A short consideration of Mr. Erasmus Warren's defence of his exceptions against the theory of the earth in a letter to a friend. Burnet, Thomas, 1635?-1715. 1691 Approx. 109 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 22 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2003-01 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A30486 Wing B5947 ESTC R36301 15642922 ocm 15642922 104274 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A30486) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 104274) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 1182:2) A short consideration of Mr. Erasmus Warren's defence of his exceptions against the theory of the earth in a letter to a friend. Burnet, Thomas, 1635?-1715. [2], 24 [i.e. 42] p. Printed by R. Norton for Walter Kettilby ..., London : 1691. Page 42 misprinted 24. Reproduction of original in the Cambridge University Library. Includes bibliographical references. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. 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Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Warren, Erasmus. -- A defence of the Discourse concerning the earth before the flood. Creation -- Early works to 1800. Bible and science. 2002-06 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2002-08 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2002-09 Jennifer Kietzman Sampled and proofread 2002-09 Jennifer Kietzman Text and markup reviewed and edited 2002-10 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion A SHORT CONSIDERATION OF Mr ERASMVS WARREN's DEFENCE of his EXCEPTIONS Against the THEORY of the EARTH . SIR , I Have read over Mr. Warren's Defence of his Exceptions against the Theory of the Earth : which , it may be , few will do after me ; as not having curiosity or patience enough , to read such a long Pamphlet , of private or little use . Such altercations as these , are to you , I believe , as they are to me , a sort of folly ; but the Aggressor must answer for that , who makes the trouble inavoidable to the Defendant . And 't is an unpleasant exercise : a kind of Wild-goose-chase ; where he that leads must be followed , through all his extravagances . The Author of this Defence must pardon me , if I have less apprehensions both of his judgment and temper , than I had before . For , as he is too verbose and long-winded ever to make a close reasoner : So it was unexpected to me to find his style so captious and angry , as it is in this last paper . And the same strain continuing to the end , I was sorry to see that his bloud had been kept upon the fret , for so many months together , as the Pamphlet was a-making . He might have made his work much shorter , without any loss to the Sence . If he had left out his popular enlargements , juvenile excursions , stories and strains of Country-Rhetorick , ( whereof we shall give you some instances hereafter ) his Book would have been reduc'd to half the compass . And if from that reduc'd half ; you take away again trifling altercations and pedantick repartees , the remainder would fall into the compass of a few pages . For my part , I am always apt to suspect a man that makes me a long answer : for the precise point to be spoken to , in a multitude of words is easily lost : and words are often multiplied for that very purpose . However if his humour be verbose , it might have been , at least , more easie and inoffensive : there having been no provocation given him in that kind . But let us guess , if you please , as well as we can , what it was in the late Answer , that so much discomposed the Excepter and altered his style . Either it must be the words and language of that Answer : or the Sence of it , without respect to the Language . As to the Words , 't is true , he gives some instances of expressions offensive to him ; yet they are but three or four , and those methinks , not very high : tho' he calls them 〈◊〉 of passion ; they are these indiscreet , rude , injudicious , and uncharitable . These characters , it seems , are applyed to the Excepter , in some part of the answer , upon occasion offer'd . And whether those occasions were just or no , I dare appeal to your judgement . As to the word Rude , which seems the most harsh , I had said indeed , that he was rude to Anaxagoras : and so he was , not to allow him to be a competent witness in matter of fact , whom all Antiquity , sacred and prophane , hath represented to us as one of the greatest men amongst the ancients . I had also said in another place , that , a rude , and injudicious defence of Scripture by railing and ill language , is the true way to lessen and disparage it . This I still justifie as true , and if he apply it to himself , much good may it do him . I do not remember that it is any where said that he was rude to the Theorist ; if it be , 't is possibly upon occasion of his charging him with Blasphemy , horrid blasphemy against the Holy Ghost , for saying , the Earth was dissolv'd at the Deluge . And I appeal to any man , whether this is not an uncharitable , and a rude charge . If a man had cursed God , or call'd our Saviour an Impostor , what could he have been charg'd with more , than Blasphemy , horrid blasphemy ? And if the same things be charg'd upon a man , for saying , the Earth was dissolv'd at the Deluge , either all crimes and errors must be equal , or the change must be rude . But however it must be rude in the opinion of the Theorist , who thinks this neither crime nor error . What says the Defence of the Exceptions to this ? It makes use of distinctions for mitigation of the censure : and says , it will indirectly , consequentially , or reductively , be of blasphemous importance . Here blasphemy is changed into blasphemous importance , and horrid blasphemy into consequential , &c. But taking all these mitigations , it seems however , according to his Theology , all errors in Religion are blasphemy , or of blasphemous importance . For all errors in Religion must be against Scripture one way or other : at least consequentially , indirectly , or reductively : and all that are so , according to the doctrine of this Author , must be blasphemy or of blasphemous importance . This is crude Divinity , and the Answer had reason to subjoyn what we cited before , That , a rude and injudicious defence of Scripture , is the true way to lessen and disparage it . Thus much for rude and uncharitable : as for the other two words , indiscreet and injudicious , I cannot easily be induc'd to make any apology for them . On the contrary , I 'm afraid , I shall have occasion to repeat these characters again , especially the latter of them , in the perusal of this Pamphlet . However they do not look like brats of passion , as he calls them : but rather as cool and quiet judgments , made upon reasons and premises . I had forgot one expression more . The answer , it seems , somewhere calls the Excepter a Dabbler in Philosophy , which he takes ill . But that he is a dabbler , both in Philosophy and Astronomy , I believe will evidently appear upon this second examination of the same passages upon which that Character was grounded . We will therefore leave that to the trial , when we come to those passages again , in the following discourse . These , Sir , as far as I remember , are the words and expressions which he hath taken notice of , as offensive to him , and effects of passion . But , methinks , these cannot be of force sufficient to put him so much out of humour , and change his style so much , as we find it to be in this last Pamphlet . And therefore I am inclinable to believe , that 't is the sence rather , than the words or language of the Answer , that hath had this effect upon him : and that some unhappy passages , that have expos'd his mistakes , were the true causes of these resentments . Such passages I will guess at , as well as I can , and note them to you as they occur to my memory . But give me leave first , upon this occasion of his new way of writing , to distinguish and mind you of three sorts of arguing , which you may call , Reasoning , wrangling , and scolding . In fair reasoning , regard is had to Truth only , not to Victory : let it fall on whether side it will. But in wrangling and scolding , 't is victory that is pursued and aim'd at in the first place , with little regard to truth . And if the contention be manag'd in civil terms , 't is but wrangling : if in uncivil , 't is scolding . I will not so far anticipate your judgment as to rank this Arguer in any of the three orders : if you have patience to read over his Pamphlet , you will best see how and where to set him in his proper place . We now proceed to those passages in the answer , which probably have most exasperated the Author of the Exceptions and the Defence . In his Exceptions he had said , The Moon being present , or in her present place in the Firmament , at the time of the Chaos , she would certainly trouble and discompose it , as she does now the waters of the Sea : and , by that means , hinder the formation of the Earth . To this we answer'd , that the Moon that was made the 4th . day , could not hinder the formation of the Earth , which was made the 3d. day . This was a plain intelligible answer : and at the same time discover'd such a manifest blunder in the objection , as could not but give an uneasie thought to him that made it . However we must not deny , but that he makes some attempt to shift it off in his Reply : For he says , the Earth formed the 3d. day , was Moses's Earth , which the Excepter contends for : but the Earth he disputes against , is the Theorist's , which could not be formed the 3d. day . He should have added , and therefore would be hinder'd by the Moon : otherwise this takes off nothing . And now the question comes to a clear state : for when the Excepter says , the Moon would have hinder'd the formation of the Earth , either he speaks upon Moses's hypothesis , or upon the Theorist's hypothesis . Not upon the Theorist's Hypothesis , for the Theorist does not suppose the Moon present then . And if he speaks upon Moses's Hypothesis , the Moon that was made the 4th . day , must have hinder'd the formation of the Earth the 3d. day . So that the objection is a blunder upon either Hypothesis . Furthermore , whereas he suggests that the Answerer makes use of Moses's hypothesis to confute his adversary , but does not follow it himself : 'T is so far true , that the Theorist never said that Moses's six-days Creation was to be understood literally , but however it is justly urg'd against those that understand it literally , and they must not contradict that interpretation which they own and defend . So much for the Moon , and this first passage , which I suppose was troublesome to our Author . But he makes the same blunder , in another place , as to the Sun. Both the Luminaries , it seems , stood in his way . In the 10th . Chapter of his Exceptions , he gives us a new Hypothesis about the Origin of Mountains : which , in short , is this , that they were drawn or suckt out of the Earth by the influence and instrumentality of the Sun. Whereas the Sun was not made , according to Moses , till the 4th . day , and the Earth was form'd the 3d. day . 'T is an unhappy thing to split twice upon the same rock , and upon a rock so visible . He that can but reckon to four , can tell whether the 3d. day , or 4th . day , came sooner . To cure this Hypothesis about the Origin of Mountains , he takes great pains in his Defence , and attempts to do it chiefly by help of a distinction : dividing Mountains into Maritime and Inland . Now 't is true , says he , These maritime Mountains , and such as were made with the hollow of the Sea , must rise when that was sunk or deprest : namely , the 3d. day . Yet Inland ones , he says , might be raised some earlier , and some later : and by the influence of the Sun. This is a weak and vain attempt to defend his notion ; for , besides that this distinction of Maritime and Inland Mountains , as arising from different causes , and at different times , is without any ground , either in Scripture or reason : if their different origin was admitted , the Sun 's extracting these Inland Mountains out of the Earth , would still be absurd and incongruous upon other accounts . Scripture , I say , makes no such distinction of Mountains , made at different times and from different causes . This is plain , seeing Moses does not mention Mountains at all in his six-days Creation : nor any where else , till the Deluge . What authority have we then to make this distinction : or to suppose that all the great Mountains of the Earth were not made together ? Besides , what length of time would you require , for the production of these Inland Mountains ? were they not all made within the six-days Creation ? hear what Moses says at the end of the 6th . day . Thus the Heavens and the Earth were finished , and all the host of them . And on the 7th . day , God ended his work which he had made . Now if the Excepter say , that the Mountains were all made within these six-days , we will not stand with him for a day or two : for that would make little difference as to the action of the Sun. But if he will not confine their production to Moses's six days , how does he keep to the Mosaical Hypothesis ? or how shall we know where he will stop , in his own way ? for if they were not made within the six days , for any thing he knows , they might not be made till the Deluge ; seeing Scripture no where mentions Mountains before the Flood . And as Scripture makes no distinction of Maritime and Inland Mountains , so neither hath this distinction any foundation in Nature or Reason . For there is no apparent or discernible difference betwixt Maritime and Inland Mountains , nor any reason why they should be thought to proceed from different causes , or to be rais'd at different times . The Maritime Mountains are as rocky , as ruderous , and as irregular and various in their shape and posture , as the Inland Mountains . They have no distinctive characters , nor any different properties , internal or external : in their matter , form , or composition : that can give us any ground to believe , that they came from a different Original . So that this distinction is meerly precarious , neither founded in Scripture nor reason : but made for the nonce to serve a turn . Besides , what bounds will you give to these Maritime Mountains ? are they distinguisht from Inland Mountains barely by their distance from the Sea , or by some other Character ? If barely by distance , tell us then how far from the Sea do the Maritime Mountains reach , and where do the Inland begin , and how shall we know the Terminalis Lapis ? Especially in a continued chain of Mountains , that reach from the Sea many hundreds of miles Inland : as the Alpes from the Ocean to Pontus Euxinus , and Taurus , as he says , fifteen hundred miles in length , from the Chinese Ocean to the Sea of Pamphylia . In such an uninterrupted Ridge of Mountains , where do the Land-Mountains end , and the Sea-mountains begin ? Or what mark is there , whereby we may know that they are not all of the same race , or do not all spring from the same original ? Such obvious enquiries as these , shew sufficiently , that the distinction is meerly arbitrary and fictitious . But suppose this distinction was admitted , and the Maritime Mountains made the 3d. day , but Inland Mountains I know not when : the great difficulty still remains , How the Sun rear'd up these Inland Mountains afterwards . Or if his power be sufficient for such effects , why have we not Mountains made still to this day ? seeing our Mountain-maker the Sun is still in the Firmament , and seems to be as busie at work , as ever . The Defender hath made some answer to this question , in these words , The question is put , why have we no Mountains made now ? It might as well have been askt , says he , why does not the fire make a dough-bak'd loaf swell and ●uff up ? And , he says , this answer must be satisfactory to the question propounded . It must be , that is , for want of a better : for otherwise this Dowe-comparison is unsatisfactory upon many accounts . First , there was no ferment in the Earth , as in this Dowe-cake : at least it is not prov'd , or made appear , that there was any . Nay , in the Exceptions , when this Hypothesis was propos'd , there was no mention at all made of any ferment or leaven in the Earth : but the effect was wholly imputed to Vapors and the Sun. But to supply their defects , he now ventures to add the word fermentive , as he calls it . A fermentive , flatulent principle , which heav'd up the Earth , as Leaven does Dowe . But , besides , that this is a meer groundless and gross Postulatum , to suppose any such leaven in the Earth ; if there had been such a principle , it would have swoln the whole mass uniformly , heav'd up the exterior region of the Earth every where , and so not made Mountains , but a swoln bloated Globe . This Sir , is a 2d . passage , which I thought might make the Defender uneasie . We proceed now to a 3d. and 4th . in his Geography and Astronomy . In the 14th . Chapter of his Exceptions , speaking of the change of the situation of the Earth , from a right posture to an oblique , he says , according to the Theory , the Ecliptick in the Primitive Earth , was its Equinoctical now . This , he is told by the Answer , is a great mistake ; namely , to think that the Earth , when it chang'd its situation , chang'd its poles and circles . What is now reply'd to this ? He speaks against a change , says the Defence , in the poles and circles of the Earth ; A needless trouble , and occasion'd by his own oversight . For had he but lookt into the Errata's , he might have seen there , that these parentheses , upon which he grounded what he says , should have been left out . So this is acknowledg'd an Erratum , it seems , but an erratum Typographicum ; not in the sence , but only in the parentheses , which , he says , should have been left out . Let us then lay aside the Parentheses , and the sentence stands thus , For under the Ecliptick , which in the primitive situation of the Earth , according to the Theory , was its Equinoctial : and divided the Globe into two Hemispheres , as the Equator does now . The dry ground , &c. How does this alter or mend the sence ? It is not still as plainly affirm'd , as before , that , according to the Theory , the Ecliptick in the Primitive Earth was its Equinoctial ? And the same thing is suppos'd throughout all this Paragraph . And if he will own the truth , and give things their proper name ▪ 't is down-right ignorance or a gross mistake in the doctrine of the Sphere , which he would first father upon the Theory , and then upon the parentheses . And this leads me to a 4th . passage , much-what of the same nature , where he would have the Earth to have been translated out of the Aequator into the Ecliptick , and to have chang'd the line of its motion about the Sun , when it chang'd its situation . His words are these , So that in her annual motion about the Sun , she , namely , the Earth before her change of situation , was carried directly under the Equinoctial . This is his mistake . The Earth mov'd in the Ecliptick , both before and after her change of situation : for the change was not made in the Circle of her motion about the Sun , but in her posture or inclination in the same Circle . Whereas he supposes that the shifted both posture , and also her circuit about the Sun , as his words are in the next paragraph . But we shall have occasion to reflect upon this again in its proper place . We proceed now to another Astronomical mistake . A 5th . passage , which probably might disquiet him , is his false argumentation at the end of the 8th . chap. concerning Days and Months . He says there , if the natural days were longer towards the Flood , than at first : ( which no body however affirms ) fewer than thirty would have made a month : whereas the duration of the Flood is computed by months consisting of thirty days a-piece : therefore , says he , they were no longer than ordinary . This argumentation the Answer told him , was a meer paralogism , or a meer blunder . For 30 days are 30 days , whether they are longer or shorter : and Scripture does not determine the length of the days . There are several pages spent in the Defence , to get off this blunder : Let 's here how he begins : Tho' Scripture does not limit or account for the length of days expresly , yet it does it implicitly , and withal very plainly and intelligibly . This is deny'd , and if he make this out , that Scripture does very plainly and intelligibly determine the length of days at the Deluge , and makes them equal with ours at present , then , I acknowledge , he hath remov'd the blunder : otherwise it stands the same , unmov'd and unmended . Now observe how he makes this out ; For , says he , Scripture gives us to understand , that days before the Flood were of the same length that they are of now , BY INFORMING VS , that months and years , which were of the same length then , that they are of at present , were made up of the same number of days . Here the blunder is still continued , or , at best , it is but transferr'd from days to months , or from months to years . He says , Scripture informs us that months and years were of the same length then , that they are of at present . If he mean by the same length , the same number of days , he relapses into the old blunder , and we still require the length of those days . But if Scripture informs us that the months and years at the Flood , were of the same length that they are of now , according to any absolute and known measure , distinct from the number of days , then the blunder is sav'd . Let 's see therefore by whether of these two ways he proves it in the next words , which are these , For how could there be just 12 months in the year , at the time of the Deluge : and 30 days in each of those months , if days then had not consisted , as they do now , of 24 hours a piece . We allow a day might then consist of 24 hours , if the distinction of hours was so ancient . But what then , the question returns concerning the length of those hours as it was before concerning the length of the days : and this is either idem per idem , or the same error in another instance . If you put but hours in the place of days , the words of the Answer have still the same force : Twenty four hours were to go to a day , whether the hours were longer or shorter : and Scripture does not determine the length of the hours . This , you see , is still the same case , and the same paralogism hangs upon both instances . But he goes on still in this false tract , in these words : And as Providence hath so ordered nature , that days ( that depend upon its diurnal motion ) should be measur'd by circumgyrations of the Earth . — So it hath taken care that each of these circumrotations should be performed in 24 hours : and consequently that every day should be just so long that 30 of them ( in way of round reckoning ) might compleat a month . Admit all this , that 30 days compleat a month . Still if Scripture hath not determin'd the length of those days , nor the slowness or swiftness of the circumgyrations that make them , it hath not determin'd to us the length of those months , nor of the years that depend upon them . This one would take to be very intelligible : yet he goes on still in the same maze , thus , But now had the circumgyrations of the Earth grown more slow towards the Deluge ( by such causes as the Excepter suggested ) so as every day had consisted of 30 hours , &c. But how so , I pray ? This is a wild step : why 30 hours ? where does Scripture say so : or where does the Theorist say so ? We say the Day consisted then as now of 24 hours , whether the hours were longer or shorter : and that Scripture hath not determin'd the length of those hours , nor consequently of those days , nor consequently of those months , nor consequently of those years . So , after all this a-do , we are just where we were at first , namely , That Scripture not having determin'd the absolute length of any one , you cannot by that determine the length of any other . And by his shifting and multiplying instances , he does but absurda absurdis accumulare , ne perpluant . We offer'd before , in our Answer , to give the Excepter some light into his mistake : by distinguishing in these things , what is absolute from what is relative : the former whereof , cannot , under these or any such like circumstances , be determin'd by the latter . For instance ; A man hath ten children , and he will not say absolutely and determinately what portion he will give with any one of them : but he says , I will give my eldest child a tenth part more than my 2d , and my second a 9th . part more than my 3d , and my third an 8th . part more than my 4th ; and so downwards in proportion , to the youngest . Not telling you , in any absolute sum , what money he will give the youngest , or any other : you cannot by this tell what portion the man will give with any of his children . I leave you to apply this , and proceed to a nearer instance , by comparing the measures of Time and Longitude . If you know how many inches make a foot , how many feet a pace , how many paces a mile , &c. you cannot by these numbers determine the absolute quantity of any one of the foresaid measures , but only their relative quantity as to one another . So if Scripture had determin'd , of how many hours a Day consisted : of how many days a Month : of how many months a Year : you could not by this alone determine the absolute duration or quantity of any one of these , nor whether they were longer or shorter than our present hours , days , months , or years . And therefore , I say still , as I said at first , 30 days are 30 days , whether they are longer or shorter : and 30 circumgyrations of the Earth , are 30 , whether they be slower or swifter . And that no Scripture-proof can be made from this , either directly or consequentially , that the days before the Flood , were or were not , longer than they are at present . But we have been too long upon this head . We proceed now from his Astronomy to his Philosophy . 'T was observ'd in the Answer , that the Excepter in the beginning of the 9th . Chap. suppos'd Terrestrial Bodies to have a nitency inwards , or downwards towards the Center . This we noted as a false principle in Philosophy : and to rectifie his mistake , he now replyes , That he understood that expression only of self-central and quiescent Bodies . Whereas in truth , the question he was speaking to , was about a fluid Body turning upon its Axis . But however let us admit his new sence , his principle , I 'm afraid , will still need rectification ; namely , he affirms now , that Quiescent Earthly Bodies are impregnated with a nitency inward , or downward towards the Center . I deny also this reform'd principle ; if Bodies be turn'd round , they have a nitency upwards , or from the Center of their motion . If they be not turn'd round , nor mov'd , but quiescent , they have no nitency at all , neither upwards nor downwards : but are indifferent to all lines of motion , according as an external impulse shall carry them , this way or that way . So that his impregnation with a nitency downwards , is an occult and fictitious quality , which is not in the nature of Bodies , whether in motion or in rest . The truth is , The Author of the Exceptions makes a great flutter about the Cartesian Philosophy , and the Copernican Systeme , but the frequent mistakes he commits in both , give a just suspicion that he understands neither . Lastly , we come to the grand discovery of a Fifteen-Cubit-Deluge , which , it may be , was as uneasie to him upon second thoughts , as any of the rest : at least one would guess so , by the changes he hath made in his Hypothesis . For he hath now , in this Defence , reduc'd the Deluge to a destruction of the world by Famine , rather than by drowning . I do not remember in Scripture any mention made of Famine in that great judgment of water brought upon mankind , but he thinks he hath found out something that favours his opinion : namely , that a good part of mankind at the Deluge , were not drown'd , but starv'd for want of victuals . And the argument is this , because in the story of the Deluge , men are not said to be drown'd , but to perish , die or be destroy'd . But are they said any where in the story of the Deluge , to have been famish'd ? And when God says to Noah , I will bring a slood of waters upon the Earth , to destroy all flesh , Does it not plainly signifie , that that destruction should be by drowning ? But however let us hear our Author : when he had been making use of this new Hypothesis of starving , to take off some arguments urged against his fifteen-cubit Deluge ( particularly , that it would not be sufficient to destroy all mankind ) he adds these words by way of proof . And methinks there is one thing which seems to insinuate , that a good part of the Animal world might perhaps come to an end thus : by being driven to such streights by the over flowing waters , as to be FAMISHT or STARV'D to death . The thing is this , in the story of the Deluge , it is no where said of men and living creatures , that they were drown'd , but they dyed , or were destroyed . Those that are drown'd are destroy'd , I imagine , as well as those that are starv'd : so this proves nothing . But that the destruction here spoken of , was by drowning , seems plain enough , both from God's words to Noah before the Flood , and by his words after the Flood , when he makes his Covenant with Noah ▪ in this manner : I will establish my Covenant with you , neither shall all flesh be cut off any more by the waters of a Flood . Now to be cut off , or destroy'd by the waters of a Flood , is , methinks , to be drown'd . And I take all flesh to comprehend the Animal World , or at least , all mankind . Accordingly our Saviour says , Matt. 24. 39. in Noah's time , the flood came , and took them all away : namely , all mankind . This is one Expedient our Author hath found out , to help to bear off the inconveniences that attend his fifteen-cubit Deluge : namely , by converting a good part of it into a Famine . But he hath another Expedient to joyn to this , by increasing the Waters : and that is done , by making the Common Surface of the Earth , or the highest parts of it , as he calls them , to signifie ambiguously , or any height that pleases him ; and consequently fifteen Cubits above that , signifies also what height he thinks fit . But in reality , there is no surface common to the Earth , but either the exteriour surface , whether it be high or low : or the ordinary level of the Earth , as it is a Globe or convex Body . If by his common surface he mean the exteriour surface , that takes in Mountains as well as Low-lands , or any other superficial parts of the Earth . And therefore if the Deluge was fifteen Cubits above this common surface , it was fifteen Cubits above the highest Mountains , as we say it was . But if by the common surface he mean the common level of the Earth , as it is a Globular or convex Body , then we gave it a right name when we call'd it the ordinary level of the Earth : namely , that level or surface that lies in an equal convexity with the surface of the Sea. And his fifteen Cubits of water from that level , would never drown the World. Lastly , If by the common surface of the Earth , he understand a 3d. surface , different from both these , he must define it , and define the height of it : that we may know how far this fifteen-cubit Deluge rise , from some known basis . One known basis is the surface of the Sea , and that surface of the Land that lies in an equal convexity with it : tell us then if the waters of the Deluge were but fifteen Cubits higher than the surface of the Sea , that we may know their height by some certain and determinate measure , and upon that examine the Hypothesis . But to tell us they were fifteen Cubits above , not the Mountains or the Hills , but the Highlands , or the highest parts of the common surface of the Earth , and not to tell us the height of these highest parts from any known basis : nor how they are distinguisht from Hills and Mountains , which incur our sences , and are the measures given us by Moses : This , I say , is but to cover his Hypothesis with ambiguities , when he had made it without grounds : and to leave room to set his Water-mark higher or lower , as he should see occasion or necessity . And of this indeed we have an instance in this land Pamphlet , for he has rais'd his Water-mark there , more than an hundred Cubits higher than it was before . In his Exceptions he said , not that the waters were no where higher than just fifteen Cubits , above the ground , they might in most places be thirty , forty , or fifty Cubits higher . But in his Defence he says , the Waters might be an hundred or two hundred Cubits higher , than the general ordinary plain of the Earth . Now what security have we , but that in the next Pamphlet , they may be 500 or a 1000 Cubits higher than the ordinary surface of the Earth . This is his 2d . Expedient , raising his Water-mark indefinitely . But if these two methods be not sufficient to destroy Mankind , and the animate World , he hath yet a third , which cannot fail : and that is , Destroying them by Evil Angels . Flectere si nequeo . This is his last refuge ; to which purpose he hath these words , When Heaven was pleas'd to give Satan leave , he caus'd the fire to consume Job's sheep , and caused the wind to destroy his Children . And how easily could these spirits , that are ministers of God's vengeance , have made the waters of the Flood fatal to those Creatures that might have escaped them , if any could have done it ? As suppose an Eagle , or a Faulcon : The Devil and his crue catcht them all , and held their moses under water . However , methinks , this is not fair play , to deny the Theorist the liberty to make use of the ministery of good Angels , when he himself makes use of evil Spirits . These , Sir , and such like passages , where the notions of the Excepter have been expos'd , were the causes , I imagine , of his angry reply . Some Creatures , you know , are more fierce after they are wounded : and some upon a gentle chase will fly from you , but if you press them and put them to extremities , they turn and fly in your face . I see by our Author's example , how easily , in these personal altercations , reasoning degenerates into wrangling , and wrangling into scolding However , if I may judge from these two Hypotheses which he hath made , about the rise of Mountains , and a fifteen-cubit Deluge , of all trades I should never advise him to turn Hypothesis-maker . It does not seem at all to lie to his hand , and things never thrive that are undertaken , Diis iratis , genioque sinistro . But as we have given you some account of this Author 's Philosophical notions , so it may be you will expect that we should entertain you with some pieces of his wit and eloquence . The truth is , he seems to delight and value himself upon a certain kind of Country-wit and popular eloquence , and I will not grudge you the pleasure of enjoying them both , in such instances as I remember . Speaking in contempt of the Theory and the Answer , ( which is one great subject of his wit ) he expresses himself thus : But if arguments be so weak , that they will fall with a fillip , why should greater force be used to beat them down ? To draw a Rapier to stab a Fly ; or to charge a Pistol to kill a Spider ; I think would be preposterous . I think so too , in this we 're agreed . In another place , being angry with the Theorist , that he would not acknowledge his errours to him , he hath these words , 'T is unlucky for one to run his head against a post : But when he hath done , if he will say he did not do it , and stand in and defend what he says : 't is a sign he is as senceless as he was unfortunate : and is fitter to be pitied than confuted . This wit , it may be , you 'll say , is downright clownery . The truth is , when I observ'd , in reading his Pamphlet , the courseness of his repartees , and of that sort of wit wherein he deals most and pleases himself , it often rais'd in my mind , whether I would or no , the Idea of a Pedant : Of one that had seen little of the World , and thought himself much wittier and wiser than others would take him to be . I will give you but one Instance more of his rustical wit : Telling the Theorist of an itch of writing : Methinks , says he , he might have laid that prurient humour , by scratching himself with the briars of a more innocent controversie : or by SCRVBBING SOVNDLY against something else than the holy Scripture . He speaks very sensibly , as if he understood the disease , and the way of dealing with it . But I think Holy Scripture does not come in well upon that occasion . All this is nothing , Sir , in comparison of his popular eloquence . See with what alacrity he runs it off hand , in a similitude betwixt Adam and a Lord Lieutenant of a County . When the King makes a Gentleman Lord-Lieutenant of a County , by virtue of his Commission is he presently the strongest man that is in it ? Does it enable him to encounter whole Regiments of Souldiers in his single person ? Does it impower him to carry a Cannon upon his neck ? Or when the great Gun is fir'd off , to catch the Bullet as it flies , and put it up in his Pocket ? So when God gave Adam dominion over the Fowls , did he mean that he should dive like a Duck , or soar like a Falcon ? that he should swim as naturally as the Swan , and hunt the Kite , or Hobby , as Boys do the Wren ? Did he mean that he should hang up Ostritches in a Cage , as people do Linnets : or fetch down the Eagles to feed with his Pullen , and make them perch with his Chickens in the Henroost ? So much for the Fowls , now for the Fish. When God gave Adam dominion over the Sea , was he to be able to dwell at the bottom , or to walk on the top of it ? To drain it as a Ditch , or to take all its Fry at once in a Dragnet ? Was he to snare the Shark , as we do young Pickarels : or to bridle the Sea-Horse , and ride him for a Pad ? Or to put a slip upon the Crocodile's neck , and play with him as with a Dog ? &c. Sir , I leave it to you , as a more competent Judge , to set a just value upon his gifts and elocution . For my part , to speak freely , Dull sence , in a phantastick style , is to me doubly nauseous . But least I should cloy you with these lushious harangues , I will give you but one more : and 't is a miscellany of several pieces of Wit together . Should twenty Mariners , says he , confidently affirm , that they sail'd in a Ship from Dover to Calis , by a brisk gale out of a pair of Bellows : Or if forty Engineers should positively swear , that the Powder-mill near London , was late blown up , by a Mine then sprung at Great Waradin in Hungary , must they not be grievously perjur'd persons ? — Or if the Historian that writes the Peloponnesian war , had told that the Soldiers who fell in it , fought only with Sun beams , and single Currants which grew thereabouts , and that hundreds and thousands were stabb'd with the one , and knock'd on the head with the other : who would believe that ever there were such weapons in that war ; that ever there was such a fatal war in that Country ? even so , &c. These , Sir , are flights and reaches of his Pen , which I dare not censure , but leave them to your judgment . Thus much is to give you a tast only of his wit and eloquence : and if you like it , you may find more of the same strain , here and there , in his writings . I have only one thing to mind him of , That he was desir'd by the Theorist to write in Latin ( if he was a Scholar ) as being more proper for a subject of this nature . If he had own'd and followed that character , I 'm apt to think it would have prevented a great many impertinencies : His tongue probably would not have been so flippant in popular excursions and declamations , as we now find it . Neither is this any great presumption or rashness of judgment , if we may guess at his skill in that Language by his translations , here and there . Cum plurimâ religione is render'd with the principles of their Religion . And if he say he followed Sir W. Rawleigh in his translation , he that follows a bad translator without correction or notice , is suppos'd to know no better himself . And this will appear the more probable , if we consider another of his translations , in this present work . Rei personam he translates the Representation of the things : instead of the person of the Guilty : or the person of him that is Reus not Actor . And in this , I dare say , he was seduc'd by no example . But least we should be thought to misrepresent him , take his own words , such as they are . Yea , though it was spoken never so positively , it was but to set forth REI PERSONAM : to make the more full and lively representation of the supposed thing . Here , you see , he hath made a double blunder , first , in jumbling together person and thing : then , if they could be jumbled together , rei persona would not signifie the full and lively representation of the thing , but rather a disguise or personated representation of the thing . However I am satisfied from these instances , that he had good reason , notwithstanding the caution or desire of the Theorist to the contrary , to write his Books in his Mother's tongue . Thus we have done with the first part : which was to mark out such passages , as we thought might probably have inflam'd the Authors style in this reply . When men are resolv'd not to own their faults , you know there is nothing more uneasie and vexatious to them , than to see them plainly discover'd and expos'd . We must now give you some account of the contents of his Chapters , so far as they relate to our subject . Chap. 1st . Nothing . Chap. 2d . is against extraordinary providence : or that the Theorist should not be permitted to have recourse to it upon any occasion . This recourse to extraordinary providence being frequently objected in other places , and of use to be distinctly understood : we will speak of it apart at the latter end of the Letter . Chap. 3. is about the Moon 's hindering the formation of the Earth before she was form'd her self , or in our neighbourhood ; as we have noted before . Another thing in this Chap. is his urging , Oyly or Oleagineous particles not to have been in the Chaos , but made since . I 'll give a short answer to this : Either there was or was not , Oleagineous matter in the new-made Earth , ( I mean in its superficial region . ) when it came first out of a Chaos ? If there was , there was also in the Chaos , out of which that Earth was immediately made . And if there was no oleagineous matter in the new-made Earth , how came the soil to be so fertile , so fat , so unctuous ? I say not only fertile , but particularly fat and unctuous : for he uses these very words frequently in the description of that soil . And all fat and unctuous liquors are oleagineous : and accordingly we have us'd those words promiscuously , in the description of that Region : ( Eng. Theor. Chap. 5. ) understanding only such unctuous liquors as are lighter than water and swim above it , and consequently would stop and entangle the terrestrial particles in their fall or descent . And seeing such unctuous and oleagineous particles were in the new-made Earth , they must certainly have been in the matter out of which it was immediately form'd , namely , in the Chaos . All the rest of this Chapter we are willing to leave in its full force : apprehending the Theory , or the Answer , to be in no danger from such argumentations or reflections . The 4th . Chap. is very short and hath nothing argumentative The 5th . Chap. is concerning the cold in the circumpolar parts , which was spoken to in the Answer sufficiently , and we stand to that . What is added about extraordinary providence , will be treated of in its proper place . The 6th . Chap. is also short , against this particular , that it is not safe to argue upon suppositions actually false . And I think there needs no more to prove it , than what was said in the Answer . Chap. 7. is chiefly about texts of Scripture , concerning which I see no occasion of saying any more than what is said in the Review of the Theory . He says ( p. 49. ) that the Theorist catches himself in a trap , by allowing that Ps. 33. 7. is to be understood of the ordinary posture of the waters , and yet applying it to their extraordinary posture under the vault of the Earth . But that was not an extraordinary posture according to the Theorist , but their natural posture in the first Earth . Yet I allow the expression might have been better thus , in a level or spherical convexity , as the Earth . He interprets 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( p. 53. ) which we render the Garden of the Lord , not to be Paradise , but any pleasant Garden ; yet gives us no authority , either of ancient Commentator or Version , for this novel and paradoxical interpretation . The Septuagint render it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . The Vulgate , Paradisus Domini : and all ancient Versions that I have seen render it to the same sence . Does he expect then that his single word and authority , should countervail all the ancient Translators and Interpreters ? To the last place alledged by the Theorist , Prov. 8. 28. he says the Answerer charges him unjustly that he understands by that word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 no more than the rotundity or spherical figure of the Abyss . Which , he says , is a point of nonsence . I did not think the charge had been so high however , seeing some Interpreters understand it so . But if he understand by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the banks or shores of the Sea , then he should have told us how those banks or shores are 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 super faciem Abyssi , as it is in the Text. Pag. 59. He says the Excepter does not misrepresent the Theorist when he makes him to affirm the construction of the First Earth to have been meerly mechanical ; and he cites to this purpose two places , which only prove , that the Theorist made use of no other causes , nor see any defect in them , but never affirm'd that these were the only causes . You may see his words to this purpose expresly , Engl. Theor. p. 65. whereof the Excepter was minded in the Answer , p. 3. In the last Paragraph of this Chapter , if he affirms any thing , he will have the Pillars of the Earth to be understood literally . Where then , pray , do these Pillars stand that bear up the Earth ? or if they bear up the Earth , what bears them up ? what are their Pedestals , or their foundations ? But he says Hypotheses must not regulate Scripture , though in natural things , but be regulated by it , and by the letter of it . I would gladly know then , how his Hypothesis of the motion of the Earth , is regulated by Scripture , and by the letter of it . And he unhappily gives an instance just contrary to himself , namely , of the Anthropomorphites : for they regulate natural reason and philosophy by the letter or literal sence of Scripture , and therein fall into a gross errour . Yet we must not call the Author injudicious , for fear of giving offence . The 8th . Chap. begins with the Earths being carried directly under the Equinoctial , before its change of situation : without any manner of obliquity in her site , or declination towards either of the Tropicks in HER COVRSE . Here you see , when the Earth chang'd its situation , it chang'd , according to his Astronomy , two things : its site , and its course ; its site upon its axis , and its course in the heavens . And so he says again in the next paragraph , put the case the Earth shift her posture , and also her CIRCVIT about the Sun , in which she persisted till the Deluge . Here is plainly the same notion repeated : that the Earth chang'd not only its site , but also its road or course about the Sun. And in consequence of this he supposes its course formerly to have been under the Equinoctial , and now under the Ecliptick : it being translated out of the one into the other , at its change . Yet he seems now to be sensible of the absurdity of this doctrine , and therefore will not own it to have been his sence : and as an argument that he meant otherwise , he alledges , that he declar'd before , that by the Earths ritght situation to the Sun , is meant that the axis of the Earth was always kept in a parallelism to that of the Ecliptick . But what 's this to the purpose ? This speaks only of the site of the Earth , whereas his errour was in supposing its course or annual orbit about the Sun , as well as its site upon its own axis , to have been different , and chang'd at the Deluge : as his words already produc'd against him , plainly testifie . What follows in this Chapter is concerning the perpetual Equinox . And as to the reasoning part of what he says in defence of his Exceptions , we do not grudge him the benefit of it , let it do him what service it can . And as to the Historical part , he will not allow a witness to be a good witness as to matter of fact , if he did not assign true causes of that matter of fact . To which I only reply , tho' Tiverton Steeple was not the cause of Goodwin sands , as the Kentish men thought , yet their testimony was so far good , That there were such Sands , and such a Steeple . He also commits an errour as to the nature of Tradition . When a Tradition is to be made out , it is not expected that it should be made appear that none were ignorant of that Tradition in former Ages : or that all that mention'd it , understood the true grounds and extent of it : but 't is enough to shew the plain footsteps of it in Antiquity , as a Conclusion , tho' they did not know the reasons and premises upon which it depended . For instance , The Conflagration of the world is a doctrine of Antiquity , traditionally deliver'd from age to age : but the Causes and manner of the Conflagration , they either did not know , or have not deliver'd to us . In like manner , that the first age and state of the world was without change of Seasons , or under a perpetual Equinox , of this we see many footsteps in Antiquity , amongst the Jews , Christians , Heathens : Poets , Philosophers ; but the Theory of this perpetual Equinox , the causes and manner of it , we neither find , nor can reasonably expect , from the Ancients . So much for the Equinox . This Chapter , as it begun with an errour , so it unhappily ends with a paralogism : namely , that , because 30 days made a month at the Deluge , therefore those days were neither longer nor shorter than ours are at present . Tho' we have sufficiently expos'd this before yet one thing more may be added , in answer to his confident conclusion , in these words ; But to talk , as the Answerer does , that the Month should be lengthen'd by the Days being so , is a fearful blunder indeed . For let the days ( by slackening the Earth's diurnal motion ) have been never so long , yet ( its annual motion continuing the same ) the Month must needs have kept its usual length : only fewer days would have made it up . 'T is not usual for a Man to persevere so confidently in the same errour ; As if the intervals of time , hours , days , months , years , could not be proportionably increast : so as to contain one another in the same proportion they did before , and yet be every one increast as to absolute duration . Take a Clock , for instance , that goes too slow : The circuit of the Dial-plate is 12. hours , let these represent the 12 ▪ Signs in his Zodiack : and the hand to be the Earth that goes thorough them all : and consequently the whole circuit of the Dial-plate represents the Year ▪ Suppose , as we said , this Clock to go too slow , this will not hinder but still fifteen minutes make a quarter , in this Clock : four quarters make an hour , and 12. hours the whole circuit of the Dial-plate . But every one of these intervals will contain more time than it did before , according to absolute duration , or according to the measure of another Clock that does not go too slow . This is the very case which he cannot or will not comprehend : but concludes thus in effect , that because the hour consists still of four quarters in this Clock , therefore it is no longer than ordinary . The 9th . Chapter also begins with a false notion ▪ that Bodies quiescent ( as he hath now alter'd the case ) have a nitency downwards . Which mistake we rectified before , if he please . Then he proceeds to the Oval figure of the Earth . And many flourishes and harangues are made here to little purpose . For he goes upon a false supposition , that the Waters of the Chaos were made Oval by the weight or gravitation of the Air. A thing that never came into the words or thoughts of the Theorist . Yet upon this supposition he runs into the deserts of Bilebulgerid , and the waters of Mare del Zur : Words that make a great noise , but to no effect . If he had pleas'd he might have seen the Theorist made no use of the weight of the Air upon this occasion , by the instance he gave of the pressure of the Moon , and the flux of the waters by that pressure . Which is no more done by the gravitation of the Air , than the Banks are prest , in a swift current and narrow chanel , by the gravitation of the water . But he says rarefied Air makes less resistance than gross Air : and rarefied water in an Aeolipile , it may be , he thinks presses with less force than unrarefied . Air possibly may be rarefied to that degree as to lessen its resistance : but we speak of Air moderately agitated , so as to be made only more brisk and active . Moreover he says , the waters that lay under the Poles must have risen perpendicularly , and why might they not , as well , have done so under the Equator ? The waters that lay naturally and originally under the Poles , did not rise at all : but the waters became more deep there , by those that were thrust thither from the middle parts of the Globe . Upon the whole I do not perceive that he hath weaken'd any one of the Propositions upon which the formation of an Oval Earth depended . Which were these , First , that the tendency of the waters from the center of their motion , would be greater and stronger in the Equinoctial parts , than in the Polar : or in those parts where they mov'd in greater circles and consequently swifter , than in those where they were mov'd in lesser circles and slower . Secondly , Agitated Air hath more force to repel what presses against it , than stagnant Air : and that the Air was more agitated and rarefied under the Equinoctial parts , than under the Poles . Thirdly , Waters hinder'd and repell'd in their primary tendency , take the easiest way they can to free themselves from that force , so as to persevere in their motion . Lastly , to flow laterally upon a Plain , or to ascend upon an inclin'd Plain , is easier than to rise perpendicularly . These are the Propositions upon which that discourse depended , and I do not find that he hath disprov'd any one of them . And this , Sir , is a short account of a long Chapter , impertinencies omitted . Chap. 10. Is concerning the original and causes of Mountains , which the Excepter unhappily imputes to the heat and influence of the Sun. Whether his Hypothesis be effectually confuted , or not , I am very willing to stand to the judgment of any unconcern'd person , that will have the patience to compare the Exceptions and the Answer , in this Chapter . Then as to his Historical arguments , as he calls them , to prove there were Mountains before the Flood , from Gyants that sav'd themselves from the Flood upon Mount Sion : and Adam's wandring several hundreds of years upon the Mountains of India ; These , and such like , which he brought to prove that there were Mountains before the Flood , he now thinks fit to renounce , and says he had done so before by an anticipative sentence . But if they were condemn'd before by an anticipative sentence , as fables and forgeries , why were they stuft into his Book , and us'd as Traditional evidence against the Theory ? Lastly , he contends in this Chapter for Iron and Iron-tools before the Flood , and as early as the time of Cain● because he built a City ; which , he says , could not be built without Iron and Iron-tools . To which it was Answer'd , that , Cain's , like Paris or London , he had reason to believe that they had Iron-tools to make it . But suppose it was a number of Cottages , made of branches of Trees , of Osiers , and Bulrushes : or , if you will , of mud-walls , and a roof of straw , with a fence about it to keep out Beasts : there would be no such necessity o● Iron-tools . Consider , 'pray , how long the world was without knowing the use of Iron , in several parts of it : as in the Northern Countries and America : and yet they had Houses and Cities , after their fashion . And to come nearer home , consider what Towns and Cities our Ancestros , the Britains , had in Caesar's time : more than two thousand Years after the time of Cain . Oppidum Britanni vocant , cùm Sylvam impeditam vallo atque follâ munierant : quò incursionis hostium vitandae causâ , convenire consueverunt : Why might not Cain's City , be such a City as this ? And as to the Ark , which he also would make a proof that there were Iron and Iron-tools before the Flood , 't was answer'd , that Scripture does not mention Iron or Iron-tools in building of the Ark : but only Gopher wood and Pitch . To which he replies , If Scriptures silence concerning things be a ground of presumption that they were not , what then shall we think of an Oval and unmountainous Earth , an inclosed Abyss , a Paradisiacal world , and the like : which the Scripture makes no mention of . I cannot easily forbear calling this an injudicious reflection , tho' I know he hath been angry with that word , and makes it a brat of passion . But I do assure him I call it so coolly and calmly . When a thing is deduc'd by natural arguments and reason , the silence of Scripture is enough . If he can prove the motion of the Earth by natural arguments , and that Scripture is silent in that point , we desire no better proof . Now in all those things which he mentions , an Oval and unmountainous Earth , an Inclosed Abyss , a Paradisiacal world , Scripture is at least silent : and therefore 't is natural arguments must determine these cases . And this ill-reasoning he is often guilty of , in making no distinction betwixt things that are , or that are not , prov'd by natural arguments , when he appeals to the interpretation of Scripture . Chap. 11. Is to prove an Open Sea ( such as we have now ) before the Flood . All his Exceptions were answer'd before , and I am content to stand to that answer : reserving only what is to be said hereafter concerning the literal sence of Scripture . However he is too lavish in some expressions here , as when he says , ( p. 115. ) that Adam died before so much as one Fish appear'd in the world . And a little before he had said , For fishes , if his Hypothesis be believ'd , were never upon this Earth , in Adam's time . These expressions I say cannot be justified upon any Hypothesis . For why might not the Rivers of that Earth have Fish in them , as well as the Rivers of this Earth , or as our Rivers now ? I 'am sure the Theory , or the Hypothesis he mentions , never said any thing to the contrary : but rather suppos'd the waters fruitful , as the ground was . But as to an open Sea , whether side soever you take , that there was , or was not , any , before the Flood : I believe however Adam , to his dying day , never see either Sea or Sea-fish : nor ever exercis'd any dominion over either . Chap. 12. Is concerning the Rainbow : and hath no new argument in it , nor reinforcement . But a question is mov'd , whether as well , necessarily signifies as much . The real question to be consider'd here , setting aside pedantry , is this , whether that Thing ( Sun , or Rainbow , or any other ) could have any significancy as a sign , which signified no more than the bare promise would have done without a sign . This is more material to be consider'd and resolv'd , than whether as well and as much signifie the same . Chap. 13. Is concerning Paradise , and to justifie or excuse himself why he baulkt all the difficulties , and said nothing new or instructive , upon that subject . But he would make the Theorist inconsistent with himself , in that he had said , that neither Scripture , nor reason , determine the place of Paradise : and yet determines it by the judgment of the Christian Fathers . Where 's the inconsistency of this ? The Theory , as a Theory , is not concern'd in a Topical Paradise ; and says moreover that neither Scripture , nor reason , have determin'd the place of it ; but if we refer our selves to the judgment and tradition of the Fathers , and stand to the majority of their Votes , ( when Scripture and reason are silent ) they have so far determin'd it , as to place it in the other Hemisphere , rather than in this : and so exclude that shallow opinion of some moderns , that would place it in Mesopotamia . And to baffle that opinion was the design of the Theorist ; as this Author also seems to take notice . After this and an undervaluing of the Testimonies of the Fathers , he undertakes to determine the place of Paradise by Scripture , and particularly that it was in Mesopotamia , or some region thereabouts . And his Argument is this , because in the last verse of the 3d. chap. of Genesis , the Cherubims and flaming sword are said to be place'd 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which he says is , to the East of the Garden of Eden . But the Septuagint ( upon whom he must chiefly depend for the interpretation of the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the first place , ch . 2. 8. ) read it here 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . And the Vulgate renders it , ante Paradisum voluptatis : and according to the Samaritan Pentateuch 't is rendered ex adverso . Now what better authorities can he bring us for his translation ? I do not find that he gives any , as his usual way is , but his own authority . And as for the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the 2d . chap. and 8th . ver . which is the principal place , 't is well known , that , except the Septuagint , all the ancient Versions , Greek and Latin , ( besides others ) render it to another sence . And there is a like uncertainty of translation in the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as we have noted elsewhere . Lastly , the Rivers of Paradise , and the countreys they are said to run through or encompass , are differently understood by different Authors , without any agreement or certain conclusion . But these are all beaten subjects , which you may find in every Treatise of Paradise , and therefore 't is not worth the time to pursue them here . Then he proceeds to the longevity of the Ante-diluvians : which , so far as I can understand him to affirm any thing , he says was not general : but the lives of some few were extraordinarily length'ned by a special blessing ; the elongation of them being a work of Providence , not of nature . This is a cheap and vulgar account , ( and so are all the contents of this Chap. ) prov'd neither by Scripture , nor reason : and calculated for the humour and capacity of those , that love their case more than a diligent enquiry after truth . He hath indeed a bold assertion afterwards , that Moses does distinguish , as much or more , betwixt two races of men before the Floud : the one long-livers , and the other short-livers , As he hath distinguisht the Gyants before the Flood , from the common race of mankind . These are his words , Is not his distinction equally plain in both cases ? speaking of this formentioned distinction . Or , if there be any difference , does he not distinguish better betwixt long-livers and short-livers , than he does betwixt men of Gigantick and of usual proportion ? Let 's see the truth of this : Moses plainly made mention of two races of mankind : the ordinary race , and those of a Gigantick race , or Gyants . Now tell me where he plainly makes mention of short-livers before the Flood . And if he no where make mention of short-livers , but of long-livers only , how does he distinguish as plainly of these two races , as he did of the other two ? for in the other he mention'd plainly and severally both the parts or members of the distinction , and here he mentions but one , and makes no distinction . Then he comes to the Testimonies cited by Iosephus for the longevity of the Ante-diluvians , or first inhabitants of the Earth . And these he roundly pronounces to be utterly false . This Gentleman does not seem , to be much skill'd in Antiquity , either sacred or profane : and yet he boldly rejects these Testimonies ( as he did those of the Fathers before ) as utterly false : which Iosephus had alledg'd in vindication of the History of Moses . The only reason he gives , is , because these Testimonies say , They liv'd a thousand years : whereas Moses does not raise them altogether so high . But the question was not so much concerning the precise number of their years , as about the excess of them beyond the present lives of men : and a round number in such cases is often taken instead of a broken number . Besides , seeing according to the account of Moses , the greater part of them liv'd above nine hundred years , at least he should not have said these Testimonies in Iosephus were utterly false , but false in part , or not precisely true . Now he comes to his reasons against the Ante-diluvian longevity ; which have all had their answers before , and those we stand to . But I wonder he should think it reasonable , that mankind , throughout all ages , should increase in the same proportion as in the first age : And if a decuple proportion of increase was reasonable at first , the same should be continued all along : and the product of mankind , after sixteen hundred years , should be taken upon that supposition . I should not grudge to admit that the first pair of Breeders might leave ten pair : but that every pair of these ten , should also leave ten pair , without any failure : and every pair in their children should again leave ten pair : and this to be continued , without diminution or interruption , for sixteen hundred years , is not only a hard supposition , but utterly incredible . For still the greater the number was , the more room there would be for accidents , of all sorts : and every failure towards the beginning , and proportionably in other parts , would cut off thousands in the last product . Chap. 14. Is against the Dissolution of the Earth , and the Disruption of the Abyss , at the Deluge : such as the Theory represents . Here is nothing of new argument , but some stroaks of new railing wit , after his way . He had said in his Exceptions that the Dissolution of the Earth was horrid blasphemy : now he makes it Reductive Blasphemy , as being indirectly , consequentially , or reductively , contrary to Scripture . But this rule , we told him , all errors in Religion would be blasphemy , and if he extend this to errors in Philosophy also , 't is still more harsh and injudicious . I wonder how he thinks , the doctrine , which he owns , about the motion of the Earth , should escape the charge of Blasphemy : that being not only indirectly , but directly and plainly contrary to Scripture . We thought that expression , the Earth is dissolv'd , being a Scripture expression , would thereby have been protected from the imputation of blasphemy : and we alledg'd to that purpose , ( besides , Ps. 75. 3. ) Isa. 24. 19. Amos 9. 5. He would have done well to have prov'd these places in the Prophets Isaiah and Amos , to have been figurative and tropological , as he call it : for we take them both to relate to the dissolution of the Earth , which literally came to pass at the Deluge . And he not having prov'd the contrary , we are in hopes still that the Dissolution of the Earth may not be horrid blasphemy , nor of blasphemous importance . Then having quarrel'd with the Guard of Angels which the Theorist had assign'd for the preservation of the Ark , in the time of the Deluge : he falls next into his blunder , that the Equator and Ecliptick of the Earth were interchang'd , when the situation of the Earth was chang'd . This error in the Earth is cousin-germain to his former error in the heavens , viz. that the Earth chang'd its tract about the Sun , and leapt out of the Equator into the Ecliptick , when it chang'd its situation . The truth is , this Copernican Systeme seems to ly cross in his imagination . I think he would do better to let it alone . However , tho' at other times he is generally verbose and long-winded , he hath the sence to pass this by , in a few words : laying the blame upon certain parentheses or semicircles , whose innocency notwithstanding we have fully clear'd , and shew'd the poison to be spread throughout the whole paragraph , which is too great to be made an Erratum Typographicum . Then after Hermus , Caister , Menander and Caicus : Nile and its mud : Piscenius Niger , who contended with Septimus Severus for the Empire , and reprimanded his Souldiers for hankering after wine . Du Val , an ingenious French writer , and Cleopatra and her admired Antony : he concludes , that the waters of the Deluge raged amongst the fragments , with lasting , incessant , and unimaginable turbulence . And so he comes to an argument against the Dissolution of the Earth . That , All the buildings erected before the Flood , would have been shaken down at that time , or else overwhelmed . He instanc'd in his Exceptions , in Seth's pillars ▪ Henochia , Cain's City : and Ioppa ; these he suppos'd such buildings as were made before , and stood after , the Flood . But now Seth's pillars and Henochia being dismist , he insists upon Ioppa only ; and says , This must have consisted of such materials , as could never be prepared , formed , and set up , without Iron tools . Tho' I do not much believe that Ioppa was an Antediluvian Town , yet whatever they had in Cain's time , they might , before the Deluge , have Mortar and Brick ; which as they are the first stony materials , that we read of , for building : so the ruines of them might stand after the Deluge . And that they had no other materials is the more probable , because , after the Flood , at the building of Babel , Moses plainly intimates that they had no other materials than those . For the Text says , They said one to another , go to , let us make Brick , and burn them thoroughly ; And they made Brick for stone , and slime had they had mortar . But now this argument , methinks , may be retorted upon the Excepter with advantage . For , if there were no dissolutions , concussions , or absorptions , at the Deluge , instead of the ruines of Ioppa , methinks we might have had the ruines of an hundred Antediluvian Cities . Especially , if , according to his Hypothesis , they had good stone , and good Iron , and all other materials , fit for strong and lasting building . And , which is also to be consider'd , that it was but a fifteen-cubit Deluge , so that Towns built upon eminences or high-lands , would be in little danger of being ruin'd : much less of being abolisht . His last argument ( p. 163. ) proves , if it prove any thing , that God's promise , that the world should not be drown'd again , was a vain and trifling thing , to us , who know it must be burnt . And consequently , if Noah understood the conflagration of the World , he makes it a vain and trifling thing to Noah also . If the Excepter delight in such conclusions , let him enjoy them , but they are not at all to the mind of the Theorist . Chap. 15. Now we come to his new Hypothesis of Fifteen-cubit Deluge . And what shifts he hath made to destroy the World with such a diminutive Flood , we have noted before : First , by raising his water-mark , and making it uncertain . Then by converting the Deluge , in a great measure , into Famine . And lastly , by destroying Mankind and other Animals , with evil Angels . We shall now take notice of some other incongruities in his Hypothesis . When he made Moses's Deluge but fifteen Cubits deep , we said that was an unmerciful Paradox , and askt , whether he would have it receiv'd as a Postulatum , or as a Conclusion . All he answers to this is , That the same question may be askt concerning several parts of the Theory : particularly , that the Primitive Earth had no Open Sea ▪ Whether is that , says he , to be receiv'd as a Postulatum , or as a Conclusion ? The answer is ready , as a Conclusion : deduc'd from premises , and a series of antecedent reasons . Now can he make this answer for his fifteen-Cubit Deluge ? Must not that still be a Postulatum , and an unmerciful one ? As to the Theory , there is but one Postulatum in all , viz. That the Earth rise from a Chaos . All the other Propositions are deduc'd from premises , and that one Postulatum also is prov'd by Scripture and Antiquity . We had noted further in the Answer , that the Author had said in his Exceptions , that he would not defend his Hypothesis as true and real : and we demanded thereupon , Why then did he trouble himself or the World with what he did not think true and real ? To this he replies , Many have written ingenious and useful things , which they never believ'd to be true and real . Romances suppose , and Poetical fictions : Will you have your fifteen-cubit Deluge pass for such ? But then the mischief is , where there is neither Truth of Fact , nor Ingenuity of invention , such a composition will hardly pass for a Romance , or a good fiction . But there is still a greater difficulty behind : The Excepter hath unhappily said , Our supposition stands supported by Divine Authority : as being founded upon Scripture : which tells us as plainly as it can speak , that the waters prevailed but fifteen Cubits upon the Earth . Upon which words the Answerer made this remark , If his Hypothesis be founded upon Scripture , and upon Scripture as plainly as it can speak , Why will not he defend it as TRVE and REAL ? for to be supported by Scripture , and by plain Scripture , is as much as we can alledge for the articles of our Faith. To this he replies now , that he begg'd allowance at first , to make bold with Scripture a little . This is a bold excuse : and he especially , one would think , should take heed how he makes bold with Scripture : lest , according to his own notion , he fall into blasphemy or something of blasphemous importance ; indirectly , consequentially , or reductively , at least . However this excuse , if it was a good one , would take no place here : for to understand and apply Scripture , in that sence that it speaks as plainly as it can speak , is not to make bold with it , but modestly to follow its dictates and plain sence . He feels this load to lie heavy upon him , and struggles again to shake it off , with a distinction . When he said his fifteen-cubit Deluge was supported by divine authority , &c. This , he says , was spoken by him , in an Hypothetick or suppositious way : and that it cannot possibly be understood otherwise by men of sence . Here are two hard words , let us first understand what they signifie , and then we shall better judge how Men of sence would understand his words . His Hypothetick or suppositious way , so far as I understand it , is the same thing as by way of supposition ; Then his meaning is , he supposes his fifteen-cubit Deluge is supported by divine authority : And he supposes it is founded upon Scripture as plainly as it can speak . But this is to suppose the Question , and no Man of sence would make or grant such supposition . So that I do not see what he gains by his Hypothetick and suppositious way . But to draw him out of this mist of words , Either he affirms this , that his Hypothesis is supported by divine authority : and founded upon Scripture as plainly as it can speak : or he denies it , or he doubts of it . If he affirm it , then all his excuses and diminutions are to no purpose , he must stand to his cause , and show us those plain Texts of Scripture . If he deny it , he gives up his cause , and all that divine authority he pretended to . If he doubt of it , then he should have exprest himself doubtfully ; as , Scripture may admit of that sence , or may be thought to intimate such a thing ; but he says , with a plerophory , Scripture speaks it as plainly as it can speak . And to mend the matter , he unluckily subjoyns in the following words , Yea , tho' it was spoken never so positively , it was but to set forth REIPERSONAM : to make a more full and lively representation of the supposed thing . He does well to tell us what he means by Rei Personam , for otherwise no Man of sence , as his phrase is , would ever have made that translation of those words . But the truth is , he is so perfectly at a loss how to bring himself off , as to this particular , that in his confusion he neither makes good sence , nor good Latin. Now he comes to another inconsistency which was charg'd upon him by the Answer : Namely , that he rejects the Church-Hypothesis concerning the Deluge , and yet had said before , I cannot believe ( which I cannot well endure to speak ) that the Church hath ever gone on in an irrational way of explaining the Deluge . That he does reject this Church-Hypothesis was plainly made out from his own words : because he rejects the Common Hypothesis : The general standing Hypothesis : The usual Hypothesis : The usual sence they put upon Sacred story , &c. These citations he does not think fit to take notice of in his reply : but puts all upon this general issue , which the Answerer concludes with : The Church-way of explaining the Deluge , is either rational or irrational . If he say it is rational , why does he desert it , and invent a new one . And if he say it is irrational , then that dreadful thing , which he cannot well endure to speak , That , the Church of God hath ever gone on in an irrational way of explaining the Deluge , falls flat upon himself . Let 's hear his answer to this Dilemma . We say , says he , that the Church-way of explaining the Deluge , ( by creating and annihilating waters for the nonce ) is very rational . Then say I still , why do you desert it , or why do you trouble us with a new one ? Either his Hypothesis is more rational than the Church-Hypothesis , or less rational ? If less rational , why does he take us off from a better , to amuse us with a worse ? But if he say his Hypothesis is more rational than that of the Church's , Then Woe be to him , in his own words , that so black a blemish should be fasten'd upon the wisest and noblest Society in the World , as to make himself more wise than they , and his Hypothesis more rational than theirs . The truth is , This Gentleman hath a mind to appear a Virtuoso : for the new Philosophy , and the Copernican Systeme : and yet would be a Zealot for orthodoxy , and the Church-way of explaining things . Which two designs do not well agree , as to the natural World ; and so betwixt two Stools he falls to the ground , and proves neither good Church-man , nor good Philosopher . But he will not still be convinc'd that he deserts the Church-hypothesis , and continues to deny the desertion in these words , We say that we do not desert or reject the Church way of explaining the Deluge . Now to discover , whether these words are true or false , Let us observe , First , what he acknowledges to have said against the Church-Hypothesis : Secondly , what he hath said more than what he acknowledges here . He acknowledges that he said the Church-Hypothesis might be disgustful to the best and soundest Philosophick judgments . And this is not good Character . Yet this is not all , for he hath fairly dropt a principal word in the sentence , namely , justly . His words , in his Exceptions , were these , such inventions ( which he applyes to the Church-Hypothesis ) as have been , and , IVSTLY may be disgustful , not only to nice and squeamish , but to the best and soundest Philosophick judgments . Now judge whether he cited this sentence before , truly and fairly : and whether in these words , truly cited , he does not disparage the Church-Hypothesis , and justifie , those that are disgusted at it . He furthermore acknowledges that the usual ways of explaining the Deluge seem unreasonable to some , and unintelligible to others , and unsatisfactory to the most . But , it seems , he will neither be of these some , others or most . Lastly , he acknowledges that he had said , The ordinary supposition , that the Mountains were covered with waters in the Deluge , brings on a necessity of setting up a new Hypothesis for explaining the Flood . If so , what was this ordinary supposition : was it not the supposition of the Church ? And was that such , as made it necessary to set up a new Hypothesis for explaining the Flood ? Then the old Hypothesis was insufficient , or irrational . Thus much he acknowledges : but he omits what we noted before , his rejecting or disapproving the common Hypothesis , the general standing Hypothesis , the usual sence they put upon the sacred story , &c. And do not all these phrases denote the Church-Hypothesis ? He further omits , that he confest , he had expounded a Text or two of Scripture , about the Deluge , so as none ever did . And deserting the common receiv'd sence , puts an unusual gloss upon them . And is not that common receiv'd sence , the sence of the Church ? and his unusual gloss contrary to it ? Lastly , he says , by his Hypothesis , we need not fly to a new Creation of Waters , and gives his reasons at large against that opinion , which you may see , Except . p. 313. Now those reasons he thought either to be good reasons , or bad reasons : if bad , why did he set them down , or why did he not confute them ? if good , they stand good against the Hypothesis of the Church : for he makes that new Creation and Annihilation of waters at the Deluge , to be the Hypothesis of the Church . Defen . p. 170. I fear I have spent too much time in shewing him utterly inconsistent with himself in this particular . And I wonder he should be so sollicitous to justifie the Hypothesis of the Church in this point , seeing he openly dissents from it in a greater : I mean in that of the Systeme of the World. Hear his words , if you please , to this purpose . And what does the famous Aristotelian Hypothesis seem to be now , but a mass of Errours ? where such a Systeme was contrived for the Heavens , and such a situation assign'd to the Earth , as neither reason can approve , nor nature allow . Yet so prosperous and prevailing was this Hypothesis , that it was generally receiv'd , and successfully propagated for many ages . This prosperous prevailing error , or mass of errors , was it not espoused and supported by the Church ? And to break from the Church in greater points , and scruple it in less , is not this to strain at Gnats , and swallow Camels ? So much for his inconsistency with himself . The rest of this Chapter in the Answer , shews his inconsistency with Moses ; both as to the waters covering the tops of the Mountains , which Moses affirms and the Excepter denyes ; and as to the decrease of the Deluge , which Moses makes to be , by the waters retiring into their chanels , after frequent reciprocations , going and coming . But the Excepter says , the Sun suck'd up the waters from the Earth : just as he had before suck'd the mountains out of the Earth . These things are so groundless , or so gross , that it would be tedious to insist longer upon them . And whereas it is not reasonable to expect , that any others should be idle enough , as we must be , to collate three or four Tracts , to discern where the advantage lies in these small altercations : I desire only , if they be so dispos'd , that they would collate the Exceptions , Answer and Defence , in this one Chapter , which is our Author's Master-piece : And from this I am willing they should take their measures , and make a judgment , of his good or bad success in other parts . What shifts he hath us'd to make his fifteen-cubit Deluge sufficient to destroy all mankind and all animals , we have noted before : and here 't is ( p. 181 , 182. ) that he reduces them to famine . And after that , he comes to a long excursion of seven or eight pages , about the imperfection of Shipping after the Flood : a good argument for the Theorist , that they had not an open Sea , Iron-tools , and materials for shipping , before the Flood . For what should make them so inexpert in Navigation for many years and ages after the Flood , if they had the practice and experience of it , before the Flood ? And what could hinder their having that practice and experience , if they had an open Sea , and all Iron and other materials , for that use and purpose ? Lastly , he comes to his notion of the Great Deep , or Tehom-Rabbah . Which he had made before , in express words , to be the Holes and Caverns in the Rocks ; I say , in express words , such as these , Now supposing that the Caverns in the Mountains were this great Deep : speaking of Moses's Great Deep , according to this new Hypothesis . He says further ( p. 105. ) In case it be urg'd , that Caverns , especially Caverns so high situate , cannot properly be called the great Deep . Where you see , his own objection supposes that he made those caverns the Great Deep . And in the same page , speaking of the Psalmists Great Deeps ( in his own sence of making them holes in rocks ) and Moses's Great Deep , he says , the same thing might be meant by both . By all these expressions one would think it plain , that by his Great Deep he meant his caverns in rocks : yet now , upon objections urged against it , he seems desirous to fly off from that notion . But does not yet tell us plainly what must be meant by Moses's Great Deep . If , upon second thoughts , he would have the Sea to be understood by it , why does he not answer the objections that are made by the Theorist against that Interpretation ? Nay , why does he not answer what he himself had objected before ( Except p. 310. ) against that supposition ? He seems to unsay now , what he said before : and yet substitutes nothing in the place of it , to be understood by Moses's T●hom-Rabbah . Chap. 16. Is a few words concerning these expressions of Shutting the windows of Heaven and the Fountains of the Abyss , after the Deluge . And these were both shut alike , and both of them no less than the Caverns in the Mountains . Chap. 17. Hath nothing of argumentation or Philosophy : but runs on in a popular declamatory way , and ( if I may use that forbidden word ) injudicious . All amounts to this , Whether we may not go contrary to the letter of Scripture , in natural things , when that goes contrary to plain reason . This we affirm , and this every one must affirm that believes the motion of the Earth , as our Vertuoso pretends to do . Then he concludes all with an Harmonious close , that he follows the great example of a R. Prelate , and militates under that Episcopal banner . I am willing to believe that he writ at first , in hopes to curry favour with certain persons , by his great zeal for Orthodoxy ; but he hath made such an hotch-potch of new Philosophy and Divinity , that I believe it will scarce please the party he would cajole : nor so much as his R. Patron . I was so civil to him in the Answer , as to make him a Saint in comparison of that former Animadverter : but , by the style and spirit of this last Pamphlet , he hath forfeited with me all his saintship , both absolute and comparative . Thus much for his Chapters : and as to his reflections upon the Review of the Theory , they are so superficial and inconsiderable , that I believe he never expected that they should be regarded . I wonder however , that he should decline an examination of the 2d . part of the Theory . It cannot be for want of good will to confute it : he hath shewn that to the height , whatsoever his power was . Neither can it be for want of difference or disagreement in opinion , as to the contents of this later part : for he hath reckon'd the Millennium amongst the errors of the ancient Fathers , ( Def. p. 136. ) and the Renovation of the World he makes Allegorical . ( p. 224. &c. ) It must therefore be for want of some third thing : which he best knows . But before we conclude , Sir , we must remember that we promised to speak apart to two things , which are often objected to the Theorist by this Writer , and to little purpose ; namely , his flying to Extraordinary Providence , and his flying from the literal sence of Scripture . As to Extraordinary Providence , Is the Theorist alone debarr'd from recourse to it , or would he have all men debarr'd , as well as the Theorist ? If so , why doth he use it so much himself ? And if it be allow'd to others , there is no reason it should be deny'd the Theorist , unless he have disown'd it , and so debarr'd himself that common priviledge . But the contrary is manifest , in a multitude of places , both of the first and second part of the Theory ▪ For , besides a discourse on purpose upon that subject , in the 8th . Chap. of the first Book , in the last Chapter and last words of the same book ( Latin ) he does openly avow , both Providence ( natural and moral ) and miracles : in these words , Denique cùm certissimum sit , à divinâ Providentiâ pendere res omnes , cujuscunque ordinis , & ab eâdem vera miracula edita esse , &c. And as to the second part of the Theory , the ministery of Angels is there acknowledg'd frequently , both as to natural and moral administrations . From all which instances it is manifest , that the Theorist did not debar himself , by denying either Miracles , Angelical ministery , or extraordinary Providence ; But if the Excepter be so injudicious ( pardon me that bold word ) as to confound all extraordinary Providence with the Acts of Omnipotency , he must blame himself for that , not the Theorist . The Creation and Annihilation of waters is an act of pure Omnipotency , This the Theorist did not admit of at the Deluge : and if this be his fault , as it is frequently objected to him ( Def. p. 9. 66. 170 , &c. ) he perseveres in it still , and in the reasons he gave for his opinion , which are no where confuted . But as for acts of Angelical power , he does every where acknowledge them in the great Revolutions , even of the natural World. If the Excepter would make the Divine Omnipotency as cheap as the ministery of Angels , and have recourse as freely and as frequently to that , as to this : If he would make all extraordinary Providence the same , and all miracles , and set all at the pitch of Infinite power , this may be an effect of his ignorance or inadvertency , but is no way imputable to the Theorist . In the next place it may be observ'd that the Theorist hath no where asserted , that Moses's Cosmopoeia ( which does not proceed according to ordinary Providence ) is to be literally understood ; and therefore what is urg'd against him from the letter of that Cosmopoeia , is improperly urg'd and without ground . There are as good reasons , and better Authorities , that Moses's six-days Creation should not be literally understood , than there are , why those Texts of Scripture that speak about the motion of the Sun , should not be literally understood . And as to the Theorist , he had often intimated his sence of that Cosmopoeia , that it was exprest more humano , & captum populi : as appears in several passages ; In the Latin Theory , speaking of the Mosaical Cosmogonia , he hath these words : Constat haec Cosmopoeia duabus partibus , quarum prima , massas generales atque rerum inconditarum statum exhibet : sequiturque eadem principia , & eundem ordinem , quem antiqui usque retinuerunt . Atque in hoc nobiscum conveniunt omnes ferè interpretes Christiani : nempe , Tohu Bohu Mosaicum idem esse ac Chaos Antiquorum . Tenebras Mosaicas , &c. hucusque convenit Mosi cum antiquis Philosophis , — methodum autem illam Philosophicam hic abrumpit , aliamque orditur , humanam , aut , si mavis , Theologicam : quâ , motibus Chaos , secundum leges naturae & divini amoris actionem , planè neglectis , & successivis ipsius mutationibus in varias regiones & elementa : His , inquam , post-habitis , popularem narrationem de ortu rerum hoc modo instituit . Res omnes visibiles in sex classes , &c. This is a plain indication how the Theorist understood that Cosmopoeia . And accordingly in the English Theory the Author says , Moses's Cosmopoeia : because I thought it deliver'd by him as a Law-giver , not as a Philosopher . Which I intend to show at large in another Treatise : not thinking that discussion proper for the vulgar Tongue . The Excepter was also minded of this in the Answer , p. 66. Now , 't is much , that he , who hath searcht all the corners , both of the English and Latin Theory , to pick quarrels , should never observe such obvious passages as these . But still make objections from the letter of the Mosaical Cosmopoeia : which affect the Theorist no more than those places of Scripture that speak of the motion of the Sun , or the Pillars of the Earth . In the last place , the Theorist distinguisht two methods for explaining the natural World : that of an ordinary and that of an extraordinary Providence . And those that take the second way , he said , might dispatch their task as soon as they pleas'd if they engag'd omnipotency in the work . But the other method would require time : it must proceed by distinct steps , and leisurely motions , such as Nature can admit ; And , in that respect , it might not suit with the busie lives , or impatient studies , of most Men. Whom he left notwithstanding to their liberty to take what method they pleas'd : provided they were not troublesome in forcing their hasty thoughts upon all others . Thus the Theorist hath exprest himself at the end of the first Book : Interià , cùm non omnes à naturâ ità compositi simus , ut Philosophiae studiis delectemur : Neque etiant liceat multis , propter occupationes vitae , iisdem vacare , quibus per ingenium licuisset : iis jure permittendum est , compendiariò to sapere ; & relictis viis naturae & causarum secundarum , quae saepe longiusculae sunt , per causas superiores philosophari ; idque potissimùm , cùm ex piis affectibus hoc quandoque fieri possit : quibus velmalè fundatis , aliquid dandum esse existimo , modò non sint turbulenti . Thus the Theorist , you see , sets two ways before them , and 't is indifferent to him whether they take , if they will go on their way peaceably . And he does now moreover particularly declare , That he hath no ambition , either to make the Excepter , or any other of the same dispositions of will , and the same elevation of understanding , proselytes to his Theory . Thus much for Providence ; As to the literal sence of Scripture , I find , if what was noted before in the Answer , had been duly consider'd , there would be little need of additions upon that subject . The matter was stated freely and distinctly , and the remarks or reflections which the Excepter hath made in his Defence , upon this doctrine , are both shallow & partial . I say , partial : in perverting the sence , and separating such things as manifestly depend upon one another . Thus the Excepter falls upon that expression in the Answer , Let us remember that this contradicting Scripture , here pretended , is only in natural things : where he should have added the other part of the sentence , And also observe how far the Excepter himself , in such things , hath contradicted Scripture . Here he makes an odious declamation , as it the Answerer had confest that he contradicted Scripture in natural things : whereas the words are contradicting Scripture , here pretended : and 't is plain by all the discourse , that 't is the literal sence of Scripture that is here spoken of , which the Excepter is also said to contradict . Such an unmanly captiousness shews the temper and measure of that spirit , which rather than say nothing will misrepresent the plain sence of an Author . In like manner , when he comes to those words in the Answer , The case therefore is this , whether to go contrary to the letter of Scripture in things that relate to the natural world , be destroying the foundation of religion , affronting Scripture , and blaspheming the Holy Ghost . He says , this is not to state the case truly , for it is not , says he , going contrary to the letter of Scripture that draws such evil consequences after it , but going contrary to the letter of Scripture , where it is to be literally under stood . And this the Theorist does , he says , and the Excepter does not . But who says so besides himself ? This is fairly to beg the question , and can he suppose the Theorist so easie as to grant this without proof ? It must be the subject matter that determines , what is , and what is not , to be literally understood . However he goes on , begging still the question in his own behalf , and says , those Texts of Scripture that speak of the motion and course of the Sun , are not to be understood literally . But why not ? because the literal sence is not to his mind ? Of four Texts of Scripture which the Theorist alledg'd against him , for the motion of the Sun , he answers but one , & that very superficially , to say no worse . 'T is Ps. 19. where the Sun at his rising is said to be as a Bridegroom coming out of his Chamber , and to rejoyce as a strong man to run his race . And his going forth is from the end of the heaven , and his circuit to the ends of it . Which he answers with this vain flourish : Then the Sun must be a man , and must be upon his marriage ; and must be drest in fine cloaths , as a Bridegroom is . Then he must come out of a Chamber , and must give no more light , and cast no more heat than a Bridegroom does &c. If a man should ridicule , at this rate , the discourse of our Saviour concerning Lazarus in Abraham's bosom , and Dives in hell , with a great gulf betwixt them , yet talking audibly to one another ; And that Lazarus should be sent so far , as from heaven to hell , only to dip the tip of his finger in water , and cool Dives his tongue . He that should go about thus to expose our Saviours parable , would have a thankless office , and effect nothing : for the substance of it would stand good still : namely , that mens Souls live after death , and that good Souls are in a state of ease and comfort , and bad Souls in a state of misery . In like manner , his ridiculing some circumstances in the comparison made by the Psalmist , does not at all destroy the substance of that discourse : namely , that the Sun moves in the firmament , with great swiftness and lustre , and hath the circuit of its motion round the Earth . This is the substance of what the Psalmist declares , and the rest is but a similitude which need not be literally just in all particulars . After this he would fain perswade the Theorist , that he hath excused the Excepter for his receding from the literal sence , as to the motion of the Earth : Because he hath granted , that , in certain cases , we may and must recede from the literal sence . But where , pray , hath he granted , that the motion of the Earth was one of those cases ? yet suppose it be so , may not the Theorist then enjoy this priviledge of receding from the literal sence upon occasion , as well as the Excepter ? If he will give , as well as take , this liberty , let us mutually enjoy it . But he can have no pretence to deny it to others , and take it himself . It uses to be a rule in writing , that a man must not stultum fingere Lectorem . You must suppose your Reader to have common sence . But he that accuses another of blasphemy for receding from the literal sence of Scripture in natural things , and does himself , at the same time , recede from the literal sence of Scripture , in natural things : one would think , quoad hoc , either had not , or would not exercise , common sence : in a literal way . Lastly , He comes to the common known rule , assign'd to direct us , when every one ought to follow , or leave , the literal sence : which is , not to leave the literal sence , when the subject matter will bear it , without absurdity or incongruity . This he repeats in the next page thus , The rule is , When no kind of absurdities or incongruities accrue to any Texts , from the literal sence . If this be his rule , to what Texts does there accrue any absurdity or incongruity , by supposing the Sun to move ? for Scripture always speaks upon that supposition , and not one word for the motion of the Earth . Thus he states the rule , but the Answerer supposed , that the absurdity or incongruity might arise from the subject matter . And accordingly he still maintains , that there are as just reasons ( from the subject matter ) and better authorities , for receding from the literal sence , in the narrative of the six-days Creation , than in those Texts of Scripture , that speak of the motions and course of the Sun. And to affirm the Earth to be mov'd , is as much Blasphemy , and more contrary to Scripture , than to affirm it to have been dissolv'd , as the Theorist hath done . Sir , I beg your excuse for this long Letter , and leave it to you to judge whether the occasion was just or no. I know such jarrings as these , must needs make bad musick to your ears : 't is like hearing two instruments play that are not in tune and consort with one another . But you know self-defence , and to repel an assailant , is always allow'd : and he that begins the quarrel , must answer for the consequences . However , Sir , to make amends for this trouble , I am ready to receive your commands upon more acceptable subjects . Your most Humble Servant , &c. FINIS ▪ Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A30486-e10 P. 31. p. 1● ▪ Exe. p. 77. &c. Def. p. 12. Ex● . p. 77 , 78. Def. p. 73. lin . 12 , 13. P. 97 , 98 , 99 ▪ 100 , 101 ▪ Gen. c. 21. Def. p. ●●● . Def. p. 99. Ibid lin . 19. P. 289. Ex● . p. 289 , 290. Ex● . p. 158 , 159. Ibid. p. 159. Exc. p. 187. P. 78 , 79 , 80 , 81. P. 38. Def. p. 82. P. 181 , 182. Gen. 6. 17. Def. p. 182. Gen. 9. ●● Def. 165. & 180. P. 300. P. 180. Def. p. 90. Def. p. 48. P. 108. P. 214. P. 113. 〈◊〉 Def. p. ● . Eng. Theo. p. 287. Excep . p. 293. Def. p. 168 , 169. Exc. p. 211. Def. p. 69 , & p. 98. Gen. 13. 10. P. 60. Ibid. P. 61. Def. p. ●● 86. Def. p. 9● . Ans. p. 49 , 50. Com. li. 5. Ibid. Def. p. 103. Answ. c. 11. P. 114. Def. p. 125. P. 131. P. 139. P. 141. Gen. 6. 4. P. 142. P. 144 , 145. P. 153 , 154. P. 160 , 161. P. 16● Gen. 11. 3. P. 166. Exc. p. 302. Answ. p. 67. Des. p. 168. Ibid. P. 16● , 16● . Exc. p. 300. See the Citations in the Answ. p. 68. Def. p. 170. P. 171. 〈◊〉 . Exc. p. 312. Def. p. 171. Exc. p. 325. Def. p. 136. Def. p. 183 , 184 , 185 , &c. Def. p. 191. Exc. p. 312. Ib. p. 105. Engl. Th. p. 81 , &c. Def. p. 215. Eng. The. p. 105. &c. Eng. The p. 18 , 19. The. Lat. p. 53. Eng. p. 107 , 108. Theor. li. 2. c. 8. P. 288. C. 12. P. 82 , 83. &c. Def. p. 202. Def. p. 206. P. 207. Luk ▪ 16. Def. p. 208. p. 215.