacific Ocean. Among the inhabitants (who are of a middle stature, and firmly made), there is a more remarkable equality in the size, colour, and figure of both sexes, than our commander had observed in most other places. They appeared to be blessed with a frank and cheerful disposition; and, in Captain Cook's opinion, they are equally free from the fickle levity which distinguishes the natives of Otaheite, and the sedate cast discernable amongst many of those at Tongataboo. It is a very pleasing circumstance in their character, that they pay a particular attention to their women, and readily lend assistance to their wives in the tender offices of maternal duty. On all occasions, they seemed to be deeply impressed with a consciousness of their own inferiority; being alike strangers to the preposterous pride of the more polished Japanese, and of the ruder Greenlander. Contrary to the general practice of the countries that had hitherto been discovered in the Pacific Ocean, the people of the Sandwich Islands have not their ears perforated; nor have they the least idea of wearing ornaments in them, though, in other respects, they are sufficiently fond of adorning their persons. In every thing manufactured by them, there is an uncommon degree of neatness and ingenuity; and the elegant form and polish of some of their fishing-hooks could not be exceeded by any European artist, even if he should add all his knowledge in design to the number and convenience of his tools. From what was seen of their agriculture, sufficient proofs were afforded, that they are not novices in that art; and that the quantity and goodness of their vegetable productions may as much be attributed to skilful culture, as to natural fertility of soil. Amidst all the resemblances between the natives of Atooi, and those of Otaheite, the coincidence of their languages was the most striking; being almost word for word the same. Had the Sandwich Islands been discovered by the Spaniards at an early period, they would undoubtedly have taken advantage of so excellent a situation, and have made use of them as refreshing places, for their ships, which sail annually from Acapulca for Manilla. Happy, too, would it have been for Lord Anson, if he had known that there existed a group of islands, half way between America and Tinian, where all his wants could effectually have been supplied, and the different hardships to which he was exposed have been avoided. On the second of February, our navigators pursued their course to the northward, in doing which the incidents they met with were almost entirely of a nautical kind. The long looked-for coast of New Albion was seen on the 7th of March, the ships being then in the latitude of 44° 33' north, and in the longitude of 235° 20' east. As the vessels ranged along the west side of America, Captain Cook gave names to several capes and headlands which appeared in sight. At length, on the 29th, the captain came to an anchor at an inlet, where the appearance of the country differed much from what had been seen before; being full of mountains, the summits of which were covered with snow; while the valleys between them, and the grounds on the sea-coast, high as well as low, were covered, to a considerable breadth, was high, straight trees, which formed a beautiful prospect, as of one vast forest. It was immediately found, that the coast was inhabited; and there soon came off to the Resolution three canoes, containing eighteen of the natives; who could not, however, be prevailed upon to venture themselves on board. Notwithstanding this, they displayed a peaceable disposition; shewed great readiness to part with any thing they had, in exchange for what was offered them; and expressed a stronger desire for iron than for any other of our commercial articles, appearing to be perfectly acquainted with the use of that metal. From these favourable circumstances, our voyagers had reason to hope, that they should find this a comfortable station to supply all their wants, and to make them forget the hardships and delays which they had experienced during a constant succession of adverse winds, and boisterous weather, almost ever since their arrival upon the coast of America. The ships having happily found an excellent inlet, the coasts of which appeared to be inhabited by a race of people who were disposed to maintain a friendly intercourse with strangers, Captain Cook's first object was to search for a commodious harbour; and he had little trouble in discovering what he wanted. A trade having immediately commenced, the articles which the inhabitants offered for sale were the skins of various animals, such as bears, wolves, foxes, deer, racoons, polecats, martins; and, in particular, of the sea-otters. To these were added, besides the skins in their native shape, garments made of them; another sort of clothing, formed from the bark of a tree; and various different pieces of workmanship. But of all the articles brought to market, the most extraordinary were human skulls, and hands not yet quite stripped of their flesh; some of which had evident marks of their having been upon the fire. The things, which the natives took in exchange for their commodities, were knives, chisels, pieces of iron and tin, nails, looking-glasses, buttons, or any kind of metal. Glass beads did not strike their imaginations; and cloth of every sort they rejected. Though commerce, in general, was carried on with mutual honesty, there were some among these people who were as much inclined to thievery as the islanders in the Southern Ocean. They were, at the same time, far more dangerous thieves; for, possessing sharp iron instruments, they could cut a hook from a tackle, or any other piece of iron from a rope, the moment that the backs of the English were turned. The dexterity with which they conducted their operations of this nature, frequently eluded the most cautious vigilance. Some slighter instances of deception, in the way of traffic, Captain Cook thought it better to bear with, than to make them the foundation of a quarrel; and to this he was the rather determined, as the English articles were now reduced to objects of a trifling nature. In the progress of the commerce, the natives would deal for nothing but metal; and, at length, brass was so eagerly sought for, in preference to iron, that, before our navigators quitted the place, scarcely a bit of it was left in the ships, excepting what belonged to the necessary instruments. Whole suits of clothes were stripped of every button: bureaus were deprived of their furniture; copper kettles, tin canisters, candlesticks, and whatever of the like kind could be found, all went to wreck; so that these Americans became possessors of a greater medley and variety of things from our people, than any other nation that had been visited in the course of the voyage. Of all the uncivilized tribes which our commander had met with in his several navigations, he never found any who had such strict notions of their having a right to the exclusive property of everything which their country produces, as the inhabitants of the sound where he was now stationed. At first, they wanted to be paid for the wood and water that were carried on board; and had the captain been upon the spot, when these demands were made, he would certainly have complied with them; but the workmen, in his absence, maintained a different opinion, and refused to submit to any such claims. When some grass, which appeared to be of no use to the natives, was wanted to be cut, as food for the few goats and sheep which still remained on board, they insisted that it should be purchased, and were very unreasonable in their terms; notwithstanding which Captain Cook consented to gratify them, as far as he was able. It was always a sacred rule with him, never to take any of the property of the people whom he visited, without making them an ample compensation. The grand operation of our navigators, to their present station, was to put the ships into a complete repair for the prosecution of the expedition. While this business was carrying on, our commander took the opportunity of examining every part of the sound; in the course of which he gained a farther knowledge of the inhabitants, who in general, received him with great civility. In one instance he met with a surly chief, who could not be softened with presents, though he condesended to accept of them. The females of the place over which he presided shewed a more agreeable disposition; for some of the young women expeditiously dressed themselves in their best apparel, and, assembling in a body, welcomed the English to their village, by joining in a song, which was far from being harsh or dissagreeable. On another occasion, the captain was entertained with singing. Being visited by a number of strangers, on the 22nd of April, as they advanced towards the ships, they all stood up in their canoes, and began to sing. Some of their songs, in which the whole body joined, were in a slow, and others in a quicker time; and their notes were accompanied with the most regular motions of their hands; or with beating in concert, with their paddles, on the sides of their canoes; to which were added other very expressive gestures. At the end of each song, they continued silent for a few moments, and then began again, sometimes pronouncing the word _Hooee!_ forcibly as a chorus. Among the natives of the country, there was one chief who attached himself to our commander in a particular manner. Captain Cook having, at parting, bestowed upon him a small present, received, in return, a beaver skin, of much greater value. This called upon the captain to make some addition to his present, with which the chief was so much pleased, that he insisted on our commander's acceptance of the beaver-skin cloak which he then wore; and of which he was particularly fond. Admiring this instance of generosity, and desirous that he should not suffer by his friendship, the captain gave him a new broad-sword, with a brass hilt; the possession of which rendered him completely happy. On Captain Cook's first arrival in this inlet, he had honoured it with the name of King George's Sound; but he afterward found that it is called Nootka by the natives. During his stay in the place, he displayed his usual sagacity and diligence, in conjunction with Mr. Anderson, in collecting every thing that could be learned concerning the neighbouring country and its inhabitants; and the account is interesting, as it exhibits a picture of productions, people, and manners very different from what had occurred in the Southern Ocean. I can only, as on former occasions, slightly advert to a few of the more leading circumstances. The climate, so far as our navigators had experience of it, was found to be in an eminent degree milder than that on the east coast of America, in the same parallel of latitude: and it was remarkable, that the thermometer, even in the night, never fell lower than 42°; while in the day it frequently rose to 60°. With regard to trees, those of which the woods are chiefly composed, are the Canadian pine, the white cypress and the wild pine, with two or three different sorts of pine that are less common. In the other vegetable productions there appeared but little variety: but it is to be considered, that, at so early a season, several might not yet have sprung up; and that many more might be concealed from our voyagers, in consequence of the narrow sphere of their researches. Of the land animals, the most common were bears, deer, foxes, and wolves. The sea animals, which were seen off the coast, were whales, porpoises, and seals. Birds, in general, are not only rare as to the different species, but very scarce as to numbers; and the few which are to be met with are so shy, that, in all probability, they are continually harassed by the natives; either to eat them as food, or to get possession of their feathers, which are used as ornaments. Fish are more plentiful in quantity than birds, but were not found in any great variety; and yet, from several circumstances, there was reason to believe, that the variety is considerably increased at certain seasons. The only animals that were observed of the reptile kind were snakes and water-lizards; but the insect tribe seemed to be more numerous. With respect to the inhabitants of the country, their persons are generally under the common stature; but not slender in proportion, being usually pretty full or plump, though without being muscular. From their bringing to sale human skulls and bones, it may justly be inferred, that they treat their enemies with a degree of brutal cruelty; notwithstanding which, it does not follow, that they are to be reproached with any charge of peculiar inhumanity: for the circumstance now mentioned only marks a general agreement of character with that of almost every tribe of uncivilized men, in every age, and in every part of the globe. Our navigators had no reason to complain of the disposition of the natives, who appeared to be a docile courteous, good-natured people; rather phlegmatic in the usual cast of their tempers, but quick in resenting what they apprehend to be an injury, and easily permitting their anger to subside. Their other passions, and especially their curiosity, seemed to lie in some measure dormant; one cause of which may be found in the indolence that, for the most part, is prevalent amongst them. The chief employments of the men are those of fishing, and of killing land or sea animals, for the sustenance of their families; while the women are occupied in manufacturing their flaxen or woollen garments, or in other domestic offices. It must be mentioned to their honour, that they were always properly clothed, and behaved with the utmost decorum; justly deserving all commendation, for a bashfulness and modesty becoming their sex: and this was the more meritorious in them, as the male inhabitants discovered no sense of shame. In their manufactures and mechanic arts, these people have arrived to a greater degree of extent and ingenuity, both with regard to the design and the execution, than could have been expected from their natural disposition, and the little progress to which they have arrived in general civilization. Their dexterity, in particular, with respect to works of wood, must principally be ascribe to the assistance they receive from iron tools, which are in universal use amongst them, and in the application of which they are very dexterous. Whence they have derived their knowledge of iron was a matter of speculation with Captain Cook. The most probable opinion is, that this and other metals may have been introduced by way of Hudson's Bay and Canada, and thus successively have been conveyed across the continent, from tribe to tribe. Nor is it unreasonable to suppose, that those metals may sometimes be brought, in the same manner, from the north-western parts of Mexico.[11] The language of Nootka is by no means harsh or disagreeable; for it abounds, upon the whole, rather with what may be called labial and dental, than with guttural sounds. A large vocabulary of it was collected by Mr. Anderson. [Footnote 11: Two silver spoons of a construction similar to what may sometimes be seen in Flemish pictures of still life, were procured here by Mr. Gore, who bought them from a native, who wore them, tied together with a leather thong, as an ornament round his neck. Mr. Gore gave the spoons to Sir Joseph Banks.] Whilst Captain Cook was at Nootka Sound, great attention was paid by him, as usual, to astronomical and nautical subjects. The observations which he had an opportunity of making were, indeed, so numerous, as to form a very considerable addition to geographical and philosophical science. On the 26th, the repairs of the ships having been completed, every thing was ready for the captain's departure. When, in the afternoon of that day, the vessels were upon the point of sailing, the mercury in the barometer fell unusually low; and there was every other presage of an approaching storm, which might reasonably be expected to come from the southward. This circumstance induced our commander in some degree to hesitate, and especially as night was at hand, whether he should venture to sail, or wait till the next morning. But his anxious impatience to proceed upon the voyage, and the fear of losing the present opportunity of getting out of the sound, made a greater impression upon his mind, than any apprehension of immediate danger. He determined, therefore, to put to sea at all events; and accordingly carried his design into execution that evening. He was not deceived in his expectations of a storm. Scarcely were the vessels out of the sound before the wind increased to a strong gale, with squalls and rain, accompanied by so dark a sky, that the length of the ships could not be seen. Happily the wind took a direction that blew our navigators from the coast; and though, on the 27th, the tempest rose to a perfect hurricane, and the Resolution sprang a leak, no material damage ensued. In the prosecution of the voyage to the north, and back again to the Sandwich Islands, the facts that occurred were chiefly of a nautical kind. Minutely to record these is not the purpose of the present work, and indeed would extend it to an unreasonable length. From this long and important navigation, I can only select some few incidents, that may be accommodated to the taste and expectations of the generality of readers. One thing it is not improper here to observe; which is, that the captain, in his passage along the coast of America, kept at a distance from that coast, whenever the wind blew strongly upon it, and sailed on till he could approach it again with safety. Hence several great gaps were left unexplored, and particularly between the latitudes of 50° and 55°. The exact situation, for instance, of the supposed Straits of Anian was not ascertained. Every one who is acquainted with the character of our commander will be sensible, that if he had lived to return again to the north in 1779. he would have endeavoured to explore the parts which had been left unexamined. The first place at which Captain Cook landed, after his departure from Nootka Sound, was at an island, of eleven or twelve leagues in length, the south-west point of which lies in the latitude of 59° 49' north, and the longitude of 216° 58' east. Here, on the 11th of May, at the foot of a tree, on a little eminence not far from the shore, he left a bottle, with a paper in it, on which were inscribed the names of the ships, and the date of the discovery. Together with the bottle, he enclosed two silver twopenny pieces of his majesty's coin, which had been struck in 1772. These, with many others, had been given him by the Reverend Dr. Kaye, the present Dean of Lincoln; and our commander, as a mark of his esteem and regard for that learned and respectable gentleman, named the island, after him, Kaye's island. At an inlet, where the ships came to an anchor, on the 12th, and to which Captain Cook gave the appellation of Prince William's Sound, he had an opportunity not only of stopping the leak which the Resolution had sprung in the late storm, and of prosecuting his nautical and geographical discoveries, but of making considerable additions to his knowledge of the inhabitants of the American coast. From every observation which was made concerning the persons of the natives of this part of the coast, it appeared, that they had a striking resemblance to those of the Esquimaux and Greenlanders. Their canoes, their weapons, and their instruments for fishing and hunting, are likewise exactly the same, in point of materials and construction, that are used in Greenland. The animals in the neighbourhood of Prince William's Sound are, in general, similar to those which are found at Nootka. One of the most beautiful skins here offered for sale, was, however, that of a small animal, which seemed to be peculiar to the place. Mr. Anderson was inclined to think that it is the animal which is described by Mr. Pennant, under the name of the _casan_ marmot. Among the birds seen in this country, were the white-headed eagle; the shag; and the _alcedo_, or great king-fisher, the colours of which were very fine and bright. The humming-bird, also, came frequently and flew about the ship, while at anchor; but it can scarcely be supposed, that it can be able to subsist here during the severity of winter. Waterfowl, upon the whole, are in considerable plenty; and there is a species of diver, about the size of a partridge, which seems peculiar to the place. Torsk and halibut were almost the only kinds of fish that were obtained by our voyagers. Vegetables, of any sort, were few in number; and the trees were chiefly the Canadian and spruce pine, some of which were of a considerable height and thickness. The beads and iron, that were found among the people of the coast, must undoubtedly have been derived from some civilized nation; and yet there was ample reason to believe that our English navigators were the first Europeans with whom the natives had ever held a direct communication. From what quarter, then, had they gotten our manufactures? Most probably, through the intervention of the more inland tribes, from Hudson's Bay, or the settlements on the Canadian lakes. This, indeed, must certainly have been the case, if iron was known, amongst the inhabitants of this part of the American coast, prior to the discovery of it by the Russians, and before there was any traffic with them carried on from Kamtschatka. From what was seen of Prince William's Sound, Captain Cook judged that it occupied, at least, a degree and a half of latitude, and two of longitude, exclusively of the arms or branches, the extent of which is not known. Some days after leaving this sound our navigators came to an inlet, from which great things were expected. Hopes were strongly entertained, that it would be found to communicate either with the sea to the north, or with Baffin's or Hudson's Bay to the east; and accordingly it became the object of very accurate and serious examination. The captain was soon persuaded that the expectations formed from it were groundless; notwithstanding which, he persisted in the search of a passage, more, indeed, to satisfy other people, than to confirm his own opinion. In consequence of a complete investigation of the inlet, indubitable marks occurred of its being a river. This river, without seeing the least appearance of its source, was traced by our voyagers, as high as the latitude of 61° 34', and the longitude of 210°, being seventy leagues from its entrance. During the course of the navigation, on the first of June, Lieutenant King was ordered on shore, to display the royal flag, and to take possession of the country in his majesty's name. The lieutenant, at the same time, buried in the ground a bottle, containing some pieces of English coin, of the year 1772, and a paper, on which the names of the ships were inscribed, and the date of the present discovery. The great river now discovered, promises to vie with the most considerable ones already known; and, by itself and its branches, lies open to a very extensive inland communication. If, therefore, the knowledge of it should be of future service, the time which was spent in exploring it ought the less to be regretted. But to Captain Cook, who had a much greater object in view, the delay that was hence occasioned was a real loss, because the season was advancing apace. It was, however, a satisfaction to him to reflect, that if he had not examined this very considerable inlet, it would have been assumed, by speculative fabricators of geography, as a fact, that there was a passage through it to the North Sea, or to Baffin's or Hudson's Bay. Perhaps, too, it would have been marked, on future maps of the world, with greater precision, and more, certain signs of reality, than the invisible, because imaginary, Straits of de Fuca and de Fonte. In describing the inlet, our commander had left a blank which was not filled up with any particular name; and, therefore, the Earl of Sandwich directed, with the greatest propriety, that it should be called Cook's River. All the natives who were met with, during the examination of this river, appeared, from every mark of resemblance, to be of the same nation with the inhabitants of Prince Willam's Sound; but from the people of Nootka, or King George's Sound, they essentially differed, both in their persons and their language. The only things which were seen among them, that were not of their own manufacture, were a few glass beads, the iron points of their spears, and knives of the same metal. Whencesoever these articles might be derived, it was evident, that they had never had any immediate intercourse with the Russians; since, if that had been the case, our voyagers would scarcely have found them clothed in such valuable skins as those of the sea-otter. A very beneficial fur-trade might undoubtedly be carried on with the inhabitants of this vast coast. But without a practicable northern passage, the situation is too remote to render it probable, that Great Britain should hence ever derive any material advantage; though it is impossible to say with certainty, how far the spirit of commerce, for which the English nation is so eminently distinguished, may extend. The most valuable, or rather the only valuable skins, which Captain Cook saw on the west side of America, were those of the sea-otter; for as to the skins of all the other animals of the country, and especially of the foxes and martins, they seemed to be of an inferior quality. It was on the 6th of June that our navigators got clear of Cook's River. Proceeding in the course of their discoveries, when they were sailing, on the 19th, amidst the group of islands, which were called, by Beering, Schumagin's Islands, Captain Clerke fired three guns, and brought to, expressing by the proper signals, that he wished to speak with Captain Cook. At this our commander was not a little alarmed; and as no apparent danger had been remarked in the passage through the channel where the vessels now were, it was apprehended, that some accident, such as springing a leak, must have happened. On Captain Clerke's coming on board the Resolution, he related that several of the natives had followed his ship; that one of them had made many signs, taking off his cap, and bowing after the manner of Europeans; and that, at length, he had fastened to a rope, which was handed down to him, a small thin wooden case or box. Having delivered his parcel safe, and spoken something, accompanied with more signs, the canoes dropped astern, and left the Discovery. On opening the box, a piece of paper was found, folded up carefully, upon which something was written, that was reasonably supposed to be in the Russian language. To the paper was prefixed the date 1778, and in the body of the note there was a reference to the year 1776. Although no person on board was learned enough to decipher the alphabet of the writer, his numerals sufficiently marked, that others had preceded our voyagers in visiting this dreary part of the globe; and the prospect of soon meeting with men, who were united to them in ties somewhat closer than those of our common nature, and who were not strangers to the arts and commerce of civilized life, could not but afford a sensible satisfaction to people who, for such a length of time, had been conversant with the savages of the Pacific Ocean, and of the North American continent. Captain Clerke was, at first, of opinion that some Russians had been shipwrecked; but no such idea occurred to Captain Cook. He rather thought, that the paper contained a note of information, left by some Russian traders, to be delivered to the next of their countrymen who should arrive; and that the natives, seeing the English pass, and supposing them to be Russians, had resolved to bring off the note. Accordingly, our commander pursued his voyage, without inquiring farther into the matter. On the 21st, amongst some hills, on the main land, that towered above the clouds to a most amazing height, one was discovered to have a volcano, which continually threw up vast columns of black smoke. It doth not stand far from the coast; and it lies in the latitude of 54° 48', and the longitude of 195° 45'. The mountain was rendered remarkable by its figure, which is a complete cone, and the volcano is at the very summit. While, in the afternoon of the same day, during a calm of three hours the English were fishing with great success for halibuts, a small canoe, conducted by one man, came to them from an island in the neighbourhood. On approaching the ship, he took off his cap, and bowed, as the native had done, who had visited the Discovery a day or two before. From the acquired politeness of these people, as well as from the note already mentioned, it was evident that the Russians must have a communication and traffic with them; and of this a fresh proof occurred in the present visitor; for he wore a pair of green cloth breeches, and a jacket of black cloth, or stuff, under the gut-shirt or frock of his own country. In the prosecution of the voyage, on the 26th, there was so thick a fog, that our navigators could not see a hundred yards before them; notwithstanding which, as the weather was moderate, the captain did not intermit his course. At length, however, being alarmed at the sound of breakers on one side of the ship, he immediately brought her to, and came to anchor; and the Discovery, by his order, did the same. A few hours after, the fog having in some degree cleared away, it appeared, that both the vessels had escaped a very imminent danger. Providence, in the dark, had conducted them between rocks which our commander would not have ventured to pass through in a clear day, and had conveyed them to an anchoring place, as good as he could possibly have fixed upon, had the choice been entirely at his option. On the 27th, our voyagers reached an island, that is known by the name of Oonalashka; the inhabitants of which behaved with a degree of politeness uncommon to savage tribes. A young man, who had overset his canoe, being obliged by this accident to come on board the ship, went down into Captain Cook's cabin, upon the first invitation, without expressing the least reluctance or uneasiness. His own clothes being wet, the captain gave him others, in which he dressed himself with as much ease as any Englishman could have done. From the behaviour of this youth, and that of some of the rest of the natives, it was evident, that these people were no strangers to Europeans, and to several of their customs. There was something, however, in the English ships, that greatly excited their attention; for such as could not come off in canoes, assembled on the neighbouring hills to look at them. In one instance it was apparent, that the inhabitants were so far from having made any progress in politeness, that they were still immersed in the most savage manners. For as our commander was walking along the shore, on the 29th, he met with a group of them, of both sexes, who were seated on the grass, at a repast, consisting of raw fish, which they seemed to eat with as much relish, as persons in civilized life would experience from a turbot, served up in the richest sauce. Soon after the vessels had come to an anchor at Oonalashka, a native of the island brought on board such another note as had been given to Captain Clerke. He presented it to Captain Cook; but, as it was written in the Russian language, and could be of no use to the English, though it might be of consequence to others, the captain returned it to the bearer, and dismissed him with a few presents; for which he expressed his thanks by making several low bows as he retired. On the 2nd of July, our voyagers put to sea from Oonalashka; and, pursuing their course of navigation and discovery, came, on the 16th, within sight of a promontory, near which our commander ordered Lieutenant Williamson to land, that he might see what direction the coast took beyond it, and what the country produced. Accordingly, Mr. Williamson went on shore, and reported, on his return, that, having landed on the point, and climbed the highest hill, he found that the farthest part of the coast in sight bore nearly north. At the same time, he took possession of the country in his majesty's name, and left a bottle, in which was enclosed a piece of paper, containing an inscription of the names of the ships, together with the date of the discovery. To the promontory he gave the name of Cape Newenham. The land, as far as Mr. Williamson could see, produces neither tree nor shrub; but the lower grounds were not destitute of grass, and of some other plants, very few of which were in flower. When our navigators, on the 3rd of August, had advanced to the latitude of 62° 34', a great loss was sustained by them in the death of Mr. Anderson, the surgeon of the Resolution, who had been lingering under a consumption for more than twelve months. He was a young man of a cultivated understanding and agreeable manners, and was well skilled in his own profession; besides which, he had acquired a considerable degree of knowledge in other branches of science. How useful an assistant he was to Captain Cook, hath often appeared in the present narrative. Had his life been spared, the public would undoubtedly have received from him such communications, on various parts of the natural history of the several places that had been visited, as would justly have entitled him to very high commendation. The proofs of his abilities that now remain, will hand down the name of Anderson, in conjunction with that of Cook, to posterity. Soon after he had breathed his last, land having been seen at a distance, which was supposed to be an island, our commander honoured it with the appellation of Anderson's Island. The next day he removed Mr. Law, the surgeon of the Discovery, into the Resolution, and appointed Mr. Samwell, the surgeon's first mate of the Resolution, to be surgeon of the Discovery. On the 9th, Captain Cook came to an anchor under a point of land, to which he gave the name of Cape Prince of Wales, and which is remarkable by being the most western extremity of America hitherto explored. This extremity is distant from the eastern Cape of Siberia only thirteen leagues: and thus our commander had the glory of ascertaining the vicinity of the two continents, which had only been conjectured from the reports of the neighbouring Asiatic inhabitants, and the imperfect observations of the Russian navigators. Resuming his course on the 10th, Captain Cook anchored in a bay, the land of which was at first supposed to be part of the island of Alaschka, which is laid down in Mr. Staehlin's map. But, from the figure of the coast, from the situation of the opposite shore of America, and from the longitude, the captain soon began to think, that it was more probably the country of the Tschutski, on the eastern extremity of Asia, which had been explored by Beering in 1728. In the result it appeared, that this was in fact the case. Our commander became fully satisfied in the farther progress of his voyage, that Mr. Staehlin's map must be erroneous; and he had the honour of restoring the American continent to that space which the geographer now mentioned had occupied with his imaginary island of Alaschka. From the Bay of St. Lawrence, belonging to the country of the Tschutski, our navigators steered, on the 11th, to the east, in order to get nearer to the coast of America. After that, proceeding to the north, they reached, on the 17th, the latitude of 70° 33'. On this day, a brightness was perceived in the northern horizon, like that which is reflected from ice, and is commonly called the _blink_. This was at first but little noticed, from a supposition that there was no probability of meeting with ice so soon: and yet the sharpness of the air, and the gloominess of the weather, had, for two or three days past, seemed to indicate a sudden change. In about an hour's time, the sight of a large field of ice left Captain Cook no longer in doubt with regard to the cause of the brightness of the horizon. The ships, in the same afternoon, being then in the latitude of 70° 41', were close to the edge of the ice, and not able to stand on any farther. On the 18th, when the vessels were in the latitude of 70° 44', the ice on the side of them was as compact as a wall, and was judged to be at least ten or twelve feet in height. Farther to the north, it appeared to be much higher. Its surface was extremely rugged, and in different places there were seen upon it pools of water. A prodigious number of sea-horses lay upon the ice; and some of them, on the nineteenth, were procured for food, there being at this time a want of fresh provisions. When the animals were brought to the vessels, it was no small disappointment to many of the seamen, who had feasted their eyes for several days with the prospect of eating them, to find that they were not sea-cows, as they had supposed, but sea-horses. The disappointment would not have been occasioned, or the difference known, had there not happened to be one or two sailors on board who had been in Greenland, and who declared what these animals were, and that it never was customary to eat of them. Such, however, was the anxiety for a change of diet, as to overcome this prejudice. Our voyagers lived upon the sea-horses as long as they lasted; and there were few who did not prefer them to the salt meat. Captain Cook continued, to the 29th, to traverse the Icy Sea beyond Beering's Strait, in various directions, and through numberless obstructions and difficulties. Every day the ice increased, so as to preclude all hopes of attaining, at least during the present year the grand object of the voyage. Indeed, the season was now so far advanced, and the time in which the frost was expected to set in was so near at hand, that it would have been totally inconsistent with prudence, to have made any farther attempts, till the next summer, at finding a passage into the Atlantic. The attention, therefore, of our commander was now directed to other important and necessary concerns. It was of great consequence to meet with a place where our navigators might be supplied with wood and water. But the point which principally occupied the captain's thoughts was, how he should spend the winter, so as to make some improvements in geography and navigation, and, at the same time, to be in a condition to return to the north, in farther search of a passage, in the ensuing summer. Before Captain Cook proceeded far to the south, he employed a considerable time in examining the sea and coasts in the neighbourhood of Beering's Strait, both on the side of Asia and America. In this examination, he ascertained the accuracy of Beering, so far as he went; demonstrated the errors with which Staehlin's map of the New Northern Archipelago abounds; and made large additions to the geographical knowledge of this part of the world. 'It reflects,' as Mr. Coxe justly observes, 'the highest honour even on the British name, that our great navigator extended his discoveries much farther in one expedition, and at so great a distance from the point of his departure, than the Russians accomplished in a long series of years, and in parts belonging or contiguous to their own empire.' On the 2nd of October, our voyagers came within sight of the island of Oonalashka, and anchored the next day in Samganoodha harbour. Here the first concern was to put the ships under the necessary repair; and, while the carpenters were employed in this business, one third of the people had permission, by turns, to go and collect the berries with which the island abounds, and, which, though now beginning to be in a state of decay, did not a little contribute, in conjunction with spruce-beer, effectually to eradicate every seed of the scurvy, that might exist in either of the vessels. Such a supply of fish was likewise procured, as not only served for present consumption, but afforded a quantity to be carried out to sea; so that hence a considerable saving was made of the provisions of the ships, which was at this time an object of no small importance. Captain Cook, on the 8th, received by the hands of an Oonalashka man, named Derramoushk, a very singular present, which was that of a rye loaf, or rather a pie in the form of a loaf, for it enclosed some salmon, highly seasoned with pepper. This man had the like present for Captain Clerke, and a note for each of the two captains, written in a character which none on board could understand. It was natural to suppose, that the presents came from some Russians in the neighbourhood; and therefore a few bottles of rum, wine, and porter, were sent to these unknown friends in return; it being rightly judged, that such articles would be more acceptable than any thing besides which it was in the power of our navigators to bestow. Corporal Lediard of the marines,[12] an intelligent man, was, at the same time, directed to accompany Derramoushk, for the purpose of gaining farther information; and with orders, if he met with any Russians, that he should endeavour to make them understand that our voyagers were Englishmen, and the friends and allies of their nation. On the 10th the corporal returned with three. Russian seamen, or furriers, who, with several others, resided at Egoochshac, where they had a dwellinghouse, some storehouses,[12] and a sloop of about thirty tons burden. One of these men was either master or mate of this vessel; another of them wrote a very good hand, and was acquainted with figures: and all of them were sensible and well behaved persons, who were ready to give Captain Cook every possible degree of information. The great difficulty, in the reception and communication of intelligence, arose from the want of an interpreter. On the 14th, a Russian landed at Oonalashka, whose name was Erasim Gregorioff Sin Ismyloff, and who was the principal person among his countrymen in this and the neighbouring islands. Besides the intelligence which our commander derived from his conversations with Ismyloff, and which were carried on by signs, assisted by figures and other characters, he obtained from him the sight of two charts, and was permitted to copy them. Both of them were manuscripts, and bore every mark of authenticity. The first included the Penshinskian Sea; the coast of Tartary, down to the latitude of 41°; the Curil Islands and the peninsula of Kamtschatka. But it was the second chart that was the most interesting to Captain Cook; for it comprehended all the discoveries made by the Russians to the eastward of Kamtschatka, towards America; which, however, exclusively of the voyages of Beering and Tscherikoff, amounted to little or nothing. Indeed, all the people with whom the captain conversed at Oonalashka, agreed in assuring him, over and over again, that they knew of no other islands, besides those which were laid down upon this chart; and that no Russian had ever seen any part of the continent of America to the northward, excepting that which lies opposite to the country of the Tschutskis. [Footnote 12: This Corporal Lediard is an extraordinary man, something of whose history cannot fail of being entertaining to my readers. In the winter of 1768, he set out on the singular undertaking of walking across the continent of America; for the accomplishment of which purpose, he determined to travel by the way of Siberia, and to procure a passage from that country to the opposite American coast. Being an American by birth, and having; no means of raising the money necessary for his expenses, a subscription was raised for him by Sir Joseph Banks, and some other gentlemen, accounting, in the whole to a little more than fifty pounds. Vith this sum he proceeded to Hamburgh, frum which place he went to Copenhagen, and thence to Petersburgh, where he arrived in the beginning of March, 1787. In his journey from Copenhagen to Petersburgh, finding that the gulf of Bothnia was not frozen over, he was obliged to walk round the whole of it, by Tornæo. At Petersburgh he staid till the 21st of May, when he obtained leave to accompany a convoy of military stores, which at that time was proceeding to Mr. Bilious, who had been his shipmate in Captain Cook's voyage, and who was then employed by the Empress of Russia, for the purpose of making discoveries in Siberia, and on the north-west coast of America. With this convoy Mr. Lediard set out, and in August reached the city of Irkutsk in Siberia. After that, he proceeded to the town of Yakutsk, where he met with Captain Billings. From this place he went back to Irkutsh, to spend a part of the winter; proposing, in the spring, to return to Yakutsk, in order to proceed in the summer to Okotsk. Hitherto, Mr. Lediard had gone on prosperously, and flattered himself with the hopes of succeeding in his undertaking. But, in January last (1788), in consequence of an express from the empress, he was arrested, and, to half an hour's time, carried away, under the guard of two soldiers and an officer, in a post sledge, for Moscow, without his clothes, money, and papers. From Moscow he was conveyed to the city of Moialoff in White Russia, and thence to the town of Tolochin in Poland. There he was informed, that her majesty's orders were, that he was never to enter her dominions again without her express permission. During all this time, he suffered the greatest hardships, from sickness, fatigue, and want of rest; so that he was almost reduced to a skeleton. From Tolochin he made his way to Konigsberg; having had, as he says, a miserable journey, in a miserable country, in a miserable season, in miserable health, and a miserable purse; and disappointed of his darling enterprise. Mr. Lediard informs Sir Joseph Banks, to whom he sent, from time to time, a full account of his transactions, that, though he had been retarded in his pursuits by malice, he had not travelled totally in vain; his observations to Asia being, perhaps, as complete as a longer visit would have rendered them. From his last letter it appears, that he proposed to return, as speedily as possible, from Konigsberg to England.] When, on the 21st, Mr. Ismyloff took his final leave of the English navigators, our commander intrusted to his care a letter to the lords commissioners of the admiralty, in which was enclosed a chart of all the northern coasts the captain had visited. It was expected, that there would be an opportunity of sending this letter, in the ensuing spring, to Kamtschatka or Okotsk, and that it would reach Petersburgh during the following winter. Mr. Ismyloff, who faithfully and successfully discharged the trust our commander had reposed in him, seemed to possess abilities, that might entitle him to a higher station in life than that which he occupied. He had a considerable knowledge of astronomy, and was acquainted with the most useful branches of the mathematics. Captain Cook made him a present of an Hadley's octant; and, though it was probably the first he had ever seen, he understood, in a very short time, the various uses to which that instrument can be applied. While the ships lay at Oonalashka, our voyagers did not neglect to make a diligent inquiry into the productions of the island, and the general manners of the inhabitants. On these, as being in a great measure similar to objects which have already been noticed, it is not necessary to enlarge. There is one circumstance, however, so honourable to the natives, that it must not be omitted. They are, to all appearance, the most peaceable and inoffensive people our commander had ever met with; and, with respect to honesty, they might serve as a pattern to countries that are in the highest state of civilization. A doubt is suggested, whether this disposition may not have been the consequence of their present subjection to the Russians. From the affinity which was found to subsist between the dialects of the Greenlanders and Esquimaux, and those of the inhabitants of Norton's Sound and Oonalashka, there is strong reason to believe, that all these nations are of the same extraction; and, if that be the case, the existence of a northern communication of some kind, by sea, between the west of America and the east side, through Baffin's Bay, can scarcely be doubted; which communication, nevertheless, may effectually be shut up against ships, by ice and other impediments. While the vessels lay in Samganoodha harbour, Captain Cook exerted his usual diligence in making nautical and astronomical observations. All things, on the 26th, having been gotten ready for his departure, he put to sea on that day, and sailed for the Sandwich Islands; it being his intention to spend a few months there, and then to direct his course to Kamtschatka, so as to endeavour to reach that country by the middle of May, in the ensuing summer. On the 26th of November, when the ships had proceeded southward till they came to the latitude of 20° 55', land was discovered, which proved to be an island of the name of Mowee, that had not hitherto been visited. It is one of the group of the Sandwich Islands. As it was of the last importance to procure a supply of provisions at these islands, and experience had taught our commander, that he could have had no chance of succeeding in his object, if it were left to every man's discretion to traffic for what he pleased, and in what manner he pleased; the captain published an order, prohibiting all persons from trading, excepting such as should be appointed by himself and Captain Clerke. Even these persons were enjoined to trade only for provisions and refreshments. While our navigators lay off Mowee, which was for some days, a friendly intercourse was maintained with the inhabitants. Another island was discovered on the 30th, which is called by the natives Owhyhee. As it appeared to be of greater extent and importance than any of the islands which had yet been visited in this part of the world, Captain Cook spent nearly seven weeks in sailing round, and examining its coast. Whilst he was thus employed, the inhabitants came off, from time to time, in their canoes, and readily engaged in traffic with our voyagers. In the conduct of this business, the behaviour of the islanders was more entirely free from suspicion and reserve than our commander had ever yet experienced. Noteven the people of Otaheite itself, with whom he had been so intimately and repeatedly connected, had displayed such a full confidence in the integrity and good treatment of the English. Among the articles procured from the natives, was a quantity of sugarcane. Upon a trial, Captain Cook found that a strong decoction of it produced a very palatable beer; on which account, he ordered some more to be brewed, for general use. When, however, the barrel was broached, not one of the crew would taste of the liquor. As the captain had no motive in preparing this beverage, but that of sparing the rum and other spirits for a colder climate, he did not exert either authority or persuasion to prevail upon the men to change their resolution; for he knew, that there was no danger of the scurvy, so long as a plentiful supply could be obtained of different vegetables. Nevertheless, that he might not be disappointed in his views, he gave orders that no grog should be served in the ships; and he himself, together with the officers, continued to make use of the sugarcane beer, which was much improved by the addition of a few hops, that chanced to be still on board. There could be no reasonable doubt of its being a very wholesome liquor; and yet the inconsiderate crew alleged that it would be injurious to their health. No people are more averse to every kind of innovation than seamen, and their prejudices are extremely difficult to be conquered. It was, however, by acting contrary to these prejudices, and by various deviations from established practice, that Captain Cook had been enabled to preserve his men from that dreadful distemper, the scurvy, which, perhaps, has destroyed more of our sailors, in their peaceful voyages, than have fallen by the enemy in military expeditions. As the captain was pursuing his examination of the coast of Owhyhee, it having fallen calm at one o'clock in the morning of the 19th of December, the Resolution was left to the mercy of a north-easterly swell, which impelled her fast towards the land; so that, long before daybreak, lights were seen from the land, which was not more than a league distant. The night, at the same time, was dark, with thunder, lightning and rain. As soon as it was light, a dreadful surf, within half a league of the vessel, appeared breaking from the shore; and it was evident, that our navigators had been in the most perilous situation: nor was the danger yet over; for to consequence of the veering of the wind, they were but just able to keep their distance from the coast. What rendered their situation more alarming was, that a rope of the main topsail having given way, this occasioned the sail to be rent in two. In the same manner, the two topgallant sails gave way, though they were not half worn out. However, a favourable opportunity was seized of getting others to the yards; and the Resolution again proceeded in safety. On the 16th of January, 1779, canoes arrived in such numbers from all parts, that there were not fewer than a thousand about the two ships, most of them crowded with people, and well laden with hogs, and other productions of the islands. It was a satisfactory proof of their friendly intentions, that there was not a single person amongst them who had with him a weapon of any kind; trade and curiosity alone appearing to be the motives which actuated their conduct. Among such multitudes, however, as, at times, were on board, it will not be deemed surprising, that some should betray a thievish disposition. One of them took out of the Resolution a boat's rudder; and made off with it so speedily, that it could not be recovered. Captain Cook judged this to be a favourable opportunity of shewing to these people the use of fire-arms; and accordingly he ordered two or three muskets, and as many four-pounders, to be fired over the canoe, which carried off the rudder. It not being intended that any of the shot should take effect, the surrounding multitude of the natives seemed to be more surprised than terrified. Mr. Bligh, having been sent to examine a neighbouring bay, reported, on his return, that it had good anchorage and fresh water, and that it was in an accessible situation. Into this bay, therefore the captain resolved to carry the ships, in order to refit, and to obtain every refreshment which the place could afford. As night approached, the greater part of the Indians retired on shore; but numbers of them requested permission to sleep on board; in which request, curiosity (at least with regard to several of them) was not their sole motive; for it was found, the next morning, that various things were missing; on which account our commander determined not to entertain so many persons on board another night. On the 17th, the ships came to an anchor in the bay which had been examined by Mr. Bligh, and which is called Karakakooa by the inhabitants. At this time, the vessels continued to be much crowded with natives and were surrounded with a multitude of canoes. Captain Cook, in the whole course of his voyages, had never seen so numerous a body of people assembled in one place. For besides those who had come off to the English in their canoes, all the shore of the bay was covered with spectators, and many hundreds were swimming round the ships like shoals of fish. Our navigators could not avoid being greatly impressed with the singularity of this scene; and perhaps there were few on board that now lamented the want of success which had attended the endeavours of getting homeward, the last summer, by a northern passage. 'To this disappointment,' says the captain, 'we owed our having it in our power to revisit the Sandwich Islands, and to enrich our voyage with a discovery, which, though the last, seemed, in many respects, to be the most important that had hitherto been made by Europeans, throughout the extent of the Pacific Ocean.' Such is the sentence that concludes our commander's journal: and the satisfaction with which this sentence appears to have been written, cannot fail of striking the mind of every reader. Little did Captain Cook then imagine, that a discovery which promised to add no small honour to his name, and to be productive of very agreeable consequences, should be so fatal in the result. Little did he think, that the island of Owhyhee was destined to be the last scene of his exploits, and the cause of his destruction. The reception which the captain met with from the natives, on his proceeding to anchor in Karakakooa Bay, was flattering in the highest degree. They came off from the shore in astonishing numbers, and expressed their joy by singing and shouting, and by exhibiting a variety of wild and extravagant gestures. Pareea, a young man of great authority, and Kaneena, another chief, had already attached themselves to our commander, and were very useful in keeping their countrymen from being troublesome. During the long cruise of our navigators off the island of Owhyhee, the inhabitants had almost universally behaved with great fairness and honesty in their dealings, and had not shewn the slightest propensity to theft: and this was a fact the more extraordinary, as those with whom our people had hitherto maintained any intercourse, were of the lowest rank, being either servants or fishermen. But, after the arrival of the Resolution and Discovery in Karakakooa Bay, the case was greatly altered. The immense crowd of islanders that blocked up every part of the ships, not only afforded frequent opportunities of pilfering without risk of detection; but held out, even if they should be detected, a prospect of escaping with impunity, from the superiority of their numbers to that of the English. Another circumstance, to which the alteration in the conduct of the natives might be ascribed, arose from the presence and encouragement of their chiefs, into whose possession the booty might be traced, and whom there was reason to suspect of being the instigators of the depredations that were committed. Soon after the Resolution had gotten into her station, Pareea and Kaneena brought on board a third chief, named Koah, who was represented as being a priest, and as having, in his early youth, been a distinguished warrior. In the evening, Captain Cook attended by Mr. Bayley and Mr. King, accompanied Koah on shore. Upon this occasion, the captain was received with very peculiar and extraordinary ceremonies; with ceremonies that indicated the highest respect on the part of the natives, and which, indeed, seemed to fall little short of adoration. One of the principal objects that engaged our commander's attention at Owhyhee, was the salting of hogs for sea-store; in which his success was far more complete than had been attained in any former attempt of the same kind. It doth not appear, that experiments relative to this subject had been made by the navigators of any nation before Captain Cook. His first trials were in 1774, during his second voyage round the world; when his success, though very imperfect, was nevertheless, sufficient to encourage his farther efforts, in a matter of so much importance. As the present voyage was likely to be protracted a year beyond the time for which the ships were victualled, he was under a necessity of providing, by some such method, for the subsistence of the crews, or of relinquishing the prosecution of his discoveries. Accordingly, he lost no opportunity of renewing his attempts; and the event answered his most sanguine expectations. Captain King brought home with him some of the pork, which was pickled at Owhyhee in January, 1779; and, upon its being tasted by several persons in England about Christmas, 1780, it was found to be perfectly sound and wholesome. It seemed to be destined, that in every instance Captain Cook should excel all who had gone before him, in promoting the purposes of navigation. On the 26th, the captain had his first interview with Terreeoboo, the king of the island. The meeting was conducted with a variety of ceremonies, among which, the custom of making an exchange of names, which, amongst all the islanders of the Pacific Ocean is the strongest pledge of friendship, was observed. When the formalities of the interview were over, our commander carried Terreeoboo, and as many chiefs as the pinnace could hold, on board the Resolution. They were received, on this occasion, with every mark of respect that could be shown them; and, in return for a beautiful and splendid feathered cloak which the king had bestowed on Captain Cook, the captain put a linen shirt on his majesty, and girt his own hanger round him. In the progress of the intercourse which was maintained between our voyagers and the natives, the quiet and inoffensive behaviour of the latter took away every apprehension of danger; so that the English trusted themselves among them at all times, and in all situations. The instances of kindness and civility which our people experienced from them were so numerous, that they could not easily be recounted. A society of priests, in particular, displayed a generosity and munificence, of which no equal example had hitherto been given: for they furnished a constant supply of hogs and vegetables to our navigators, without ever demanding a return, or even hinting at it in the most distant manner. All this was said to be done at the expense of a great man among them, who was at the head of their body, whose name was Kaoo, and who on other occasions manifested his attachment to the English. There was not always so much reason to be satisfied with the conduct of the warrior chiefs, or earees, as with that of the priests. Indeed, the satisfaction that was derived from the usual gentleness and hospitality of the inhabitants, was frequently interrupted by the propensity of many of them to stealing; and this circumstance was the more distressing, as it sometimes obliged our commander and the other officers to have recourse to acts of severity, which they would willingly have avoided, if the necessity of the case had not absolutely called for them. Though the kind and liberal behaviour of the natives continued without remission, Terreeoboo, and his chiefs, began at length to be very inquisitive about the time in which our voyagers were to take their departure. Nor will this be deemed surprising, when it is considered, that, during sixteen days in which the English had been in the bay of Karakakooa, they had made an enormous consumption of hogs and vegetables. It did not appear, however, that Terreeoboo had any other in view in his inquiries, than a desire of making sufficient preparation for dismissing our navigators with presents, suitable to the respect and kindness towards them which he had always displayed. For, on his being informed, that they were to leave the island in a day or two, it was observed, that a kind of proclamation was immediately made through the villages, inquiring the people to bring in their hogs and vegetables, for the king to present to the orono,[13] on his quitting the country. Accordingly, on the 3rd of February, being the day preceding the time which had been fixed for the sailing of the ships, Terreeoboo invited Captain Cook and Mr. King to attend him to the place where Kaoo resided. On their arrival, they found the ground covered with parcels of cloth, at a small distance from which lay an immense quantity of vegetables; and near them was a large herd of hogs. At the close of the visit, the greater part of the cloth, and the whole of the hogs and vegetables, were given by Terreeoboo to the captain and Mr. King; who were astonished at the value and magnificence of the present; for it far exceeded every thing of the kind which they had seen either at the Friendly or Society Islands. Mr. King had in so high a degree conciliated the affections, and gained the esteem, of the inhabitants of Owhyhee, that, with offers of the most flattering nature, he was strongly solicited to remain in the country. Terreeoboo and Kaoo waited upon Captain Cook, whose son they supposed Mr. King to be, with a formal request, that he might be left behind. To avoid giving a positive refusal to an offer which was so kindly intended, the captain told them that he could not part with Mr. King at that time, but that, on his return to the island in the next year, he would endeavour to settle the matter to their satisfaction. [Footnote 13: Orono was a title of high honour, which had been bestowed on Captain Cook] Early on the 4th, the ships sailed out of Karakakooa Bay, being followed by a large number of canoes. It was our commander's design, before he visited the other islands, to finish the survey of Owhyhee, in hopes of meeting with a road better sheltered than the bay he had just left. In case of not succeeding in this respect, he purposed to take a view of the south-east part of Mowee, where he was informed that he should find an excellent harbour. The circumstances which brought Captain Cook back to Karakakooa Bay, and the unhappy consequences that followed, I shall give from Mr. Samwell's narrative of his death. This narrative was, in the most obliging manner, communicated to me in manuscript, by Mr. Samwell, with entire liberty to make such use of it as I should judge proper. Upon a perusal of it, its importance struck me in so strong a light, that I wished to have it separately laid before the world. Accordingly, with Mr. Samwell's concurrence, I procured its publication, that, if any objections should be made to it, I might be able to notice them in my own work. As the narrative hath continued for more than two years unimpeached and uncontradicted, I esteem myself fully authorized to insert it in this place, as containing the most complete and authentic account of the melancholy catastrophe, which, at Owhyhee, befell our illustrious navigator and commander. 'On the 6th, we were overtaken by a gale of wind; and the next night, the Resolution had the misfortune of springing the head of her foremast, in such a dangerous manner, that Captain Cook was obliged to return to Keragegooah,[14] in order to have it repaired; for we could find no other convenient harbour on the island. The same gale had occasioned much distress among some canoes, that had paid us a visit from the shore. One of them, with two men and a child on board, was picked up by the Resolution, and rescued from destruction; the men, having toiled hard all night, in attempting to reach the land, were so much exhausted, that they could hardly mount the ship's side. When they got upon the quarter-deck, they burst into tears, and seemed much affected with the dangerous situation from which they had escaped; but the little child appeared lively and cheerful. One of the Resolution's boats was also so fortunate as to save a man and two women, whose canoe had been upset by the violence of the waves. They were brought on board, and, with the others, partook of the kindness and humanity of Captain Cook. [Footnote 14: It is proper to take notice, that Mr. Samwell spells the names of several persons and places differently from what is dune in the history of the voyage. For instance, Karakakooa he calls Ke, rag, e, goo, all, Terreeoboo Kariopoo, Kowrowa Kavaroah, Kaneecab areea Kaneekapo, herei, Maiha maiha Ka, mea, mea.] 'On the morning of Wednesday, the 10th, we were within a few miles of the harbour; and were soon joined by several canoes, in which appeared many of our old acquaintances, who seemed to have come to welcome us back. Among them was Coo, aha, a priest: he had brought a small pig, and some cocoa-nuts in his hand, which, after having chanted a few sentences, he presented to Captain Clerke. He then left us, and hastened on board the Resolution, to perform the same friendly ceremonies before Captain Cook. Having but light winds all that day, we could not gain the harbour. In the afternoon, a chief of the first rank, and nearly related to Kariopoo, paid us a visit on board the Discovery. His name was Ka, mea, mea: he was dressed in a very rich feathered cloak, which he seemed to have brought for sale, but would part with it for nothing except iron daggers. These the chiefs, some time before our departure, had preferred to every other article; for, having received a plentiful supply of hatchets and other tools, they began to collect a store of warlike instruments. Kameamea procured nine daggers for his cloak; and, being pleased with his reception, he and his attendants slept on board that night. 'In the morning of the 11th of February, the ships anchored again in Keragegooah Bay, and preparation was immediately made for landing the Resolution's foremast. We were visited but by few of the Indians, because there were but few in the bay. On our departure, those belonging to other parts had repaired to their several habitations, and were again to collect from various quarters, before we could expect to be surrounded by such multitudes as we had once seen in that harbour. In the afternoon, I walked about a mile into the country, to visit an Indian friend, who had, a few days before, come near twenty miles, in a small canoe, to see me, while the ship lay becalmed. As the canoe had not left us long before a gale of wind came on. I was alarmed for the consequence: however, I had the pleasure to find, that my friend had escaped unhurt, though not without some difficulties. I take notice of this short excursion, merely because it afforded me an opportunity of observing, that there appeared no change in the disposition or behaviour of the inhabitants. I saw nothing that could induce me to think, that they were displeased with our return, or jealous of the intention of our second visit. On the contrary, that abundant good nature, which had always characterized them, seemed still to glow in every bosom, and to animate every countenance. 'The next day, February the 12th, the ships were put under a taboo, by the chiefs: a solemnity, it seems, that was requisite to be observed, before Kariopoo, the king, paid his first visit to Captain Cook, after his return. He waited upon him the same day, on board the Resolution, attended by a large train, some of which bore the presents designed for Captain Cook; who received him in his usual friendly manner, and gave him several articles in return. This amicable ceremony being settled, the taboo was disolved; matters went on in the usual train; and the next day, February the 13th we were visited by the natives in great numbers: the Resolution's mast was landed, and the astronomical observatories erected on their former situation. I landed, with another gentleman, at the town of Kavaroah, where we found a great number of canoes, just arrived from different parts of the island, and the Indians busy in constructing temporary huts on the beach, for their residence during the stay of the ships. On our return on board the Discovery, we learned, that an Indian had been detected in stealing the armourer's tongs from the forge, for which he received a pretty severe flogging, and was sent out of the ship. Notwithstanding the example made of this man, in the afternoon another had the audacity to snatch the tongs and a chisel from the same place, with which he jumped overboard and swam for the shore. The master and a midshipman were instantly dispatched after him, in the small cutter. The Indian, seeing himself pursued, made for a canoe; his countrymen took him on board, and paddled as swift as they could towards the shore; we fired several muskets at them, but to no effect, for they soon got out of the reach of our shot. Pareah, one of the chiefs, who was at that time on board the Discovery, understanding what had happened, immediately went ashore, promising to bring back the stolen goods. Our boat was so far distanced, in chasing the canoe which had taken the thief on board, that he had time to make his escape into the country. Captain Cook, who was then ashore, endeavoured to intercept his landing; but it seems, that he was led out of the way by some of the natives, who had officiously intruded themselves as guides. As the master was approaching near the landing place, he was met by some of the Indians in a canoe: they had brought back the tongs and chisel, together with another article, that we had not missed, which happened to be the lid of the water cask. Having recovered these things, he was returning on board, when he was met by the Resolution's pinnace, with five men in her, who, without any orders, had come from the observatories to his assistance. Being thus unexpectedly reinforced he thought himself strong enough to insist upon having the thief, or the canoe which took him in, delivered up as reprisals. With that view he turned back; and having found the canoe on the beach, he was preparing to launch it into the water, when Pareah made his appearance, and insisted upon his not taking it away, as it was his property. The officer not regarding him, the chief seized upon him, pinioned his arms behind, and held him by the hair of his head; on which one of the sailors struck him with an oar; Pareah instantly quitted the officer, snatched the oar out of the man's hand, and snapped it in two across his knee. At length the multitude began to attack our people with stones. They made some resistance, but were soon overpowered, and obliged to swim for safety to the small cutter, which lay farther out than the pinnace. The officers, not being expert swimmers, retreated to a small rock in the water, where they were closely pursued by the Indians. One man darted a broken oar at the master; but his foot slipping at the time, he missed him, which fortunately saved that officer's life. At last, Pareah interfered, and put an end to their violence. The gentlemen, knowing that his presence was their only defence against the fury of the natives, entreated him to stay with them, till they could get off in the boats; but that he refused, and left them. The master went to seek assistance from the party at the observatories; but the midshipman chose to remain in the pinnace. He was very rudely treated by the mob, who plundered the boat of every thing that was loose on board, and then began to knock her to pieces, for the sake of the iron work; but Pareah fortunately returned in time to prevent her destruction. He had met the other gentleman on his way to the observatories, and suspecting his errand, had forced him to return. He dispersed the crowd again, and desired the gentlemen to return on board; they represented, that all the oars had been taken out of the boat on which he brought some of them back, and the gentlemen were glad to get off without farther molestation. They had not proceeded far, before they were overtaken by Pareah, in a canoe: he delivered the midshipman's cap, which had been taken from him in the scuffle, joined noses with them, in token of reconciliation, and was anxious to know, if Captain Cook would kill him for what had happened. They assured him of the contrary, and made signs of friendship to him in return. He then left them, and paddled over to the town of Kavaroah, and that was the last time we ever saw him. Captain Cook returned on board soon after, much displeased with the whole of this disagreeable business; and the same night sent a lieutenant on board the Discovery to learn the particulars of it, as it had originated in that ship. 'It was remarkable, that in the midst of the hurry and confusion attending this affair, Kanynah (a chief who had always been on terms particularly friendly with us) came from the spot where it happened, with a hog to sell on board the Discovery: it was of an extraordinary large size, and he demanded for it a pahowa, or dagger of an unusual length. He pointed to us, that it must be as long as his arm. Captain Clerke not having one of that length, told him he would get, one made for him by the morning; with which being satisfied, he left the hog, and went ashore without making any stay with us. It will not be altogether foreign to the subject, to mention a circumstance, that happened to-day on board the Resolution. An Indian chief asked Captain Cook, at his table, if he was a Tata Toa; which means a fighting man, or a soldier. Being answered in the affirmative, he desired to see his wounds. Captain Cook held out his right hand, which had a scar upon it, dividing the thumb from the finger, the whole length of the metacarpal bones. The Indian, being thus convinced of his being a Toa, put the same question to another gentleman present, but he happened to have none of those distinguishing marks; the chief then said, that he himself was a Toa, and shewed the scars of some wounds he had received in battle. Those who were on duty at the observatories, were disturbed, during the night, with shrill and melancholy sounds, issuing from the adjacent villages, which they took to be the lamentations of the women. Perhaps the quarrel between us might have filled their minds with apprehension for the safety of their husbands; but, be that as it may, their mournful cries struck the sentinels with unusual awe and terror. 'To widen the breach between us, some of the Indians, in the night, took away the Discovery's large cutter, which lay swamped at the buoy of one of her anchors: they had carried her off so quietly that we did not miss her till the morning, Sunday, February the 14th. Captain Clerke lost no time in waiting upon Captain Cook to acquaint him with the accident: he returned on board, with orders for the launch and small cutter, to go, under the command of the second lieutenant, and lie off the east point of the bay, in order to intercept all canoes that might attempt to get out; and, if he found it necessary, to fire upon them. At the same time, the third lieutenant of the Resolution, with the launch and small cutter, was sent on the same service, to the opposite point of the bay; and the master was dispatched in the large cutter, in pursuit of a double canoe, already under sail, making the best of her way out of the harbour. He soon came up with her, and by firing a few muskets, drove her on shore, and the Indians left her: this happened to be the canoe of Omea, a man who bore the title of Orono. He was on board himself, and it would have been fortunate, if our people had secured him, for his person was held as sacred as that of the king. During this time, Captain Cook was preparing to go ashore himself, at the town of Kavaroah, in order to secure the person of Kariopoo, before he should have time to withdraw himself to another part of the island, out of our reach. This appeared the most effectual step that could be taken, on the present occasion, for the recovery of the boat. It was the measure he had invariably pursued, in similar cases, at other islands in these seas, and it had always been attended with the desired success: in fact, it would be difficult to point out any other mode of proceeding on these emergencies, likely to attain the object in view; we had reason to suppose, that the king and his attendants had fled when the alarm was first given: in that case, it was Captain Cook's intention to secure the large canoes which were hauled upon the beach. He left the ship about seven o'clock, attended by the lieutenant of marines, a serjeant, corporal, and seven private men: the pinnace's crew were also armed, and under the command of Mr. Roberts. As they rowed towards the shore, Captain Cook ordered the launch to leave her station at the west point of the bay, in order to assist his own boat. This is a circumstance worthy of notice; for it clearly shews, that he was not unapprehensive of meeting with resistance from the natives, or unmindful of the necessary preparation for the safety of himself and his people. I will venture to say, that, from the appearance of things just at that time, there was not one, beside himself, who judged that such precaution was absolutely requisite: so little did his conduct, on the occasion, bear the marks of rashness, or a precipitate self-confidence! He landed, with the marines, at the upper end of the town of Kavaroah: the Indians immediately flocked round, as usual, and shewed him the customary marks of respect, by prostrating themselves before him.--There were no signs of hostilities, or much alarm among them. Captain Cook, however, did not seem willing to trust to appearances; but was particularly attentive to the disposition of the marines, and to have them kept clear of the crowd. He first inquired for the king's sons, two youths who were much attached to him, and generally his companions on board. Messengers being sent for them, they soon came to him, and informing him, that their father was asleep, at a house not far from them, he accompanied them thither, and took the marines along with them. As he passed along, the natives every where prostrated themselves before him, and seemed to have lost no part of that respect they had always shown to his person. He was joined by several chiefs, among whom was Kanynah, and his brother Koohowrooah. They kept the crowd in order, according to their usual custom; and, being ignorant of his intention in coming on shore, frequently asked him, if he wanted any hogs, or other provisions: he told them that he did not, and that his business was to see the king. When he arrived at the house, he ordered some of the Indians to go in, and inform Kariopoo, that he waited without to speak with him. They came out two or three times, and instead of returning any answer from the king, presented some pieces of red cloth to him, which made Captain Cook suspect that he was not in the house; he therefore desired the lieutenant of marines to go in. The lieutenant found the old man just awaked from sleep and seemingly alarmed at the message; but he came out without hesitation. Captain Cook took him by the hand, and in a friendly manner asked him to go on board, to which he very readily consented. Thus far matters appeared in a favourable train, and the natives did not seem much alarmed or apprehensive of hostility on our side; at which Captain Cook expressed himself a little surprised, saying, that as the inhabitants of that town appeared innocent of stealing the cutter, he should not molest them, but that he must get the king on board. Kariopoo sat down before his door, and was surrounded by a great crowd: Kanynah and his brother were both very active in keeping order among them. In a little time, however, the Indians were observed arming themselves with long spears, clubs, and daggers, and putting on thick mats, which they use as armour. This hostile appearance increased, and became more alarming, on the arrival of two men in a canoe from the opposite side of the bay, with the news of a chief, called Kareemoo, having been killed by one of the Discovery's boats. In their passage across, they had also delivered this account to each of the ships. Upon that information, the women, who were sitting upon the beach at their breakfasts, and conversing familiarly with our people in the boats, retired, and a confused murmur spread through the crowd. An old priest came to Captain Cook, with a cocoa-nut in his hand, which he held out to him as a present, at the same time singing very loud. He was often desired to be silent, but in vain: he continued importunate and troublesome, and there was no such thing as getting rid of him or his noise: it seemed as if he meant to divert their attention from his countrymen, who were growing more tumultuous, and arming themselves in every quarter. Captain Cook, being at the same time surrounded by a great crowd, thought his situation rather hazardous: he therefore ordered the lieutenant of marines to march his small party to the waterside, where the boats lay within a few yards of the shore: the Indians readily made a lane for them to pass, and did not offer to interrupt them. The distance they had to go might be about fifty or sixty yards; Captain Cook followed, having hold of Kariopoo's hand, who accompanied him very willingly: he was attended by his wife, two sons, and several chiefs. The troublesome old priest followed, making the same savage noise. Keowa, the youngest son, went directly into the pinnace, expecting his father to follow: but just as he arrived at the waterside, his wife threw her arms about his neck, and, with the assistance of two chiefs, forced him to sit down by the side of a double canoe. Captain Cook expostulated with them, but to no purpose: they would not suffer the king to proceed, telling him, that he would be put to death if he went on board the ship. Kariopoo, whose conduct seemed entirely resigned to the will of others, hung down his head, and appeared much distressed. 'While the king was in this situation, a chief, well known to us, of the name of Coho, was observed lurking near, with an iron dagger, partly concealed under his cloak, seemingly with the intention of stabbing Captain Cook, or the lieutenant of marines. The latter proposed to fire at him, but Captain Cook would not permit it. Coho closing upon them, obliged the officer to strike him with his piece, which made him retire. Another Indian laid hold of the sergeant's musket, and endeavoured to wrench it from him, but was prevented by the lieutenant's making a blow at him. Captain Cook, seeing the tumult increase, and the Indians growing more daring and resolute, observed, that if he were to take the king off by force, he could not do it without sacrificing the lives of many of his people. He then paused a little, and was on the point of giving his orders to re-embark, when a man threw a stone at him; which he returned with a discharge of small shot (with which one barrel of his double piece was loaded). The man, having a thick mat before him, received little or no hurt: he brandished his spear, and threatened to dart it at Captain Cook, who being still unwilling to take away his life, instead of firing with ball, knocked him down with his musket. He expostulated strongly with the most forward of the crowd, upon their turbulent behaviour. He had given up all thoughts of getting the king on board, as it appeared impracticable; and his care was then only to act on the defensive, and to secure a safe embarkation for his small party, which was closely pressed by a body of several thousand people. Keowa, the king's son, who was in the pinnace, being alarmed on hearing the first firing, was, at his own entreaty, put on shore again; for even at that time Mr. Roberts, who commanded her, did not apprehend that Captain Cook's person was in any danger: otherwise he would have detained the prince, which, no doubt, would have been a great check on the Indians. One man was observed, behind a double canoe, in the action of darting his spear at Captain Cook, who was forced to fire at him in his own defence, but happened to kill another close to him, equally forward in the tumult: the serjeant observing that he had missed the man he aimed at, received orders to fire at him, which he did, and killed him. By this time, the impetuosity of the Indians was somewhat repressed; they fell back in a body, and seemed staggered; but being pushed on by those behind, they returned to the charge, and poured a volley of stones among the marines, who, without waiting for orders, returned it with a general discharge of musketry, which was instantly followed by a fire from the boats. At this Captain Cook was heard to express his astonishment: he waved his hand to the boats, called to them to cease firing, and to come nearer in to receive the marines. Mr. Roberts immediately brought the pinnace as close to the shore as he could, without grounding, notwithstanding the showers of stones that fell among the people: but ---- the lieutenant, who commanded in the launch, instead of pulling in to the assistance of Captain Cook, withdrew his boat farther off, at the moment that every thing seems to have depended upon the timely exertions of those in the boats. By his own account, he mistook the signal, but be that as it may, this circumstance appears to me, to have decided the fatal turn of the affair, and to have removed every chance which remained with Captain Cook, of escaping with his life. The business of saving the marines out of the water, in consequence of that, fell altogether upon the pinnace; which thereby became so much crowded, that the crew were, in a great measure, prevented from using their fire-arms, or giving what assistance they otherwise might have done, to Captain Cook; so that he seems, at the most critical point of time, to have wanted the assistance of both boats, owing to the removal of the launch. For, notwithstanding that they kept up a fire on the crowd, from the situation to which they removed in that boat, the fatal confusion which ensued on her being withdrawn, to say the least of it, must have prevented the full effect that the prompt co-operation of the two boats, according to Captain Cook's orders, must have had, towards the preservation of himself and his people.[15] At that time, it was to the boats alone that Captain Cook had to look for his safety; for, when the marines had fired, the Indians rushed among them, and forced them into the water, where four of them were killed: their lieutenant was wounded, but fortunately escaped, and was taken up by the pinnace. Captain Cook was then the only one remaining on the rock: as observed making for the pinnace, holding his left hand against the back of his head, to guard it from the stones, and carrying his musket under the other arm. An Indian was seen following him, but with caution and timidity; for he stopped once or twice, as if undetermined to proceed. At last he advanced upon him unawares, and with a large club, or common stake, gave him a blow on the back of the head, and then precipitately retreated. The stroke seemed to have stunned Captain Cook: he staggered a few paces, then fell on his hand and one knee, and dropped his musket. As he was rising, and before he could recover his feet, another Indian stabbed him in the back of the neck with an iron dagger. He then fell into a bit of water about knee deep, where others crowded upon him, and endeavoured to keep him under: but struggling very strongly with them, he got his head up, and casting his look towards the pinnace, seemed to solicit assistance. Though the boat was not above five or six yards distant from him, yet from the crowded and confused state of the crew, it seems, it was not in their power to save him. The Indians got him under again, but in deeper water: he was, however, able to get his head up once more, and being almost spent in the struggle, he naturally turned to the rock, and was endeavouring to support himself by it, when a savage gave him a blow with a club, and he was seen alive no more. They hauled him up lifeless on the rocks, where they seemed to take a savage pleasure in using every barbarity to his dead body, snatching the daggers out of each other's hands, to have the horrid satisfaction of piercing the fallen victim of their barbarous rage. [Footnote 15: I have been informed on the best authority, that in the opinion of Captain Philips, who commanded the marines, and whose judgment must be of the greatest weight, it is extremely doubtful whether any thing could successfully have been done to preserve the life of Captain Cook, even if no mistake had been committed on the part of the launch.] 'I need make no reflection on the great loss we suffered on this occasion, or attempt to describe what we felt. It is enough, to say, that no man was ever more beloved or admired: and it is truly painful to reflect that he seems to have fallen a sacrifice merely for want of being properly supported; a fate, singularly to be lamented, as having fallen to his lot, who had ever been conspicuous for his care of those under his command, and who seemed, to the last, to pay as much attention to their preservation, as to that of his own life. 'If any thing could have added to the shame and indignation universally felt on this occasion, it was to find, that his remains had been deserted, and left exposed on the beach, although they might have been brought off. It appears, from the information of four or five midshipmen, who arrived on the spot at the conclusion of the fatal business, that the beach was then almost entirely deserted by the Indians, who at length had given way to the fire of the boats, and dispersed through the town: so that there seemed no great obstacle to prevent the recovery of Captain Cook's body; but the lieutenant returned on board without making the attempt. It is unnecessary to dwell longer on this painful subject, and to relate the complaints and censures that fell on the conduct of the lieutenant. It will be sufficient to observe that they were so loud as to oblige Captain Clerke publicly to notice them, and to take the depositions of his accusers down in writing. The captains bad state of health and approaching dissolution, it is supposed, induced him to destroy these papers a short time before his death. 'It is a painful task to be obliged to notice circumstances which seem to reflect upon the character of any man. A strict regard to truth, however, compelled me to the insertion of these facts, which I have offered merely as facts, without presuming to connect with them any comment of my own: esteeming it the part of a faithful historian, "to extenuate nothing, nor set down aught in malice." 'The fatal accident happened at eight o'clock in the morning, about an hour after Captain Cook landed. It did not seem that the king, or his sons, were witnesses to it: but it is supposed, that they withdrew in the midst of the tumult. The principal actors were the other chiefs, many of them the king's relations and attendants; the man who stabbed him with the dagger was called Nooah. I happened to be the only one who recollected his person, from having on a former occasion mentioned his name in the journal I kept. I was induced to take particular notice of him, more from his personal appearance than any other consideration, though he was of high rank, and a near relation of the king: he was stout and tall, with a fierce look and demeanour, and one who united in his figure the two qualities of strength and agility, in a greater degree than ever I remembered to have seen before in any other man. His age might be about thirty, and by the white scurf on his skin, and his sore eyes, he appeared to be a hard drinker of kava. He was a constant companion of the king, with whom I first saw him, when he paid a visit to Captain Clerke. The chief who first struck Captain Cook with the club, was called Karimano, craha, but I did not know him by his name. These circumstances I learned of honest Kaireekea, the priest; who added, that they were both held in great esteem on account of that action: neither of them came near us afterward. When the boats left the shore, the Indians carried away the dead body of Captain Cook and those of the marines, to the rising ground, at the back of the town, where we could plainly see them with our glasses from the ships. 'This most melancholy accident appears to have been altogether unexpected and unforeseen, as well on the part of the natives as ourselves. I never saw sufficient reason to induce me to believe, that there was any thing of design, or a preconcerted plan on their side, or that they purposely sought to quarrel with us: thieving, which gave rise to the whole, they were equally guilty of in our first and second visits. It was the cause of every misunderstanding that happened between us: their petty thefts were generally overlooked, but sometimes slightly punished: the boat, which they at last ventured to take away, was an object of no small magnitude to people in our situation, who could not possibly replace her, and therefore not slightly to be given up. We had no other chance of recovering her, but by getting the person of the king into our possession: on our attempting to do that, the natives became alarmed for his safety, and naturally opposed those whom they deemed his enemies. In the sudden conflict that ensued, we had the unspeakable misfortune of losing our excellent commander, in the manner already related. It is in this light the affair has always appeared to me, as entirely accidental, and not in the least, owing to any previous offence received, or jealousy of our second visit entertained by the natives. 'Pareah seems to have been the principal instrument in bringing about this fatal disaster. We learned afterward, that it was he who had employed some people to steal the boat: the king did not seem to be privy to it, or even apprized of what had happened, till Captain Cook landed. 'It was generally remarked, that, at first, the Indians shewed great resolution in facing our fire-arms; but it was entirely owing to ignorance of their effect. They thought that their thick mats would defend them from a ball as well as from a stone; but being soon convinced of their error, yet still at a loss to account how such execution was done among them, they had recourse to a stratagem, which, though it answered no other purpose, served to shew their ingenuity and quickness of invention. Observing the flashes of the muskets, they naturally concluded, that water would counteract their effect, and therefore, very sagaciously dipped their mats, or armour, in the sea, just as they came on to face our people: but finding this last resource to fail them, they soon dispersed, and left the beach entirely clear. It was an object they never neglected, even at the greatest hazard, to carry off their slain; a custom, probably owing to the barbarity with which they treat the dead body of an enemy, and the trophies they make of his bones.' In consequence of this barbarity of disposition, the whole remains of Captain Cook could not be recovered. For, though every exertion was made for that purpose; though negotiations and threatenings were alternately employed, little more than the principal part of his bones (and that with great difficulty) could be procured. By the possession of them, our navigators were enabled to perform the last offices to their eminent and unfortunate commander. The bones, having been put into a coffin, and the service being read over them, were committed to the deep, on the 21st, with the usual military honours. What were the feelings of the companies of both the ships, on this occasion, must be left to the world to conceive; for those who were present, know, that it is not in the power of any pen to express them. A promotion of officers followed the decease of Captain Cook. Captain Clerke having succeeded of course to the command of the expedition, removed on board the Resolution. By him Mr. Gore was appointed captain of the Discovery, and the rest of the lieutenants obtained an addition of rank, in their proper order. Mr. Harvey, a midshipman, who had been in the last as well as the present voyage, was promoted to the vacant lieutenancy. Not long after Captain Cook's death, an event occurred in Europe, which had a particular relation to the voyage of our navigator, and which was so honourable to himself, and to the great nation from whom it proceeded, that it is no small pleasure to me to be able to lay the transaction somewhat at large before my readers. What I refer to is, the letter which was issued, on the 19th of March, 1779, by Mr. Sartine secretary of the marine department at Paris, and sent to all the commanders of French ships. The rescript was as follows: 'Captain Cook, who sailed from Plymouth in July, 1776, on board the Resolution, in company with the Discovery, Captain Clerke, in order to make some discoveries on the coasts, islands, and seas of Japan and California, being on the point of returning to Europe; and such discoveries being of general utility to all nations, it is the king's pleasure, that Captain Cook shall be treated as a commander of a neutral and allied power, and, that all captains of armed vessels, &c. who may meet that famous navigator, shall make him acquainted with the king's orders on this behalf, but, at the same time, let him know, that on his part he must refrain from hostilities.' By the Marquis of Condorcet we are informed, that this measure originated in the liberal and enlightened mind of that excellent citizen and statesman, M. Turgot. 'When war,' says the marquis, 'was declared between France and England, M. Turgot saw how honourable it would be to the French nation, that the vessel of Captain Cook should be treated with respect at sea. He composed a memorial, in which he proved, that honour, reason, and even interest, dictated this act of respect for humanity; and it was in consequence of this memorial, the author of which was unknown during his life, that an order was given not to treat as an enemy the common benefactor of every European nation.' Whilst great praise is due to M. Turgot, for having suggested the adoption of a measure which hath contributed so much to the reputation of the French government, it must not be forgotten, that the first thought of such a plan of conduct was probably owing to Dr. Benjamin Franklin. Thus much, at least, is certain, that this eminent philosopher, when ambassador at Paris from the United States of America, preceded the court of France in issuing a similar requisition; a copy Of which cannot fail of being acceptable to the reader. 'To all Captains and Commanders of armed Ships acting by Commission from the Congress of the United States of America, now in war with Great Britain. 'Gentlemen, 'A ship having been fitted out from England before the commencement of this war, to make discoveries of new countries in unknown seas, under the conduct of that most celebrated navigator and discoverer, Captain Cook; an undertaking truly laudable in itself, as the increase of geographical knowledge facilitates the communication between distant nations, in the exchange of useful products and manufactures, and the extension of arts, whereby the common enjoyments of human life are multiplied and augmented, and science of other kinds increased, to the benefit of mankind in general--This is therefore most earnestly to recommend to every one of you, that in case the said ship, which is now expected to be soon in the European seas on her return, should happen to fall into your hands, you would not consider her as an enemy, nor suffer any plunder to be made of the effects contained in her, nor obstruct her immediate return to England, by detaining her, or sending her into any other part of Europe, or to America; but that you would treat the said Captain Cook and his people with all civility and kindness, affording them, as common friends to mankind, all the assistance in your power, which they may happen to stand in need of. In so doing you will not only gratify the generosity of your own dispositions, but there is no doubt of your obtaining the approbation of the Congress, and your other American owners. 'I have the honour to be, Gentlemen, 'Your most obedient, humble servant, B. FRANKLIN, 'Minister Plenipotentiary from the Congress of the United States, at the Court of France. At Passy, near Paris, the 10th day of March, 1779.' It is observable that, as Dr. Franklin acted on his own authority, he could only _earnestly recommend_ to the commanders of American armed vessels not to consider Captain Cook as an enemy; and it is somewhat remarkable, that he mentions no more than one ship; Captain Clerke not being noticed in the requisition. In the confidence which the doctor expressed, with respect to the approbation of Congress, he happened to be mistaken. As the members of that assembly, at least with regard to the greater part of them, were, not possessed of minds equally enlightened with that of their ambassador, he was not supported by his masters in this noble act of humanity, of love to science, and of liberal policy. The orders he had given were instantly reversed; and it was directed by Congress, that especial care should be taken to seize Captain Cook, if an opportunity of doing it occurred. All this preceeded from a false notion, that it would be injurious to the United States for the English to obtain a knowledge of the opposite coast of America. The conduct of the court of Spain was regulated by similar principles of jealousy. It was apprehended by that court, that there was reason to be cautious of granting, too easily, an indulgence to Captain Cook; since it was not certain what mischiefs might ensue to the Spaniards from a northern passage to their American dominions. M. de Belluga, a Spanish gentleman and officer, of a liberal and philosophical turn of mind, and who was a member of the Royal Society of London, endeavoured to prevail upon the Count of Florida Blanca, and M. d'Almodaver, to grant an order of protection to the Resolution and Discovery; and he flattered himself, that the ministers of the King of Spain would be prevailed upon to prefer the cause of science to the partial views of interest: but the Spanish government was not capable of rising to so enlarged and magnanimous a plan of policy. To the French nation alone, therefore, was reserved the honour of setting an example of wisdom and humanity, which, I trust, will not hereafter be so uncommon to the history of mankind. The progress of the voyage, after the decease of Captain Cook, doth not fall within the design of the present narrative.[16] [Footnote 16: The particulars of the voyage, after the death of Captain Cook, of which it did not fall under Dr. Kippis's plan to give a narrative, will be found in the Appendix.] CHAPTER VII. Character of Captain Cook.--Effects of his Voyages.--Testimonies of Applause.--Commemorations of his Services--Regard paid to his Family.--Conclusion. From the relation that has been given of Captain Cook's course of life, and of the important events in which he was engaged, my readers cannot be strangers to his general character. This, therefore, might be left to be collected from his actions, which are the best exhibitions of the great qualities of his mind. But, perhaps, were I not to endeavour to afford a summary view of him in these respects, I might be thought to fail in that duty which I owe to the public on the present occasion. It cannot, I think, be denied, that genius belonged to Captain Cook in an eminent degree. By genius, I do not here understand imagination merely, or that power of culling the flowers of fancy which poetry, delights in; but an inventive mind; a mind full of resources; and, which, by its own native vigour, can suggest noble objects of pursuit and the most effectual methods of attaining them. This faculty was possessed by our navigator in its full energy, as is evident from the uncommon sagacity and penetration which he discovered in a vast variety of critical and difficult situations. To genius Captain Cook added application, without which nothing very valuable or permanent can be accomplished, even by the brightest capacity. For an unremitting attention to whatever related to his profession, he was distinguished in early life. In every affair that was undertaken by him, his assiduity was without interruption, and without abatement. Whereever he came, he suffered nothing, which was fit for a seaman to know or to practise, to pass unnoticed, or to escape his diligence. The genius and application of Captain Cook were followed by a large extent of knowledge; a knowledge which, besides a consummate acquaintance with navigation, comprehended a number of other sciences. In this respect the ardour of his mind rose above the disadvantages of a very confined education. His progress in the different branches of the mathematics, and particularly in astronomy, became so eminent, that, at length, he was able to take the lead in making the necessary observations of this kind, in the course of his voyages. He attained likewise to such a degree of proficiency in general learning, and the art of composition, as to be able to express himself with a manly clearness and propriety, and to become respectable as the narrator, as well as the performer, of great actions. Another thing, strikingly conspicuous in Captain Cook, was the perseverance with which he pursued the noble objects to which his life was devoted. This, indeed, was a most distinguished feature in his character: in this he scarcely ever had an equal, and never a superior. Nothing could divert him from the points he aimed at; and he persisted in the prosecution of them, through difficulties and obstructions, which would have deterred minds of very considerable strength and firmness. What enabled him to persevere in all his mighty undertakings was the invincible fortitude of his spirits. Of this, instances without number occur in the accounts of his expeditions; two of which I shall take the liberty of retailing to the attention of my readers. The first is, the undaunted magnanimity with which he prosecuted his discoveries along the whole southeast coast of New Holland. Surrounded as he was with the greatest possible dangers, arising from the perpetual succession of rocks, shoals, and breakers, and having a ship that was almost shaken to pieces by repeated perils, his vigorous mind had a regard to nothing but what he thought was required of him by his duty to the public. It will not be easy to find, in the history of navigation, a parallel example of courageous exertion. The other circumstance I would refer to, is the boldness with which, in his second voyage after he left the Cape of Good Hope, he pushed forward into unknown seas, and penetrated through innumerable mountains and islands of ice, in the search of a southern continent. It was like launching into chaos: all was obscurity, all was darkness before him; and no event can be compared with it, excepting the sailing of Magelhaens, from the straits which bear his name into the Pacific Ocean. The fortitude of Captain Cook, being founded upon reason, and not upon instinct, was not an impetuous valour, but accompanied with complete self-possession. He was master of himself on every trying occasion, and seemed to be the more calm and collected, the greater was the exigence of the case. In the most perilous situations, when our commander had given the proper directions concerning what was to be done while he went to rest, he could sleep, during the hours he had allotted to himself, with perfect composure and soundness. Nothing could be a surer indication of an elevated mind; of a mind that was entirely satisfied with itself, and the measures it had taken. To all these great qualities Captain Cook added the most amiable virtues. That it was impossible for any one to excel him in humanity, is apparent from his treatment of his men through all his voyages, and from his behaviour to the natives of the countries which were discovered by him. The health, the convenience, and, as far as it could be admitted, the enjoyment of the seamen, were the constant objects of his attention; and he was anxiously solicitous to ameliorate the condition of the inhabitants of the several islands and places which he visited. With regard to their thieveries, he candidly apologized for, and overlooked many offences which others would have sharply punished; and when he was laid under an indispensable necessity of proceeding to any acts of severity, he never exerted them without feeling much reluctance and concern. In the private relations of life, Captain Cook was entitled to high commendation. He was excellent as a husband and a father, and sincere and steady in his friendships: and to this it may be added, that he possessed that general sobriety and virtue of character, which will always be found to constitute the best security and ornament of every other moral qualification. With the greatest benevolence and humanity of disposition, Captain Cook was occasionally subject to a hastiness of temper. This, which has been exaggerated by the few (and they are indeed few) who are unfavourable to his memory, is acknowledged by his friends. It is mentioned both by Captain King and Mr. Samwell, in their delineations of his character. Mr. Hayley, in one of his poems, calls him the _mild Cook_; but, perhaps, that is not the happiest epithet which could have been applied to him. Mere mildness can scarcely be considered as the most prominent and distinctive feature in the mind of a man, whose powers of understanding and of action were so strong and elevated, who had such immense difficulties to struggle with, and who must frequently have been called to the firmest exertions of authority and command. Lastly, Captain Cook was distinguished by a property which is almost universally the concomitant of truly great men, and that is, a simplicity of manners. In conversation he was unaffected and unassuming; rather backward in pushing discourse; but obliging and communicative in his answers to those who addressed him for the purposes of information. It was not possible that, in a mind constituted like his, such a paltry quality as vanity could find an existence. In this imperfect delineation of Captain Cook's character, I have spoken of him in a manner which is fully justified by the whole course of his life and actions, and which is perfectly agreeable to the sentiments of those who were the most nearly connected with him in the habits of intimacy and friendship. The pictures which some of them have drawn of him, though they have already been presented to the public, cannot here with propriety be omitted. Captain King has expressed himself concerning him in the following terms: 'The constitution of his body was robust, inured to labour, and capable of undergoing the severest hardships. His stomach bore, without difficulty, the coarsest and most ungrateful food:--Great was the indifference with which he submitted to every kind of self-denial. The qualities of his mind were of the same hardy vigorous kind with those of his body. His understanding was strong and perspicacious. His judgment, in whatever related to the services he was engaged in, quick and sure. His designs were bold and manly; and both in the conception, and in the mode of execution, bore evident marks of a great original genius. His courage was cool and determined, and accompanied with an admirable presence of mind in the moment of danger. His temper might perhaps have been justly blamed, as subject to hastiness and passion, had not these been disarmed by a disposition the most benevolent and humane. 'Such were the outlines of Captain Cook's character; but its most distinguishing feature was that unremitting perseverance in the pursuit of his object, which was not only superior to the opposition of dangers, and the pressure of hardships, but even exempt from the want of ordinary relaxation. During the long and tedious voyages in which he was engaged, his eagerness and activity were never in the least abated. No incidental temptation could detain him for a moment: even those intervals of recreation, which sometimes unavoidably occurred, and were looked for by us with a longing, that persons who have experienced the fatigues of service will readily excuse, were submitted to by him with a certain impatience, whenever they could not be employed in making a farther provision for the more effectual prosecution of his designs.' 'The character of Captain Cook,' says Mr. Samwell, 'will be best exemplified by the services he has performed, which are universally known, and have ranked his name above that of any navigator of ancient or of modern times. Nature had endowed him with a mind vigorous and comprehensive, which in his riper years he had cultivated with care and industry. His general knowledge was extensive and various: in that of his own profession he was unequalled. With a clear judgment, strong masculine sense, and the most determined resolution; with a genius peculiarly turned for enterprise, he pursued his object with unshaken perseverance:--vigilant and active in an eminent degree:--cool and intrepid among dangers; patient and firm under difficulties and distress; fertile in expedients; great and original in all his designs; active and resolved in carrying them into execution. These qualities rendered him the animating spirit of the expedition: in every situation he stood unrivalled and alone; on him all eyes were turned; he was our leading star, which, at its setting, left us involved in darkness and despair. 'His constitution was strong, his mode of living temperate.--He was a modest man, and rather bashful; of an agreeable lively conversation, sensible and intelligent. In his temper he was somewhat hasty, but of a disposition the most friendly, benevolent, and humane. His person was about six feet high, and, though a good looking man, he was plain both in address and appearance. His head was small; his hair, which was a dark brown, he wore tied behind. His face was full of expression; his nose exceedingly well shaped; his eyes, which were small and of a brown cast, were quick and piercing; his eyebrows prominent, which gave his countenance altogether an air of austerity. 'He was beloved by his people, who looked up to him as to a father, and obeyed his commands with alacrity. The confidence we placed in him was unremitting; our admiration of his great talents, unbounded; our esteem for his good qualities, affectionate and sincere.---- 'He was remarkably distinguished for the activity of his mind: it was that which enabled him to pay an unwearied attention to every object of the service. The strict economy he observed in the expenditure of the ship's stores, and the unremitting care he employed for the preservation of the health of his people, were the causes that enabled him to prosecute discoveries in remote parts of the globe, for such a length of time, as had been deemed impracticable by former navigators. The method he discovered for preserving the health of seamen in long voyages will transmit his name to posterity as the friend and benefactor of mankind: the success which attended it afforded this truly great man more satisfaction than the distinguished fame that attended his discoveries. 'England has been unanimous in her tribute of applause to his virtues, and all Europe has borne testimony to his merit. There is hardly a corner of the earth, however remote and savage, that will not long remember his benevolence and humanity. The grateful Indian, in time to come, pointing to the herds grazing his fertile plains, will relate to his children how the first stock of them was introduced into the country; and the name of Cook will be remembered among those benign spirits, whom they worship as the source of every good, and the fountain of every blessing.' At the conclusion of the Introduction to the Voyage to the Pacific Ocean is an eulogium on Captain Cook, drawn up by one of his own profession, of whom it is said, that he is not more distinguished by the elevation of rank, than by the dignity of private virtues. Though this excellent eulogium must be known to many, and perhaps to most of my readers, they will not be displeased at having the greater part of it brought to their recollection. 'Captain James Cook possessed,' says the writer, 'in an eminent degree, all the qualifications requisite for his profession and great undertakings; together with the amiable and worthy qualities of the best men. 'Cool and deliberate in judging: sagacious in determining: active in executing: steady and persevering in enterprising, from vigilance and unremitting caution: unsubdued by labour, difficulties, and disappointments: fertile in expedients: never wanting presence of mind; always possessing himself, and the full use of a sound understanding. 'Mild, just, but exact in discipline: he was a father to his people, who were attached to him from affection, and obedient from confidence. 'His knowledge, his experience, his sagacity, rendered him so entirely master of his subject, that the greatest obstacles were surmounted, and the most dangerous navigations became easy, and almost safe, under his direction. 'By his benevolent and unabating attention to the welfare of his ship's company, he discovered and introduced a system for the preservation of the health of seamen in long voyages, which has proved wonderfully efficacious. 'The death of this eminent and valuable man was a loss to mankind in general; and particularly to be deplored by every nation that respects useful accomplishments, that honours science, and loves the benevolent and amiable affections of the heart. It is still more to be deplored by this country, which may justly boast of having produced a man hitherto unequalled for nautical talents; and that sorrow is farther aggravated by the reflection, that his country was deprived of this ornament by the enmity of a people, from whom, indeed, it might have been dreaded, but from whom it was not deserved. For, actuated always by the most attentive care and tender compassion for the savages in general, this excellent man was ever assiduously endeavouring, by kind treatment, to dissipate their fears, and court their friendship; overlooking their thefts and treacheries, and frequently interposing, at the hazard of his life, to protect them from the sudden resentment of his own injured people.---- 'Traveller! contemplate, admire, revere, and emulate this great master in his profession; whose skill and labours have enlarged natural philosophy; have extended nautical science; and have disclosed the long concealed and admirable arrangements of the Almighty to the formation of this globe, and, at the same time, the arrogance of mortals, in presuming to account, by their speculations, for the laws by which he was pleased to create it. It is now discovered, beyond all doubt, that the same great Being who created the universe by his _fiat_, by the same ordained our earth to keep a just poise, without a corresponding southern continent, and it does so. _He stretches out the north over the empty place, and hangeth the earth upon nothing,_ Job XXVI. 7. 'If the arduous but exact researches of this extraordinary man have not discovered a new world, they have discovered seas unnavigated and unknown before. They have made us acquainted with islands, people, and productions of which we had, no conception. And if he has not been so fortunate as Americus, to give his name to a continent, his pretensions to such a distinction remain unrivalled; and he will be revered while there remains a page of his own modest account of his voyages, and as long as mariners and geographers shall be instructed, by his new map of the southern hemisphere, to trace the various courses and discoveries he has made. 'If public services merit public acknowledgments, if the man, who adorned and raised the fame of his country, is deserving of honours, then Captain Cook deserves to have a monument raised to his memory by a generous and grateful nation. "Virtutis uberrimum alimentum est honos." Val. Maximus, lib. ii. cap. 6.' The last character I shall here insert of Captain Cook comes from a learned writer, who, in consequence of some disagreements which are understood to have subsisted between him and our great navigator, cannot be suspected of intending to celebrate him in the language of flattery. Dr. Reinhold Forster, having given a short account of the captain's death, adds as follows: 'Thus fell this truly glorious and justly admired navigator. If we consider his extreme abilities both natural and acquired, the firmness and constancy of his mind, his truly paternal care for the crew intrusted to him, the amiable manner with which he knew how to gain the friendship of all the savage and uncultivated nations, and even his conduct towards his friends and acquaintance, we must acknowledge him to have been one of the greatest men of his age, and that reason justifies the tear which friendship pays to his memory.' After such an encomium on Captain Cook, less regard may justly be paid to the deductions from it, which are added by Dr. Forster. What he hath said concerning the captain's temper seems to have received a tincture of exaggeration, from prejudice and personal animosity; and the Doctor's insinuation, that our navigator obstructed Lieutenant Pickersgill's promotion, is, I have good reason to believe, wholly groundless. There is another error which must not pass unnoticed. Dr. Forster puts in his caveat against giving the name of Cook's Straits to the Straits between Asia and America, discovered by Beering. But if the Doctor had read the Voyage to the Pacific Ocean, published by authority, he would have seen, that there was no design of robbing Beering of the honour to which he was entitled. From a survey of Captain Cook's character, it is natural to extend our reflections to the effects of the several expeditions in which he was engaged. These, indeed, must have largely appeared in the general history of his Life; and they have finely been displayed by Dr. Douglas, in his admirable Introduction to the Voyage to the Pacific Ocean. Under the conduct of so able a guide, I shall subjoin a short view of the subject. It must, however, be observed, that, with regard to the three principal consequences of our great navigator's transactions, I have nothing further to offer. These are, his having dispelled the illusion of a _Terra Australis Incognita_; his demonstration of the impracticability of a northern passage from the Pacific to the Atlantic Ocean; and his having established a sure method of preserving the health of seamen in the longest voyages, and through every variety of latitude and climate. Concerning each of these capital objects, I have already so fully spoken, that it is not in my power to add to the impression of their importance, and of Captain Cook's merits in relation to them, which, I trust, is firmly fixed on the mind of every reader. It is justly remarked, by Dr. Douglas, that one great advantage accruing to the world from our late surveys of the globe, is, that they have confuted fanciful theories, too likely to give birth to impracticable undertakings. The ingenious reveries of speculative philosophers, which have so long amused the learned, and raised the most sanguine expectations, are now obliged to submit, perhaps with reluctance, to the sober dictates of truth and experience. Nor will it be only by discouraging future unprofitable searches, that the late voyages will be of service to mankind, but also by lessening the dangers and distresses formerly experienced in those seas which are within the actual line of commerce and navigation. From the British discoveries many commercial improvements may be expected to arise in our own times: but, in future ages, such improvements may be extended to a degree, of which, at present, we have no conception. In the long chain of causes and effects, no one can tell how widely and beneficially the mutual intercourse of the various inhabitants of the earth may hereafter be carried on, in consequence of the means of facilitating it, which have been explored and pointed out by Captain Cook. The interests of science, as well as of commerce, stand highly indebted to this illustrious navigator. That a knowledge of the globe on which we live is a very desirable object, no one can call in question. This is an object which, while it is ardently pursued by the most enlightened philosophers, is sought for with avidity, even by those whose studies do not carry them beyond the lowest rudiments of learning. It need not be said what gratification Captain Cook hath provided for the world in this respect. Before the voyages of the present reign took place, nearly half the surface of the earth was hidden in obscurity and confusion. From the discoveries of our navigator, geography has assumed a new face, and become, in a great measure, a new science; having attained to such a completion, as to leave only some less important parts of the globe to be explored by future voyagers.[17] [Footnote 17: Lieutenant Roberts's admirable chart will set this matter in the strongest light.] Happily for the advancement of knowledge, acquisitions cannot be obtained in any one branch, without leading to acquisitions in other branches, of equal, and perhaps of superior consequence. New oceans cannot be traversed, or new countries visited, without presenting fresh objects of speculation and inquiry, and carrying the practice, as well as the theory, of philosophy to a higher degree of perfection. _Nautical astronomy_, in particular, was in its infancy, when the late voyages were first undertaken; but, during the prosecution of them, and especially in Captain Cook's last expedition, even many of the petty officers could observe the distance of the moon from the sun, or a star, the most delicate of all observations, with sufficient accuracy. As for the officers of superior rank, they would have felt themselves ashamed to have it thought that they did not know how to observe for, and compute the time at sea; though such a thing had, a little before, scarcely been heard of among seamen. Nay, first-rate philosophers had doubted the possibility of doing it with the exactness that could be wished. It must, however, be remembered, that a large share of praise is due to the Board of Longitude, for the proficiency of the gentlemen of the navy in taking observations at sea. In consequence of the attention of that board to this important object, liberal rewards have been given to mathematicians for perfecting the lunar tables, and facilitating calculations; and artists have been amply encouraged in the construction of instruments and watches, much more accurately and completely adapted to the purposes of navigation than formerly existed. It is needless to mention what a quantity of additional information has been gained with respect to the rise and times of the flowing of the tides; the direction and force of currents at sea; and the cause and nature of the polarity of the needle, and the theory of its variations. Natural knowledge has been increased by experiments on the effects of gravity in different and very distant places; and from Captain Cook's having penetrated so far into the Southern Ocean, it is now ascertained, that the phenomenon, usually called the _Aurora Borealis_, is not peculiar to high northern latitudes, but belongs equally to all cold climates, whether they be north or south. Amidst the different branches of science that have been promoted by the late expeditions, there is none, perhaps, that stands so highly indebted to them as the science of botany. At least twelve hundred new plants have been added to the known system; and large accessions of intelligence have accrued with regard to every other part of natural history. This point has already been evinced by the writings of Dr. Sparrman, of the two Forsters, father and son, and of Mr. Pennant; and this point will illustriously be manifested, when the great work of Sir Joseph Banks shall be accomplished, and given to the world. It is not to the enlargement of natural knowledge only, that the effects arising from Captain Cook's voyages are to be confined. Another important object of study has been opened by them; and that is, the study of human nature, in situations various, interesting, and uncommon. The islands visited in the centre of the south Pacific Ocean, and the principal scenes of the operations of our discoverers, were untrodden ground. As the inhabitants, so far as could be observed, had continued, from their original settlement unmixed with any different tribe; as they had been left entirely to their own powers for every art of life, and to their own remote traditions for every political or religious custom or institution; as they were uninformed by science, and unimproved by education, they could not but afford many subjects of speculation to an inquisitive and philosophical mind. Hence may be collected a variety of important facts with respect to the state of man; with respect to his attainments and deficiences, his virtue and vices, his employments and diversions, his feelings, manners, and customs, in a certain period of society. Even the curiosities which have been brought from the discovered islands, and which enrich the British Museum, and the late Sir Ashton Lever's repository, may be considered as a valuable acquisition to this country; as supplying no small fund of information and entertainment. Few inquiries are more interesting than those which relate to the migrations of the various families or tribes that have peopled the earth. It was known in general, that the Asiatic nation, called Malayans, possessed, in former times, much the greatest trade in the Indies; and that they frequented, with their merchant ships, not only all the coasts of Asia, but ventured over even to the coasts of Africa, and particularly to the great island of Madagascar. But that, from Madagascar to the Marquesas and Easter Island, that is, nearly from the east side of Africa, till we approach towards the west side of America, a space including above half the circumference of the globe, the same nation of the oriental world should have made their settlements, and founded colonies throughout almost every intermediate stage of this immense tract, in islands at amazing distances from the mother continent, and the natives of which were ignorant of each other's existence--is an historical fact, that, before Captain Cook's voyages, could be but very imperfectly known. He it is who hath discovered a vast number of new spots of land lurking in the bosom of the South Pacific Ocean, all the inhabitants of which display striking evidences of their having derived their descent from one common Asiatic original. Nor is this apparent solely from a similarity of customs and institutions, but is established by a proof which conveys irresistible conviction to the mind, and that is, the affinity of language. The collections that have been made of the words which are used in the widely diffused islands and countries that have lately been visited cannot fail, in the hands of such men as a Bryant and a Marsden, to throw much light on the origin of nations, and the peopling of the globe.--From Mr. Marsden, in particular, who has devoted his attention, time, and study to this curious subject, the literary world may hereafter expect to be highly instructed and entertained. There is another family of the earth, concerning which new information has been derived from the voyages of our British navigators. That the Esquimaux, who had hitherto only been found seated on the coasts of Labradore and Hudson's Bay, agreed with the Greenlanders in every circumstance of customs, manners, and language, which could demonstrate an original identity of nation, had already been ascertained. But that the same tribe now actually inhabit the islands and coasts on the west side of North America, opposite Kamtschatka, was a discovery, the completion of which was reserved for Captain Cook. From his account it appears that these people have extended their migrations to Norton Sound, Oonalashka, and Prince William's Sound; that is, to nearly the distance of fifteen hundred leagues from their stations in Greenland, and the coast of Labradore. Nor does this curious fact rest merely on the evidence arising from similitude of manners: for it stands confirmed by a table of words, exhibiting such an affinity of language as will remove every doubt from the mind of the most scrupulous inquirer. Other questions there are, of a very important nature, the solution of which will now be rendered more easy than hath heretofore been apprehended. From the full confirmation of the vicinity of the two continents of Asia and America, it can no longer be represented as ridiculous to believe, that the former furnished inhabitants to the latter. By the facts recently discovered, a credibility is added to the Mosaic account of the peopling of the earth. That account will, I doubt not, stand the test of the most learned and rigorous investigation. Indeed, I have long been convinced, after the closest meditation of which I am capable, that sound philosophy and genuine revelation never militate against each other. The rational friends of religion are so far from dreading the spirit of inquiry, that they wish for nothing more than a candid, calm, and impartial examination of the subject according to all the lights which the improved reason and the enlarged science of man can afford. One great effect of the voyages made under the conduct of Captain Cook is their having excited a zeal for similar undertakings. Other princes and other nations are engaged in expeditions of navigation and discovery. By order of the French government, Mess. de la Perouse and de Langle sailed from Brest, in August, 1785, in the frigates Boussole and Astroloobe, on an enterprise, the express purpose of which was the improvement of geography, astronomy, natural history, and philosophy, and to collect accounts of customs and manners. For the more effectual prosecution of the design, several gentlemen were appointed to go out upon the voyage, who were known to excel in different departments of science and literature. Mr. Dagelet went as astronomer; M. de la Martinière, P. Recevour, and M. de la Fresne, as naturalists; and the Chevalier de Lamanon and M. Monges, junior, as natural philosophers. The officers of the Boussole were men of the best information, and the firmest resolution: and the crew contained a number of artificers in various kinds of mechanic employments. Marine watches, and other instruments, were provided; and M. Dagelet was particularly directed to make observations with M. Condamine's invariable pendulum, to determine the differences in gravity, and to ascertain the true proportion of the equatorial to the polar diameter of the earth. From some accounts which have already been received of these voyages, it appears, that they have explored the coast of California; have adjusted the situation of more than fifty places, almost wholly unknown; and have visited Owhyhee, and the rest of the Sandwich Islands. When the expedition shall be completed, the whole result of it will doubtless be laid before the public.[18] [Footnote 18: An account of this voyage during the years 1785, 1786, 1787, and 1788, has been published in France, from papers transmitted at different times by La Perouse; but nothing since the year 1788 has been received relative to the progress of the voyage, or the fate of the voyagers, who are all supposed to have perished by shipwreck.] Although Captain Cook has made such vast discoveries in the Northern Ocean, on and between the east of Asia and the west coast of America, Mr. Coxe has well shewn that there is still room for a farther investigation of that part of the world. Accordingly, the object has been taken up by the Empress of Russia, who has committed the conduct of the enterprise to Captain Billings, an Englishman in her majesty's service. As Captain Billings was with Captain Cook in his last voyage, he may reasonably be supposed to be properly qualified for the business he has undertaken. The design, with the execution of which he is entrusted, appears to be very extensive and important; and, if it should be crowned with success, cannot fail of making considerable additions to the knowledge of geography and navigation. There is one event at home, which has evidently resulted from Captain Cook's discoveries, and which, therefore, must not be omitted. What I refer to is the settlement at Botany Bay. With the general policy of this measure the present narrative has not any concern. The plan, I doubt not, has been adopted with the best intentions, after the maturest deliberation, and perhaps with consummate wisdom. One evident advantage arising from it is, that it will effectually prevent a number of unhappy wretches from returning to their former scenes of temptations and guilt, and may open to them the means of industrious subsistence and moral reformation. If it be wisely and prudently begun and conducted, who can tell what beneficial consequences may spring from it, in future ages? Immortal Rome is said to have risen from the refuse of mankind. While we are considering the advantages the _discoverers_ have derived from the late navigations, a question naturally occurs, which is, What benefits have hence accrued to the _discovered_? It would be a source of the highest pleasure to be able to answer the question to complete satisfaction. But it must be acknowledged, that the subject is not wholly free from doubts and difficulties; and these doubts and difficulties might be enlarged upon, and exaggerated, by an imagination which is rather disposed to contemplate and represent the dark than the luminous aspect of human affairs. In one respect, Mr. Samwell has endeavoured to shew, that the natives of the lately explored parts of the world, and especially so far as relates to the Sandwich Islands, were not injured by our people; and it was the constant solicitude and care of Captain Cook, that evil might not be communicated in any one place to which he came. If he was universally successful, the good which, in various cases, he was instrumental in producing, will be reflected upon with the more peculiar satisfaction. There is an essential difference between the voyages that have lately been undertaken, and many which have been carried on in former times. None of my readers can be ignorant of the horrid cruelties that were exercised by the conquerors of Mexico and Peru; cruelties which can never be remembered, without blushing for religion and human nature. But to undertake expeditions with a design of civilizing the world, and meliorating its condition, is a noble object. The recesses of the globe were investigated by Captain Cook, not to enlarge private dominion, but to promote general knowledge; the new tribes of the earth were visited as friends; and an acquaintance with their existence was sought for, in order to bring them within the pale of the offices of humanity, and to relieve the wants of their imperfect state of society. Such were the benevolent views which our navigator was commissioned by his majesty to carry into execution; and there is reason to hope that they will not be wholly unsuccessful. From the long continued intercourse with the natives of the Friendly, Society, and Sandwich Islands, some rays of light must have darted on their infant minds. The uncommon objects which have been presented to their observation, and excited their surprise, will naturally tend to enlarge their stock of ideas, and to furnish new materials for the exercise of their reasonable faculties. It is no small addition to their comforts of life, and their immediate enjoyments, that will be derived from the introduction of our useful animals and vegetables; and if the only benefit they should ever receive from the visits of the English should be the having obtained fresh means of subsistence, that must be considered as a great acquisition. But may not our hopes be extended to still nobler objects? The connexion which has been opened with these remote inhabitants of the world is the first step toward their improvement; and consequences may flow from it, which are far beyond our present conceptions. Perhaps, our late voyages may be the means appointed by Providence, of spreading, in due time, the blessings of civilization among the numerous tribes of the South Pacific Ocean, and preparing them for holding an honourable rank among the nations of the earth. There cannot be a more laudable attempt, than that of endeavouring to rescue millions of our fellow-creatures from that state of humiliation in which they now exist. Nothing can more essentially contribute to the attainment of this great end, than a wise and rational introduction of the Christian religion; an introduction of it in its genuine simplicity; as holding out the worship of one God, inculcating the purest morality, and promising eternal life as the reward of obedience. These are views of things which are adapted to general comprehension, and calculated to produce the noblest effects. Considering the eminent abilities displayed by Captain Cook, and the mighty actions performed by him, it is not surprising that his memory should be held in the highest estimation, both at home and abroad. Perhaps, indeed, greater honour is paid to his name abroad than at home. Foreigners, I am informed, look up to him with an admiration which is not equalled in this country. A remarkable proof of it occurs, in the eulogy of our navigator, by Michael Angelo Gianetti, which was read at the royal Florentine academy, on the 9th of June, 1785, and published at Florence, in the same year. Not having seen it, I am deprived of the power of doing justice to its merit. If I am not mistaken in my recollection, one of the French literary academies has proposed a prize for the best eulogium on Captain Cook; and there can be no doubt but that several candidates will appear upon the occasion, and exert the whole force of their eloquence on so interesting a subject. To the applauses of our navigator, which have already been inserted, I cannot avoid adding some poetical testimonies concerning him. The first I shall produce is from a foreign poet, M. l'Abbé Lisle. This gentleman has concluded his 'Les Jardins' with an encomium on Captain Cook, of which the following lines are a translation: "Give, give me flowers: with garlands of renown Those glorious exiles' brows my hands shall crown, Who nobly sought on distant coasts to find, Or thither bore those arts that bless mankind: Thee chief, brave Cook, o'er whom, to nature dear, With Britain, Gallia drops the pitying tear. To foreign climes and rude, where nought before Announced our vessels but their cannons' roar, Far other gifts thy better mind decreed, The sheep, the heifer, and the stately steed; The plough, and all thy country's arts; the crimes Atoning thus of earlier savage times. With peace each land thy bark was wont to hail, And tears and blessings fill'd thy parting sail. Receive a stranger's praise; nor, Britain, thou Forbid these wreaths to grace thy Hero's brow, Nor scorn the tribute of a foreign song, For Virtue's sons to every land belong: And shall the Gallic Muse disdain to pay The meed of worth, when Louis leads the way? But what avail'd, that twice thou daredst to try The frost-bound sea, and twice the burning sky, That by winds, waves, and every realm revered, Safe, only safe, thy sacred vessel steer'd; That war for thee forgot its dire commands The world's great friend, ah! bleeds by savage hands." There have not been wanting elegant writers of our own country, who have embraced with pleasure the opportunities that have offered of paying a tribute of praise to Captain Cook. The ingenious and amiable Miss Hannah More has lately seized an occasion of celebrating the humane intentions of the captain's discoveries. "Had those advent'rous spirits, who explore Through ocean's trackless wastes, the far-sought shore Whether of wealth insatiate, or of power, Conquerors who waste, or ruffians who devour: Had these possess'd, O Cook! thy gentle mind, Thy love of arts, thy love of humankind; Had these pursu'd thy mild and lib'ral plan, _Discoverers_ had not been a curse to man! Then, bless'd Philanthropy! thy social hands Had link'd dissever'd worlds in brothers' bands; Careless, if colour, or if clime divide; Then lov'd and loving, man had liv'd, and died." Soon after the account arrived in England of Captain Cook's decease, two poems were published in celebration of his memory; one of which was an Ode, by a Mr. Fitzgerald, of Gray's Inn. But the first, both in order of time and of merit, was an Elegy, by Miss Seward, whose poetical talents have been displayed in many beautiful instances to the public. This lady, in the beginning of her poem, has admirably represented the principal of humanity by which the captain was actuated in his undertakings. "Ye, who ere while for Cook's illustrious brow Pluck'd the green laurel and the oaken bough, Hung the gay garlands on the trophied oars, And pour'd his fame along a thousand shores. Strike the slow death-bell!--weave the sacred verse, And strew the cypress o'er his honour'd hearse; In sad procession wander round the shrine, And weep him mortal, whom ye sung divine! "Say first, what Pow'r inspir'd his dauntless breast With scorn of danger, and inglorious rest, To quit imperial London's gorgeous plains, Where, rob'd in thousand tints, bright Pleasure reigns! What Pow'r inspir'd his dauntless breast to brave The scorch'd Equator, and th' Antarctic wave? Climes, where fierce suns in cloudless ardours shine, And pour the dazzling deluge round the Line; The realms of frost, where icy mountains rise, 'Mid the pale summer of the polar skies?-- _It was Humanity!_--on coasts unknown, The shiv'ring natives of the frozen zone, And the swart Indian, as he faintly strays 'Where Cancer reddens in the solar blaze,' She bade him seek;--on each inclement shore Plant the rich seeds of her exhaustless store; Unite the savage hearts, and hostile hands, In the firm compact of her gentle bands; Strew her soft comforts o'er the barren plain, Sing her sweet lays, and consecrate her fane. "_It was Humanity!_--O Nymph divine! I see thy light step print the burning Line! There thy bright eye the dubious pilot guides, The faint oar struggling with the scalding tides-- On as thou lead'st the bold, the glorious prow, Mild, and more mild, the sloping sunbeams glow; Now weak and pale the lessen'd lustres play, As round th' horizon rolls the timid day; Barb'd with the sleeted snow, the driving hail, Rush the fierce arrows of the polar gale; And through the dim, unvaried, ling'ring hours, Wide o'er the waves incumbent horror lours." Captain Cook's endeavours to serve the inhabitants of New Zealand, by the vegetables and animals he left among them, are thus described: "To these the hero leads his living store, And pours new wonders on th' uncultur'd shore; The silky fleece, fair fruit, and golden grain; And future herds and harvests bless the plain, O'er the green soil his kids exulting play, And sounds his clarion loud the bird of day; The downy goose her ruffled bosom laves, Trims her white wing, and wantons in the waves; Stern moves the bull along th' affrighted shores, And countless nations tremble as he roars." I shall only add the pathetic and animated conclusion of this fine poem: "But ah!--aloft on Albion's rocky steep, That frowns incumbent o'er the boiling deep, Solicitous, and sad, a softer form Eyes the lone flood, and deprecates the storm.-- Ill fated matron!--for, alas! in vain Thy eager glances wander o'er the main! Tis the vex'd billows, that insurgent rave, Their white foam silvers yonder distant wave, Tis not his sails! thy husband comes no more! His bones now whiten an accursed shore!-- Retire,--for hark! the seagull shrieking soars, The lurid atmosphere portentous lours; Night's sullen spirit groans in every gale, And o'er the waters draws the darkling veil, Sighs in thy hair, and chills thy throbbing breast-- Go wretched mourner!--weep thy griefs to rest! "Yet, though through life is lost each fond delight, Though set thy earthly sun in dreary night, Oh! raise thy thoughts to yonder starry plain, And own thy sorrow selfish, weak, and vain: Since, while Britannia, to his virtues just, Twines the bright wreath, and rears th' immortal bust; While on each wind of heaven his fame shall rise, In endless incense to the smiling skies; _The attendant Power_, that bade his sails expand, And waft her blessings to each barren land, Now raptur'd bears him to th' immortal plains, Where Mercy hails him with congenial strains; Where soars, on Joy's white plume, his spirit free, And angels choir him, while he waits for _Thee_." Captain Cook's discoveries, among other effects, have opened new scenes for a poetical fancy to range in, and presented new images to the selection of genius and taste. The morals, in particular, of the inhabitants of the South Sea Islands, afford a fine subject for the exercise of a plaintive Muse. Such a Muse hath seized upon the subject; and, at the same time, has added another wreath to the memory of our navigator. I refer to a lady, who hath already, in many passages of her 'Peru,' in her 'Ode on the Peace.' and, above all, in her 'Irregular Fragment,' amply proved to the world, that she possesses not only the talent of elegant and harmonious versification, but the spirit of true poetry. The poem, which I have now the pleasure of giving for the first time to the public, and which was written at my request, will be found in the Appendix. It is some what remarkable, that female poets have hitherto been the chief celebrators of Captain Cook in this country. Perhaps a subject which would furnish materials for as rich a production as Camoen's Lusiad, and which would adorn the pen of a Hayley or a Cowper, may hereafter call forth the genius of some poet of the stronger sex. The Royal Society of London could not lose such a member of their body as Captain Cook, without being anxious to honour his name and memory by a particular mark of respect. Accordingly, it was resolved to do this by a medal; and a voluntary subscription was opened for the purpose. To such of the fellows of the society as subscribed twenty guineas, a gold medal was appropriated: silver medals were assigned to those who contributed a smaller sum; and to each of the other members one in bronze was given. The subscribers of twenty guineas were, Sir Joseph Banks, president; the Prince of Anspach, the Duke of Montague, Lord Mulgrave and Mr. Cavendish, Mr. Peachy, Mr. Perrin, Mr. Poli, and Mr. Shuttleworth. Many designs, as might be expected, were proposed on the occasion. The medal which was actually struck contains, on one side, the head of Captain Cook in profile, and round it, JAC. COOK OCEANI INVESTIGATOR ACERRIMUS; and on the exergue, REG. SOC. LOND. SOCIO SUO. On the reverse is a representation of Britannia holding a globe. Round her is inscribed NIL INTENTATUM NOSTRI LIQUERE: and on the exergue, AUSPICIIS GEORGII III. Of the gold medals which were struck on this occasion, one was presented to His Majesty, another to the Queen, and a third to the Prince of Wales. Two were sent abroad: the first to the French king on account of the protection he had granted to the ships under the command of Captain Cook; and a second to the Empress of Russia, in whose dominions the same ships had been received and treated with every degree of friendship and kindness. Both these presents were highly acceptable to the great personages to whom they were transmitted. The French king expressed his satisfaction in a very handsome letter to the Royal Society, signed by himself, and undersigned by the Marquis de Vergennes; and the Empress of Russia commissioned Count Osterman to signify to Mr. Fitzherbert the sense she entertained of the value of the present, and that she had caused it to be forthwith deposited in the Museum of the Imperial Academy of Sciences. As a farther testimony of the pleasure she derived from it, the Empress presented to the Royal Society a large and beautiful gold medal, containing on one side the effigies of herself, and on the reverse a representation of the statue of Peter the Great. After the general assignment of the medals (which took place in the spring of the year 1784), there being a surplus of money still remaining, the president and council resolved, that an additional number should be struck off in gold, to be disposed of as presents to Mrs. Cook, the Earl of Sandwich, Dr. Benjamin Franklin, Dr. Cooke, provost of King's College, Cambridge, and Mr. Planta. About the same time it was agreed, that Mr. Aubert should be allowed to have a gold medal of Captain Cook, on his paying for the gold, and the expense of striking it: in consideration of his intention to present it to the King of Poland. During the two visits of the Resolution and Discovery at Kamtschatka, it was from Colonel Behm, the commandant of that province, that the ships, and the officers and men belonging to them, had received every kind of assistance which it was in his power to bestow. His liberal and hospitable behaviour to the English navigators is related at large in Captain King's Voyage. Such was the sense entertained of it by the Lords of the Admiralty, that they determined to make a present to the colonel, of a magnificent piece of plate, with an inscription expressive of his humane and generous disposition and conduct. The elegant pen of Dr. Cooke was employed in drawing up the inscription, which, after it had been subjected to the opinion and correction of some gentlemen of the first eminence in classical taste, was as follows: 'VIRO EGREGIO MANGO DE BEHM; qui Imperatricis Augustissimae Catherinæ auspiciis, summaque animi benignitate, saeva, quibus praeerat, Kamtschatkae littora, navibus nautisque Britannicis, hospita praebuit; eosque, in terminis, si qui essent Imperio Russico frustra, explorandis, mala multa perpessos, iterata, vice excepit, refecit, recreavit, et commeatu omni cumulate auctos dimisit; REI NAVALIS BRITANNICAE SEPTEMVIRI in aliquam benevolentiae tam insignis memoriam, amicissimo, gratissimoque animo, suo, patriaeque nomine, D. D. D. M. DCC. LXXXI.' Sir Hugh Palliser, who through life manifested an invariable regard and friendship for Captain Cook, has displayed a signal instance, since the Captain's decease, of the affection and esteem in which he holds his memory. At his estate in Buckinghamshire Sir Hugh hath constructed a small building, on which he has erected a pillar, containing the fine character of our great navigator that is given at the end of the Introduction to the last Voyage, and the principal part of which has been inserted in the present work. This character was drawn up by a most respectable gentleman, who has long been at the head of the naval profession, the honourable Admiral Forbes, admiral of the fleet, and general of marines; to whom Captain Cook was only known by his eminent merit and his extraordinary actions. Amidst the numerous testimonies of regard that have been paid to Captain Cook's merits and memory, the important object of providing for his family hath not been forgotten. Soon after the intelligence arrived of his unfortunate decease, this matter was taken up by the lords of the Admiralty, with a zeal and an effect, which the following authentic document will fully display: 'At the Court at St. James's, the 2nd of February, 1780; '(L. S.) 'Present, 'The KING's Most Excellent Majesty in Council. 'Whereas there was this day read, at the Board, a memorial from the Right Honourable the Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty, dated the 27th of last month, in the words following: viz. 'Having received an authentic account of the death of that great Navigator, Captain James Cook, who has had the honour of being employed by Your Majesty, in three different voyages, for the discovery of unknown countries in the most distant parts of the globe; we think it our duty humbly to represent to Your Majesty, that this meritorious officer, after having received from Your Majesty's gracious benevolence, as a reward for his public services in two successful circumnavigations, a comfortable and honourable retreat, where he might have lived many years to benefit his family, he voluntarily relinquished that ease and emolument to undertake another of these voyages of discovery, in which the life of a commander, who does his duty, must always be particularly exposed, and in which, in the execution of that duty, he fell, leaving his family, whom his public spirit had led him to abandon, as a legacy to his country. We do therefore humbly propose, that Your Majesty will be graciously pleased to order a pension of two hundred pounds a year to be settled on the widow, and twenty-five pounds a year upon each of the three sons of the said Captain James Cook, and that the same be placed on the ordinary estimate of the navy. 'His Majesty, taking the said memorial into his Royal consideration, was pleased, with the advice of His Privy Council, to order, as it is hereby ordered, that a pension of two hundred pounds a year be settled on the widow, and twenty-five pounds a year upon each of the three sons of the said Captain James Cook, and that the same be placed on the ordinary estimate of His Majesty's navy; and the Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty are to give the necessary directions herein accordingly. W. FAWKENER.' The preceding memorial to the king was signed by the Earl of Sandwich. Mr. Buller, the Earl of Lisburne, Mr. Penton, Lord Mulgrave, and Mr. Mann; and the several officers of the Board of Admiralty seconded the ardour of their superiors, by the speed and generosity with which his majesty's royal grant to Captain Cook's widow and children passed through the usual forms. Another occasion was afterwards seized of conferring a substantial benefit on the captain's family. The charts and plates belonging to the Voyage to the Pacific Ocean, were provided at the expense of government; the consequence of which was, that a large profit accrued from the sale of the publication. Of this profit, half was consigned, in trust, to Sir Hugh Palliser and Mr. Stephens, to be applied to the use of Mrs. Cook, during her natural life, and afterwards to be divided between her children. Honour as well as emolument, hath graciously been conferred by his majesty upon the descendants of Captain Cook. On the 3rd of September, 1785, a coat of arms was granted to the family, of which a description will be given below.[19] [Footnote 19: Azure, between the two polar stars Or, a sphere on the plane of the meridian, north pole elevated, circles of latitude for every ten degrees, and of longitude for every fifteen, shewing the Pacific Ocean between sixty and two hundred and forty west, bounded on one side by America, on the other by Asia and New Holland, in memory of the discoveries made by him in that ocean, so very far beyond all former navigators. His track thereon is marked with red lines. And for crest, on a wreath of the colours, is an arm imbowed, vested in the uniform of a captain of the royal navy. In the hand is the union jack, on a staff Proper. The arm is encircled by a wreath of palm and laurel.] Our navigator had six children; James, Nathaniel, Elizabeth, Joseph, George, and Hugh. Of these, Joseph and George died soon after their birth, and Elizabeth in the fifth year of her age. James, the eldest son, who was born at St. Paul's, Shadwell, on the 13th of October, 1763. is now a lieutenant in his majesty's navy. In a letter, written by Admiral Sir Richard Hughes, in 1785, from Grenada, to Mrs. Cook, he is spoken of in terms of high approbation. Nathaniel, who was born on the 14th of December, 1764, at Mile-End Old Town, was brought up likewise in the naval service, and was unfortunately lost on board his majesty's ship Thunderer, Commodore Walsingham, in the hurricane which happened at Jamaica, on the 3rd of October, 1730. He is said to have been a most promising youth. Hugh, the youngest, was born on the 22nd of May, 1776; and was so called after the name of his father's great friend, Sir Hugh Palliser. It hath often been mentioned, in terms of no small regret, that a monument hath not yet been erected to the memory of Captain Cook, in Westminster Abbey. The wish and the hope of such a monument are hinted at in the close of Dr. Douglas's Introduction to the government edition of the last voyage; and the same sentiment is expressed by the author of the Eulogium, at the end of that Introduction. Sir Hugh Palliser has also spoken to the like purpose, in a communication I received from him. It would certainly redound to the honour of the nation, to order a magnificent memorial of the abilities and services of our illustrious navigator; on which account, a tribute of that kind may be regarded as a desirable thing. But a monument in Westminster Abbey would be of little consequence to the reputation of Captain Cook. His fame stands upon a wider base, and will survive the comparatively perishing materials of brass, or stone, or marble. The name of Cook will be held in honour, and recited with applause, so long as the records of human events shall continue in the earth; nor is it possible to say, what may be the influence and rewards, which, in other worlds, shall be found to attend upon eminent examples of wisdom and of virtue. APPENDIX. After the death of Captain Cook, and the events immediately succeeding it, Captain Clerke, upon whom the command of the expedition had devolved, proceeded from Owhyhee, and coasted several of the other islands of the group. The ships anchored at Atooi to procure water; in doing this our voyagers experienced some interruption from the natives, and a slight conflict took place, in which one of the islanders was wounded by a musket-shot. They were here told, that, at their preceding visit, they had left a disorder amongst the women, of which several persons of both sexes had died; and as there was not the slightest appearance of the disorder amongst the natives, at the first arrival of the vessels, there is too much reason to believe that some of the crew were the authors of that irreparable mischief. Atooi was in a state of internal warfare; the quarrel had arisen about the goats Captain Cook had left at Oneeheow the year before, the property of which was contested by two different chiefs. The goats, which had increased to the number of six, and would probably in a few years have stocked all these islands, were destroyed in the contest. Our voyagers left the Sandwich Islands finally on the 15th of March: and stood to the south-west, in hopes of falling in with the island of Modoopapappa, which they were told by the natives lay in that direction, about five hours' sail from Taohora; but though the two vessels stretched asunder several miles, they did not discover it. It is possible it might have been passed in the night, as the islanders described it to be small, sandy, and almost even with the surface of the sea. The harbour of Saint Peter and Saint Paul, in Awatska Bay, was appointed for the next rendezvous of the two vessels, in case of separation. In the course of their navigation towards Kamtschatka, they traversed that part of the Northern Pacific, in which some islands and lands were laid down in the charts, such as the island of Reia de Plata in De l'Isle's chart, and the land said to have been seen by John de Gama, in a voyage from China to New Spain, first delineated in a chart published by Texeira, a Portuguese geographer, in 1649; but though at sundry times they had various indications of land, they discovered none, and those islands and lands must therefore either be of trifling extent, or wholly imaginary. A leak, under the larboard bow of the Resolution, which had kept the people almost constantly at the pumps, ever since their leaving the Sandwich Islands, occasioned a great alarm on the 13th of April. The water, which had lodged in the coal-hole, not finding a sufficient vent into the well, had forced up the platforms over it, and in a moment deluged the whole space between decks. The coals would very soon choke up a pump, and the number of bulky materials that were washed out of the gunner's store room, and which, by the ship's motion, were tossed violently from side to side, rendered it impracticable to bale the water out. No other method was therefore left, than to cut a hole through the bulk-head, that separated the coal-hole from the fore-hold. As soon as the passage was made, the greatest part of the water was emptied into the well: but the leak was now so much increased, that it was necessary to keep one half of the people constantly pumping and baling, till the noon of the 15th. On the 23rd, at six in the morning, on the fog clearing away, the land of Kamtschatka appeared, in mountains covered with snow. The weather was most severe: the ship appeared to be a complete mass of ice, and the shrouds were so incrusted with it, as to measure in circumference more than double their usual size. The crews suffered very severely from the cold, particularly from having lately left the tropical climates; and, but for the foresight and care of their officers, would indeed have been in a deplorable state. It was natural to expect, that their experience, during their voyage to the north the year before, would have made them sensible of the necessity of paying some attention to their clothing; as it was generally known in both ships, that they were to make another voyage towards the pole; but, with the thoughtlessness of infants, upon their return to a warm climate, their fur jackets and the rest of their cold-country clothes, were kicked about the decks, as things of no value. They were of course picked up by the officers, and being put into casks, were, in due season, restored to their owners. On the 25th, when off the entrance of Awatska Bay, the Resolution lost sight of the Discovery, and on the 28th entered the Bay. The officers of the Resolution examined every corner of it, with their glasses, in search of the town of St. Peter and St. Paul, which they had conceived to be a place of some strength and consideration. At length they discovered, on a narrow point of land a few miserable loghouses, and some conical huts raised on poles, amounting in all to about thirty, which, from the situation, they were under the necessity of concluding to be Petropaulowska. 'However,' says Captain King, 'in justice to the generous and hospitable treatment we found here, I shall beg leave to anticipate the reader's curiosity, by assuring him that our disappointment proved to be more of a laughable than a serious nature; for, in this wretched extremity of the earth, situated beyond every thing that we conceived to be most barbarous and inhospitable, and, as it were, out of the very reach of civilization, barricadoed with ice, and covered with summer snow, in a poor miserable port, far inferior to the meanest of our fishing-towns, we met with feelings of humanity, joined to a greatness of mind, an elevation of sentiment, which would have done honour to any nation or climate.' In the morning of the 29th, Captain, then Lieutenant King was sent on shore; and after experiencing much difficulty from the broken ice that extended nearly half a mile, across which he was obliged to make the best of his way on foot, was received by the commander of the garrison at the head of his men consisting of about thirty soldiers. They had not seen the ship the preceding day, nor indeed that morning, till the boats were pretty near the ice. Much panic ensued; the garrison was put under arms, and two field piece placed at the entrance of the commander's house. All, however, soon wore a friendly aspect, and nothing could exceed the kindness and hospitality of the officer, a serjeant, who commanded in the ostrog, and at whose house they were entertained. He furnished Lieutenant King, who bad fallen in between the disjointed ice, with a complete suit of clothes of his own; the dinner that was served up consisted of four courses; but the conversation, from the want of an interpreter, no other language being understood there but Russian and Kamtschatdale, was confined to a few bows and other signs of mutual respect. The serjeant sent of an express to Bolcheretsk, where the governor of the province usually resided, and whence he had to look for orders what to do, as to the procurement of the supplies of provisions, and naval stores, which our people wanted. On their return, a sledge drawn by five dogs, with a driver, was provided for each of the party. The sailors were highly delighted with this mode of conveyance, and, what diverted them most was, that the two boat-hooks which they had brought, had also a sledge to themselves. On the 1st of May, the Discovery entered the bay. On the day after, early in the morning, an answer was received from Bolcheretsk. The dispatches had been sent off on the 29th, about noon, by a sledge drawn by dogs, so that they were only a little more than three days and a half in performing a journey of two hundred and seventy miles; Bolcheretsk being about one hundred and thirty-five rules from St. Peter and St. Paul. As the whole stock of live cattle which the country about the bay could afford, amounted only to two heifers, Captain Clerke found it necessary to send to Bolcheretsk, and Captain Gore and Lieutenant King were fixed on for the excursion. They proceeded by boats up the Awatska river, then across part of the country in sledges, and then down the Bolchoireka in canoes. Major Behm, the governor of Kamtschatka, received them, not only with the utmost politeness, but with the most engaging cordiality; and all the principal people of the town vied with each other who should shew the most civility to strangers from the other extremity of the globe. A list of the naval stores, the number of cattle, and the quantity of flour wanted by the navigators, was given to Major Behm, who insisted upon supplying all their wants; and when they desired to be made acquainted with the price of the articles, with which they were to be supplied, and proposed, that Captain Clerke should give bills to the amount on the Victualling-office in London, the major positively refused, and whenever it was afterward urged, stopped them short by saying, he was certain he could not oblige his mistress, the empress, more than in giving every assistance in his power to her good friends and allies, the English; and that it would be a particular satisfaction to her, to hear, that, in so remote a part of the world, her dominions had afforded any relief to ships engaged in such services; that he could not therefore act so contrary to the character of his empress, as to accept of any bills; but that, to accommodate the matter, he would take a bare attestatation of the particulars with which we might be furnished, and that this he would transmit to his court, as a certificate of having performed his duty. The town of Bolcheretsk consists of several rows of low buildings, barracks for the Russian soldiers and Cossacks, a good looking church, and a court-room, with a great number of balagans (summer habitations) belonging to the Kamtschatdales, at the end of the town. The inhabitants amount to between five and six hundred. It would exceed the bounds to which this sketch must necessarily be confined, to enumerate one half of the instances of civility and attention which Major Behm, his lady, the officers of the garrison, and the inhabitants of the town bestowed upon the English travellers. One generous present cannot, however, be passed over in silence, both because it consisted of the greatest part of their small store of the article, and because it called forth from the British seamen a corresponding generosity. Being informed of the privations the sailors had suffered from the want of tobacco, Major Behm sent four bags of it, weighing upwards of one hundred pounds each, which he begged might be presented, in the name of himself and the garrison under his command, to our sailors. When the seamen were told of it, the crews of both ships desired, entirely of their own accord, that their grog might be stopped, and their allowance of spirits, presented, on their part, to the garrison of Bolcheretsk, as they had reason to conclude, that brandy was scarce in the country and would be very acceptable, since the soldiers on shore had offered four roubles a bottle for it. When it is considered how much the sailors would feel from the stoppage of their allowance of grog, and that this offer would deprive them of it during the inclement season they had to expect on their ensuing expedition to the north, the sacrifice must be looked upon as generous and extraordinary; and, that they might not suffer by it, Captain Clerke substituted, in the room of the very small quantity the major could be prevailed on to accept, the same quantity of rum. When the party returned to Petropaulowska, Major Behm accompanied them, and visited the ships. He had resigned the command of Kamtschatka, and was in a short time to return to St. Petersburgh; our navigators therefore committed to his care dispatches for England, with the journals and charts of the voyage so far. They got about twenty head of cattle, about nine thousand weight of rye flour, and a variety of other provisions and refreshments here, especially fish, with which they were absolutely overpowered from every quarter; and, having completed their water, they weighed anchor on the 13th of June, and on the 16th cleared the bay. The volcano, situated to the north of the harbour, was in a state of eruption at the time. On the 5th of July, our navigators passed through Beering's Straits, having run along the Asiatic coast; they then stretched over to that of America, with a view of exploring it between the latitudes of 68° and 69°. But in this attempt they were disappointed, being stopped, on the 7th, by a large and compact field of ice connected with the land. On the 9th, they had sailed nearly forty leagues to the westward, along the edge of the ice, without seeing any opening, and had therefore no prospect of advancing farther north.--Until the 27th, however, they continued to seek a passage, first on the American, and then on the Asiatic side; but were never able to penetrate farther north than 70° 33', which was five leagues short of the point to which they had advanced the season before. At one time, in attempting to penetrate to the northwestward, the Discovery was in a very dangerous situation. She became so entangled by several large pieces of ice, that her way was stopped, and immediately dropping bodily to leeward, she fell broadside foremost on the edge of a considerable body of ice, and having at the same time an open sea to windward the surf caused her to strike violently upon it. This mass at length either so far moved or broke, as to set them at liberty to make another trial to escape; but, before the ship gathered way enough to be under command, she again fell to leeward on another fragment; and the swell making it unsafe to lie to windward, and finding no chance of getting clear, they pushed into a small opening, furled their sails, and made fast with ice-hooks. A change of wind, however, taking place in the afternoon, the ice began to separate, and, setting all their sails, they forced a passage through it. The vessel had rubbed off a great deal of the sheathing from her bows, and became very leaky from the strokes she received when she fell on the edge of the ice. In these high latitudes, our navigators killed several sea-horses, and also two white bears; the flesh of the latter afforded a few excellent meals of fresh meat. It had indeed a strong fishy taste, but was in every respect superior to that of the sea-horse, which nevertheless, the sailors were again persuaded, without much difficulty, to prefer to their salted provisions. Finding a farther advance to the northward, as well as a nearer approach to either continent, obstructed by a sea blocked up with ice, Captain Clerke at length determined to lose no more time in the pursuit of what seemed utterly unattainable, and to sail for Awatska Bay, to repair their damages, and before the winter should set in, to explore the coast of Japan on their way towards Europe. To the great joy, therefore, of every individual on board both ships, they turned their faces towards home; and the delight and satisfaction they experienced on the occasion, notwithstanding the tedious voyage they had to make, and the immense distance they had to run, were as freely entertained, and perhaps as fully enjoyed, as if they had been already in sight of the land's End. On the 31st, they repassed Beering's Straits. With respect to the practicability of a north-east or north-west passage into the Pacific Ocean, through those straits, from the result of their attempts it appears, that the north of the straits is clearer of ice in August than in July, and perhaps in a part of September it may be still more free. But, after the equinox, the days shorten so fast, that no farther thaw can be expected, and so great an effect cannot rationally be allowed to the warm weather in the first half of September as to imagine it capable of dispersing the ice from the most northern parts of the American coast. But admitting this to be possible, it would be madness to attempt to run from the Icy Cape to the known parts of Baffin's Bay (a distance of four hundred and twenty leagues) in so short a time as that passage can be supposed to remain open. Upon the Asiatic side, there appears still less probability of success; for, though Deshneff, a Russian navigator, about a century and a half ago, passed round the north-east point of Asia, no voyager has yet been able to double Cape Taimura beyond the mouth of the Lena, which stretches to the 78° of latitude. Captain Clerke's health now rapidly declined, and, on the 17th of August he was no longer able to get out of his bed. On the 21st, they made the coast of Kamtschatka; and on the following day, at nine in the morning. Captain Clerke died.[19] His disease was a consumption, which had evidently commenced before he left England, and of which he had lingered during the whole voyage. [Footnote 19: Captain Clerke departed this life in the thirty-eighth year of his age. He was brought up to the navy from his earliest youth, and had been in several actions during the war which began in 1756. In the action between the Bellona and the Courageux, being stationed in the mizen-top, he was carried over-board with the mast; but was taken up without having received any hurt. He was a midshipman in the Dolphin, commanded by Captain Byron, in her voyage round the world: after which he served on the American station. In 1768, he made his second voyage round the world, in the Endeavour, as master's mate: and, in consequence of the death of Mr. Hicks, which happened on the 23rd of May, 1771, he returned home a lieutenant. His third circumnavigation of the globe was in the Resolution, of which he was appointed the second lieutenant; and he continued in that situation till his return in 1775; soon after which he was promoted to the rank of master and commander. In what capacity he sailed with Captain Cook in this last expedition, need not be added. The consumption, of which Captain Clerke died, had evidently commenced before he left England, and he lingered under it during the whole voyage. Though his very gradual decay had long made him a melancholy object to his friends, nevertheless, they derived some consolation from the equanimity with which he bore his disorder, from the constant flow of good spirits maintained by him to his latest hour, and from his submitting to his fate with cheerful resignation. 'It was, however, impossible,' says Mr. King, 'not to feel a more than common degree of compassion for a person, whose life had been a continued scene of those difficulties and hardships, to which a seaman's occupation is subject, and under which he at last sunk.' _King's Voyage_, p. 280, 281.] On the 24th, the vessels anchored in the harbour of St Peter, and St. Paul, where the gentlemen on board were received by their Russian friends, with the same cordiality as before. Captain Gore, upon whom the command of the expedition now devolved, removed himself to the Resolution, and appointed Mr. King to the command of the Discovery. He sent off an express to the commander at Bolcheretsk, in which he requested to have sixteen head of black cattle. The eruption of the volcano, which had taken place at the time of the late departure of the vessels from Awatska, had done no damage, notwithstanding stones had fallen at the ostrog of the size of a goose's egg. Attempts were now made to repair, as far as was practicable, the damage the Discovery had sustained in the ice, and in removing the sheathing, eight feet of a plank in the wale were found to be so very rotten as to make it necessary to shift it. The carpenters were sent on shore in search of a tree large enough for the purpose: luckily they found a birch, which was the only one of sufficient size in the whole neighbourhood of the bay. The crews were employed in various necessary occupations: amongst which, four men were set apart to haul the seine for salmon, which were caught in great abundance, and of excellent quality. After supplying the immediate wants of both ships, they salted down near a hogshead a day. The seahorse blubber, with which they had stored themselves, during their expedition to the north, was boiled down for oil, now become a necessary article, their candles having been long since all used. The body of Captain Clerke was interred on Sunday the 29th, with all the solemnity and honours they could bestow, under a tree, in the valley on the north side of the harbour; a spot, which the priest of Paratounea said, would be, as near as he could guess, in the centre of the new church intended to be erected. On the 3rd of September, arrived an ensign from Bolcheretsk, with a letter from Captain Shmalelf, the present commander, who promised the cattle required and that he would himself pay them a visit immediately on the arrival of a sloop, which was daily expected from Okotzk. On the morning of the 10th, a Russian galliot, from Okotzk, was towed into the harbour. She had been thirty-five days on her passage, and had been seen from the lighthouse a fortnight before, beating up towards the mouth of the bay. There were fifty soldiers in her, with their wives and children, and several other passengers; a sub-lieutenant, who came in her, now took the command of the garrison, and from some cause or other, which the English could not learn, their old friend, the serjeant, the late commander of the place, fell into disgrace, and was no longer suffered to sit down in the company of his own officers. From the galliot, our navigators got a small quantity of pitch, tar, cordage, and twine, and a hundred and forty skins of flour, containing 13,782 lbs. English. The Hospodin Ivaskin from Verchnei had been desired by Mayor Behm to attend the English officers on their return to the harbour, in order to be their interpreter. He now came. He was an exile; and was of a considerable family in Russia; his father was a general, and he himself, after having received his education partly in France and partly in Germany, had been page to the Empress Elizabeth, and ensign in her guards. At the age of sixteen, he was _knowted_, had his nose slit, and was banished, first to Siberia, end afterward to Kamtschatka, where he had lived thirty-one years. He bore in his whole figure the strongest marks of old age, though he had scarcely reached his fifty-fourth year. No one there knew the cause of his banishment, but they took it for granted, that it must have been for something very atrocious, as two or three of the commanders of Kamtschatka, had in vain endeavoured to get him recalled since the present empress's reign. For the first twenty years he had not tasted bread, nor been allowed subsistence of any kind, but had lived during that period among the Kamtschatdales, on what his own activity and toil in the chase could procure him. Afterward, he had a small pension granted him. This Major Behm by his intercession had caused to be increased to one hundred roubles a year, which is the common pay of an ensign in all parts of the empress's dominions, except in this province, where the pay of all the officers is double. This gentleman joined Captains Gore and King on a bear-hunting party on the 17th, for two days; in which, first from the party being too large, and the unavoidable noise that was the consequence of it, and next, from the unfavourable weather after they separated, they were wholly unsuccessful. On the 22nd, the anniversary of his majesty's coronation, and when they were sitting down to as handsome a feast as their situation would admit of, in honour of the day, the arrival of Captain Shmalelf from Bolcheretsk was announced. He partook of their festivities, and set off on his return on the 25th. Before his departure, he reinstated the serjeant in the command of the place, and took with him the sub-lieutenant who had superseded him. Captain King accompanied Captain Shmalelf to the entrance of Awatska river, and on Sunday, the 26th, attended him to church at Paratounea. The church is of wood, and by far the best building in the country round about the bay. It is ornamented by many paintings, particularly with two pictures of St. Peter and St. Paul, presented by Beering, and which, in the real richness of their drapery, would carry off the prize from the first of European performances; for all the principal parts of it are made of thick plates of solid silver, fastened to the canvass, and fashioned into the various foldings of the robes. The next day another hunting party was set on foot, under the direction of the clerk of the parish, who was a celebrated bear-hunter. The produce was a female bear, beyond the common size, which they shot in the water, and found dead the next morning in the place to which she had been watched. The mode of hunting these animals by the natives is as follows: When they come to the ground frequented by the bears, their first step is to look for their tracks: these are found in the greatest numbers leading from the woods down to the lakes, and among the long sedgy grass and brakes by the edge of the water. The place of ambuscade being determined on, the hunters next fix in the ground the crutches upon which their firelocks are made to rest, pointing them in the direction they mean to shoot. This done, they kneel, or lie down, and, with their bear-spears by their side, wait for the game. These precautions, which are chiefly taken in order to make sure of their mark, are, on several accounts, highly expedient. For, in the first place, ammunition is so dear in Kamtschatka, that the price of a bear will not purchase more of it than is sufficient to load a musket four or five times; and, what is more material, if the bear be not rendered incapable of pursuit by the first shot, the consequences are often fatal. He immediately makes towards the place whence the noise and smoke issue, and attacks his adversaries with great fury. It is impossible for them to reload, as the animal is seldom at more than twelve or fifteen yards' distance when he is fired at: so that, if he does not fall, they immediately put themselves in a posture to receive him upon their spears, and their safety greatly depends on their giving him a mortal stab as he first comes upon them. If he parries the thrust (which bears, by the extraordinary strength and agility of their paws, are often enabled to do) and thereby breaks in upon his adversaries, the conflict becomes very unequal, and it is well if the life of one of the party alone suffice to pay the forfeit. On the 1st of October, the cattle arrived from Verchnei, and the 3rd, being the nameday of the empress, Captain Gore invited the priest of Paratounea, Ivaskin, and the serjeant, to dinner, and an entertainment was also provided for the inferior officers of the garrison, for the _toions_ of Paratounea and Petropaulowska, and for the better sort of the Kamtschatdale inhabitants. The rest of the natives of every description were invited to partake with the ships' companies, who had a pound of good fat beef served up to each man, and what remained of their spirits was made into grog, and divided amongst them. On the 5th, our navigators received from Bolcheretsk a fresh present of tea, sugar, and tobacco. They were ready for sea, but the weather prevented them from leaving the bay till the 9th. Just before they weighed anchor, the drummer of the marines belonging to the Discovery deserted, having been last seen with a Kamtschatdale woman, to whom his messmates knew he had been much attached, and who had often been observed persuading him to stay behind. This man had been long useless to them, from a swelling in his knee, which rendered him lame, but this made them the more unwilling to leave him behind, to become a burden both to the Russians and himself. Some of the sailors were therefore sent to a well-known haunt of his in the neighbourhood, where they found him and his woman. On the return of the party with the deserter, the vessels weighed, and came out of the bay. Awatska Bay has within its mouth a noble basin of twenty-five miles in circuit, with the capacious harbours of Tareinska to the west, Rakoweena to the east, and the small one of St. Peter and St. Paul to the north. The last mentioned is a most convenient little harbour. It will hold with ease half-a-dozen ships moored head and stern, and is fit for giving them any kind of repairs. The south side is formed by a low sandy neck, exceedingly narrow, on which the ostrog is built. The deepest water within is seven fathoms, and in every part over a muddy bottom. There is a watering-place at the head of the harbour. The commerce of this country, as far as regards the exports, is entirely confined to furs and carried on by a company of merchants instituted by the empress. Besides these, there are many inferior traders (particularly Cossacks) scattered through the country. Formerly this commerce was altogether carried on by barter, but lately every article is bought and sold for ready money only. Our sailors brought a great number of furs with them from the coast of America, and were both astonished and delighted with the quantity of silver the merchants paid down for them; but on finding neither ginshops to resort to, nor tobacco, nor any thing else that they cared for, to be had for money, the roubles soon became troublesome companions, and often to be seen kicked about the decks. The articles of importation are principally European, several likewise come from Siberia, Bucharea, the Calmucks, and China. They consist of course woollen and linen cloths, yarn stockings, bonnets and gloves, thin Persian silks, cottons and nankeens, handkerchiefs, brass and copper pans, iron stoves, files, guns, powder and shot, hardware, looking-glasses, flour, sugar, tanned hides, &c. Though the merchants have a large profit upon these important goods, they have still a larger upon the furs of Kiachta, upon the frontiers of China, which is the great market for them. The best sea-otter skins sell generally in Kamtschatka for about thirty roubles each. The Chinese merchant at Kiachta purchases them at more than double that price, and sells them again at Pekin at a great advance, whence a farther profitable trade is made with some of them to Japan. If, therefore, a skin is worth thirty roubles in Kamtchatka, to be transported first to Okotzk, thence by land to Kiachta, a distance of 1364 miles; thence to Pekin, 760 miles more; and after that to be conveyed to Japan, what a prodigiously advantageous trade might be carried on direct to Japan, which is about a fortnight or three weeks' sail from Kamtschatka! It was now resolved, in consequence of the latitude given by the instructions of the Board of Admiralty, to run along the Kuriles, and to survey the eastern coasts of the Japanese islands, previous to returning homewards; and Captain Gore gave orders for Macao to be the place of rendezvous in case of separation. They coasted along the peninsula of Kamtschatka with variable weather, and on the 12th, at six in the afternoon, they saw, from the mast head, Cape Lopatka, the southernmost extremity of the peninsula. This point of land, which is a low flat cape, formed a marked object in the geography of the eastern coast of Asia, and by an accurate observation and several good angles, they determined its precise situation to be in latitude 51° 0', and longitude 156° 45'. At the same time they saw too the first of the Kurile islands, called Shoomsha, and on the next day they saw the second, Paramousir; the latter is the largest of the Kuriles subject to Russia; but the gale increasing from the west, they were never able to approach it nearer than to observe its general aspect, which was very high land, almost entirely covered with snow; and to ascertain its situation; which was found to be 10' west longitude from Lopatka, and its latitude 50° 46' at the north, and 49° 58' at the south end. On the 14th and 15th, the wind blowing steadily from the westward, they were obliged to stand to the southward, and were consequently hindered from seeing any more of the Kurile islands. In the situation they then found themselves, they were almost surrounded by the supposed discoveries of former navigators. To the southward and south-west were placed, in the French charts, a group of five islands, called the three Sisters, Zellany, and Zunasher. They were about ten leagues, according to the same maps, to the westward of the land of De Gama; and as the Company's Land, Staten Island, and the famous land of Jesso, were also supposed to lie nearly in the same direction, this course was deemed to deserve the preference, and they hauled round to the westward, the wind having shifted to the north. A succession of gales, however, and now and then a storm, that reduced them to their courses, drove them too much to the southward, prevented them from falling in even with the southernmost of the Kurile islands, and obliged them at last to give up all further thoughts of discovery to the north of Japan. On the 22nd, the gale having abated, they let out the reefs of the topsails and made more sail. At noon they were in latitude 40° 58', and longitude 148° 17', and two small land birds being taken on board, plainly indicated they could not be any great distance from the land; they therefore hauled up to the west-north-west, in which direction the southernmost islands seen by Spanberg, and said to be inhabited by hairy men, lay at the distance of about fifty leagues. They saw several other signs of land; but, on the 24th, the wind shifted to the north, and blew a fresh gale, so that they finally gave up all further search for islands to the north of Japan, and shaped their course west-south-west, for the north part of that island. On the 26th, at daybreak, they descried high land to the westward, which proved to be Japan. The country consisted of a double range of mountains; it abounded with wood, and had a pleasing variety of hills and dales. They saw the smoke of several towns, and many houses near the shore, in pleasant and cultivated situations. They stood off and on, according as the weather permitted them, till the 28th in the afternoon, when they lost sight of the land, and from its breaking off so suddenly, they conjectured that what they had before seen was a cluster of islands, lying off the main land of Japan. The next day they saw land again, eleven leagues to the southward. The coast appeared straight and unbroken; towards the sea it was low, but rose gradually into hills of a moderate height, whose tops were tolerably even, and covered with wood. At nine o'clock, the wind shifting to the southward, they tacked and stood off to the east, and soon after they saw a vessel close in with the land, standing along shore to the northward, and another in the offing, coming down before the wind. Objects of any kind, belonging to a country so famous and yet so little known, excited a general curiosity, and every soul on board was upon deck in an instant, to gaze at them. The vessel to windward passed ahead of them at the distance of about half a mile. It would have been easy to have spoken with her; but perceiving, by her manoeuvres, that she was much frightened, Captain Gore was not willing to augment her terrors, and thinking that they should have many better opportunities of communicating with the Japanese, suffered her to go off without interruption. There appeared to be about six men on board, and, according to the best conjectures that could be formed, the vessel was about forty tons burden. She had but one mast, on which was hoisted a square sail, extended by a yard aloft, the braces of which worked forward. Halfway down the sail came three pieces of black cloth, at equal distances from each other. The vessel was higher at each end than in the midship, and from her appearance and form she did not appear to be able to sail otherwise than large. Soon after the wind increased so much, that our navigators were reduced to their courses; and the sea ran as high as any one on board ever remembered to have seen it. If the Japenese vessels are, as Kaempfer describes them, open in the stern, it would not have been possible for those they saw to have survived the fury of the storm; but as the appearance of the weather, all the preceding part of the day, foretold its coming, and one of the sloops had, notwithstanding, stood far out to sea, it was concluded they were perfectly capable of bearing a gale of wind. Our navigators were blown off the land by this gale, but on the 30th they saw it again, at the distance of about fifteen leagues, appearing in detached parts, but it could not be determined whether they were small islands, or parts of Japan. On the 1st of November, they saw a number of Japanese vessels close in with the land, several seemingly engaged in fishing, and others standing along shore. They discovered to the westward a remarkably high mountain, with a round top, rising far inland. As this was the most remarkable hill on the coast, they wished to have settled its situation exactly; but only having had a single view, they were obliged to be contented with such accuracy as their circumstances would allow. Its latitude was reckoned to be 35° 20', and its longitude 140° 26'. As the Dutch charts made the coast of Japan extend about ten leagues to the south-west of White Paint (supposed to be the southernmost land then in sight) our navigators stood off to the eastward, to weather the point. At midnight they again tacked, expecting to fall in with the land to the southward, but were surprised to find, in the morning, that during eight hours, in which they supposed they had made a course of nine leagues to the south-west, they had in reality been carried eight leagues in a direction diametrically opposite. Whence they calculated that the current had set to the north-east by north, at the rate of at least five miles an hour. On the 3rd of November, they were again blown off the land by a heavy gale, and found themselves upwards of fifty leagues off, which circumstances, together with the extraordinary effect of the currents they had experienced, the late season of the year, the unsettled state of the weather, and the little likelihood of any change for the better, made Captain Gore resolve to leave Japan altogether, and proceed in the voyage for China. On the 4th and 5th, our navigators, continuing their course to the south-east, passed great quantities of pumice-stone. These stones appeared to have been thrown into the sea by eruptions of various dates, as many of them were covered with barnacles, and others quite bare. On the 13th, they had a most violent gale from the northward. In the morning of the 13th, the wind, shifting to the north-west, brought with it fair weather; but, though they were, at that time, nearly in the situation given to the island of San Juan, they saw no appearance of land. They continued to pass much pumice-stone; indeed the prodigious quantities of that substance which floated in the sea, between Japan and the Bashee Islands, seemed to indicate that some great volcanic convulsion must have happened in that part of the Pacific Ocean. On the 14th, they discovered two islands, and on the next day a third; but Captain Gore, finding that a boat could not land without some danger, from the great surf that broke on the shore, kept on his course to the westward. The middle island is about five miles long; the south point is a high barren hill, presenting an evident volcanic crater. The earth, rock, or sand, for it was not easy to distinguish of which its surface was composed, exhibited various colours, and a considerable part was conjectured to be sulphur, and some of the officers on board the Resolution thought they saw steams rising from the top of the hill. From these circumstances, Captain Gore gave it the name of _Sulphur Island_. A long narrow neck of land connects the hill with the south end of the island, which spreads out into a circumference of three or four leagues, and is of moderate height. The north and south islands appeared to be single mountains of a considerable height. Sulphur Island is in the latitude 24° 48', longitude 141° 12'. The north island in latitude 25° 14', longitude 141° 10', and the south island in latitude 24° 22', and longitude 141° 20'. Hence our navigators proceeded for the Bashee Islands, hoping to procure at them such a supply of refreshment as would help to shorten their stay at Macao; but Captain Gore, being guided by the opinions of Commodore and Captain Wallis, as to the situation of these islands, which differ materially from Dampier's, they were foiled in their endeavours to find them, although, in the day time, the ships spread two or three leagues from each other, and in the night, when under an easy sail. On the 27th, being in longitude 118° 30', and having got to the westward of the Bashees, according to Mr. Byron's account, our navigators hauled their wind to the north west, hoping to weather the Prata shoals but at four in the morning of the 28th, the breakers were close under their lee; at daylight they saw the island of Prata, and finding they could not weather the shoal, ran to leeward of it. As they passed the south side, they saw two remarkable patches on the edge of the breakers, that looked like wrecks. On the south-west side of the reef, and near the south end of the island, they thought they saw openings in the reefs which promised safe anchorage. In the forenoon of the 29th, they passed several Chinese fishing boats; and the sea was covered with wrecks of boats that had been lost, as they conjectured, in the late boisterous weather. They were in latitude 22° 1', having run 110 miles since the preceding noon. On the 30th, they ran along the Lema Islands, and got a Chinese pilot on board. In obedience to the instruction given to Captain Cook by the Admiralty, the captains now required of the officers and men of both ships to give up their journals, and what other papers they had to their possession relative to the voyage, which was cheerfully complied with; and at nine o'clock in the evening of the following day, they anchored three leagues from Macao. Here, upon sending on shore to negotiate for supplies of provisions, &c. they first received intelligence of the occurrences in Europe, during the protracted period of their absence. On the 4th of December, they stood into the Typa, and moored with the stream-anchor and cable to the westward. Captain King was sent up to Canton to expedite the supplies that were wanted, and experienced every possible assistance from the supercargoes and gentlemen of the Company's factory there. The purchase of the provisions and store wanted was completed on the 26th, and the whole stock was sent down on the following day by a vessel which Captain Gore had engaged for the purpose. Twenty sea-otter skins were sold at Canton, by Captain King, for eight hundred dollars. At the ships a brisk trade was carried on in the same article, by both officers and seamen. The sea-otter skins every day rose in value, and a few prime skins, which were clean and well preserved, were sold for one hundred and twenty dollars each. The whole amount of the value, in specie and goods, that was got for the furs in both ships, did not fall short of two thousand pounds sterling, and it was generally supposed, that at least two-thirds of the quantity originally obtained from the Americans were spoiled or worn out, or had been given away or sold at Kamtschatka. In consequence hereof, the rage with which the seamen were possessed to return to Cook' River, and by another cargo of skins to make their fortunes, was, at one time, not far short of mutiny. The numerous voyages that have since been undertaken for the prosecution of the trade here suggested, have rendered it familiar to the merchants both of Britain and of America; and, though it has not latterly been productive of advantages equal to those which were realized by the first adventurers, is still a branch of commerce that is successfully pursued. The barter which had been carrying on with the Chinese for their sea-otter skins, produced a very whimsical change in the dress of the crews. On their arrival in the Typa, nothing could exceed the ragged appearance both of the younger officers and seamen; almost the whole of their original stock of European clothes having been long worn out, or patched up with skins, or the various manufactures they had met with in the course of their discoveries. These were now again mixed and eked out with the gaudiest silks and cottons of China. On the 11th of January, two seamen belonging to the Resolution ran off with a six oared cutter, and were never after heard of. It was supposed that they had been seduced by the prevailing notion of making a fortune by returning to the fur islands. On account of the war between England and America, with France and Spain as her allies, of which they received intelligence at Canton, they put themselves in the best posture of defence, the Resolution mounting sixteen guns, and the Discovery ten. They had reason, however, to believe, from the generosity of their enemies, that these precautions were superfluous: being informed that instructions had been found on board all the French ships of war captured in Europe, directing their commanders, in case of falling in with the ships that sailed under the command of Captain Cook, to suffer them to proceed without molestation; and the same orders were also said to have been given by the American Congress to the vessels employed in their service. In return for these liberal concessions, Captain Gore resolved to refrain from availing himself of any opportunities of capture, and to preserve throughout the remainder of the voyage, the strictest neutrality. On the 12th of January, 1780, our navigators got under sail from Macao; on the 19th, they saw Pulo Sapata, and on the 20th, descried Pulo Condore, and anchored in the harbour at the south-west end of the island. The town is situated at the east end, and here they procured eight buffaloes, with other refreshments. From the untractableness and prodigious strength of the buffaloes, it was both a tedious and difficult operation to get them on board. The method of conducting them was by passing ropes through their nostrils and round their horns; but, having been once enraged at the sight of our men, they became so furious that they sometimes broke the trees to which they were often under the necessity of being tied; sometimes they tore asunder the cartilage of the nostril through which the ropes ran, and got loose. On these occasions, all the exertions of the men to recover them would have been ineffectual, without the assistance of some young boys, whom these animals would permit to approach them, and by whose little management their rage was soon appeased. A circumstance respecting these animals, which was thought no less singular than their gentleness toward, and, as it should seem, affection for, little children, was, that they had not been twenty-four hours on board, before they became the tamest of all creatures. Captain King kept two of them, a male and a female, for a considerable time, which became great favourites with the sailors; and thinking that a breed of animals of such strength and size, some of them weighing when dressed, seven hundred pounds, would be a valuable acquisition, intended to have brought them with him to England, but his intention was frustrated by an incurable hurt which one of them received at sea. Our navigators remained here till the 28th of January, when they unmoored and proceeded on their homeward voyage, passing through the Straits of Banea, and of Sunda, without any occurrence worthy of particular remark. They saw two or three Dutch ships in the Straits of Sunda. They watered at Prince's Island at the entrance of the Straits, and got a supply of fowls and turtle there. From the time of their entering the Straits of Banea, they began to experience the powerful effects of the pestilential climate, and malignant putrid fevers, with obstinate coughs and dysenteries, prevailed amongst the crews, happily, however, without one fatal termination. On the 18th of February they left the Straits of Sunda; in the night between the 25th and 26th, they experienced a most violent storm, during which almost every sail they had bent was split to rags, and the next day they were obliged to bend their last suit of sails, and to knot and splice the rigging, their cordage being all expended. On the 7th of April they saw the land of Africa, and on the 9th, they fell in with an English East India packet, that had left Table Bay three days before. On the evening of the 12th, they dropped anchor in False Bay, and the next morning stood into Simon's Bay. Having completed their victualling, and furnished themselves with the necessary supply of naval stores, our navigators sailed out of the bay on the 9th of May. On the 12th of June, they passed the equator for the fourth time during the voyage. On the 12th of August they made the western coast of Ireland, and, after a fruitless attempt to put into Port Galway, they were obliged, by strong southerly winds, to steer to the northward; and, on the 26th of August, both ships came to an anchor in Stromness, in the Orkneys, whence Captain King was dispatched by Captain Gore, to acquaint the board of Admiralty with their arrival. On the first of October, the ships arrived safe at the Nore, after an absence of four years, two months, and twenty-two days. THE MORAI. AN ODE. BY MISS HELEN MARIA WILLIAMS. Fair Otaheite, fondly bless'd By him, who long was doom'd to brave The fury of the polar wave, That fiercely mounts the frozen rock Where the harsh sea bird rears her nest, And learns the raging surge to mock-- There, Night, that loves eternal storm. Deep and lengthen'd darkness throws, And untried Danger's doubtful form Its half seen horror shews! While Nature, with a look so wild, Leans on the cliffs in chaos piled; That here, the awed, astonish'd mind Forgets, in that o'erwhelming hour, When her rude hands the storms unbind, In all the madness of her power; That she who spreads the savage gloom, That _she_ can dress in melting grace, In sportive Summer's lavish bloom, The awful terrors of her face; And wear the sweet perennial smile That charms in Otaheite's isle. Yet, amid her fragrant bowers. Where Spring, whose dewy fingers strew O'er other lands some fleeting flowers, Lives, in blossoms ever new; Whence arose that shriek of pain? Whence the tear that flows in vain?-- Death! thy unrelenting hand Tears some transient human band-- Eternity! rich plant that blows Beneath a brighter, happier sky. Time is a fading branch, that grows On thy pure stem, and blooms to die. What art thou, Death?--terrific shade. In unpierced gloom array'd! Oft will daring Fancy stray Far in the central wastes, where Night Divides no cheering hour with Day, And unnamed horrors meet her sight; There thy form she dimly sees, And round the shape unfinish'd throws All her frantic vision shews When numbing fears her spirit freeze-- But can mortal voice declare If Fancy paints thee as thou art? Thy aspect may a terror wear Her pencil never shall impart; The eye that once on thee shall gaze, No more its stiffen'd orb can raise; The lips that could thy power reveal, Shall lasting silence instant seal-- In vain the icy hand we fold, In vain the breast with tears we steep, The heart, that shared each pang, is cold, The vacant eye no more can weep. Yet from the shore where Ganges rolls His wave beneath the torrid ray, To Earth's chill verge, where o'er the poles Fall the last beams of lingering day. For ever sacred are the dead? Sweet Fancy comes in Sorrow's aid, And bids the mourner lightly tread Where the insensate clay is laid: Bids partial gloom the sod invest By the mouldering relics press'd; Then lavish strews, with sad delight, What'er her consecrating power Reveres of herb, or fruit, or flower, And fondly weaves the various rite. See! o'er Otaheite's plain Moves the long, funereal train; Slow the pallid corse they bear, Oft they breathe the solemn prayer: Where the ocean bathes the land, Thrice, and thrice, with pious hand, The priest, when high the billow springs, From the wave unsullied, flings Waters pure, that, sprinkled near, Sanctify the hallow'd bier: But never may one drop profane The relics with forbidden stain! Now around the funeral shrine, Led in mystic mazes, twine Garlands, where the plantain weaves With the palm's luxuriant leaves; And o'er each sacred knot is spread The plant devoted to the dead. Five pale moons with trembling light Shall gaze upon the lengthen'd rite; Shall see distracted Beauty tear The tresses of her flowing hair: Those shining locks, no longer dear, She wildly scatters o'er the bier; And careless gives the frequent wound That bathes in precious blood the ground. When along the western sky, Day's reflected colours die, And Twilight rules the doubtful hour Ere slow-paced Night resumes her power; Mark the cloud that lingers still Darkly on the hanging hill! There the disembodied mind Hears, upon the hollow wind, In unequal cadence thrown, Sorrow's oft repeated moan:-- Still some human passions sway The spirit late immersed in clay; Still the faithful sigh is dear, Still beloved the fruitless tear! Five waning moons, with wandering light, Have pass'd the shadowy bound of night, And mingled their departing ray With the soft fires of early day: Let the last sad rite be paid Grateful to the conscious shade: Let the priest, with pious care. Now the wasted relics bear Where the Morai's awful gloom Shrouds the venerable tomb; Let the plantain lift its head, Cherish'd emblem of the dead; Slow and solemn, o'er the grave, Let the twisted plumage wave, Symbol hallow'd, and divine, Of the god who guards the shrine. Hark!--that shriek of strange despair Never shall disturb the air. Never, never shall it rise But for Nature's broken ties!-- Bright crescent! that with lucid smiles Gild'st the Morai's lofty pile, Whose broad lines of shadow throw A gloomy horror far below; Witness, O recording Moon! All the rites are duly done; Be the faithful tribute o'er, The hovering spirit asks no more! Mortals, cease the pile to tread, Leave, to silence, leave the dead. But where may she who loves to stray Mid shadows of funereal gloom, And courts the sadness of the tomb, Where may she seek the proud Morai, Whose dear memorial points the place Where fell the friend of human race? Ye lonely isles! on ocean's bound Ye bloom'd through time's long flight unknown, Till Cook the untract'd billow pass'd, Till he along the surges cast Philanthropy's connecting zone, And spread her lovliest blessings round. Not like that murderous band he came, Who stain'd with blood the new found West Nor as, with unrelenting breast, From Britain's free enlighten'd land, Her sons now seek Angola's strand, Each tie most sacred to unbind, To load with chains a brother's frame, And plunge a dagger in the mind; Mock the sharp anguish bleeding there Of Nature in her last despair! Great Cook! Ambition's lofty flame, So oft directed to destroy, Led _thee_ to circle with thy name, The smile of Love, and Hope, and Joy! Those fires, that lend the dangerous blaze The devious comet trails afar, Might form the pure benignant rays That gild the morning's gentle star-- Sure, where the Hero's ashes rest, The nations late emerg'd from night Still base--with love's unwearied care That spot in lavish flowers is dress'd, And fancy's dear inventive rite Still paid with fond observance there! Ah no!--around his fatal grave, No lavish flowers were ever strew'd No votive gifts were ever laid-- His blood a savage shore bedew'd! His mangled limbs, one hasty prayer, One pious tear by friendship, paid, Were cast upon the raging wave; Deep in the wild abyss he lies. Far from the cherish'd scene of home; Far, far from Her whose faithful sighs A husband's trackless course pursue; Whose tender fancy loves to roam With _him_ o'er lands and oceans new; And gilds with Hope's deluding form The gloomy pathway of the storm. Yet, Cook! immortal wreaths are thine! While Albion's grateful toil shall raise The marble tomb, the trophied bust, For ages faithful to its trust; While, eager to record thy praise, She bids the Muse of History twine The chaplet of undying fame, And tell each polish'd land thy worth: The ruder natives of the earth Shall oft repeat thy honour'd name; While infants catch the frequent sound, And learn to lisp the oral tale; Whose fond remembrance shall prevail Till Time has reach'd his destin'd bound. THE END.