A treatise of the true and ancient jurisdiction of the House of Peers by Sir Robert Atkyns ... Atkyns, Robert, Sir, 1621-1709. 1699 Approx. 115 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 21 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2003-09 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A26147 Wing A4144 ESTC R31568 12169077 ocm 12169077 55358 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A26147) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 55358) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 1495:4) A treatise of the true and ancient jurisdiction of the House of Peers by Sir Robert Atkyns ... Atkyns, Robert, Sir, 1621-1709. [4], 36 p. [s.n.], London printed : MDCXCIX [1699] Reproduction of original in the Harvard Law School Library Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. 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Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng England and Wales. -- Parliament. -- House of Lords. Courts -- Great Britain. 2003-03 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2003-05 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2003-06 John Latta Sampled and proofread 2003-06 John Latta Text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-08 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion A TREATISE OF THE TRUE and ANCIENT JURISDICTION OF THE House of Peers . By Sir ROBERT ATKYNS , Knight of the BATH . State super Semitas antiquas . LONDON : Printed in the Year MDCXCIX . To the Honourable The Knights , Citizens , and Burgesses of the House of Commons in Parliament Assembled . The Humble Petition of Sir Robert Atkyns Knight of the Bath , SHEWETH , THAT your Petitioner , in the several Publick Employments he hath undergone , hath had more than ordinary occasion of observing the encreasing Iurisdiction of the Courts of Equity in this Kingdom , and how the Common-Law ( the Birthright of every Englishman ) hath been , and still is every day more and more invaded by it . He hath taken the pains to collect many of those continual complaints from time to time made by the Commons of England in Parliament , against the Exercise of that New Iurisdiction in the very beginning of it . And your Petitioner hath great reason also , to take notice of the Exercise of the Iurisdiction of Appeals from the Proceedings of those Courts : And humbly presents this Honourable House with what he hath collected , in order to your Service therein . Your Petitioner craves leave to make use of that freedom which belongs to every Englishman , to tender you a Complaint against so publick ●nd spreading a Grievance . He doth not Appeal , nor complain of any thing that meerly concerns himself : He only subjoins a Case wherein himself was a Party , meerly as an Instance of the large Exercise of a power against the known and fundamental Rules of the Common-Law , as he conceives . That Case of your Petitioner happened very lately in the Chancery ; But it is generally known in the Courts of Westminster-Hall , That as your Petitioner had occasion , he hath for many years frequently and publickly in his Station enveigh'd against the Encroachments of Courts of Equity , and that late course of Appeals . But on the behalf of the whole Kingdom he humbly offers his Service , and lays before You what he hath observed and collected upon this Subject , after near Threescore years Experience . And submits All to your Wisdom , to proceed in providing Iust Remedies . And your Petitioner shall ever Pray , &c. Robert Atkyns . OF THE Supreme Jurisdiction IN THE KINGDOM OF ENGLAND . THE House of Lords have a very Ancient and Transcendent Jurisdiction ; but it is not Absolute nor Arbitrary in the Exercise of it , nor Universal ; and in all Cases it is a Power Limited by Law , and must be Exercis'd according to the known Rules of Law. And though the Peers are very Great and Honourable , yet they are but Men , and not Infallible ; and therefore a Writ of Error lies upon their Judgments : And the Law allows that liberty to the meanest Subject , to demur to the Jurisdiction of any Court whatsoever , even that of the House of Lords . Let us Enquire into their Jurisdiction , when it began , and in what Cases they have a Right to it . An Eminent Author , suppos'd to be the Late Lord Hollis , upon occasion of the great Cause between Skinner and the East-India-Company , ( so much disputed between the Two Houses of Parliament ) hath in Print Asserted . That the House of Peers hath their Right of Judicature from the beginning of the Nation , Page 134. He affirms it is a Power Lodged in them by the very Frame and Constitution of the Government . As to the Extent of their Jurisdiction , Page 213. he affirms , That they have an undoubted Right to an Universal and Unlimited Power of taking Conusance of all manner of Causes of what nature soever ; and of Judging and Determining of them , if no particular Law do otherwise dispose of them . Nec Metas rerum , nec tempora ponit . The first of these seems to Entrench very far upon the Regal Power . He not only makes their Power equal in time to it , owning no Derivation from it , but in effect Claims a Co-ordination with it : But the Claim of such an Independent and Original Power , sounds like that which is taken to be a peculiar of the Supreme Power , as to the Administration of it , viz. In all Causes , and over all Persons , &c. Nay , he holds that the Peerage sets bounds both to Power and Liberty , Page 71. as this Author maintains it . It may easily be understood ( by what follows ) what is meant there by ( Power ) viz. The Regal Administration of it . Whereas the Common-Law of England , and all the Authors and Writers of it , do with one Consent acknowledge , Jurisdictions within this Realm are deriv'd from the Crown . And that no Court hath an Absolute and Unlimited Power , save the Supreme Court of the Nation , consisting of the King , Lords , and Commons Assembled in Parliament , and in them indeed is the True Supreme Power under God. But that , according to the different nature of Causes , some are distributed into one Court , and some into another : But not any one Court hath Jurisdiction in all Causes , save that of the Parliament . And that all Courts must proceed by some certain known Rules , that is , the Courts of the Common-Law , Secundum legem & consuetudinem Angliae ; And Courts of Equity , according to the ancient and constant Precedents , and Usage . But this Court of Peers ( for I confine my self still to what is asserted by this Noble Author ) doth wholly exclude the King , and ingross all to themselves ? No , by no means . He allows the King a single Voice among them , Page 145. as a Chief Justice in another Court , whose Voice or Opinion hath no more force than that of a Puisny Judge . No , not so much as a Casting-Voice , where they are equally divided . I shall offer to Consideration upon what grounds and proofs this Noble Author doth Entitle the House of Peers to this Unlimited Jurisdiction . He hath been led into these Opinions , I fear , by some late over-zealous and injudicious Writers , who , out of a too fond and forward Zeal to depress the House of Commons , in the late Exorbitant Power which they took upon them in the late Times , in order ( I say ) to the decrying of their Usurped Power ; those Writers thought they could never sufficiently Exalt the Power of the Lords , to over-ballance that of the Commons . And it may perhaps be useful ( by the way ) to take notice of the strange Revolution that in the late Times happened to the Government of this Nation . 1. Our Kings began first to strain Prerogative too high upon the Subject . 2. Both the Houses of Parliament thereupon join'd together in Usurping upon the Regal Power . 3. After some short time the late House of Commons , by the help of their Army , laid aside the House of Lords . ( Sic cum sole , perit Syderibus decor . ) 4. After some time again a lesser part of the House of Commons exclude the greater part . 5. And these their own Army over-top , as being but the Fragment of that House . 1. — Sic Medus ademit 2. Assyrio : Medóque tulit moderamina , Perses ▪ 3. Persen subjecit Macedo , Cessurus & Ipse 4. Romano . These Modern Writers , who are such earnest Advocates for the House of Peers , ascribe to the Lords all that vast Power and Jurisdiction , which they read in our Ancient Histories to be exercised by the National Assemblies in the Times of the old British , Saxon , Danish , and Norman Kings . Thus Writes Mr. William Pryn , in his Plea for the Lords and House of Peers , Page 164. That the House of Peers had this Sovereign Jurisdiction vested in it both in the Times of the Brittish , Saxon , Danish , and Norman Kings ; and other Modern Writers Chyme in with him . Whereas it is most Evident by our more Ancient and most Judicious Authors , and Antiquaries , That the great Assemblies which were convened in Ancient Times here in England , were quite of another Constitution and Complexion from the now Two Houses of Parliament , and had no resemblance to them . It was in those Ancient Times but one great and numerous Assembly that met : Not distinguish'd either by those several Terms of Lords and Commons ; or by Two Houses , the Upper and the Lower , nor by any other dividing Titles . Those great Assemblies had under our several Kings , and together with them , the whole Legislative , and Judicial Power , with little distinction to be found in the Exercise of those Two mighty Powers . The Members of them were not qualified neither by any Title of Honour , ( though there might be honorary Titles in those Times ) but they were qualified and entitled to their Power by their Possessions and Tenures , and some few by certain great Offices . This great Assembly could not properly be called The Representative of the Nation , ( for they came not all to these Assemblies as chosen by the People ) but most of them came thither in their own Personal inherent Right , and might more justly be call'd , the Principals of the Nation , and look'd upon as the true Owners and Proprietors of the Nation , accounting the Land-Interest to be the main , and the true , and stable Interest , and might therefore truly be termed , The Nation it self Assembled , or the People Assembled . It was the Land-Interest then that gave both Honour and Power . Dat Census Honores ; yet it cannot be denied , but that the Ancient Boroughs did Elect their Representatives , even in the most Ancient Times , who were at first a small part of these great Assemblies ; though now much more numerous , and weigh down the ballance ; and this is proved to have been long before the Time of King Henry the Third , though those late Writers date it from that time only . It would be folly to undertake to give any clear or large account of the Supreme Judicatures that were in the Times of the Ancient Brittons , Saxons , or Danes , which many of our late Writers pretend to do . For Tacitus in the Life of Agricola tells us of the old Brittons , that at the time of the coming of the Romans into this Land , they did not so much as in Commune Consulere ; that is , they had no Common-Council , nor did they meet together to Consult how to repel their common danger ; but were divided into a multitude of Feuds and Factions , under their Reguli or pretty Princes . Rarus duabus tribusve Civitatibus ad propulsandum Commune periculum Conventus . After the Britons were wholly subdued by the Romans , they receiv'd Law and Magistracy from their Conquerors . Net legibus suis patriis uti permissi sunt ( though it is impli'd , that they had Laws of their own ) Sed Magistratus à populo Romano cum Imperio & securibus missi , qui jus dicerent , says Learned Cambden in his Britannia Page 48. for which he cites his Authors . The Saxons , who succeeded the Romans , divided the Nation into Seven parts , and Constituted the Heptarchy . It were in vain to search for an House of Lords , or any one Supreme Judicature all that time for all the Nation . The Supreme Judicature in those times must be Seven in number , if any ; for the Seven were Independent one of the other . Most part of the State of the Saxon Government is so obscure ( says our great Selden ) that we can see only Steps or torn Relicks of them , rather than so much as might give full satisfaction . If there be any thing in their times to our purpose , ( that is , concerning one Supreme Court of Judicature , to which the whole Nation was subject ) it must fall towards the latter end of the Saxon Times ; After Egbert , King of the West-Saxons , had reduced the other parts of the Heptarchy under his Obedience ; when they did in unum coalescere , and were all seven melted down into one Mass. And after the several Governments and parts were united , though the Government was but One , yet there were Three several and distinct Laws remain'd in force , which had their several Limits and Precincts . See Lambert , De priscis Anglorum Legibus , Page 180. And these were not meerly some certain different Customs ( for so it is to this day in our several Counties ; as of Gavelkind , and Burrough - English , &c. but they were under Three distinct Systems or Bodies of Laws ; so that it could not be any way practicable during that time , to have any one great Court of Judicature for the whole Land. By which of those Three Laws should that great Judicature have proceeded ? But after some time those Three different Bodies of Laws were found incompatible with one entire Government , as it came to be at last ; and therefore King Edgar ( a Saxon King ) out of these Three Bodies of Laws , by the Counsel of his Wise men , Compos'd one great Body of Law to be observ'd by the whole Nation of England . And Edward the Confessor gave new Vigour and Life of this new Body , which was afterwards extracted out of those Three Old Bodies of Laws , and are indeed the Fountain and Materia prima of that which we now call , The Common-Law of England . From these we derive our Trials by Twelve Men , our levying of Fines of Lands , and the Offices of Sheriff , Coroner , Constable , and many more of our Laws , Customs , and Offices continued amongst us ever since unto this day . And these are those good Old Laws of King Edward the Confessor , which William the First ( who is stiled the Conqueror ) did more than once swear to govern by ; which proves him to be indeed no Conqueror . And these make up the greatest part of Our Magna Charta . I shall mention some few Precedents , in the time of the Saxons , of their Supreme Judicature , and examine what resemblance they bear with that used at present amongst us . And then I shall give some account of the Supreme Court of Judicature in the beginning of the Norman Government during the time of their first Six or Seven Kings ; and by the way still examine , how justly any Court now in being , can be said to derive their Power from them , and to Sit and succeed them in their Seat. And in the last place , I shall make my Conjecture , how and at what time the Magnum Concilium in Parliamento , or the House of Peers , first began to exercise the Supreme Judicature . And while I run through the Precedents , and cite my Authors , whoever reads them , may at the same instant make their Observation of these particulars ensuing , which I conceive will evidently result and arise from them . 1. First , That the Supreme Power of Legislature , and the Supreme Power of Judicature ( which yet are distinct things in themselves ; for it is one thing , jus dare , and another thing , jus dicere ) both these high Powers ( I say ) under our several Ancient Kings , resided in one and the same Assembly , consistting of the very same Persons , but with different methods in their way of proceeding , that is , whoever had an hand in the Legislature , was not excluded from the Judicature , wherein it differs from our present Constitution ; which is , that the House of Peers , who have but a share in the Legislature , yet now claim to themselves the sole power of Judicature as the last resort . 2. Secondly , Another thing that I shall observe out of the several Precedents and Authors that I shall mention , is this , That the great Convention and Assembly that anciently had these Two great Powers of Legislature and Judicature , were but one entire great Body and Assembly , not divided into two or more parts , nor distinguish'd ( as now ) into Two Houses , or by the names of Lords and Commons ; but these Powers resided equally in them , Tota in Toto . 3. Thirdly , That all , or the far greatest part of the Members of these great Assemblies , came not thither by the choice , or at the will and pleasure of the Prince , as he thought fit to single them out by name , ( as Peers are made usually ) nor did they all come by Election or Office , though there were some of both those sorts , viz. The Bishops , and the Burgesses of the Burroughs : but the far greatest part came by a certain Right they had to meet in those Assemblies ; but what gave them their Right , or qualification , or capacity , so to meet , doth not so clearly appear to an hasty Reader of our History , and Antiquities . It is evident , it was not any meer Title of Honour or Dignity ; for Anciently in England there were not any Dignities but what were also accompanied with Offices , and ceased with the Office. But it did proceed from their Lands and Posessions : which as they gave them Honour , so they gave them Power and Authority in those Ancient Times . And this they learnt from the Romans , whose Example was followed herein by most of those Nations that had fallen under their Conquest . 4. Fourthly , These Assemblies were very great and numerous , far exceeding in number both Houses of Parliament at this day ( were they both put together ) so that they cannot with any colour of Reason be thought an Assembly of Lords only , ( as our Novel Writers would impose upon us ; ) for it is absurd to think that so great a number should be all Lords , for then there would be none left in the Nation to bear the Character of Commons , save only the Plebs , or Faeces Populi : And the Title or Distinction of Lords cannot subsist , without a body of some Inferiors , from whom the Lords may be distinguish'd . Tolle Relatum , & tollis Correlatum . 5. Fifthly , Though the Freeholders of the several Counties did not then ( as now ) meet in those Assemblies by their Representatives duly chosen , so that any Assembly could properly be said to be the Representative of all the Commons of England , ( which is much insisted on by our new fort of Authors , who would decry and depress the House of Commons , as being but of yesterday , in comparison with the Antiquity of the House of Lords ; that is , but from the Nine and Fortieth year of King Henry the Third ; whereas the Lords have been ( as they affirm ) from time immemorial , and co-aeval with the Nation it self ; yet ( which is more in Vindication of the Antiquity of the Commons in Parliament ) it will appear , that the Freeholders generally met there themselves , ( in the great Assemblies then used ) in their own proper persons , undistinguish'd by any such Terms of Lords and Commons and all were upon the same level . A Representative is but of the Nature of a Deputy , or Delegate , to supply the place of one that is absent ; such as in the House of Lords they call Proxies , ( who sometimes have been such as were no Members of that House ) and such as in the Convocation of the Clergy they call'd procuratores Cleri . But the great Freeholders , as being the Principals ( rightly called ) may more properly , and in a true genuine sense be stiled , The National Assembly . Those met in their own proper personal Capacity ; for the Land-Interest in the hands of the true Owner ( the Freeholder ) is the only true , stable , permanent , fixed Interest of the Nation . The Farmers and Copy-holders were at first , and in Ancient Times look'd upon , and accounted , but as Servants and Dependants upon the Freeholders , and little regarded by the Common-Law . And for those that followed Merchandize , and Trade , though they ever sent to these great Assemblies by Election , ( the Manufacture of Woollen Cloth greatly flourishing in the Reigns of King Henry the Second , and King Richard the First , which gave occasion to those Ancient Guilds or Societies that were setled in Lincoln , York , Oxford , and other Cities , and Ancient Burroughs in England ; which Trade was wholly lost in the troublesome times of King Iohn , Henry the Third , Edward the First , and Edward the Second : And then our Trade ran in Woolls , Wooll-fels , and Leather , carried out in Specie , till recover'd again by the peaceable times of King Edward the Third , as the most Learned in the Law , the late Chief Justice Hales does assert in his Origination of Mankind ; ) yet those Ancient Burroughs were not then so numerous in those Elder times , nor were the Traders then in so great Esteem , as having to do in Moveables only , and a transient Interest ; and as we use to say , Here to day , and gone to morrow , and were therefore of an Inferior account , and made no great Figure . And it was then a Legal Disparagement for the Guardian in Chivalry to marry the Ward , being the Heir of a Freeholder that held by Knights's Service to the Daughter of the Burgess of a Burrough . 6. Sixthly , The last Observation shall be this , That the Freeholders encreasing at last , in their number , by the sub-dividing of their posessions and tenures , and thereupon growing seditious and tumultuous , and an unwieldly Body , and less valuable and venerable in their Individuals and particulars , Mole ruebat suâ , they came to be divided , and the greatest part of them at last discontinued their coming to these Assemblies , and so they broke in two , and fell into two Houses , and their Powers became parted between them ; and one part assum'd or had assign'd to them , some of the Powers , and the other part what was left : Cúm quercus decidit , unusquísque ligna colligit . Yet there is reason to think that it was thus distributed and determin'd by Agreement in a National Assembly . These Observations and Conclusions I have thought fit and proper , to propose before I peruse the Precedents , and cite my Authors ; That the Reader may take notice , by the way , upon the opening of them , how properly , truly , and naturally these Observations result , and are made out , some by one Precedent and Author , and some by another , which otherwise by an hasty reading might possibly escape the being observ'd . It will not be altogether impertinent , by the way , to take notice of the temper and usage amongst the Ancient Britons , before the coming of the Romans , testified by our most credible Authors which seem to have a countenance this way , viz. of translating all publick Affairs by the body of the Freeholders : And that it may appear , that this humour of the Nation was , as we use to say , bred in the bone . Although they seldom or never had any National Assemblies , as before hath been observ'd , unless upon some great and extraordinary sudden occasion , like that of chusing Cassibilan for their General upon the Invasion by the Romans , or the like , which was but temporary . Tacitus , the Roman Annalist , says of the Ancient Britons , De Minoribus rebus Principes consultant : De Majoribus , Omnes . Ita tamèn ut ed quóque quorum penes plebem arbitrium est , apud Principes praetractentur . Note , ( Principes ) here signifies not Princes or Monarchs , but the great or chief men , as will appear by what follows . The Plebs , or common sort , were not excluded , whenever they did consult , or transact any publick Affairs . Ziphilinus out of Dio Cassius , speaking of the Britons . Apud hos ( says he ) Populus magnâ ex parte Principatum tenet . This is not meant of the power of Government , as if they were a Republick , or had any thing of a Democracy ; for Caesar in his Commentaries tells us , that the Old and Primitive Government amongst the Britons , as to the Title and outward Form of the Administration , was Monarchial and Regal . Olim Regibus parebant ( says he ) . But it must therefore be understood , that the People had this Principatum in Subordination to the Kings . It was not Engross'd into the hands of an Aristocracy ; and what can Principatus else consist of ; unless in Legislature and Judicature ? Our late Innovators would have us believe , that ( Populus ) doth sometimes signify only the Lay-Lords , met in these Ancient great Assemblies , in distinction only from the Clergy ; as when our Annals or Records mention Clerus & Populus , ( as they often do ) it is not ( say they ) to be understood , as if the Common people met ; but only those of the higher Rank , the Lords , or Nobility . Therefore I have cited Tacitus , who speaks of the Plebs , or Plebeians , who used to meet to consult of the greatest Matters , De Majoribus Omnes consultant , as before was observ'd . ( Omnes ) comprehends the Plebeians , and excludes none . But under their favour ( Populus ) does most usually signify All but the highest Rank , and is exclusive to them only , though sometimes by way of distinction from the Prince or Clergy . Thus in that old lofty Title of the Roman Republick , Senatus Populùsque Romanus , where the word ( Populus ) is exclusive of the Senate , and distinct from it . Thus Learned Vinius the Civilian in his Commentaries upon the Imperial Laws , Page 12. says Plebs à Populo dissert , Nam appellatione Populi , Universi Cives significantur , Connumeratis etiam Patriciis & Senatoribus . Plebis autem appellatione sine Patriciis & Senatoribus , caeteri cives significantur ; but in no Author ( till among these new Writers of ours ) does ( Populus ) signify the Lords or Patricians , exclusive to the middle or common sort ( as they would have it . ) To come to the times of the Saxons , who next succeeded the Romans , even in the time of the Heptarchy , We have one Instance or Precedent in the time of Ina , King of the West-Saxons , ( which was the most Powerful of all the Seven , and at last swallowed up all the rest . ) Lambert in his Book , De Priscis Anglorum legibus , Fol. 1 mo . beginning with King Ina , Anno 712. says , He made his Laws suasu & Instituto Episcoporum suorum , Omnium Senatorum suorum , Et Natu Majorum Sapientum Populi sui , in Magna servorum Dei frequentia . Brampton ( the Historian ) as Mr. Selden cites him , renders it , Multáque Congregatione servorum Dei ; and Lambert again , Fol. 62. says , King Edgar Anno 959. ( who was one of the English Monarchs after the time of the Heptarchy ) gave his Title to his Laws thus , viz. Leges quas Rex Edgarus frequenti Senatu Sancivit : and afterwards , Fol. 148. in a remembrance and recital of some of King Ina's Laws , it is said , Hoc factum fuit , per Commune Concilium & assensum Omnium Episcoporum , Principum , Procerum , Comitum ( no word of Baronum ) for they were not in being till afterwards in the time of the Normans . But the title of King Ina's Laws goes on , and says further , Et Omnium Sapientum , Seniorium , & Populorum totius Regni ; that is , in English , The Common-Council of the whole Nation was made up of all these , and but One Body . In the time of King Etheluph , King of West-Sex , there was a great Assembly , or Parliament ( says Mr. Selden ) held at Winchester , Anno 855. ( now above 800 years since : ) Where were present the Archbishop ( but one ) Bishops , and Ducum , Comitum , Procerúmque totius terrae , aliorúmque fidelium Infinita Multitudo , for which he cites Ingulphus . This was at that time the Supreme Judicature , and the last Resort . There was a Proceeding in a Civil Cause before their Supreme Court , or Witena-Gemot ; under King Eldred , Son to King Edgar , who began his Reign ( says Dr. Heylin ) Anno 978. one Leoffius had bought Land of Adelwold Bishop of Winchester , and denied to pay for it ; And he had also dis-seis'd the Bishop of certain other Lands : Edicitur placitum apud Londoniam ; where the Duces , Principes , Satrapae ex omni parte confluerant ; which word ( Satrapae ) extends to the middle sort , as I shall show by and by . The Bishop coràm cunctis suam causam patefecit ( he opened and pleaded his own Cause ) before them all . Quâ , rè , benè , & ritè , ac apertè ab omnibus discussa ( not commanding the Parties and Auditors to withdraw while it was debated by the Court ) Omnes reddiderunt Iudicium on the Bishop's side . This Case is also mention'd by Mr. Selden in his Titles of Honour , Page 633. One case more that I shall trouble the Reader with of the Saxon times , shall be that of Earl Godwin in the time of Edward the Confessor , Seld. ib. 634. There the King himself , in his own person , did Sue an Appeal of Murder against Earl Godwin for the death of Alfred ; The Witena-Gemote sate at London and the Cause was heard before Omnes Regni Magnates ; where the word ( Magnates ) comprehended also persons of the middle sort , as well as those of the highest Rank , ( as I shall clearly prove ) ; but the matter was compounded , and twelve Earls bought it off with as much Money as Each of them could carry to the King in their Arms. Note , this was in the time of a Saint King too , viz. ( St. Edward . ) I come now to the times of the Normans , where we may have a much clearer account , and by the Precedents and Writers of those times , the Observations I have made concerning the different Constitution of the Supreme Judicature then , from what is now used , will much more evidently appear . William the First ( stiled the Conqueror ) though he took great care to enquire out the Laws and Customs of the Realm used in the time of Edward the Confessor ( his immediate Predecessor ) by a Jury of twelve Men out of every County , and took an Oath more than once to observe them ; yet he introduced a mighty Change in the state of Affairs in disposing of the Lands , and reserving new Tenures . But this I may with some confidence affirm , that though the persons were changed , that is , French or Normans instead of English or Saxons ; yet the Substance , the Frame and Constitution of the Government still continued as it was before , and likewise the Body of the Laws . The Saxons Witena-Gemot now began to be call'd a Parliament , after the French Language ; but it consisted of the same sort of Men , whose Right to meet there ( I speak as to the generality ) was from their possessions : And in like manner , and of the same persons , was the Supreme Court of Judicature compos'd , though different in power ; yet was there no difference in the qualifications of persons . Now the old titles of Dux , Alderman , or Earl , Heretoche , Vavasor , and Thane , where translated into Comes , and Baro , though very improperly . But long after this AEra , or Epoche , of the coming of the Normans ( as before ) , they were no otherwise honorary than meerly as they were officiary , or feodal . There were no Stars that serv'd only to shine and glitter , but they all had their useful influences too : And the honour was but the shadow or reflexion of their Power and Authority , and they had the Ballast too of large Possessions . Ut Romae olìm Senatores è censu Eligebantur ; so was it ever in England till the time of King Edward the First , or Edward the Third , when meer swelling Titles came in the place of Offices and Estates . And it seems very consonant to Reason and Justice , that none be admitted to a share in the Legislature , ( which disposes of Lands , and imposes Taxes and Charges upon them ; ) and that none have a Voice in the Supreme Court of Judicature , ( which Judges and Determines ultimately of Estates and Titles to Lands , ) but such as have good Estates in Lands themselves ; as by the old Saxon Law ( which continues Law still ) that none shall serve of a Jury that is to try the Title of Land , but he that hath a Freehold in Land of his own . The Bishops in the Saxon times held their Lands free from all Secular Service in Frank-almoign ; but they had Place and Voice in Parliament , as Bishops , and as they were spiritual only , but not in respect of any Tenure or Baronies , as afterwards they did in the times of the Normans . And Burgesses were Elected to Serve for the several Burroughs ( which were then but few ) as is clearly proved by the Record of Edward the Second , of a Petition of the Burgesses of St. Albans , as it hath been publish'd by Mr. Petit of the Temple . And it is very likely , that the great Officers of the Kingdom came thither by virtue of their Offices . But the greatest part ( no doubt ) of that great Body , was made up of those who had a Right to meet there in respect of their Possessions ( their Freeholds . ) And from thence , and from the great Power and Authority which they shared in , at those great Assemblies , they were in the old Saxon Laws and Annals stiled Nobiles , Magnates , Proceres , Primates , Principes , Seniores , Sapientes , and by such like Compellations . And from hence have arisen those gross Mistakes and Errors , which some of our late zealous Writers have been guilty of , who affirm , that ever any one House , as now constituted , had that great power from the first Constitution of the Government . In our Saxon Laws and Annals , all the great things that were acted in those times , and all the Laws that were then made , and the Judgments then given , are reported to be made and done , by persons describ'd and mention'd by the Titles then in use ; namely , by the Names of Aldermen , or Thanes ; and by the Attributes of Nobiles , Principes , Proceres , and the like . Our Norman Translators when they Translate those Saxon Titles , render them ( though unduly ) in the dialect , and by the Titles used in their own Times , viz. Comites & Barones ; because in their own times none were usually accounted Magnates , Nobiles , Proceres , Principes , and the like , but such as were in the ●●●mes stiled Comites and Barones . From hence our late inconsid●rate Authors , ( such as Sir Robert Filmer , Mr. Pryn , and others ) hastily catch at these Mis-translations , and from thence fiercely argue , that all the power both of Law-making and Judicature under our Ancient Kings were only in the Comites and Barones , and so still ought to be ; And that the Commons have but Usurp'd upon the House of Peers , and that from the time only of King Henry the Third . Whereas in truth there were in those times of the Saxons no such Titles ( as Comites and Barones ) in use , to any such purpose as they have been applied to , since the coming of the Normans ; and they had another kind of signification and power , long after the coming in of the Normans , till about the time of King Henry the Third , than what they have now ; and not till much about the same time is it that these Anti-Commoners allow to be the first beginning and date of the Jurisdiction of the House of Commons ; and that till then there was no such House . Our Famous Selden takes notice of these Mis-translations of the Saxon Laws and Annals by the Norman Writers , Pag. 604. of his Titles of Honour . The Translation , says he , of ( Alderman ) or ( Earl ) in King Athelstan's Laws into the word ( Comes ) proceeded from the ignorance of them , who , after the Norman Monarchy , in their turning and translating the Saxon Laws , thought that ( Earl ) was used for ( Comes ) in King Athelstan's time , because it was so afterwards in their own times . That kind of fault ( says Selden ) is most common . Sir Henry Spelman ( another of our Learned Antiquaries ) takes notice of the same Errour in our Norman Translators , in rendring Words and Titles , Non è more Saeculi antiquioris , but according to the Titles of Honour used in their own times ; when in truth they signified different things . As if a man should go about to prove the Name and Office of High-Sheriffs to be as Ancient as the times of the Romans ; because Godwin in his Roman Antiquities , Page 176. translates the words ( Triumviri Capitales ) into ( Three High-Sheriffs ; ) and should argue that whatever was done at Rome by those ( Triumviri ) should therefore belong to the Office of our High-Sheriffs , which would be ridiculous . We may as well argue that the vast power Exercis'd heretofore in England by the Capitalis Iustitiarius Angliae ( as his Title was ) who indeed was all one with a Pro-rex or Viceroy ( and whose Office wholly ceased in the time of King Edward the First ) may now be used by the Chief-Justice of the Kings-Bench , who often hath the same Title as ( Capitalis Iustitiarius Angliae ) given him . ( Nobilis ) says Mr. Selden in the Saxon times denoted every Gentleman . Now because ( Nobilis ) in our times is mostly restrain'd to the Peers of the Realm , whom we call ( the Nobility , ) our new Writers and Arguers ascribe all that power to the Lords in Parliament , which they read in the Norman Translators ( such as Matthew Paris , &c. ) was Exercis'd in the Saxon times by those that in those times were stiled ( Nobiles ) ; when in truth that Power and Authority was in the times of the Saxons likewise in the hands of the middle sort of persons in the Kingdom , as well as in those of the highest sort under the Saxon Kings , and all then called ( Nobiles . ) Thus ( Thanes ) who in the Saxon times signified Lords of Mannors , and was not a distinction of Honour , is generally translated ( Barones ) by our ( Norman ) Translators ; and that was not so altogether improperly done ( as I shall show by and by ; ) for the word ( Baro ) from the time of the coming in of the Normans , and a long time after , signified no more than a ( Tenant in Capite ) and was then no Title of Honour . The words Nobiles , Proceres , Magnates , Optimates , and such like , were not in the Saxon times restrain'd to the men of the highest Rank , such as our Earls and Barons are now ; but extended to all persons of the better sort , and above the vulgar . Not only to Patricians and those of the Senatorian Order , ( to speak in the Roman dialect ) but also to those of Equestris Ordinis , excluding none but the Ignota Capita , or sine Nomine turba , such as the Romans stiled ( Plebeians . ) Sir Henry Spelman , in his Glossary , Page 84. Avo Henrici primi ( says he ) Procerum Appellatione computari videntur Omnes maneriorum Domini : So that Titles in the Saxon times , and in the beginning of the Norman times did all resolve themselves into possessions of Lands , and were feodal . For the word ( Magnates , ) it most clearly includes also those of the middle sort ; or ( as I may term it in the now dialect ) of the lower Nobility . Mr. Petit of the Temple , in his Book of ( the Ancient Right of the Commons asserted ) cites a Record in the Tower , Tertio of E. 2. membrana 16 ta . dorso , Rotulo clauso ; where there are these words enter'd , viz. Inhibitio , nè qui Magnates , viz. Comes , Baro , Miles , seu aliqua alia Notabilis persona transeat ad partes transmarinas . So that by this ( videlicet ) Milites are comprehended , under the word ( Magnates ) , and Nobilis , is no more than ( Notabilis . ) Fleta lib. 2. cap. 42. fol. 93.37 . H. 3. In majori Aula Westm. in praesentia Regis , Archiepiscoporum , Episcoporum , Abbatum , Priorum , Comitum , Baronum , Militum , Et Aliorum Magnatum regni Angliae , &c. which allows ( Milites ) to be ( Magnates ) in the time of King Henry the Third , and some inferior to ( the Milites ) under the word ( Aliorum . ) Lambert in his Book De priscis Anglor . Legibus . Fol. 176. recites verbatim a Charter of King Henry the First , de Confirmationibus legum Edwardi Regis . Testibus Archiepiscopis , Episcopis , Baronibus , Comitibus , Vice-comitibus , Et Optimatibus totius regni Angliae . So that the word ( Optimates ) stoop'd as low as to Knights and Sheriffs ( for there were no Vicounts till long after the time of King Hen. the First . ) The same sense of the words ( Magnates & Proceres ) appears in a Record of the Exchequer in the King's Remembrancer's Office , inter Communia brevia de termino Trinitatis . 34. E. 1. Nay , the words ( Baro & Baronagium ) which one would think should be Propria quarto modo , to our Peers , and should be peculiar and characteristical Notes of distinction between Peers , and all others their Inferiors : These very words had a much larger extent , and were comprehensive of all Tenants in Capite ; Nay , communicable to all Lords of Mannors , if not to all Freeholders : And this for a long time after the coming in of the Normans , who introduced them first amongst us . And the very Title of ( Barones ) gives all our Peers , whether dignified with those higher Titles of Dukes , Marquesses , Earls , or Vicounts , the sole Right of Sitting in the House of Peers , and they Sit there Eo nomine , and not meerly by force of those higher Titles . Hence it is , I presume , that those higher dignities are never conferr'd alone , but accompanied at least with that most peculiar Title of the Peers , I mean the Barons . Now nomine Baronagii Angliae , Omnes quodammodo regni Ordines continebantur , ( says Learned Cambden ) in his Britannia , Page 137. And Sir Hen. Spelman in his Glossary , Page 66 , 67 , 68 , 69 , 70. Upon the words ( Barones Comitatûs ) says , Hoc nomine contineri videtur antiquis paginis Omnis Baronum feodalium species . Proceres nempè & Maneriorum Domini , nec non liberi quíque Tenentes , Anglicè Freeholders , qui Iudiciis praefuere Aulae Regiae , the then highest Court of Judicature . Selden in his Notes upon Eadmerus . Fol. 168. The same Learned Author , in his Titles of Honour . Fol. 609.691 . tells us , that in the beginning of the Reign of William the First , Honorary or Parliamentary Barons , were only Barons by Tenure , and created by the King 's Writ or Charter of good Possessions , whereby William the First reserved to himself a Tenure in Chief by Knight's Service , or by Grand Serjeanty . And that Knights Service was to serve the King upon occasion with such a number of Men at Arms as was reserv'd by the Charter , or Grant ; and this is called a Tenure per Baronagium , and the number of all Knights Fees ( out of which Baronies were made up ) amounted ( as Ingulphus , who lived in the Conqueror's time , says , ) to Sixty thousand Knights , or Men of War. Now these Tenants in Capite were the most of those that made up the great Assembly , called a Parliament , and they were the Judges of the Supreme Judicature ; for , as Mr. Selden says , in those times , Tenere de Rege in capite , and to be a Baron , or to have a Right to sit with the rest of the Barons in Councils , or Courts of Judgment , according to the Laws of those times , are Synonomies , and signify the same thing . All these Tenants in Capite ( had the whole Kingdom been put into a Scale , and weighed as Bocaline the Italian weighed all the Princes and States in Europe : These Tenants in Capite ( I say ) made up the greatest part of the weight , I may say , the whole weight , if Land only were to be weighed . For under these Tenants in Capite by degrees in process of time , all the Freeholders derive their Estates , who are therefore to be accounted as cast into the Scale with the Tenants in Capite ; who originally had all the Lands : For Lease-holders , Farmers , and Copy-holders , are but in the nature of Servants or Persons imploy'd under the Freeholders ; and the Copyholders did truly and literally hold their Lands at first ad voluntatem domini , till time gave it the Reputation of a Legal Custom , and to a more durable interest ; and Leases for above 40 years , were not allow'd in those ancient times ; but adjudg'd and held to be void , as vying in value with Inheritance ; but they have of later times been countenanced by Courts of Equity , and made equal in esteem with Freehold Estates and Inheritances , being altogether under the Rule and Government of those Courts , and having their dependance upon the decrees of those Courts , and have the same privileges and favours with Inheritances , under the new notion of being by their decrees made to wait upon the Inheritances , and subject to Trusts , which those Courts take upon them to have the Controulment of ; and hereby the Freehold and Inheritance of Lands are of little regard and value , in comparison of those high powers and privileges which by the Law and Original Institution of the Nation did at first belong to them : All this tends to the great Subversion of the Common-Law , and of the very Constitution of the Nation ; and to all the good Rules and Orders of it ; and in length of time , if not before remedied , will bring all Estates in Land to depend upon Decrees in Equity , and to be Ruled by their Arbitrary Proceedings , and then farewel to the Common-Law . And these Freeholders , who were but the offspring of those Ancient Tenants in Capite , are by the Common-Law , the true and right Owners and Proprietors of the Kingdom : And accordingly , as in them was the true value , stable , firm , and fixed interest of the Nation ; so in them did the Law place the Power and Government under the King , ( who was always the Supreme in the Administration . ) Hence it is , that a Trial by Freeholders , is in the Sense and Language of the Law , a Trial per patriam ; for they are indeed the Country , and the Country is truly theirs . And it is a mighty power if we Enquire into it , and much of it still remains ; though it has been exceedingly abated and humbled , by the swelling of Equity , and by certain Acts of Parliament made in troublesome Reigns ; yet there are some remains , and the marks and footsteps of those many and great benefits that are lopp'd and pared off from it . These Tenants in Capite , and Freeholders were the Persons who under our Kings made up the Primitive Constitution of our Government , both as to the Legislature , and the Supreme Judicature , or last Resort , though now those powers run in a new Channel . I shall instance in some of those Ancient and Inherent Rights and Freedoms , which those Freeholders , or Tenants in Capite did enjoy at the Common-Law , and in the times of the Saxons , and from times as Ancient as any Records do reach , till , by several Acts of Parliament , made for the most part in unquiet times , they were depriv'd of them : Which will best discover the true and original Constitution of the Government , and give great light to the matter we have now in hand , viz. to find out the Supreme Judicature . Almost all the Suits and Causes that did arise in the Nation , came under the hands and power of the Freeholders , ad primam instantiam , at the first rise of them , and they judged of them both as to matters of Fact , and points in Law , in the Country . And then the greater and weightier matters of the Law met the same persons again at the last Resort of all Causes in the Witena-Gemots : For these Freeholders made up the main body of those Common-Councils and great Assemblies . Sir Hen. Spelman , in his Glossary . Fol. 70. speaking of the Magnates and Proceres , explains who were meant by those high terms , that is , the good Freeholders . And he shows likewise what Judicial power they had , in those first times . Magnates , and Proceres , were they , Qui in Curiis praesunt Comitatuum , hoc est , Ipsarum Curiarum Iudices , quos Henricus primus , ( the Son of the Conqueror , ) legum suarum cap. 30. esse libere tenentes Comitatus demonstrat . Regis Iudices ( inquit ) sunt Barones Comitatus ▪ qui liberas in eis terras habent . There are the Persons and Judges , viz. Freeholders : Per quos debent Causae Singulorum alternâ prosecutione tractari . There you have their Power and Jurisdiction . Among the Laws of King Henry the First , c. 7. Collected by Mr. Lambert , de priscis , &c. Fol. 180. The Title of the Law is , De generalibus placitis Comitatuum quo modo vel quando fieri debeant . Sicut antiqua fuerat institutione formatum generalia Comitatuum placita certis locis & diffinito tempore convenire debent ; Nec ullis ultra fatigationibus agitari , nisi propria Regis Necessitas , vel Commune Regni Commodum saepius adjiciat . Intersint autem Episcopi , Comites , Vice-domini , Vicarii , Centenarii , Aldermanni , praefecti , praepositi , Barones , Vavasores , Tungrevii , & caeteri Terrarum Domini . These were the Judges of the Court. Then for the Extent of their Jurisdiction , and the Universality of the Causes , it proceeds thus , viz. Agantur primò Verae Christianitatis Iura , now termed Ecclesiastical Causes . Secundò Regis placita : Pleas of the Crown , or Criminal . Postremo Causae singulorum , between party and party . And in the time of the Saxons , who first introduced this Course and Method of Justice , Suitors were not permitted to pass by this first Application and Address , before the Barones , or Freeholders , ( whom now we call Free-suitors at the Country-Court ) and per Saltum to begin at the Courts of Westminster , or to follow the King 's : Lambert de priscis , &c. Fol. 62. It is amongst the Laws , quas Edgarus , Anno 959. frequenti Senatu sancivit , Fol. 63. Nemo in litem Regem appellato , nisi quidem domi , justitiam impetrare non poterit : Sin summo jure urgeatur ( if he meet with hard measure in the Country ) ad Regem provocato ; that is , to the King in his highest Court. Then was me proper time of Appealing to the King in his great Council ( as it is said in that Magnum placitum , in Ryley's Placita Parliamentaria , Page 84. between Humphrey de Bohun , Earl of Hereford , and Gilbert de Clare , Earl of Gloucester , ( and they are the very words of the Judgment in that Case ) Dominus Rex est omnibus & singulis subditis suis Iustitiae debiton . But the King alone in his own Person never Administred Justice or Equity , but together with his great Court , or by his Delegates ( the Judges ) in inferior Courts , as I have fully prov'd in my Treatife of the Chancery . These great Freeholders , or Tenants de Rege in Capite , as they were , and still are the Judges of the County-Court , ( which in Ancient times was the most busy Court , ) so they had by the Common-Law , and from time as far as any Record , or English History does reach , that mighty freedom of chusing all both Civil and Military Officers or Magistrates under whom they lived . They chose those that the Saxons call'd Heretoches , or Ductores Exercitus , whom , according to the dialect of the present times , we call Lord-Lieutenants , and Deputy-Lieutenants , and the rest of the Commanders . These they chose at their Folk-moot , or County-Court . These Freeholders chose the Sheriffs of the several Counties , which we all know by sad Experience , many times , nearly concerns our Lives , Estates , and Liberties : For these Sheriffs have the posse Comitatus , and the Return of Juries , and the Execution of all publick and private Justice . These Freeholders had the Election of the Conservators of the Peace , who had that power which is now in the hands of the Justices of the Peace , and hath been so from the beginning of the Reign of King Edward the Third , at which time it was wrested out of the hands of the Freeholders by an Act of Parliament procur'd by Queen Isabel , during the Life-time of her deposed Husband , and in the Minority of her Son King Edward the Third , meerly to gain the power of the Kingdom into the hands of her party that she made against her Husband ( the deposed King. ) And ever since the Conservation of the Peace hath been in the hands of the Commissioners ; or Justices of the Peace . This we are taught by our Acts of Parliament , and by the Learned Lawyer and Autiquary ( Mr. Lambert ) in his Eirenarcha , Fol. 16. and 19 , 20. and 147. and by Sir Edw. Coke in his Second Instit. Fol. 174 , and 558. These Freeholders ever did , and still do to this day chuse the Coroners ( who were heretofore the most sufficient Knights of the County . ) And they still chuse the Verderors where there are any Forests . All this appears to have been the Right of the Freeholders long before the Conquest . See Lambert , in his Book of the Saxon Laws , Fol. 147. among the Laws of King Edward . Erant & aliae potestates & dignitates ( for Power and Offices , Titles and dignities in those times went hand in hand . ) Per provincias & per singulos Comitatus totius Regni constitutae qui Heretoches apud Anglos vocabantur . sc. Barones , Nobiles , & insignes sapientes ; Latinè verò dicebantur Ductores Exercitus . Isti verò viri eligebantur per commune Concilium per singulos comitatus in pleno Folk-mote , sicut & Vice-comites Comitatuum Eligi debent . Ità quod in quolibet Comitatu semper fuit Unus Heretoch ▪ Electus . These are not the words of Mr. Lambert , or meerly his Opinion and Conceit , he only recites the words of the Law in the Saxon times . And the Law does refer it to the times of the English , or Britons , for they were the men who called these Leaders by the name of Heretoches . Thus we see how large an extent this word ( Barones ) did bear ; that it comprehended all Tenants in Capite , who at first were the only Freeholders : Till by Subfeodations the number of Freeholders encrease'd infinitely , which caused a great alteration . But the first Tenants in Capite had large Possessions . Notandum est ( says Sir Hen. Spelman ) libere hos tenentes nec tam exiles olim fuisse , nec tam vulgares , ut hodiè deprehenduntur , nam villas & dominia in minutas hereditates nondum distrahebant . We have set forth their Country Jurisdiction ; now to speak a word of their Supreme Jurisdiction . Sir Henry Spelman in his Glossary tells us , Barones olim de causis cognoscebant ad Aulam Regiam delatis . There was the last resort , and the Court of Equity . King William the First ( says Mr. Selden ) in the 4th year of his Reign , brought the Bishops and Abbots under the Tenure by Barony , Concilio Baronum suorum , which by the Proofs that I have already offered , signify the Tenants in Capite , and the Eminent Freeholders , and a Parliament , ( as Mr. Selden takes it . ) The Bishops contended earnestly against it ; for the Power and Jurisdiction being then in the hands of so great a number , it made it the less desirable ; so that , as Sir Hen. Spelman tells us , The Clergy look'd upon it as a diminution of their former Immunity and Freedom which they had assum'd and adjudg'd due to themselves . Detrahere videtur nomen Baronis ab Ecclesiasticarum Immunitate quam tunc Ecclesiastici maximè splendebant . Hoc . nostratibus ( says Sir Henry Spelman ) jugum injecit , Omnium Primus . Willielmus Senior . But in the Tenth year of King Henry the Second , Thomas of Becket , that proud and insolent Prelate , would have cast off this Yoke again , like a Son of Belial , and he stifly stood upon the Exemption of the Clergy . Then ( says Selden ) that great Parliament at Clarendon was held : And Roger of Hoveden says , that Clerus & Populus Regni were then Assembled , which Mr. Selden expounds to be a Parliament . In this Parliament ( says Selden ) those Avitae consuetudines ( which made the great quarrel between Thomas of Becket , and King Henry the 2 d. ) were Recogniz'd . And it is very material towards the deciding of another great Controversy that has of late been agitated , that Custom for the Prelates withdrawing from matters of Blood , is recited as one of these Avitae Consuetudines ; for the Bishops ( as I observ'd before out of Mr. Selden ) had places in those general Conventions in all the times of the Saxons . And in all those times it seems it was their custom to withdraw : For it was Avita Consuetudo , and we know that Customs must be exactly pursued . And this Custom is acknowledg'd and declar'd by Act of Parliament , ( the Parliament at Clarendon . ) Though by the Ancient Canons of the Church , ( which was the ground of that Custom ) at first it was left to their own choice . Among those Articles this was one , Quod Archiepiscopi , Episcopi , & Universi Personae qui de Rege tenent in Capite , habeant possessiones suas de Rege , sicut Baroniam , & sicut caeteri Barones Debent interesse Iudiciis Curiae Regis cum Baronibus quoúsque perveniatur ad Diminutionem membrorum , vel ad Mortem . Who these ( Barones ) were in those times most plainly appears by this very Law , viz. They are such Qui tenent de Rege in Capite : And what their Right , and Power , and Jurisdiction is , ( for which purpose I chiefly cite it ) debent interesse Iudiciis Curiae Regis : This Curia Regis plainly appears to be the Supreme Judicature , which we are enquiring after , and which some late Writers conceive did in all times belong to the House of Peers ; but 't is a mistake in them , by occasion of the word ( Barones ) mention'd in it ; And they think it bears their Signature , and peculiarly belongs to them : Whereas by this Law it undeniably appears to belong to that vast number of Tenants in Capite . And if we may believe Sir Henry Spelman ( who is fide-dignus , ) the Honour was so much the less , because it was transferrable . Cum autem feodales isti Barones nomen dignitatémque suam ratione fundi obtinuerint , transferre olim aliquando videatur cum ipso fundo . The Terra did transire cum Onere , for so the Honour , being accompanied with a Duty , was accounted in those days : Honos was not without the Onus . The only Titles that we meet with in the Saxon times , as we learn out of Mr. Lambert , Sir Henry Spelman , Mr. Selden , and Mr. Cambden , are Alderman , which in the times of the Danes was translated into Eorl ; and in the Norman times into Comes . And the Title of Heretoch . ( which I have just now Explain'd ) and those other Titles of Vavasor , and Thane , had all a reference to possessions in Land ; And were rather Officiary than Honorary , and were generally due to these Tenants in Capite , who were the same with ( Barones . ) For that of Alderman , or Comes , or Satrapa , says Cambden , in his Britannia , Page 135 , and 136. Comitis nomen ut dignitatem notaret sine administratione , in usu non fuit , in the Elder times ; and so says Selden in his Titles of Honour , Page 604. Nec dum haereditaria fuit dignitas : Initio dignitas temporaria posted vitae aequalis . But in that Age , Titles of Honour and Place were no more hereditary , than Virtue and True Worth were , which are not ex traduce ▪ In the beginning of William the Conqueror , Comites caeperunt esse feodales & hereditarii . Dux nomen Officii , non Honoris , says Cambden , Page 134 , 135. Oneris , non Honoris . It was no Title of Honour , till King Edward the Third made his Son Edward the Black-Prince , Duke of Cornwal . And King Richard the Second , ( that Prince's Son ) made Robert de Vere the first Marquess , that is , of Dublin . And King Henry the Sixth made the first Viscount , which still is also a name Officiary . Selden's Titles &c. page 621. The King's Thane was he that held of the King in chief by Knight's Service . He was of the same kind with them , who after the coming of the Normans , were Honorary , of Parliamentary Barons . The name of Vavasor , says Seld. ib. 625. was feodal only , and not at all honorary . In Doom's-day ( says he ) it sometimes occurs as a Synonomy , with liberi homines Regis . These Tenants de Rege in Capite , were the persons that had Right to Sit in Parliament , and in the Supreme Judicature and Councils , during the times of the first Six or Seven of the Kings next after the coming of the Selden's Titles , &c. pag. 705. To the Magnum Concilium , and Solenne Concilium . King Henry the Second , Omnibus qui de Rege tenebant in Capite mandari fecit , &c. And Mr. Selden ib. pag. 701 , and 702. gives us Precedents of Causes Determin'd in this High and Supreme Judicature . As that between Thomas Archbishop of York , and Ulstan Bishop of Worcester , touching certain possessions , Anno Quarto of William the First . In Concilio Coram Rege , Archiepiscopo , Episcopis , Abbatibus , Commitibus , & Primatibus totius Angliae ; and it hath already been shewn , who are understood by ( Primates . ) And ib. pag. 703. There was a Decree made touching the Primacy of Canterbury , Totius Regni assensu ( says Eadmerus ) which ( says Selden ) , expresses a full Parliament , suppos'd to be in the Fifth year of the said William the First , at Pinneden in Kent . Now for the mighty number of which this great Assembly did ever consist , Mr. Petit , in his Book , wherein he asserts the Right of the Commons , pag. 100. cites a passage out of Matth. Paris . pag. 255. who says that in the year 1215. Decimo Sexto Iohannis Regis , there met Tota Angliae Nobilitas in Unum collecta , quae sub Numero non cadebat ; and yet 't is called ( Nobilitas . ) And Cambden , in his Britannia , pag. 137. speaking of their number , says , Ipsaque Baronum multitudo persuadet tales fuisse Dominos qui jus in suâ ditione dicere possent . All Lords of Mannors that had their Courts Baron , which from thence had also their name of Courts Baron . Sir Hen. Spelman in his Glossary says of these Barons , That they were Ingens Multitudo , quae plus minus , were Thirty thousand , nullo tecto Convocari poterat . Therefore they met in great Camps and Fields . And Sir Hen. Spelman says , He can hardly believe ( Quod nonnulli perhibent ) quod Omnes Barones locum aliquando in summis illis Comitiis obtinuisse , because of their vast number . By all this that hath been said , and so fully proved , I suppose it clearly appears , that those that made up the Assembly for the Legislature , and Supreme Judicature , came thither by a feodal Right ( unless the Burgesses only , and some Ecclesiastical Persons , and some great Officers . ) Here is not in all these Precedents , Records , or Testimonies of approved Authors and Antiquaries , the least mention of any distinction among them , like that of Lords and Commons , or Upper and Lower House ; or that they were divided in their place of Sitting or Meeting ; for as is before observ'd , their number was so vast , that nullo tecto convocari poterant . No one House could hold them . In the case of Godsol , and Sir Christop . Heydon , 12. Iac. in Serjeant Rolls 1. Rep. Fol. 18. It was affirmed by Sir Edward Coke , that in Ancient Times all the Parliament sate together ; and that he had seen a Record of it in the Thirtieth year of Henry the First . But William Pryn ( according to his accustomed humour ) contradicts Sir Edward Coke in this , in his Preface to Sir Cotton's Abridgment of the Records of the Tower. It may be concluded , that they all had a Right to come to the great Convention ; for had they all been called by special Writs , ( as the Lords now are , ) the King would never have call'd so great a number , which do but hinder business . There is not the least mention of special Writs , and it would have been an infinite Work to issue out so many Writs , Printing not being then invented . Therefore no doubt but they came thither by a general Summons . There is not the least intimation of any distinction in their Power , but every one had a like share in the Power , both in the Legislature and Judicature . None came amongst them by a meer Title of Honour and Dignity , but in Right of their Possesions and Tenures . This was not indeed the Representative of the Nation ; but , ( as I said before ) the Principals , and in effect , the whole Body of the Nation , which is much greater . But at last this great Body fell with its own weight ; for , says Sir Hen. Spelman , Cùm sua tandem laborarent multitudine Conventúsque sic magis premerent quàm Regni Negotia Expedirent , ( they did rather hinder than help ) Consultius visum est , ut neglectis Minoribus , praecipui tantùm , per breve Regis evocarentur . It was with this Constitution of the great Assembly of the Freeholders of the Nation , as it happen'd with the City of Rome , when it had attain'd to its Acma and full growth , Mole ruebat suâ . And Learned Cambden tells us in what time a division of this great Body was effected . Henricus Tertius ( says he , ) ( in his Britannia , pag. 137. ) Ex tantâ Multitudine ( speaking of the Parliament in those times ) quae seditiosa & turbulenta fuit , Optimos quosque Rescripto ad Comitia Parliamentaria evocaverit . Here we have plainly the Original of the House of Peers , and of particular and special Rescripts or Writs of Summons to the Optimacy , distinctly , and by themselves . Cambden quotes his Author for this , but names him not . Ex satis antiquo Scriptore loquor , ( says he . ) It was referr'd to the King to single out , and select some to whom he thought fit to direct his special Writs or Summons , and these and no other were to come to Parliament . If this may be credited , then we have the Epoche , and the Date of our present Constitution , and the Original of the Division of that very ancient , great , and numerous Assembly ; and it made a mighty Metamorphosis and Change. The Freeholders parted with that great Power and Interest which they had both in Legislature and Judicature , from the very Foundation of the Government , and the Nation it self : Even from the time of the Ab-origines , ( if there were ever any such , ) and they have been upon the losing-hand ever since , as appears by what I have already observ'd in closing their Rights of Elections . And thus they brake in two , and became two Houses both at one time , and were Twins in their Birth . Here was no Primogeniture , yet the one went away with a double portion upon the parting . And this ( taking in the History ) is a confutation of that Opinion , That the House of Commons ( as being by Election ) was in time long after the Date of the House of Peers ; surely they started both together . Great Selden agrees in the Substance with Mr. Cambden , but differs from him only in the time , and some other circumstances , when this Revolution happen'd . And for Mr. Cambden's satis antiquus Author , Mr. Selden professes he diligently sought for this Author , but could never meet with him ; nor does Mr. Selden give any credit to that Author . He supposes the distinction of Majores , and Minores Barones , ( which doubtless did arise upon this Revolution ) pag. 708. began not long before the great Charter of King Iohn ( Father to King Henry the Third ) and that Charter was made in the Seventeenth and last year of King Iohn . This Division of Barones ( which all Writers agree in , and which appears by King Iohn's Great Charter ) evidently shows , that the two Houses began at the same time ; for Majores cannot be without the Minores . But Mr. Selden supposes this was done by Act of Parliament , though that Act be not now Extant : Nor is there any express Memorial of it . And he supposes it was not submitted to the King to chuse out whom he thought fit ; But that the Act of Parliament did mention them by name at first , to whom particular Writs were to be directed . Some part of the very words of that Charter of King Iohn's we have in Mr. Selden's Titles of Honour , pag. 709. and in Sir Hen. Spelman in his Glossary , pag. 83. Faciemus ( says that great Charter ) Summoneri Archiepiscopos , Episcopos , Abbates , Comites , & Majores ▪ Barones Regni , Sigillatim , per literas nostras : Et praetereà faciemus submoneri in generali per Vice-comites Omnes alios qui in capite tenent de Nobis ; which is a clear proof , that till about this time , there was no distinction : And that which did Constitute a Parliamentary Baron , was his Tenure de Rege in Capite ; so that all who held in Capite , had an inherent Right to sit there . And that before this time , all came by a general Summons directed to the Sheriff . What hath been hitherto said serves to prove , That before this time of King Iohn , or King Henry the 3 d ( his Son ) there was only one great Assembly of the Nation ; that is , of the most Eminent , and all the considerable and interested persons of the Nation , who came not by Election , save those that were chosen from the few and ancient Burroughs : Nor was there then any Representative , as now . And that those great Assemblies were in those times the true Baronage of England , and that the word ( Baronage ) did not belong only to such as the King by special Writ is pleas'd to call or summon ; or by Patent to confer the Title upon ; but as our most judicious Writers tell us , the word ( Baronagium ) did extend to all Degrees and Orders ; for they came to all great Assemblies by Tenure , till the aforesaid time of Division . And there are the footsteps of this Ancient Right still amongst us , in that the Freeholders ( whom we call Free-suitors ) are still the Judges of that Court , which Anciently was the great and buisy Court ( the County Court. ) And those Elections that are still remaining of Trustees or Representatives in Parliament , and of divers Legal Officers , which must be by Freeholders only , and the persons to be chosen , ought to be out of the Freeholders themselves . And so much of the Ancient Constitution of a Baron still remains , as that in his Creation he must be entitled of some place , that it may favour of the Realty , and make the Honour and Title Inheritable . And the Baron still continues his Freedom from Arrests , as having by presumption of Law , an Estate in Land , which will make him liable to Justice : And therefore a Distringas shall issue out against him instead of a Capias . And the Law will allow of no Averment against a Peer , that he hath no Lands whereby to distrain or to levy Issues upon . No doubt but the Lords had from the time of this great Division ever since , a very large , though not an universal Jurisdiction ; nor have they had it from the very first Constitution of the Government , as is by some pretended . When this great Assembly , this great and numerous Body , was divided into parts , no doubt but the several parts did ( as the Four great Captains after the Death of Alexander the Great did ) assume and take to themselves by Agreement , several shares of the power that was then dissolv'd . The Lords took a large share , and the Commons , ( for so now they began to be distinguish'd ) took the rest ; and we may reasonably suppose it was confirm'd by some Law that then pass'd , and hath been since lost . And the like presumption we know is made by our Courts of Law in many like cases : And it is well known that the Parliament - Rolls of that time are all lost . And the best Rule whereby to judge what was allotted to each , will be by ancient , constant , quiet , and uninterrupted Usage and Practice . Usus & consuetudo est Lex Parliamenti . The House of Lords did exercise a Jurisdiction in cases of Appeals for Criminal Causes , till by the Act of 1 mo . of Henry the 4 th c. 14. they were restrain'd . That Act doth Ordain , That from thenceforth no Appeals shall be pursued in Parliament , the Exposition of which Statute must be made by observing the mischiefs that occasion'd the making of that Law , and the constant practice after it . The preamble recites , That many Mischiefs did often arise by Appeals : And the History of the times of King Richard the 2 d. ( the next preceding King ) tells us what those Mischiefs were : When in that disorderly troublesome Reign , the Lords were so divided into Feuds and Factions , that the Lords ( who were to be the Judges ) became Parties , and were Appellants one against another . This was the mischief . Then for the practice after the making of that Act , that Law was never intended according to the generality of the words , to exclude all Appeals whatsoever , but such only as were at the suit of private persons . For the constant practice hath been , ever since , as well as before , to admit of Appeals in Parliament , when they come to the Lords by Impeachment from the Commons . The Lords had , and still retain , the Jurisdiction over their own Members , for trial of Peers in cases Capital . The Lords had , and still have the Jurisdiction in Writs of Error , to examine Judgments given in the King's-Bench ; but this was under certain Rules , and with some restraint ; for constant and quiet usage and practice do warrant all these . Let us enquire into the placita Parliamentaria , I mean those that are publish'd by Mr. Ryley , of the times of King Edward the First , King Edward the Second , &c. and observe what light they give us . The true Title of those Pleas are Placita coram ipso domino Rege & ejus . Concilio , ad Parliamenta sua . In which Titles , Regis Concilium , & Parliamentum , seem to be distinguish'd , and to signify two several things ( as in truth they did . ) When and how came these Pleas to be discontinued ever since the time of Edward the 4 th ? When did the Law pass that restrain'd them ? We have not one such Plea to any effect , between the time of King Edward the Fourth , and the time of King Iames the First , nor from thence to this day , near 300 years . What is come in the place of them ? The Placita Parliamentaria were in a strict and regular form of Pleadings . The Petition of Declaration , the Plea , the Replication , the Rejoinder , and the Continuances entred upon Record in Latin , and the process was by Latin Writs ; and all the Proceedings entred upon Record in Latin , as Proceedings at the Common-Law ought to be . How came this to be altered ? All of later times ( at least before the Lords ) are in English , and the process are English Orders only . Had these Placita been before the Lords , how happens it that there are so few ( if any ) Reports among them of Pleadings upon Writs of Error , which the Lords claim as out of all dispute to be within their Jurisdiction ? Hardly any of these are to be found amongst them ; and these had been worthy Reporting , being in matters difficult , weighty , and full of Learning . What was this Regis Concilium ( so constantly mention'd ) in these Pleas , as those before whom they were held ? ☞ Amongst these Records and Pleas , we find All the Peers themselves in a Body several times petitioning to the King and this Council , and receiving Orders and Rules from that Council . It is absurd to think , that all the Lords in a body would petition to themselves ; as at the Parliament held 14 th of Edward the Ryley's Placita Parliamentaria , pag. 425. Ex parte Praelatorum , Comitum , Baronum , & aliorum , porrecta est petitio in hoc Parliamento , in haec verba . A nostre Senior le Roy & a Son Counceil monstrent les Erce-evesque Praelats , Counts , & Barons , & les auters grantz Seigniors dela terre . Concerning payment of Escuage . And the Answer to this Petition is , per Concilium Regis , the like ib. pag. 448. We have another Example of it in the Appendix to that Book , viz. of the time of 18 Edward the Second , pag. 619. wherein the Lords in a body pray liberty to approve or improve their Mannors , without the King's License . And the Answer to it is , That it could not be done without a new Law , to which the Commons would not consent . It is evident in those Records and Pleas , that others are mention'd to be of that Council , then the Peers , as pag. 266 , and 331. There is an Inhibition by the Treasurer , and the Concilium Regis , not to deliver a Prisoner ; and page 386. 14 th Edward 2. the King appointed who should receive Petitions at the Parliament , and who should Answer them : And those that were appointed to Answer them are called Triers of Petitions : These seem to be the persons that made the great Council , or the King's Council , ( as they are called in those Records . ) These in Parliaments of late have been wholly discontinued . We find this Council , while they were in being , sate in Places , where we cannot reasonably suppose that the House of Lords ever sate ; as pag. 87. in Mr. Ryley's Placita Parliamentaria , Coràm Rege & Concilio apud Lond. in domo Ottonis de Grandissono , extra palatium ipsius Domini Regis apud Westmonasterium . And pag. 98. at Bergavenny ; and pag. 108. at Stilbeneth . extra London , which I suppose is meant of Stepney . And the Judges are mentioned as Members of this Council , pag. 140. not meer Assistants . Now we come to Writs of Error ; wherein it is generally admitted , that the Lords have a Jurisdiction , and from thence ( as I suppose ) it is inferr'd by a parity of Reason , that they likewise have a Jurisdiction in Appeals from Courts of Equity . An Appeal from a Decree in Equity being something of the same nature with a Writ of Error at the Common-Law . It is true our Law-Books are full of this Title , and speak of Error sued in Parliament . But under favour it is not of an universal Jurisdiction in all Cases of Erroneous Judgments , but with divers Restrictions , and under certain Rules in our Law-Books . It hath been often Resolv'd , that the Lords cannot proceed upon any Writ of Error , till first the King hath Sign'd a Petition for the Allowance of a Writ of Error to be sued out . As in the Year-book of 22 Edward the 3 d. Fol. 3. It is there held , that a Writ of Error in Parliament lies not , till the King be petition'd for it , and till the King have Sign'd the Petition . Which Signing is indeed the Commission which gives the Authority . And in the case of Edward Hadelow , where Judgment was given for the King : Upon the King's Signing a Petition for a Writ of Error , and the Writ sued out , the Roll in which the Judgment was entred , was brought by Sir William Thorp , Chief-Justice of the King's-Bench , into the Parliament : Upon which the King assign'd certain Earls and Barons , and with them the Iustices , to hear and determine the business : And before it was determin'd , the Parliament was ended ; yet the Commissioners sate still , but the King was gone . And it was urged before the Delegates ( for so they are called ) That the Judgment could not be Revers'd , except in Parliament ; and there it is said , that the King hath no Peer in his Land , and that they cannot judge the King. How came that in to Debate ? Why it was in the Case of an Outlawry , which is always for the King's benefit ; and where the King is concern'd , the Lords have no Jurisdiction without the King's allowance ; and the King doth not think fit to refer it to the whole House of Lords ; yet the King will have Justice done , and he will be inform'd if the Outlawry were duly sued out . But the King himself assigns the persons that shall judge of it ; And yet it is said , that this is suing Error in Parliament ; for when the Parliament is risen , it is held that the Delegates appointed by the King could not proceed : So that Pleas may be held in Parliament by the King and his Council , such as he shall specially appoint for that purpose at every Parliament . And yet they may be stiled Placita Parliamentaria , being transacted only in time of Parliament , but not by the Parliament . This case of Edward Hadelow teaches the true nature and course of a Writ of Error in Parliament , and the right method of proceeding upon it , and the King's Prerogative in it : And how that case wherein the King is any way concern'd in interest , ( as he is in cases of Outlawry ) shall be Examin'd by none but such as are specially assign'd by the King. See the case in the Year-Book of 1 mo Hen. the 7 th . Fol. 19. Flourdew's case . By Advice of all the Judges in the Exchequer-Chamber , which is a case Reported in Latin ; Oportet partem habere billam de Rege indorsatam : Et super hoc Cancellarius faciet breve de Errore , Et tunc capitalis Iusticiarius de banco Regis ; ( so that it is only from the Court of King's-Bench , but no other Court ) Secum adducet in Parliamento breve de Errore , Et praedictam billam sic indorsatam . And the Clerk of the Parliament is to have the keeping of the Bill Endors'd ; This proves that it is their Commission by which they proceed , and it must remain with the Clerk of the Parliament , not with the Chancellor . The Lord Dyer's Reports , 23. Eliz. Fol. 375. tit . Error . Plac. 19. there is a Supplication Sign'd by the Queen , for a Writ of Error . We have another Precedent in Sir More 's Reports . Fol. 834. in the case of Heydon and Sheppard . pasc . 12. Iac. 1 mi The like in Leornard's Reports the 3 d. part . Fol. 160. in the case of the Queen and Hurlston . Now concerning Proceedings in Equity in general , the English Court of Chancery , ( the Court of Equity there ) it hath not been of any great Antiquity , and upon what Legal Foundation it stands , is not easily to be affirm'd : As I have made appear in a larger Treatise , Of the Original of the Iurisdiction of the Chancery in matters of Equity ; To which I refer my Reader . Our Ancient Authors , as the Mirror of Iustices , Glanvil , Bracton , Briton , and Fleta , although they treat of the Chancery , as it proceeds according to the Rules of the Common-Law , viz. in Repealing of Patents , and in Cases Priviledg'd , yet none of them do once mention the Court of Equity there ; and yet their undertakings were to treat of all the several Courts then in being , which proves the Court of Equity in Chancery was not then in being . It hath been adjudg'd , 26. and 27. Eliz. in the King's-Bench in Perrot's , and in Marmaduke Langdales Case . Cok. 12. Rep. Fol. 52. That a Court of Equity cannot be Erected by Patent , but only by Act of Parliament , or by Prescription . And the Chancery hath no Prescription for a Court of Equity , as appears by those Ancient Authors . If the Chancery it self have no Right of Prescription , then there is no Foundation for any Prescription in Cases of Appeals ▪ nor is there any Act of Parliament that gives it . The First Decree ( as I take it ) in Chancery , is but of the time of King Richard the Second ; and that was Revers'd , for that it was in a matter properly determinable at the Common-Law . The best proofs of the Power and Jurisdiction of a Court are the Records and Precedents of a Court : And if it be by Prescription , it must appear by ancient and frequent Precedents . Plowd Comment . in the case of the Mines . Fol. 301. b. And if any Court Usurp a Jurisdiction in a case where it appears in their very Proceedings themselves , that it hath no lawful Jurisdiction ; what they do in such case is Coràm non Iudice , and is utterly void . Now concerning the Exercise of a Jurisdiction by way of Appeal from a Court of Equity for Error in their Decrees , I shall make mention of the very Records , and Acts of the House of Lords . I have search'd into the Journal of the Lords , and I find a Record or Entry there of the Parliament held 18 Iac. 1. Anno 1621. And we need search no higher , for that gives a full account of all the times then pass'd , as to the point in hand , viz. Of the Supreme Judicature and Jurisdiction . 18 Iac. 1. Fol. 175. Of the Lord's Journal , I find by an Entry of the 30 th of November in that year , That a Comittee had been named by the Lords to take into consideration the Customs and Privileges of the Lord's House , and the Privileges of the Peers , or Lords of Parliament . And that a Sub-Committee had been named , who had express power to reward such person as by their Warrant should search among the Records for Privileges and Customs ; and that Mr. Selden had been appointed for that purpose , and had taken much pains in it . I observe by the way , That the House of Lords were not then of the same Judgment with the Noble Author I have before mentioned , who asserts the Right of Judicature of the House of Peers to be by the very first Constitution of the Government , Universal , and in all Causes whatsoever , unless restrain'd by some Act of Parliament . Had that been true , there had been no need to search for Precedents to warrant their Proceedings in any case . It had been sufficient to justify the Proceedings , if no Act of Parliament could be found to restrain them in any such case ; the labour of which would have been properly on his part that would presume to dispute their Jurisdiction . No , the Lords took the right course to examine it ; if there were no Precedents , the Lords concluded that then they had no Right to a Jurisdiction ; and no Persons , nor Court , can assume to themselves at their own will , any Authority or Jurisdiction ; Quis me constituit Iudicem ? said our Blessed Saviour , there must be a constitution of it . And it was properly enough ask'd by the Scribes and Pharisees of our Saviour , Who gave thee this Authority ? I would observe too , that the Sub-Committee of the Lords employ'd for that purpose , ( of searching for Precedents ) a person , who was in his Element , ( the Famous Selden ) ; no Record could escape his discovery Further in the 208 th Folio of that Journal of the 18 th year of King Iames , on the 14 th of December , the then Archbishop of Canterbury ( for he , it seems , took special care of it ) mentions in his Report to the Lords the Proceedings of that Committee , viz. A Collection made of Customs and Orders of the Lord's House , and of their Privileges made out of Records : And he presented that Collection to the House , and desir'd it might be preserv'd as a Memorial whereunto men may resort as occasion should require , and make use of it . It was thereupon ordered by the House , to be delivered to the Clerk to be kept for that purpose . So that this was intended by the whole House of Lords to be a Standard , whereby to measure and judge of their Jurisdiction and Privileges for the future . I find the Title of that Committee , Fol. 91. to be , A Committee for searching for Precedents for Judicature , Accusations and Iudgments , anciently used in this High-Court of Parliament . This shows , it must be an ancient Usage or nothing . Therefore late and modern Usage and Precedents , are , in the Judgment of the Lords , of no great Weight , to Entitle them to a Jurisdiction . Moreover , Fol. 105. of that Journal , there is an Order made , 27. Mar. 1621. for Collection of Money among the Peers to pay the Charge for searching for Records in the Tower , and elsewhere , and to have Copies of them certifi'd under the Officer's hands . Every Earl and Viscount was to pay Forty Shillings , and every Bishop and Baron Twenty Shillings . I have perus'd that Book , Entitled , A Collection of Privileges or special Rights , belonging to the Baronage of England . What is meant by that Title , appears by the Table to the Book , which consists of these Heads following , viz. 1 st Iudgments Of Offences Capital . Fol. 11. b. 1 st Iudgments Of Offences not Capital . Fol. 25. 1 st Iudgments Upon Writs of Error in Parliament . Fol. 88. Another Head , is , The Lords appointing Judges out of themselves , for Examination of Judgments in other Courts , Fol. 95. I thought this last Head , or Title , might afford something to our purpose , relating to Appeals . Under this Head there is nothing mention'd but concerning Erroneous Judgments given in the Court of King's-Bench at Westminster , or upon the Statute of 27 Elizabeth , Cap. 8. Of Judgments given in the Exchequer-Chamber , by the Judges of the Common-pleas , and the Barons of the Exchequer , upon Error to Examine Judgments given in the King's-Bench ; from whence Error lies also before the Lords , by the express words of that Statute ; which no doubt is therefore a very Legal Power and Jurisdiction in the Lords , being Exercis'd in the method directed by Law , as before is observ'd . The Book of this Collection expresly takes notice , That no Writ of Error lies in Parliament upon a Judgment given in the Court of Common-Pleas , till that Judgment have been Revers'd , or Affirm'd in the King's-Bench . As it was answer'd in Parliament , in the Case of the Bishop of Norwich . Rot. Parl. 50. E. 3. Articl . 48. The like Resolution did the Lords give after Hearing all the Judges , and long Consultation , and a referring the Consideration of that matter to a numerous Committee of the Lords , in a Case of the late Earl of Macclesfeld ; wherein that Earl was Plaintiff in the Exchequer , in an Action of Slander , and Judgment there in that Court given against him ; whereupon the said Earl ( since this last Revolution ) sued Error before the Lords , passing by the method directed by the Stat. of 31. E. 3. Cap. 12. for Suing Error upon Judgments given in the Exchequer ; And the Lords were upon the very point of Reversing that Judgment in the Exchequer ; but being by one of the said Judges then also sitting on the Upper Wooll-sack , put in mind of that Stat. of E. 3. they did forbear to proceed to do any more upon it , referring it to the Order limited by that Statute . This proves , That the Lords are tied to a method too , in cases where they have a Rightful Jurisdiction : They must not take it ad primam Instantiam , nor per Saltum . In that Collection I have mentioned , under that Lemma of Examination of Iudgments in other Courts ( which is comprehensive enough ) I find notice taken of Hadelow's Case . 22. E. 3. Fol. 3. and Flourdew's Case , 1 H. 7. Fol. 20. which I cited before at large . And these concern only Cases of Erroneous Judgments in the King's-Bench . Under the Title of Offences not Capital , there is mention of no case but upon Accusations for Criminal Causes . It begins with Latimer's Accusation of Iohn at Lee for Offences against the State. It mentions the Case of Richard Lyons , for procuring of Patents for private advantage , and of the new Impositions without Parliament . It instances in the Case of William Lord Latimer accus'd by the Commons , And the Case of Alice Peirse . And the Case in 7 Richard the 2 d num . 11. of Michael de-la-Pool , Chancellor of England , accus'd by Iohn Cavendish of London , Fishmonger , for Bribery . And the Earl of Northumberland's Case , 5 H. 4. num . 26. and Thorpe's Case ; but they are all in Criminal Causes . While this Committee was in being , I meet with an Appeal made to the Lords from a Decree made in Chancery : And ( as I take it , ) 't is a decree made by the Lord Bacon ( though he is not named by his name ) it is Fol. 181. in the Journal of the Parliament , 18. Iac. 1621. The Third of December in that Parliament , Sir Iohn Bourchier by Petition Appeals to the Lords from a Decree in Chancery , wherein he himself was Plaintiff against Iohn Mompessom and others , and there were cross Suits , and they were about Accounts between them . And Sir Iohn Bourchier had a Sum of Money decreed to him , but not for so much as he thought was due ; and therefore he Appealed , and complain'd in his Petition to the Lords , of an hasty Hearing of his Cause in Chancery , and that his Witnesses were not heard , and uses the very formal word of Appeal in his Petition . Fol. 188.6 . December , It was referr'd to the Lords Committees for Privileges , to consider whether it were a formal Appeal , or not . I must confess , it doth not clearly appear to me , what the true meaning , or ground of that Order is ; for ( as I now said ) the Petition does expresly use the word ( Appeal . ) The 10 th of December Fol. 196. The Lord Archbishop of Canterbury Reported , That divers Lords Sub-Committees appointed to search for Precedents , ☞ cannot find that the word ( Appeal ) is usual in any Petition for any matter brought before them . This deserves to be noted . So that it seems the Lords Committees understood the meaning of their Order to be , to search for Precedents ( if there had been any ) where the Lords had used in former times to admit of , and to receive Appeals before them , against Decrees made in Chancery , or in any Court of Equity . The Archbishop further Reports , That they could not find so much as the word ( Appeal ) used in any Petition ; and that it must have been by way of Petition , if any way . This shows the Novelty of it ; for he likewise reports , That all matters complain'd of before the Lords must be by 〈◊〉 Petition , and in no other Form. And that the Ancient accustom'd Form of the Petitions must be ( To the King and his Great Council ; ) this is very observable . Note here , That the Direction and Entitling of Petitions to the Lords Spiritual and Temporal in Parliament Assembled , omitting and leaving out the King in the Direction ( as it is now used , and hath been ever since King Charles the First went away from the two Houses in 1641. ) is not according to Ancient Form and Custom . And that the Ancient accustom'd Form was not to the Lords , by the Title of the Lords Spiritual and Temporal assembled in Parliament , as now used , but to the Great Council . Whom that great Council did consist of , and by whom Nominated and Constituted , I have made some conjecture , by what I have before in this Treatise discours'd of , concerning that Magnum Concilium in Parliamento ; and concerning the ancient and constant usage till of late years , and until the separation between the said King Charles , and the Parliament , of the King 's appointing Triers of Petitions in every Parliament . Let the Reader take occasion here to look back upon what I have herein already discours'd upon this Subject , which may give light to this matter . In the last place , the Archbishop reports , That they could find but only one Precedent of this nature ; which was a complaint by Petition against Michael de-la-Poole ( Lord Chancellor ) for matters of Corruption . Which Precedent I have mention'd before ; for Michael de-la-Poole , Lord Chancellor , was accus'd in the Seventh year of King Richard the Second , by Iohn Cavendish of London Fishmonger , for Bribery . I presume too , according to the usual Form of Petitions , ( as the Archbishop reports them to be ) that this Petition was directed to the King and his Great Council , and not to the Lords , &c. assembled in Parliament . But I conceive this only Precedent ( as the Archbishop calls it ) is no Precedent of the same nature , ( as hath been so frequently used of late , and still is ) for an Appeal against a Decree meerly for Error in Judgment . For to Err in Judgment in making a Decree , and for the Judge that makes the Decree , to receive a Bribe in the case , are two different things ; for to Err in Judgment ( as Humanum est Errare ) is of a meer civil Nature ; but to be corrupt , and take a Bribe , though the Decree be just , is of a Criminal Nature ; and therefore not to the purpose of what we are discoursing . And there are about 240 years distance in time , between this only Precedent , and the time of this search made by the Committee of Lords , viz. 18. Iac. 1. ( a large Casma in a usage and custom for the Exercise of a Jurisdiction . And the matter in hand must still be determin'd by Precedent and Custom . Consuetudo Parliamenti est Lex Parliamenti , is the old Rule . This complaint by Sir Iohn Bourchier was in a matter , not of Error in Judgment , for then that Error must in particular have been assign'd , and the Judge not have been reflected upon ; but the complaint is of a Male-administration in the Judge ( an hasty Hearing , and Witnesses not heard . ) And therefore the Lords in that case censure the Petitioner for casting a scandal upon the Judge . For the Lords Examin'd the matter , and found the suggestion of the Petition to be false . The Cause had had a deliberate Hearing , and the Petitioner's Witnesses had been heard ; yet the Petitioner for the scandal had but an easy pennance , and that was remitted wholly , viz. to acknowledge this offence . But note this was a proceeding against him upon his own Petition : He himself Entitled the Lords in this case to a Jurisdiction . It doth not appear that any Adverse party was Summon'd to defend it , the Lord-Keeper himself defended it upon the point of scandal . There is yet another most Memorable Case in the very Journal of the Lords too , and that is Four years after . viz. 22. Iac. 1. which is as followeth ; and it comes strongly home to the point in hand , viz. of Appeals . 28. May 22. Iac. 1. William Matthews petitioned against George Matthews , by way of Appeal , in the House of Lords , and question'd a Decree made by the Lord-Keeper in Chancery on the Defendant's behalf , from which Decree William Matthews Appeal'd . It is to be found in the Journal of the Lords . 28. May 22. Iac. 1. The Lords Committees , who were appointed by the whole House to Examine the Cause , Heard Council on both sides several days , and Reported to the House their Opinion for the Petitioner and Appellant . Thereupon the Respondent , George Matthews , petitioned the Lord's House against that Report , and Opinion of the Committee ; and in his Petition alledges , That he was inform'd by his Council , That it had been the course of the House to Reverse Decrees only by Bill legally Exhibited ; that is , by a Bill to pass into an Act by Parliament ; ( for what can a Bill in that case otherwise signify ? ) This shows , that the whole Parliament are the proper Judges of it . The Lord's House hereupon being tender and cautious how they entertain'd a new Jurisdiction , name another Committee of Lords , to set down an Order in that Cause . That Committee Report their Order , viz. That the Cause be Review'd in Chancery by the Lord-Keeper , by such Lords as the Lords House should name , and by any Two of the Judges , as the Lord-Keeper should name , For which end the Lord-Keeper is to be an humble Suitor to the King from the House ; to grant a Commission to himself ( the Lord-Keeper ) and the Lords to be named by the House . The Lords House approv'd of the Order , and named Seven Lords . The King granted the Commission accordingly , and the Decree in Chancery was Revers'd upon it . The Orders are to be seen in the Register's Office of the Chancery . Mich. and Hill. 22. Iac. 1. This is a dischargi●g all that the Lords had before done in it ; though they had in effect arriv'd at the very Port , and made a conclusive Order and Decree . But after all , refer it to the right and usual Method in the main of it , viz. to be determin'd by a Commission from the King to the Lord-Keeper himself , to Salve his Honour in it , ( Quod in consultò fecimus , consultò revocemus ) and to some Judges ( who are the most proper ) and to the Lords , who for that purpose were recommended by the House of Lords , ( which is in compliance with their desire , but not Stricti Iuris . ) But the King's Commission is the true , regular , and warrantable ground and foundation of all the further Proceedings in that Case . And all this by the Direction , and with the Opinion and Judgment of the Lords themselves , in a Case wherein they had begun , and made a large progress in the Exercise of a Jurisdiction , and then wholly desisted . Nor is the Subject without a proper and ordinary remedy ( if our Law-Books may be credited ) where he is grieved by an Erroneous Decree in a Court of Equity . See Serjeant Rolles's Reports the 1 st Part , Fol. 331. the Case of Vaudrey against Pannel . Sir Edward Coke cites a Case there , Mich. 43. Elliz. in the Chancery between the Countess of Southampton , and the Lord of Worcester , Resolv'd by all the Judges , That when a Decree is made in Chancery , the Queen , upon a Petition may referr it to the Judges , ( but not to any other ; ) and so ( says that case ) the practice and proceedings have been ; which make a Law in cases of Equity , and the Lord Chancellor agreed to it , ( the Lord Egerton ) and accordingly upon Petition to the Queen , and a Reference by the Queen to the Judges , that Decree was Revers'd . The like we may read in Andersons's Second Reports , Fol. 163. The Earl of Worcester , and Sir Finche's Case , the same with that of the Countess of Southampton , and Bulstrode's Third Part , Fol. 118. See Serjeant Rolles's Abridgment , the First Part , Fol. 382. Ruswell , and Every's Case . 15 Iac. 1. and Arden and Darcy's Case , 8 Iac. 1.27 H. 8. Fol. 15. But as to the Remedy against an Erroneous Decree in Chancery , I have already given my advice at large in that former Treatise of mine before-mention'd , to which I refer my Reader . It is high time that it should be settled in some constant course . The Noble Author , suppos'd ( as I said before ) to be the late Lord Hollis , in his Book beforemention'd , hath asserted a very large Jurisdiction to belong to the House of Peers , which in the consequence , if it be observ'd and put in practice , will be of mighty concernment to the Subjects : Nor hath it been answer'd , or taken notice of by any , as far as I have heard . That Author ascribes to the Lords a power to try , and determine a matter of Fact in issue , although the Right of a Freehold depend upon it ; and this , by Proofs without a Jury , pag. 66. and this he grounds upon the Precedent of the case of William Paynel , the Record whereof is in Ryley's Placita Parliamentaria , Fol. 231. What then becomes of that great privilege of the people of England , of being tried by the Country , and by their Neighbours ; ? and inferior Courts of Equity will be very apt to tread in their steps , and do the like ; and it deserves to be enquir'd into , if it be not already frequently so done . The Lords will not be likely to reform it upon Appeal from these Courts of Equity , if that should be assign'd for Error , if they themselves should practice it , as this Author says they may . Nor does that Precedent of William Paynell any way countenance that practice ; for there the ( Concilium Regis ) gave Judgment upon Matter of Fact confess'd , where there needed no trial at all . The same Noble Author affirms , That the Lords may entertain or dismiss Causes as their occasions will give them leave , or as they have leisure from the greater affairs of the Kingdom ; so that sometimes they cannot be at leisure to do Justice : If this Opinion be allow'd , Cessa regnare , says the Petitioner to King Philip of Macedon , when that King refus'd to answer her Petition for want of leisure . The Lords can ( says the same Author ) grant a temporary dismission to a Defendant , by an Entry made of Eat inde sine die ad praesens : but may Summon him again for the same Cause at another time when they think fit : If this be true , a man shall never know when his Cause is at an end ; nay , the Chancery will give further costs after the Parties and Cause are out of the Court , and long after the whole matter is at end , without any new process . The persons of whom this high Judicature doth consist had need be men of great Learning in the Law , and of long Experience : For the matters that should come before them are such , as are too difficult for the inferior Courts to determine , and are very abstruse ; and yet those inferior Courts are generally furnish'd with such as are of great Abilities , and long Experience , and usually spend Thirty or Forty years in hard study , to make them fit for the discharge of their Offices . Be Learned ye that are Iudges of the Earth , says Almighty God , that Judge of Judges . Hence Governors are wont to be called Senators , and in the time of the Saxons they were called Eoldermen or Eldermen , for their Age , Gravity , and Experience . It would indeed be a Miracle in Nature , if any one could truly affirm of himself , Me jam jam à puero , illicò nasci Senem , or nasci Iudicem , to be able to judge in those abstruse and difficult Causes . St. Paul being accus'd before Faelix , did ( and that without insinuating flattery ) tell his Judge , That he did the more cheerfully answer for himself , because Faelix had been ( as St. Paul acknowledg'd ) of many years a Judge unto that Nation : And he said the like when he stood before King Agrippa , because he knew him Expert . And it is a just and commendable course , always practis'd in all our inferior Courts . That after a Cause hath been pleaded , that both Parties , and Council , and Witnesses , and all others that will , are permitted to be present , and to hear the Repeating , and opening , and true stating the Case by the Bench , and Court , and to hear the Debate of it , to observe , and be in a readiness to rectify any misapprehension , or mistake ( if any happen ▪ ) and so to set the Court right again . As also , that the grounds and reasons of the Opinions of the Judges may be known , that the People may the better know thereafter how to square their actions : And that the Law may be the better known to those that are subject to it . For there ought to be one certain known Rule of Law , whereby one and the same Case is to be determined , and not two or more contradictory Laws in one and the same place . It was a woful condition , when at the same time some were burnt in Smithfield for being Protestants , and others for being Papists ; which made one cry out , Bone Deus , quomodo hic vivunt ! &c. Inferior Courts , and the Superior must judge by the same Law and Rule ; for Misera est Servitus , ubi jus est vagum . And it is impossible to serve two contrary Masters ; and it is a sad case , where the Trumpet of the Law gives an uncertain sound , for then a man knows not how to order his affairs . There may indeed be a different Method , and Course of Proceedings in the several Courts , and yet all conform to the same Law. And it is sometimes said by our Judges , that what is Law in the Exchequer is Law also in the King's-Bench , and Common-Pleas . If it were otherwise , great Confusion would arise . And this Law is not known by Inspiration , it is not infus'd all at once , but acquir'd by long Study , and long Experience . Sir Francis Bacon , in his Advancement of Learning , pag. 445. holds it just , that Judges should alledge the reasons of their Sentence , and that openly in the Audience of all the Court. And anciently amongst us in England , the Courts used to enter the reasons given by the Judges , upon the Record of the Judgment ; which is now suppli'd in some measure , by Reports of Cases adjudg'd , and of the Arguments at Bar , and at Bench. But we have few or no Reports of Cases adjudg'd in the Supreme Court , since those that are printed by Mr. Ryley . In that ancient Cause of Adelwold , Bishop of Winchester in the Saxon times under King Eldred , the Record mentions , that the Bishop himself , Coram cunctis suam causam patefecit . He pleaded his Cause himself . Qua Rebenè , & ritè , ac Apertè , ab Omnibus discussa , ( it was openly debated ) Omnes reddiderunt Iudicium . This was at the Miccel-Gemot , there was no withdrawing . And Eadmerus gives us the like Instance in the Cause of Lanfrank Archbishop of Canterbury in the time of King William the First ; 't is in his Historiae Novorum , pag. 9. Adunatis ( says he ) Primoribus & Probis viris de Comitatibus : quaerelae Lanfranci in Medium ducerentur , examinarentur & determinarentur . In medium , that is , before , or in the midst of all that vast Company . To Conclude , and in order to the obtaining a safe and speedy remedy , let our Law makers be mindful of that old Advice and Caution , viz. — Serò Medecina paratur Cum Mala per long as invaluêre moras . FINIS . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A26147-e310 Hadelow's Case . Note . Note . An. Dom. 1624. Note .