A32480	----	By the King, a proclamation for publishing the peace between His Majesty and the King of Denmark England and Wales. Sovereign (1660-1685 : Charles II) 1667 Approx. 2 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2009-10 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A32480 Wing C3386 ESTC R35856 15565363 ocm 15565363 103822 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A32480) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 103822) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 1588:77) By the King, a proclamation for publishing the peace between His Majesty and the King of Denmark England and Wales. Sovereign (1660-1685 : Charles II) Charles II, King of England, 1630-1685. 1 broadside. Printed by the assigns of John Bill and Christopher Barker ..., In the Savoy [i.e. London] : 1667. "Given at our court at Whitehall the four and twentieth day of August, 1667 in the nineteenth year of our reign." Reproduction of the original in the Huntington Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. EEBO-TCP aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the Text Encoding Initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). The EEBO-TCP project was divided into two phases. The 25,363 texts created during Phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 January 2015. Anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. Users should be aware of the process of creating the TCP texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. Text selection was based on the New Cambridge Bibliography of English Literature (NCBEL). If an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in NCBEL, then their works are eligible for inclusion. Selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. In general, first editions of a works in English were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably Latin and Welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. Image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Great Britain -- Foreign relations -- Denmark. Denmark -- Foreign relations -- England. Great Britain -- History -- Charles II, 1660-1685. 2008-03 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-08 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-09 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2008-09 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion C R DIEV ET MON DROIT HONI SOIT QVI MAL Y PENSE royal blazon or coat of arms By the King. A PROCLAMATION FOR Publishing the Peace between His Majesty and The King of Denmark . CHARLES R. WHereas a Peace hath been Treated and Concluded at Breda , betwixt His Majesty and the King of Denmark , and the Ratifications thereof exchanged , and Publication thereof there made the Fourteenth day of this instant August ; In conformity thereunto His Majesty hath thought fit hereby to Command that the same be Published throughout all His Majesties Dominions . And His Majesty doth declare , That all Ships or other Moveable Goods whatsoever , which shall appear to be taken from the Subjects of the said King of Denmark , after the Fourth day of September next , in the North Seas , as also in the Baltick and the Channel ; After the Two and twentieth day of September next , from the mouth of the Channel to the Cape Saint Vincent ; After the Three and twentieth day of October next ensuing , on the other side of the said Cape to the Equinoctial Line , as well in the Ocean and Mediterranean Sea , as elsewhere : And lastly , after the Fourteenth day of April , 1668. on the other side of the aforesaid Line throughout the whole World , without any exception or distinction of Time or Place , or without any Form of Process , shall immediately , and without Damage , be restored to the Owners , according to the said Treaty . And hereof His Majesty Willeth and Commandeth all His Subjects to take notice , and to conform themselves thereunto accordingly . Given at Our Court at Whitehall , the Four and twentieth day of August , 1667. In the Nineteenth Year of Our Reign . GOD SAVE THE KING . In the SAVOY , Printed by the Assigns of John Bill and Christopher Barker , Printers to the Kings most Excellent Majesty . 1667. 
A79539	----	Articles of peace, ratiffied [sic] and confirmed between the king of Denmark, and the House of Lunenburgh. Licensed, October the 17th. 1693 1693 Approx. 6 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 2 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2009-10 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A79539 Wing C3936aA ESTC R230181 99896214 99896214 153859 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A79539) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 153859) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 2384:13) Articles of peace, ratiffied [sic] and confirmed between the king of Denmark, and the House of Lunenburgh. Licensed, October the 17th. 1693 Christian V, King of Denmark and Norway, 1646-1699. Hanover, Ernest Augustus, Duke of, ca. 1660. 1 sheet ([2] p.) printed for R. Hayhurst, in Little Britain, London : 1693. Reproduction of original in the Newberry Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. EEBO-TCP aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the Text Encoding Initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). The EEBO-TCP project was divided into two phases. The 25,363 texts created during Phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 January 2015. Anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. Users should be aware of the process of creating the TCP texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. Text selection was based on the New Cambridge Bibliography of English Literature (NCBEL). If an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in NCBEL, then their works are eligible for inclusion. Selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. In general, first editions of a works in English were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably Latin and Welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. Image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Hanover, Ernest Augustus, -- Duke of, ca. 1660 -- Early works to 1800. Christian -- V, -- King of Denmark and Norway, 1646-1699 -- Early works to 1800. Germany -- Foreign relations -- Denmark -- Early works to 1800. Denmark -- Foreign relations -- Germany -- Early works to 1800. Broadsides -- England 2008-05 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-08 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-10 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2008-10 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion Articles of Peace , Ratiffied and Confirmed between the King of Denmark , AND THE House of Lunenburgh . 19. Oct. 1693 Licenses , October the 17th . 1693. IN the Name of the holy Trinity . Be it known to all Men by these Presents , That the Differences happened between His Majesty the King of Denmark , Norway , Vandals , Gother , &c. on the one part , and the most Illustrious House of Brunzwich , Lunenburgh , Zell , and Hannouer , &c. on the other ; upon Account of the New Fortifications , made at Ratzeburgh , and of a considerable Number of Troops ; which having passed the Elbe , have been put there in Garrison by the said most Illustrious House , have been at last admirably Annimated in the Manner following , by the Intercession of His Imperial Majesty , of Their Majesties , the Kings of Sweden , and of Great-Britain ; of His Electoral Highness of Brandenburgh , and of the High and Mighty Lords , the States-General of the United Provinces : Who , to prevent the troublesome Consequences thereof , have Interposed their good Offices : and promised Their general Guarantee , and each of them in particular . I. That the antient Amity and Consience shall by the present Treaty be Renewed and Re-established between His Majesty , the King of Denmark , and the most Illustrious House of Brunzwich , Lunenburgh , and all that might have been done on the one side or other , upon the Account of the above-mentioned Differences , shall be intirely forgot . II. The said most Illustrious House , &c. declares , That She will demolish the Fortifications , made as well within as without Ratzeburgh , and that She will begin to cause Work thereupon the next day , after the Exchange of the Ratiffications of the present Treaty , and shall continue the same without Intermission , and with such Diligence , that they may be intirely demolished in Three Weeks at furthest . III. The said most Illustrious House , &c. further declares , That so soon as the said Demolishing of Ratzeburgh , shall be intirely perfected , She will withdraw all the Troops She had put therein , into Her own Territories , and on the other side the Elbe , except 200 Men , which She may leave there , to keep the Possession of the Principality , which She reserves to Her self , and to the whole above-mentioned most Illustrious House of Brunzwich , Lunenburgh . IV. His Danish Majesty declares on the other Hand , That after the Exchange of the Ratiffications of the said Treaty , he will withdraw into His Obedience all the Troops that He has , as well before Ratzhurgh , as in all the Country of Saxe , Lauwenburgh , promising to begin the next day after the said Exchange , and to evacuate in Four Days the said Country of Lauwenburgh , excepting only Two Regiments of Cavalry , and Six Battalions of Infantry , which shall remain with the Artillery Fourteen Days at most , after the Ratiffication , in case that these and the Artillery cannot depart the said Country sooner , on Condition that the said Two Regiments of Cavalry , and Six Battalions of Infantry , can exact nothing of the Country , except Forrage only , and that His Majesty shall cause , provide them with Bread , and other things necessary for their Subsistance : In the mean time , the going in and out shall be free at Ratzeburgh , after signing the Treaty , and the Artillery shall be likewise removed from the Post without delay , after the Ratiffication , and transported half a League from the said Ratzeburgh , where the Troops that are to remain till the intire Evacuation of the Country ; which , as 't is already said , ought to be done in Fourteen Days at furthest , after the Ratiffication , shall also subsist . V. It has been further agreed , That from the day of Signing the Treaty , all Hostilities shall cease on both sides , and first on the part of His said Majesty , no new Impositions can be exacted nor imposed upon the Country beyond the Imposition , made and Intimated in the Month of August last . As also that the Danish Generals in their Retreat , shall cause a good Order and Discipline to be kept , so that the Contreveeners shall be punished according to the Crime . VI. That His Majesty shall not concern himself , nor imploy any Interest in the Affair of the Succession of Saxe , Lauwenburgh , in Opposition to the said most Illustrious House of Brunzwich , Lunenburgh , and shall not trouble the same Directly nor Indirectly in the said House , but shall stand to the decision that shall be given by the appointed Arbitrators . VII . And finally , That the above mentioned High and Mighty Mediators have promised to secure the present Treaty , and faithfully to Maintain the Executors thereof . The rest contains the usual Formality Subscriptions of the Parties , and of the Mediators , the Date , and the Seals of the one , and the others ; with the Acts of Exchange of Ratiffications , which we have not thought necessary here to relate . London , Printed for R. Hayhurst , in Little-Britain , 1693. 
B02116	----	A proclamation, for publishing of the peace between His Majesty and the King of Denmark England and Wales. Sovereign (1660-1685 : Charles II) 1667 Approx. 2 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2009-10 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). B02116 Wing C3386A ESTC R173784 52612088 ocm 52612088 179370 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. B02116) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 179370) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English Books, 1641-1700 ; 2786:31) A proclamation, for publishing of the peace between His Majesty and the King of Denmark England and Wales. Sovereign (1660-1685 : Charles II) Charles II, King of England, 1630-1685. 1 sheet ([1] p.) Printed by Evan Tyler, printer to the Kings most excellent Majesty, Edinbvrgh : 1667. Caption title. Royal arms at head of text; initial letter. Printed in black letter. Dated at end: Given at Our Court at Whitehall, the twenty fourth day of August, one thousand six hundred and sixty seven, and of Our Reign the nineteenth year. Reproduction of the original in the National Library of Scotland. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. EEBO-TCP aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the Text Encoding Initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). The EEBO-TCP project was divided into two phases. The 25,363 texts created during Phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 January 2015. Anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. Users should be aware of the process of creating the TCP texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. Text selection was based on the New Cambridge Bibliography of English Literature (NCBEL). If an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in NCBEL, then their works are eligible for inclusion. Selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. In general, first editions of a works in English were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably Latin and Welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. Image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Treaty of Breda (1667). Anglo-Dutch War, 1664-1667 -- Treaties -- Sources. Great Britain -- Politics and government -- 1660-1688 -- Sources. Great Britain -- Foreign relations -- Denmark -- Early works to 1800. Denmark -- Foreign relations -- Great Britain -- Early works to 1800. Broadsides -- Scotland -- 17th century. 2008-03 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-08 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-09 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2008-09 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion C R HONI SOIT QVI MAL Y PENSE royal blazon or coat of arms A PROCLAMATION , For Publishing of the PEACE between His MAJESTY and the King of Denmark . CHARLES R. WHereas a Peace hath been treated and concluded at Breda , betwixt His Majesty and the King of Denmark , and the Ratifications thereof exchanged , and publication thereof there made the fourteenth day of this instant August : In conformity whereunto , His Majesty hath thought fit hereby to command , that the same be published throughout all His Majesties Dominions . And His Majesty doth declare , That all Ships or other moveable Goods whatsoever , which shall appear to be taken from the Subjects of the said King of Denmark , after the fourth day of September next , in the North Seas , as also in the Baltick and the Channel , after the twenty second of September next , from the mouth of the Channel to the Cape St. Vincent ; After the twenty third day of October next ensuing , on the other side of the said Cape , to the Equinoctial Line , aswell in the Ocean and Mediterranean Sea , as elsewhere : And lastly , After the fourteenth day of April , one thousand six hundred and sixty eight , on the other side of the aforesaid Line , throughout the whole World , without any exception or distinction of time or place , or without any form of Process ; Shall immediately and without damage , be restored to the Owners , according to the said Treaty . And hereof His Majesty willeth and commandeth all His Subjects to take notice , and to conform themselves thereunto . Given at Our Court at Whitehall , the twenty fourth day of August , one thousand six hundred and sixty seven , and of Our Reign the nineteenth year . EDINBVRGH , Printed by Evan Tyler , Printer to the Kings most Excellent Majesty , 1667. 
A50498	----	A narrative of the principal actions occurring in the wars betwixt Sueden and Denmark before and after the Roschild Treaty with the counsels and measures by which those actions were directed : together with a view of the Suedish and other affairs, as they stood in Germany in the year 1675, with relation to England : occasionally communicated by the author to the Right Honourable George, late Earl of Bristol, and since his decease found among his papers. Meadows, Philip, Sir, 1626-1718. 1677 Approx. 125 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 91 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2003-01 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A50498 Wing M1566 ESTC R36497 15704159 ocm 15704159 104474 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A50498) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 104474) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 1152:67) A narrative of the principal actions occurring in the wars betwixt Sueden and Denmark before and after the Roschild Treaty with the counsels and measures by which those actions were directed : together with a view of the Suedish and other affairs, as they stood in Germany in the year 1675, with relation to England : occasionally communicated by the author to the Right Honourable George, late Earl of Bristol, and since his decease found among his papers. Meadows, Philip, Sir, 1626-1718. Bristol, George Digby, Earl of, 1612-1677. [4], 176 p. Printed by A. C. for H. Brome ..., London, M.DC.LXXVII [1677] Dedication signed: Philip Meadowe. "A view of the Suedish and other affairs, as they now stand in Germany this present year, 1675. with relation to England" has special t.p. Errata: p. 176. Imperfect: tightly bound, with print show-through and loss of print. Reproduction of original in Huntington Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. EEBO-TCP aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the Text Encoding Initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). The EEBO-TCP project was divided into two phases. The 25,363 texts created during Phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 January 2015. Anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. Users should be aware of the process of creating the TCP texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. Text selection was based on the New Cambridge Bibliography of English Literature (NCBEL). If an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in NCBEL, then their works are eligible for inclusion. Selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. In general, first editions of a works in English were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably Latin and Welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. Image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Dano-Swedish War, 1643-1645. Denmark -- History -- 1660-1814. Sweden -- History -- Charles X Gustavus, 1654-1660. Sweden -- History -- Charles XI, 1660-1697. Great Britain -- Foreign relations -- Sweden. Sweden -- Foreign relations -- Great Britain. 2000-00 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2001-09 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2002-07 Kirk Davis Sampled and proofread 2002-07 Kirk Davis Text and markup reviewed and edited 2002-08 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion A NARRATIVE OF THE PRINCIPAL ACTIONS Occurring in the WARS BETWIXT Sueden and Denmark . Before and after the ROSCHILD TREATY : WITH The Counsels and Measures by which those Actions were directed : Together With A View of the Suedish and other Affairs , as they stood in Germany in the year 1675. with Relation to England . Occasionally communicated by the Author to the Right Honourable George late Earl of Bristol , and since his decease found among his Papers . LONDON : Printed by A.C. for H. Brome , at the Gun in St. Pauls Church-yard . M. D.C. LXXVII . FOR The Right Honourable THE EARL of BRISTOL . MY LORD , I Esteem it as a singular favour and honour that your Lordship thinks me capable of giving you any information concerning the Northern Affairs ; the Scene of your Lordships many eminent Employments and Actions having been laid nearer the warm Sun. The Draught I have here sent was made several years since , and only communicated in private with some friends : In the composing whereof I was not a little advantaged by being a spectator of the Actions , and privy to some of the Counsels of both Kings . But how far I have answered those advantages in the ensuing Narrative I submit to your Lordship's Censure , and remain MY LORD , Your LORDSHIP' 's Most humble and Obedient Servant , Philip Meadowe . Parham in Suff. Sep. 24. 1675. A NARRATIVE OF THE PRINCIPAL ACTIONS Occurring in the WARS BETWIXT SUEDEN and DENMARK . Before and after the ROSCHILD TREATY . With the Counsels and measures by which those Actions were directed . THE ancient Emulation and jealousies betwixt the two Crowns of Sueden and Denmark , occasioned by their near Neighbourhood and frequent Wars , have been still heightned and promoted by the late Conquests the Crown of Sueden has made in Germany . By which the Suede enlarging his Dominion beyond the Baltic to those goodly possessions of Pomeren and Bremen , has betwixt his ancient Patrimony on one side , and his new acquisitions on the other , as it were enclosed and beleaguered Denmark . The fatal effects of a Suedish Power established on this side the Baltic , the Dane experimented in the year 1643. in the Reign of Christiern the fourth , when upon occasion of some differences arising betwixt the two Crowns in relation to the commerce and navigation of each others subjects , and the new impositions exacted by the Dane in the Sound , Queen Christina without any previous denunciation of War sent secret Orders to General Torstenson , who at that time commanded the Suedish Army in Germany , to invade therewith the Danish Dominions , which that wise General performed with such secrecy and diligence , that the first intelligence of his attempt was brought to Copenhagen by the ordinary post , advertising how the Suede was entred Holstein with an Hostile Army . In that war the Dane lost Halland , Jempterland , Gothland and the Oesel . For though Halland by the Treaty at Broomsborow was not formally alienated from the Crown of Denmark , as it was in the succeeding Roschild Treaty , but only mortgaged or leased to Sueden for thirty years ; lest the reputation of Denmark should seem too much prostituted by the utter abscission and dismembring of so considerable a Province from that Crown ; yet was it such a mortgage as in truth did amount to an absolute cession or alienation ; For the term of years when expired was made renewable from thirty to thirty , till the Suede should receive an equivalent for Halland to his own liking and satisfaction . A Peace being thus reestablished in the year 1644. by the Treaty made at Broomsborow upon the Frontier of both Kingdoms , things continued quiet betwixt the two Crowns for some years , till the late Charles Gustavus King of Sueden in the year 1655. imbarquing himself in a war against Poland , transported thither the choicest of the Suedish souldiery to serve in that expedition ; where that martial King carried all before him , but grasped at more than he could well enclose , and conquered more than he could reasonably hope to keep , till at length old Zarnetsky makes head against him with a powerful body of horse , and by his example the newly submitted Provinces revolt as quickly from their new Lord , insomuch that the Suede was embarass'd on all sides , and his affairs in great decadency . This conjuncture gratified the Dane , who thought his turn was now come to retaliate upon the Suede , and hoped by the favour of this opportunity to regain what he had lost in the former surprises . And to give the better colour of justice to his Arms , lest it should be thought he was rather invited thereto by the advantage of the occasion , then constrained by the cause of any new provocations or injuries , open war is solemnly proclaimed against Sueden by the antiquated formalities of a Herald . Besides public letters and manifests are sent abroad to satisfy forein Princes and States , and to vindicate the Right of his undertaking . The truth is , the Party was not ill concerted , for the Brandenburger was already drawn off from the Suedish Alliance , and upon good assurance given him from the Polish Court , that the Soverainty of the Ducal Prussia should be conferred upon him ( which he accordingly now enjoys ) He confederated himself with the Pole and Dane against Sueden . The Hollander also was of the party , though as yet but covertly , and great sums of money were advanced by Amsterdam and the trading Companies ( for they would not have it seem the Act of the States but of private persons ) by way of loan to the King of Denmark upon securities of the Customs in the Sound and Norway . The Dane raised a considerable Army of about fifteen or sixteen thousand men well appointed , rendesvous'd them in Holstein , from thence passed the Elb , besieged and took Bremerford a Town belonging to the Suede in the Bishoprick of Bremen . But here some military men took the freedom to blame the Danish Conduct . For had he carried the war on the other side of the Baltic , entred Sueden it self , at that time disfurnished of her principal Officers and Souldiers , her King being absent in a remore Countrey , reported to be dead , the very terrour of an invading Army might have wrought such consternation in the minds of the people , as probably to have given the Dane an opportunity of advancing the war as high as Stockholm . But he on the contrary attacks the Suedish Dominions in Germany , thereby alarming friends as well as enemies : For the Princes of the nether Saxon Circle entring into a combination declare this invasion of the Bishoprick to be a breach of the Peace of the Empire , and a violation of the Instrumentum Pacis concluded at Munster , for the observation whereof they stood reciprocally Engaged . Thus , not waging war in good earnest , the Dane by middle Counsels lost his opportunity , for whilst his Army stood at a gaze not well knowing which way to take , the King of Sueden marches with all imaginable speed from Poland , and laying all in ashes behind him to secure his rear from the infal of the Polish horse , and leaving strong Garrisons in Thorren , Marienburg , Elbing and some other Towns in Prussia , passes through Pomeren and marches directly for Holstein and Jutland . It was generally conceived that now , if ever , the Dane would have fought him harassed and tired as he was with a tedious march . But the new Levies durst not adventure the shock with veteran Troups , used to fight and used to conquer . The Danish Army plies and yields ground before the Suede without fighting , who pursues his point and increases in numbers as he does in fame , all things favouring the victorious . The Danes diminishing as fast gave back till they came to Fredericsode in Jutland , where they sheltred the remainder of their Infantry , having left Garrisons behind them in Gluckstad , Cremp and Rensburg . The Horse were transported into Funen an Island opposite to Fredericsode , so that the Suede was left absolute Master of the Campagne , and possessed of the convenient quarters of Holstein and Jutland . Some of the Inhabitants conveyed the richest part of their goods to Wensussel an Island on the North of Jutland , and to Samsoe , another near adjoyning Isle , both which became soon after prize to the Victors . Fredericfode was now besieged by General Wrangel , a new Town endowed with a large Charter of Privileges to invite dwellers and Trade , fortified according to the modern way with Bastions , false bray , and ditch , but the. works not fully finished . The Circumvallations describe a bow or semicircle , and the little Belt running by it , the chord . To the Belt-side it was not fortified at all , no more than by the water and channel , only the two bastions upon the two extremities of the semicircle were set as far into the bed of the River as conveniently they could be , and then from the corner of each bastion a strong palisade was run into the River as far as deep water . Wrangel so far profited of the security of his Enemy , or the treachery of some correspondents , that he found means in a dark night to cut asunder those Palisades , and making two false attacks in two other places to amuse and distract them within , and rushing on at the same time with a prepared body of Horse and Foot up to the saddle-skirts in water , wheel'd about the Bastion and entred the Fort. Had there been but an ordinary work along the bank of the River from one Bastion to another , or a body of men drawn up in Battalia to receive the Enemy upon the file , he must of necessity have taken the water again ; But there was neither of these . The Governour was a Grave Senatour of the Kingdom , but no experienced souldier , only justified his fidelity to the King his Master by dying upon the place , and was accompanied by about four thousand more , who were either slain or taken prisoners . Some time after , a Lieutenant and a Corporal who had served in Fredricsode , and were afterwards surprised by the Dane in the Suedish Quarters , were publickly executed at Copenhagen , as those who had traiterously betrayed the place . But whether their Crime was really such , or that they otherwaies criminal were made use of as a sacrifice to appease the angry Citizens enraged at the loss of Fredericsode , is uncertain . Thus we have posted the Suede in that important Fortress , which bearing the name of the then King of Denmark , and thus unhappily taken , might seem as it were to presage by an inauspicious omen the succeeding misfortunes which involved that King : We will leave him there a while Master of the Continent , and the Dane retreated to his Islands : And having thus far drawn down the general scheme of the military affairs , let us step back a little to take a short survey of the civil transactions contemporary with the former . England had too great an Interest in the Baltic , ( the Mediterranean of the North ) to sit still without making reflection upon those commotions in the Northern Kingdoms . For besides the general concerns of a free Trade , which of necessity must have suffered interruption by the continuance of this War , England being at that time Engaged in a War with one branch of the Austrian family , viz. with Spain , would rather the Suedish Arms had been at liberty to give check to the other branch in Germany as occasion might offer , then to be diverted therefrom by a war with Denmark . Two Gentlemen are sent over to endeavour a reconciliation betwixt both Kings , Mr. Meadowe who was dispatched to the Danish Court , arrived there in September , 1657. much about the time the Suede entred Jutland . His business was to remonstrate how unwelcome it was to them in England to understand of a Rupture betwixt the two Crowns , albeit they esteemed the communication there of by the Letters and Manifest of that King as an expression of friendship . That besides the effusion of Christian bloud betwixt two Nations linked together by the common bonds of Nature and Religion , and both of them leagued in Amity with England , the continuation of that War might in so perilous a juncture considerably endanger the whole Protestant Cause and Interest ; and nothing could have happened more advantagious to Spain , with whom England was in open Hostility . Besides his Majesty o● Denmark could not but be sensible how much the freedom o● Navigation and Commerce in the Baltic would be impeached thereby , to the prejudice of the Neighbouring Nations , but o● none more than England , as continually fetching Naval Store from those Countries . He was therefore sent on the part of England to that King to offer the best and most friendly offices for accommoding all differences be twixt the two Crowns , and putting a stop to so unhappy a War , and to assure him that they would imploy their utmost Interest with the King of Sueden to dispose him thereto , and to that purpose had already sent a Gentleman to Him. And that if this their tendred Mediation were accepted , they would in the management thereof deal impartially , and endeavour that the Peace once reestablished might for the future be inviolably observed . To this Proposal the King of Denmark returned Answer in writing under his Seal and Signature , bearing date September the twenty fifth , 1657. Declaring that the care of England for the tranquillity of his Kingdoms , the freedom of public commerce , and quieting all differences , was gratefully accepted by him . And that he was ready to enter upon a Treaty of a sure and Honourable Peace under the mediation of England . And so soon as the King of Sueden should testifie a suitable concurrence on his part , he would further declare himself as to time , place and other the Preliminaries to an ensuing Treaty . This Declaration was transmitted to the King of Sueden with all possible diligence , and drew from him a Reply dated at Wismar , October the nineteenth , 1657 In which after many Expostulations how injuriously he had been dealt with by the Dane , intermixed with some language which the Dane resented as reproachful , he declares likewise his consent to enter upon a Treaty under the mediation of France and England . And that the Preliminaries as to place of Treating , number of Commissioners , safe Conducts , &c. should be adjusted according to the transaction betwixt the two Crowns in the year 1644. Provided that safe conducts in due form be without delay delivered to the Mediators , and a reasonable time prefixed by the King of Denmark for meeting of the Commissioners . This Reply of the Suede being communicated to the King of Denmark , produced from him another Declaration of the third of November , 1657. That he also consents to the Transactions in forty four , only as to the place of the future Treaty he conceives Lubec or some other Town in that Neighbourhood to be most commodious . That the Treaty commence under the mediation of England , and of the States General of the United Provinces . And so soon as France should Offer him their mediation , he would accept thereof . And that the designed Peace be not restrained to the two Crowns of Denmark and Sueden , but the King of Poland and Elector of Brandenburg be comprehended in the same . These things being first accorded by His Majesty of Sueden , that he was ready to deliver his safe conducts into the hands of the Mediators . It was easie to foresee how this comprehension of the Pole insisted on by the Dane would trouble the whole scene of Affairs , which consideration put the English Mediator upon excepting against it as a new proposal forrain to the present question . How that the mediation of England was offered only betwixt the two Crowns , and so accepted by his Majesty of Denmark without any mention of Poland . How that this would render the so much desired Peace tedious and difficult , if not impossible , for that the differences betwixt Sueden and Denmark were a sudden distemper easily cured if taken in time , but those betwixt Sueden and Poland were in the nature of an inveterate malady , harder by much to be eradicated . That the Great Seal of Poland by which the Ministers of that Crown must be Commissionated as Plenipotentiaries for a Treaty , was engraven with the Arms of Sueden , which that King would never admit of . However this second Declaration of the King of Denmark of the third of November was sent to the King of Sueden , and begat another from him of the seventh of December dated at Wismar , wherein he declares himself not satisfied with the nomination of Lubec for the place of Treaty , as being a recession from the Customs anciently practised betwixt the two Kingdoms , and the regulation agreed on in the year 1644. that when occasional differences arose betwixt the two Crowns , the Commissioners of both sides should meet upon the Frontiers for adjusting thereof with the more speed . Moreover He takes notice of the conquisite delays and difficulties made by the Dane in intermixing other controversies with his own , and which have no reference to the Danish War. Yet notwithstanding he was willing to grant safe conducts to such Confederates of the Dane , as should testifie a desire of being present at a Treaty in any place of the confines . And as for the States General , after their ratification of the Treaty made by their own Ambassadors at Elbing , whereby the friendship betwixt Sueden and them is renewed ; He would so declare himself on their behalf , in case they offer him their mediation for composing this War , as should sufficiently prevent any just occasion of complaint . To this the King of Denmark rejoyn'd another Answer of the twenty seventh of Decemb. 1657. insisting upon the immediate admission of the States General to the mediation , without suspending it upon the previous Act of first ratifying the Elbing Treaty , a point which had been depending twelve months , and was like to be longer . Adheres to the place formerly nominated by him for assembling the Commissioners . And that the Pole and Brandenburger should not only have a bare license of being present at the Treaty , but that the respective Treaties to be had with them as Confederates and Principals with the Dane in the same War , should proceed by the same gradations and measures as that with Denmark . The truth is , in the reasoning and debate concerning the place of meeting there was a secret drift on both sides , unexpressed by either . The Dane would have it at Lubec or any other neutral place in Germany , convenient for the Pole and Brandenburger to be there present as parties with him , whereby to have the opportunity of strengthning each the others hand by a communication of Councils , and concerting of Affairs to the promoting of a common Interest . On the other hand the Suede would have it on the frontiers over the Baltic , whither the Pole and Brandenburger could not with any reasonable convenience come , designing thereby to disunite the Confederates by the jealousie of a separate Treaty . And perhaps might at the same time have treated openly with the Dane , and underhand with the Pole , and they two striving to prevent each other in the Peace , for fear of being deserted each by other in the War , where he found most advantagious conditions granted him , there conclude Peace and prosecute the War against the other . To prevent this the English Mediator endeavoured to draw from the King of Sueden a previous intimation on what terms and conditions he would rest satisfied , in case the King of Denmark would condescend to a separate Treaty ; That so when the Commissioners came to meet they might have nothing more to doe then to digest the several Articles into form to be signed and sealed , and so the business effected before the rumor of a Treaty divulged ; And likewise partly to facilitate the way of an Agreement , and partly to foretaste the temper of Affairs , some Conditions were insinuated of the following nature . A general Amnesty of what was past . Restitution of places taken each upon other . A solemn Renewal under good Garranties of the Treaty in 1644. A redress of Grievances relating to Trade . And a way ascertained for better prevention of all defraudations in the Sound , the pretended cause of the War on the Danish part . And to incline the King of Denmark to disjoin his Interests from Poland , it was represented by the Mediator , what a broken reed Poland had hitherto proved to him . Sometimes making proffer to pass their forces over the Oder , then presently retreating upon pretence of joining the Austrian foot , not so much as entring Pomeren all this while to give the Suedish Army a diversion , who lay securely quartered in Holstein and Jutland . That the Conditions of the Alliance were mutual and reciprocal , which not being performed on the Polish part , His Majesty of Denmark was no longer obliged . That Confederacies were for mutual safety , and not intended to oblige Princes to their Ruine , either singly or in company with others . That he had the fresh Example of his Heroic Father of happy memory , who though he had entred into an Alliance with the Protestant Princes of Germany , yet the necessity of his Affairs to recover what was lost , and secure what was left , constrained him to make a Peace with the Emperor in the year 1629. exclusive of his Allies . But neither did these Reasons prevail with the King of Denmark to depart from his Alliance with the Pole , till a more cogent necessity extorted afterwards from him a separate Treaty . Nor was the King of Sueden willing to anticipate the business of his Commissioners by precedaneous intimations of his Demands . Nor to content himself as to the terms and conditions of the Peace with less then an honourable amends for the wrong done him . But in his jolly way of expression , since the Dane had led him so long a dance from Poland to Jutland , he was resolved , at least to make him pay the fidlers . Thus the War of the Cabinet was managed by missives and memorials , but that of the field was carried on in a smarter manner . The extraordinary violent frost was by this time encreased to such a degree , that the little Belt which divides Jutland from the Isle of Funen was so intensely frozen , as suggested to the Suedish King an Enterprize ( full of hazard but not disagreeable to a fearless mind edg'd with Ambition ) of marching over the ice into Funen , with horse , foot and Cannon . Some little skirmishings there were upon the shoar of the Island , if it may be called a shoar where there was no longer Sea , and the Dane had in the most commodious landing places made large cuts in the Ice , which were soon congeled again though with a softer crust . Into one of these a small division of about forty Suedish Horse with a Cornet unwarily fell , and were there swallowed up . Major General Henderson a Scotch man was posted at Middlefar with a Body of men , but upon the Suedes approach deserted his station , for which he was after in great danger of a Council of War , had not the English Minister seasonably interposed for his rescue . The Dane had about three or four thousand foot and two thousand Horse upon the Isle , who were all of them defeated and taken : and some of them being Germans took party with the Suede invited by the hopes of good booty the plunder of a fertil and well peopled Island . The Suede marched directly to Odensea the capital Town , spacious and well built , which they entred without resistance . For as well Funen as the other Danish Isles are all open and unfortified , and have no defensible places except Copenhagen and Cronenburg , both upon the Isle of Zeland , having been ever esteemed sufficiently fortified by being Islands , and the Kings of Denmark having been alwaies Masters of a considerable Naval strength . But now being no longer considered as such , but as contiguous and fastned with the continent , they were exposed an easie prey to an adventurous and forward Enemy . 'T is observable that this miraculous march over a breadth of the Sea of more than twenty English miles , for such is the distance betwixt Funen and Zeland the way the Army marched , was the resolve of the King himself contrary to the sense of Wrangel and the principal Officers of his Army , and 't is but just he should have the glory of the success , who had he miscarried could not have avoided the imputation of temerity . The News of the loss of Funen being arrived at Copenhagen brought the more terror with it , because besides the loss of so important an Isle , it awakened the apprehension that the same Bridge which had let the Suede over the little Belt into Funen , might do the like over the great Belt into Zeland . Whereupon the King of Denmark sends in haste to the English mediator , desiring him to renew with all diligence the former proposal of a separate Treaty which had been for some time interrupted , and to set it on foot with all possible Expedition . The Mediator being assured of the reality of the King's Intentions , dispatches forthwith an Express to the King of Sueden with a Letter , the Contents whereof I shall insert , as being that upon which the following business turned . It acquainted him that the King of Denmark had already nominated and authorised the Lords Joachin Gersdorf Rix Hofmaster , and Christian Scheel , both Senatours of the Kingdom , his Commissioners and Plenipotentiaries to meet , treat and conclude with like Commissioners from him at such time and place as he his Majesty of Sueden should please to appoint . It requested him on the part and at the Instance of England , to depute in like manner his Commissioners , to prefix a time and place for meeting , to send safe Conducts for him the Mediator and the Danish Commissioners . Adding moreover , that his Majesty of Sueden being as it were in possession , or at least in assurance of an Honourable Peace , if he would Please henceforward to suspend Hostility , testifying thereby the moderation and temper wherewith he Governed his Prosperity and success , he would perform a work worthy the greatness of his Name , gratify the neighbouring Princes and States , and more especially oblige England by doing it in favour of a particular request . This Letter bore date from Copenhagen February the third , 1657. To which the King returned Answer by the same messenger from Newberg in Funen , February the fifth , so quick was the dispatch at a distance of fourscore miles English. The King's Answer was as followeth ; To thank him the Mediator for his diligence in promoting the concerns of a Peace , which the Dane had hitherto so obstinately opposed : That he was willing to enter immediately upon a Treaty with Denmark under the respective mediations of France and England . And since it was left to him to appoint the place and time , he gave the King of Denmark the choice either of the Isle of Sproo or of Rudkoping in Langland for the Commissioners sufficiently Authorised on both sides to meet at , within eight days after the date of this his Letter . That together with this Letter he had sent safe Conducts in due form for him the said English Mediator and for the Danish Commissioners , to come stay and return at pleasure . That the business required the greater haste because he could promise himself no security in a suspension of Arms. This Answer was a full concession of the desired Treaty , but the King would not be complimented out of his advantages into a cessation of Arms , well knowing the powerful effects of panic fears from the suddenness of a successful Invasion , and that the only way to profit by them is to give no respit for recollecting . The Suedish King contiues his march with all possible diligence : His nearest way to Zeland had been over the great Belt from Neuburg to Corsure about sixteen miles English , but he chuses rather the way of Langland so to Laland & Falster , which though the farther was the safer , because the traject from Island to Island was no where so broad as it was in the Channel of the Belt betwixt Neuburg and Corsure . The forementioned dispatch with the safe Conducts from the King of Sueden being arrived at Copenhagen , the Danish Commissioners accompanied with the English Mediator , put themselves without delay upon their journey towards Rudcoping in the Isle of Langland , the place appointed for the Treaty . They had travailed little more than sixty miles English , when not far from Wardinburg the first Town from the Sea upon Zealand , they met with the avant-curriers and scouts of the Suedish Army , by whom they were advertised the King was newly entred upon Zeland , and not far behind . This incredible diligence was an astonishing surprise to the Danish Commissioners , whom in their journey from Copenhagen to Rudcoping the King met at half way . Passing by the Scouts unmolested under the security of the safe conducts , they soon after met the King himself riding in a slide ( after the manner of the Northern Countries when the Snows are deep ) at the head of about two hundred Finnish Horse . All alighting to salute the King , and he the same to resalute them , he willed them to pass on to the neighbouring Town , where he would speedily be with them , for that he was going only to view a ground where conveniently he might draw up his Army in Battalia . To Wardinburg they went and there made the first entry upon the Treaty , and met there the Chevalier Terlon Ambassador of France , who came out of Germany in Company with the Suedish King. The Commissioners for the Treaty on the part of Sueden were Count Ulefeldt , who though a Dane , yet having received great disobligations from his native Countrey after many services , turned malecontent , and had for some time refug'd himself with the Suede . He being a person of Excellent endowments and withal of a haughty and vindicative nature , was made use of as a fit Instrument upon this occasion against the Danish Court. The English Mediator at the instance of the Dane had privately moved the Suedish King to change him for some more grateful person , but it would not be granted . The other Commissioner was the Baron Steno Bielk a Senator of Sueden . But Monsieur Coyet and Secretary Ernstein though neither of them Commissioners , because not being Senators of the Kingdom , their Character was inferior to that of the Danes , yet being persons of mature knowledg in affairs of State were made use of as principal Instruments in the negotiating part . The Suedish King staid no longer at Wardinburg then was necessary for drawing over his Army from the Isle of Falster , and then ranging them in Battalia with a large extended front , in view of the Danish Commissioners and their retinue , to oftentate their numbers and make them greater in appearance than they were in truth , at length filed into a march the direct way to Copenhagen . There was little comfort in Treating whilst the King was marching , and the Mediators and Danish Commissioners whose persons might in so dangerous a crisis be needful nearer their own King , not being satisfied to be left behind the Army , adjourned the Treaty and breaking up from Wardinburg overtook the Suedish King at a Town called Keug four leagues from Copenhagen . The next morning he drew up in Battalia again , and then fell off as before into an orderly march after a division of Polish Horse upon the forlorn . His number about seven or eight thousand men well disciplin'd and enured to hardships , whereof one half were Horse , and a small train of Artillery of eight or ten field-pieces . Some were left behind to guard the conquered places besides the garrison of Fredericsode . That night he took up his head quarters at a village within a league and half of Copenhagen , and within sight of it , of which he would sportingly say she was a fair Lady and deserved dancing for . And he had reason to say so , for had he won her as he wood her , she had brought him for her dower all Denmark and Norway , and then without the tedious enumeration of all his particular Principalities , he might have shortned his Imperial Style and Title into that of King of the North. The Mediators and Commissioners went to Torstrup a near adjoyning village there to draw up the concept or minutes of a Treaty , which when mutually agreed on , all Hostilities were immediately to cease , though it would require longer time to deduce those minutes into a larger form fit for the ratification of both Kings . Let us leave them a while at their work and take a short view of the posture and condition of those in Copenhagen . The Portifications of the City were much decayed , partly through long security not having , seen an Enemy for many Ages , partly through parsimony , to avoid an expence supposed needless . Besides great Trading Towns are not willing to be fettered up with walls and bastions , and perhaps in this case the Danish Nobility were as little willing as the Citizens , fearing the strength of the Town might make the Burgers heady : The Walls being only of earth and not revested or faced with brick or stone , were much crumbled down with the frost , and easie to be climb'd without the help of scaling ladders ; and the earth so petrified that spade or mattock could not be made use of for present repair . The spring waters began to fail , and some being long frozen were corrupted for want of air and motion . There was not one piece of Cannon upon the Walls when the Commissioners parted thence , but by this time good store were hastily drawn from the Arsenal and ships in the Harbour , and mounted upon ship-carriages . There was no provision of food or fewel for a siege , no garrison more than the Burgers , only upon this Alarm a body of five or six hundred horse and some few foot were drawn from Sconen , and passed over the Sound upon the Ice into the City . But the horse would soon have wanted forrage , and being most of them Germans , the least disorder might not improbably have seduced them over to others of their Country-men in the Suedish Army , in hopes to have shared in the promised harvest of rich plunder . Besides the Dane quitting the field in Sconen , the Suedish Feldtheer Steinboch was ready on that side with five or six thousand men to have passed the Ice and joined his Master in Zeland . But nothing so much dismaied the Dane as the consideration how none of his Confederates was in possible capacity of relieving him in this utmost extremity . The Pole and Brandenburger were remote as in another world , and seem'd glad that the storm had passed over their heads and fallen in another quarter . The Ice which was a bridge to the Suede , was a bar to the Hollander . And so wonderful was that year , the Seas were not open for above three months after . On the first of May following , a ship at an Anchor in the Road before Copenhagen had her Cable of sixteen Inches circumference cut by a shoal of Ice . Add to this the temper of the people , some murmuring ( as is usual in such occasions ) against the conduct of their Governours , others exclaiming they were betrayed , all affrighted and looking on their condition as desperate . As a Testimony whereof let me add this one instance , the English Mediator returning upon some occasions from the Camp into the City , found his house well fraught with rich goods , which the best of the Inhabitants had conveyed thither as to a sanctuary against the plundering Suede . And yet this testimony is due to the person of the Danish King , that he comported himself with a magnanimous constancy and firmness amidst all these misfortunes . 'T is not irrational to suppose that if the King of Sueden had been truly informed of the state of the Town , he would not have slipped the most advantagious opportunity he ever had of taking Copenhagen . But though he knew all was not well with the Dane , yet he did not know the worst , and being already laden with a heap of prosperities crowded beyond expectation upon him , esteemed it more prudential to lay hold on those eminent and securer advantages offered him by Treaty , than to depend upon the issues of War subject to vicissitudes . Yea 't is not irrational to believe that some of the wiser heads in the Suedish Court did not heartily desire to see their King Master of Copenhagen , lest the commodiousness of the situation preferable to that of Stockholm should invite either him or his Successor to make that the capital seat of the Monarchy , whereby Sueden should in process of time have insensibly degenerated from a Kingdom to a Province . The minutes of the Treaty were in few days concluded at Torstrup , upon which a cessation of Arms immediately followed : And from thence the Mediators and Commissioners removed to Roschild , to digest more at leisure those summary Articles into the body of a Treaty . Ten days were spent upon that Affair , till the whole was fully perfected and finished . And then the respective Instruments were in solemn form signed and sealed by the Mediators and Commissioners on both sides , and interchangeably delivered each to other . Which from the place where it was finally concluded , though begun at Wardinburg , agreed at Torstrup , yet finished here , was denominated the Roschild Treaty . By this Treaty the King of Denmark was a great loser if we consider what he quitted , but it may as well be said he was a great saver if we consider what he kept . For he who had lost all in the field could not reasonably expect to regain it in the cabinet ; And though some of his principal branches were lopt off , which in time might grow again , yet the root was preserved which else had been lost without resource . So that it was but an expression of tenderness to his King and Countrey what the Danish Rix Hofmaster ( a right worthy person ) whisperd into the ear of the English Mediator , Utinam nescirem literas . The lands and Territories which by this Treaty were alienated and transferred from Denmark to the Crown of Sueden , were the Provinces of Sconen and Bleking ( as for Halland I reckon the Suede had that before ) likewise the Isle of Bornholm and the two Governments of Bahuys and Drontheim in Norway . The English Mediator had two parts to act in this Scene ; one was to moderate the Demands as far as he could in favour of the Sufferer , without disobliging the Suede by a too notorious partiality . The other was to watch lest any thing be stipulated betwixt the two Kings prejudicial to the Interests of England . It was moved that the whole Kingdom of Norway should be rent off from Denmark and united to Sueden , with which it lay contiguous : This intrenched upon England as giving the Suede the sole and entire possession of the chief materials , as Masts , Deals , Pitch , Tar , Copper , Iron , &c. needful for the apparel and equipage of our ships , too great a Treasure to be intrusted in one hand . The Mediator in avoidance of this was the first who insinuated the Proposal of rendring Sconen and Bleking to the Suede , which would cut off that unnecessary charge both Crowns sustained in garrisoning a Frontier each against other , by enlarging the Suedish Dominions to the bank of the Sound , the ancient and natural boundary of Sueden . This though uneasie to the Dane because of the vicinity of those Provinces to Copenhagen the Metropolis , yet was safe for England , because by this means the Suede is become Master of one Bank of the Sound as the Dane is of the other , though the accustomed Duty of passage , ( the best flower in the Danish Garland ) was by this Treaty reserved wholly to the Dane . Thus the Power over that narrow entry into the Baltic being balanced betwixt two emulous Crowns , will be an effectual preventive of any new exactions or usurpations in the Sound , which occasioned a fierce War betwixt them in the year 1643. In which the States General judged themselves so nearly concerned ( England being at that time most unhappily embroild with Intestine Commotions , and not in condition to look after her concerns abroad ) that they sent a considerable Fleet of War to the assistance of the Suede , by help whereof the Dane was beaten and forced to a dishonourable Treaty at Broomsborow , as was before mentioned . And the Duties payable in the Sound were from that time regulated as they now stand at this day . An Article had been framed obliging both Kings to hinder the passage of any forrain Fleet of War into the Baltic , which though directly and immediately levelled against Holland , yet obliquely and remotely reflected upon England , with which the English Mediator not being satisfied , caused the word inimica to be inserted , and then the sense was this , that both Kings to their power should endeavour to impede the passage of any forrain Fleet of War Enemy of both Crowns . By which the edge of the Article was rebated , and the King of Sueden displeased thereat , after acquiesced . This Roschild Treaty thus concluded bears date , February the twenty sixth , 1658. or as we in England write 1657. and was ratified by both Kings under their Royal Seals and signatures , together with the seals and subscriptions of the Senators of both Kingdoms , according to the time and manner prescribed by the Articles . The next thing which in order followed , was the solemn interview betwixt the two Kings at Frederiosburg , a Palace of the King of Denmark about four leagues from Copenhagen , the most magnificent of any in the North. Thither both of them went and which is remarqueable , without any previous stipulations concerning Guards or number of Followers usually practised betwixt doubtful Friends , but with a frank and Northern simplicity , without any seeming distrust each of other : Yet the King of Denmark had at least five hundred horse with him , being those who were formerly drawn out of Schonen besides his ordinary Foot-Guards in Livery , and the several Gentlemen and Officers of his Court ; The King of Sueden had not above four hundred and those not so well mounted or armed as the other . The Danish King set forwards from his House about two English miles or more to meet the Suede upon his way from Poschild . Both Kings at a competent distance alighted at the same time out of their Coaches and saluted by joyning their right hands , then both entred the Danish Coach , the Suede going first , then the Dane , accompanied by the English Mediator and Duke Ernest Gunther of Holstein Sunderburg . The French Ambassador was not present at this Entertainment : The same Order was afterwards observ'd , only at the Table , the Queen of Denmark sat at the end , on the Queens right hand the King of Sueden , next below him on the same side the King of Denmark . On the Queens left hand the Dutchess of Holstein and the Mediator ; at some distance the Senators of both Kingdoms and principal Officers of the Army . Let it suffice to say the Entertainment was magnificent and such as became so unusual a Solemnity , for two Kings but now in War , to go together from the Field to the Table . The Solemnity continued from Thursday to Saturday , both Kings for two Nights lodging under the same Roof . At parting they exchang'd Horses and other friendly Presents , and those Officers of the Danish Court who were appointed to attend the Person of the Suedish King were Nobly regaled by him . On Saturday he took his leave and went to Elsinore , the King of Denmark accompanying him part of the way , from thence he crossed the Sound to take possession of his new Conquests in Sconen , the two Castles of Cronenbnrg and Elsenburg ( the latter now his own ) thundring out their Salutations during his passage . From thence he went to Gottenburg where his Queen met him , the first time she had seen him since his first enterprize upon Poland , and there an assembly of the States of his Kingdom was celebrated . The Mediators went to Copenhagen to meet the Commissioners newly arrived from the Duke of Holstein Gottorp , Father in law to the King of Sueden , for adjusting the satisfaction due to that Duke , who had been a great sufferer by the War , in pursuance of the twenty second Article of the Roschild Treaty . The English Mediator received several Letters from the Duke requesting him to expedite that affair , which by the said Article was to be terminated by the second of May. Besides the King of Sueden though he had already quitted Zeland , yet he was resolv'd not to dislodge his Troops from the rest of the Danish Dominions till his Father-in-law had received an equitable satisfaction . This Business met with more difficulties than was expected , and grew so high , that the Danish Commissioners entred a solemn Protestation in writing into the hands of the Mediators , protesting that the impediment was not on their part , if all things were not accorded betwixt the Royal and Ducal Houses before the Expiration of the time prefixed , they having already condescended to all equitable Demands . At last this Affair was ended also by Grant of the Bailywick of Suabsted and Release of the Vassallage of the Dutchy of Slesvic a sief-of the Crown of Denmark , and the concept of Articles was signed and sealed by the Mediators and respective Commissioners , and afterwards ratified by the King and Duke . As to the Dutchy of Slesvic 't is to be noted , that the Dukes thereof ow Fealty to the Crown of Denmark , and consequently are liable to the forfeiture of their Fee in case of disloyalty . But the King of Denmark is likewise Duke of Slesvic and moreover , Hereditary in Slesvic and but Elective in Denmark , so that by Release of the Vassallage the Crown of Denmark was a loser , the King of Denmark a gainer . The Royal House of Denmark and the Ducal House of Gottorp are extracted from two brothers , whose descendants are equally and in common sovereign Dukes of Holstein and Slesvic . All Contributions , Imposts and public Revenues are put into a common Coffer to be equally divided betwixt both , and all charges and expences of the Government to be ratably allowed out of the public Stock . And yet they have their Bailywicks , Lands and Possessions apart . But the Prelates , Nobility and Towns of both Dutchies remain undivided and do Fealty to both Princes , who govern alternatively and change turns every year . It had been urged on the part of the Duke that there should be an abolition of this alternative communion , whereby the Government and public Justice within both Dutchies is one year in the King and another in the Duke . But the States of Holstein would not consent to this , and so 't was laid aside , because those Holsteiners who upon the Division of the Government should have fallen under the repartition and share of the Duke , should have been no longer subjects to the King of Denmark , to the great hindrance and prejudice of those Noblemen who find better preferments in the Court at Copenhagen than can be expected from that at Gottorp . Besides having two Masters successively , when Justice is delaied them by one , they can have recourse to the other , as the Government comes to his turn , which they of Holstein esteem a privilege . Thus I have continued the Series of the principal affairs Military and Civil down to the Pacification of Roschild , and should have ended here , but that the War breaking out again and the new-made Peace soon after violated , oblige me , though unwilling , to proceed . Two Ambassadors were sent from Sueden to the Danish Court , the Baron Bielk and Monsieur Coyet , partly to Negotiate such things as appertained to the execution of the Roschild Treaty partly to make the Overture of a strict and intimate Alliance betwixt the two Crowns , by a League mutually Defensive . For it greatly imported the Suedish King , having many Enemies still before him , to double bolt , and by all possible means secure the back-door of Denmark . At leastwise not to leave Denmark like a smoaking torch , though the flame of War was extinguished , ready to take fire again upon every agitation . But things fell out quite otherwise . The Dane was more intent how to free his Country from the burdensome company of the Suede , than desirous to entertain with him any stricter alliance of Amity . And the Suede found it true that Treaties extorted by necessity upon unequal and disproportionate conditions are no longer durable than that force continues which first made them . After the Suedish Army had quitted Zeland and the relenting Ice was no longer repassable , some in the Danish Court whose Zeal and Affection to their King and Countrey was otherwise commendable , were too free and open in Censuring the Roschild Treaty , as if their Affaits had not been reduced to such extremity as to constrain them to so dishonourable conditions . Thus when the danger is passed and the confternation over , all will seek to appear valiant and wise , and he who in a wrack thinks himself happy in a plank to save his life , is no sooner ashoar , but grows dissatisfied with himself for not securing his goods . Van Beuning the Dutch Ambassador at Copenhagen was busie with Intrigues amongst the great persons of the Danish Court , and suspected by the jealous and watchful Suede . A great debate fell out betwixt the Suedish Ambassadors and Danish Commissioners concerning the property of the Isle of Hueen , which not being expressly transferred to Sueden in the Roschild Treaty , the Suede to salve that omission challenged it as an appendix and accessary of Sconen , but the Dane reclaim'd it as an appurtenance of Zeland . The truth is , the Isle of it self without any relative consideration was of little or no value , but had it remained in Danish hands they might have built a Fort upon it to command the entry of Landscroon , by which the onely or most considerable Port which the Suede had in Sconen would have been rendred useless . And therefore they were resolved at any rate to have it , and if by no other right , at least by that new devised one which we in old English have no word for , but the French call it Le Droit de bienseance . Other Controversies arose of the like nature , which the Suede though seemingly offended at , yet profited upon , making them the pretence for continuing their forces in Funen , Jutland , and other the Danish Dominions , which by the sixteenth Article of the Treaty they were to have quitted by the first of May. 1658. Summer was now approaching and yet the King of Sueden was still at Gottenburg , ordering the affairs of his Kingdome , setling himself in his new acquired Estates , and attending the Issue of his Ambassadors Negotiation at Copenhagen . In June he parted thence and arrived at Fredericsode , stopped some time at Flensburg , and from thence went to his Father-in-law at Gottorp . Four Ambassadors met him from the Electoral College , for there was at that time a vacancy in the Empire , and the Electors were assembled at Francfort upon choice of a new Emperour . The business of the Ambassadors was to proffer all friendly offices for composing the War betwixt him and Poland , and accommoding all differences betwixt him and the King of Hungary , soon after chosen King of the Romans and Emperour . As also to desire and forewarn him to abstain from marching with his Army upon the Territories of the Empire . The Ambassadors had an unwelcome reception , the King reproaching them with their Masters non-performance of the Garrantie of the Munster Treaty upon the Danish Invasion of the Bishoprick of Bremen . Two Ministers came to him in particular from the Elector of Brandenburg , but were not admitted to Audience , the King requiring a previous satisfaction from that Elector for deserting his Alliance and confederating himself with his declared Enemy the Pole. The Brandenburg Ministers were treated the more roughly , the better to disguise a following design , and to induce a general belief that the Dominions of their Master were forthwith to be invaded . The English Mediator had been recalled from the Court of Denmark as supposing all quiet there , and placed in that of Sueden , and was now in Germany setting on foot a new mediation betwixt that King , the Pole and Brandenburger . The Armies of which two last subsisted all this while at the charge of their own Countries , but that of Sueden made good chear at the cost of Denmark , whiles the Suedish Ambassadors and Danish Commissioners were debating at Copenhagen . The truth is , the Suede was glad of a pretext for continuing in his old quarters contrary to the Treaty , being at at a loss what to do with his Army . To disband was not reasonable , because he had the Pole with the Brandenburger his new Allie , Enemies before him , and not well assured of the Dane behind . To have removed his Quarters into Pomeren in the Neighbourhood of Brandenburg , had been to eat up his own Country , and which was more , would certainly have drawn together a confederacy in the Empire against him as a disturber of the Peace thereof . The Suede thinking it now time to begin his Campagne , which the Dane had long expected , hoping to be rid of his troublesome Guests , Ordered the Rendesvouz of his Army at Kiel a Maritim Town in Holstein , with a Fleet of about sixty sail to be ready in the Harbour , most of them vessels of burden , the rest good men of War. From Kiel he marched at the head of some selected Troops to Wismar , making semblance as if the gross of his Army should follow . But the Cabinet at Gottenburg had otherwise determined it , for there I persuade my self the design was first hatched and cherished with all imaginable secrecy . It was thought not advisable for the Suede to stir in Germany , not being assisted by any powerful Allie . France at that time faced towards a marriage and consequently a Peace with Spain . England was a Chaos of confusion and disorder . A War with Poland was remote and unprofitable , and had already consumed him to no purpose , one nearer home would be of more safety and advantage . The Dane would never want a will so long as he wanted not a power to hurt Sueden ; It was judged easier to conquer him than reconcile him . The King staid but a little time at Wismar with his Queen , and then privately imbarqued himself upon a Dutch Boyer in the River , and arrived at Kiel . All hands were now busie in putting the Army , Horse and Foot aboard , which done , the King went also aboard a man of War : The French Ambassador went with him , the English Minister though invited refused to go , not being satisfied whether the design was upon Prussia or Denmark , however would in neither case put himself as party in Company of an Enemy , whose office had been and was still to be a Mediator . The Fleet set sail with a fair wind and not many hours after arrived at Corsure upon the Isle of Zeland , this was in August , and the Peace had been concluded but in February before . No longer time was spent at Corsure then what was necessary for landing the Army , which consisting of near four thousand Horse , besides several Regiments of Foot to be transported from Funen and joyned with those already brought from Kiel , would unavoidably require some time to disembark , which together with a march of about sixty miles English from Corsure to Copenhagen , was all the warning the Dauc had to prepare an Entertainment for their unexpected Guest . The King had prepared no Manifest to declare the grounds and reasons of this enterprise , because he doubted not to carry all before him by the suddenness of the surprize , and the success had been the best argument for justification of his Arms. The Danish King sent to know of him the Reasons of this sudden Invasion after a Peace so lately concluded , and so dearly bought , and by what just ways and means he might allay and pacifie any conceived displeasure . But all was now too late , the great Belt was behind him and Copenhagen before him ; he was over Rubicon and would to Rome . The two defensible places upon Zeland being Copenhagen and Cronenburg , the Suedish Army divided , part under General Wrangel besieged Cronenburg , whilst the King with the greater part invested Copenhagen . It would neither be profitable nor delightful minutely to recount the particulars of a long siege , but it was soon made evident that the same prosperous direction which had guided the Suedish Arms in the former War did not accompany them in this , as indeed the state of the case was much varied , and the justice of the quarrel more questionable , it being clear that in the first War the Dane had been the Aggressor . Cronenburg made but a faint resistance , and cowardly yielded after about three weeks siege , which supplied the Suede with a mighty store of ammunition of all sorts , besides several brass Guns of an immense weight purposely cast and planted there to command the passage of the Sound . At Copenhagen it was quite otherwise , there was a considerable Garrison of Soldiers in it with good Officers , besides several Companies of stour and well resolved Burgers . The Danish King considering the Town no longer as seated in the Heart of his Dominions , but become Frontier by the loss of Sconen within view of Copenhagen , had employed many hands during the Summer in fortifying and repairing the works , regular enough before , but much decayed . The waters being all open , the Marishes , Lakes and false grounds about the Town had rendred it in great part inaccessible . These in the former War were all frozen , and as if communicating with the rigour of the Season , the bloud and spirits of the Inhabitants were congealed also . But now all flowed again , Anger and Indignation against the Perfidie , as they deem'd it , and insatiate Avarice of the Suede , inspired the Dane with Courage . But nothing held up their spirits more than the infallible assurance Monsieur Beuning the Dutch Ambassador gave them , ( who upon the first Intelligence of the Suedes landing posted home to advertise his Superiors thereof ) that the States General would in few weeks send them Relief , Neither could they have weathered out so outragious a storm had the Sheat-Anchor of Holland failed them . The Suede finding the Town in too good a condition to be carried by Assault , was constrained to a formal siege by way of approach . The Fleet had blocked up the Harbour , as the Army had on Zeland side begirt the Town , but it was still open to the Ammak ; which I cannot call an omission , because to have planted a Leaguer on that side would have required another Army . For this little Isle though united to Copenhagen by a long bridge , is disjoyned from the rest of Zeland by broad flats covered with water and a deep Channel in the midst , so that a Leaguer on the Ammak could have had no communication with that on Zeland . In the Winter ensuing when the waters upon the flats were frozen , the the Suede by the benefit of the Ice often visited that Quarter , where a Party of Danes being abroad and the Prince of Homberg advancing with a Squadron of Cavalry to repel them , but pressing too forward upon the Danish Rear had his Leg struck off with a Cannon shot . To be short , the Danes defended themselves with great Gallantry and Loyalty , their King animating them with his presence , and pitching his Tent upon the Rampart bid his fellow-soldiers Caesar-like , not Go but Come . The Cannon , of which they had some hundreds upon the walls , plaid freely upon the besiegers , not without considerable execution . But not content with this , they made several brisk sallies into the Suedish Trenches with such success , that they began at length to despise that Enemy whom so lately they had feared . The Suede lost many good Officers and Soldiers , amongst whom Count Jacob de la Gardie , Lieutetenant of the Infantry was slain by a Granade . During this time the Elector of Brandenburg was entred Holstein and Jutland with a gallant Army , of which the Elector was Generalissimo for the Emperour as King of Hungary , but the Imperial Troups were Commanded by Montecuculi , and a great Body of Polish Horse by old Zarnetsky . Prince Palatine Sultsbach who Commanded in those parts for the Suede , being too weak to appear before so potent an Enemy retired first into the fastness of Ditmarsh , afterwards into Fredericsode : Which the Suede soon after demolished as requiring greater numbers of men than he could well spare , thence transporting himself into Funen , lay intrenched in those Islands whither the Confederates for want of shipping could not follow him . The Elector summoned and took the Castle at Gottorp , the Mansion and Residence of the Duke of Holstein , who though he Honoured his . Family by matching his excellent and most deserving Daughter to a great King , yet his active Son in Law involv'd the good old Duke in many troubles unwelcome to his age and humor . He himself was retired to Tonning a strong Town of his own , and not long after died . One thing I had almost forgot , the more considerable because both Kings were personally engaged in the Action . The Suede observing that the Dane daily fetched provisions from the aforementioned Isle the Ammak , which contained four or five villages , and was about so many English miles in length , was resolv'd to make a descent in order to burn the Villages and destroy whatever might afford sustenance or relief to the besieged . For which purpose he put aboard about twelve hundred foot and four hundred horse , and the King himself would needs be of the party , thinking nothing so well done as where he was present , as well as naturally ambitious of sharing personally in the Glory of every brave Action , Coming to the height of the Draker he forced his landing upon the point of the Isle , and constrain'd them upon the Guard to abandon their Post. He marches up the Isle and destroys all before him , and the Dane fearing he came to fortifie some Post on that side , set fire to the Village next adjacent to the Town , as the Suede had done to the rest . Having done his Work , the Suede retreats to his boats too securely , some scattered from the Body , others encombred with plunder ; mean while the Danish King sallies out in person with three hundred horse and two hundred dragoons , besides some few commanded foot mounted behind , falls in upon the Suedish Rear , slew several of them and put the rest in disorder . The Suedish King mounted upon an unruly Horse bounding and curvetting with him ran great hazard of falling that day into Danish hands . But the Dane either not knowing all his advantages , or not willing to be drawn too far from his Town by an over-eager pressing upon an Enemy who out numbred him , sounded a seasonable Retreat . The same King not long before narrowly escaped another danger , passing in a small boat a head of a Galliot under sail in a strong Current , the Galliot overset the boat , the Steers-man was drowned , but the King saved upon the Galliot . It was now October , 1658 , when the much expected Dutch Fleet began to appear , consisting of thirty eight men of War , six Fire-ships , about three score Fluits , Galliots and other Vessels , with betwixt three and four thousand Auxiliary Foot , and all sorts of Provisions for the relief of Copenhagen . The Fleet was Commanded by General Opdam , who came to an Anchor off the Lapsand about half a League below Cronenburg . The Suedish Fleet was forty two sail ; some of them stout Ships , Commanded by General Wrangel who was High Admiral of Sueden , and posted in four Squadrons a little above Cronenburg , both Fleets within a League each of other . Some were of Opinion that the Suedish Fleet ought to Encounter the other in the Lap whiles the Winds were contrary from Copenhagen , and so the Dutch Fleet unbefriended of a Port , whereas the Suede was Master of both Shoars , and had several Ports near at hand . This in some respects was the better , and that King inclinable to it : But he deferring to his Council in so weighty a Concern , most of them opined otherwise . That they had too many Enemies already to make themselves Aggressors in a new War. That this would heighten and exasperate things betwixt them and the Dutch beyond hopes of a reconciliation . That Holland in case of any disaster could furnish one Fleet after another , but Sueden adventured their All. That it would be more justifiable to Forrain Princes and States in Amity with them , if putting themselves upon the defensive , they did only endeavour to impede the passage of those who would relieve a besieged Enemy . Such considerations prevailed , whiles both Fleets lay for some days at an Anchor . At length the Wind coming fair at North-west with a fresh Gale , the Dutch Fleet weighed and set sail for the Sound . Both the Castles of Cronenburg and Elsinburg fired at them as they passed the narrow , some of the Cannon carrying fifty and sixty pound ball , but to no other effect than to shew that those Castles are but bugbears to affright Merchant-men , and that nothing less than a Fleet can command the Passage of the Sound . Both Fleets were Engaged so close together by reason of the Streight , but a League over , that most of the shot took place and made great slaughter on both sides , Vice-Admiral Wit-Wittensen had the Van of the Dutch , who coming up with the Suedish Admiral cut off his steerage and made him lie by to mend , but the Vice-Admiral himself was slain by a small shot . He had been brave and bold but ill seconded ; his Ship called the Brederode ( the same that old Tromp was slain upon in the English Wars ) was broken in pieces , and running a ground fell on one side like a wrack . She was mounted with fifty six good brass Cannon , some of which a Scotchman afterwards weighed up by the Invention of a Diving-Bell . Opdam fought well , though some of his Squadron acted remisly . Peter Floriz the Rear-Admiral was slain . The Suede lost four Ships , two whereof were carried to Copenhagen , the Dutch lost two , their Fire-ships spent themselves in vain . The destruction of men was greater then of ships , the fight being smart and close for the time it lasted , which was not long , for the Dutch never tacked but onely fought their direct way to convoy their supply to Copenhagen , and this they effected to the great joy of the City . The fight was no sooner ended , but Orders were islued out to the Suedish Fleet to put immediately into the Port of Land scroon ; which was providently done , for the next morning the Dane having joyned twelve good ships which lay ready in Harbour , though detained from the fight by contrary winds , with the ablest ships of the Dutch sailed towards the Sound to reingage the Suede . But he was burrow'd in Port all but one ship , which being disabled in the fight could not make so much hast as the rest , and upon the approach of the Enemy was fired by her own men . Whereupon the Dane and Dutch turn their design against Landscroon , the mouth of whose channel was so narrow , that but one ship could enter at a time , and was guarded by four Suedish ships placed at convenient distances and by an old Block-house . They durst not adventure up the Channel but sailed in a Line athwart it , and so every ship poured in her Broad-side with huge noise but little or no Execution . Under the Covert of the smoke they sunk old Ships of great Tunnage charged with stones and other materials to choak the mouth of the River , but this was frustrated by the depth of water and strength of the Current . Whereupon , this course taking no effect , they made Trial with fire-ships and entred the Channel therewith , intending to grapple what they could ; or at least to turn their fire-ships adrift towards the Suedish Fleet. But the vigilance of the Suede prevented this , who mann'd all his boats with Mariners and Soldiers , the King himself as his manner was , putting himself upon a boat to encourage and direct his men . So soon as a fire-ship was coming up the boats rowed down by the sides of the Channel with intention to get beyond her and cut off her Long-boat from her Stern . The fire-ship men apprehending the loss of their boat as their life , besides the danger of being boarded , set fire to their train and made away . Then the Suedish Mariners and Soldiers with Iron Hooks and Chains tow'd the fire-ships till they had turned them a-ground , and there let them burn at pleasure . Winter coming on the Dane returned also to Port. The State of things being thus altered , the Suede changed his measures accordingly . For Copenhagen being relieved with a considerable renfort of well commanded men , the Port open , the Dane and Dutch Masters at Sea , Winter already begun , it was judged most advisable to raise the siege and convert it into a blocade . To this purpose a Camp was fortified upon a convenient ground about half a League distance from the Town , which though Numerous enough in Foot to have attacked the Camp it self , yet wanted Cavalry wherewith the Suede abounded , and there was a fair level and valley betwixt the Camp and City , so that little of Action passed for a good time . Till at length the Suede considering that whatever attempt could be made against Copenhagen ought to be done that Winter , because the Hollander would certainly be upon him in the Spring of the year with another Fleet ; that it was evident no good could be done against the Town by the tedious forms of a siege ; that long and lingring services in Camps and Trenches usually consumed more men then brisk and sudden Actions ; that the rigour of the Winter when the Earth was covered with snow and the waters with Ice had been always most propitious to his greatest undertakings , and might also favour him in a general and vigorous Assault of Copenhagen ; that the Enterprise was dangerous and so were all great ones , but if atchieved , would both quit the Cost and reward the Service . It was then resolved to Storm the Town , for which purpose great Recruits of Foot were drawn from Sueden , and a better body of Infantry mustered upon this occasion , than ever the Suede had seen before in Zeland , and many hands were busied in making all fitting Instruments such as ladders of all sorts , spurs to pass the Ice with , boats covered with Hurdles and Galleries , and sundry other Engines of War. Three Nights together the Suede marched from his Camp towards the Town , partly to amuse the Enemy , but principally to handsel and discipline his men to their several tasks and services , that being practised to the handling and carrying of their Engins they might be the less embarassd thereby when they had occasion to use them in good earnest . The first and second Night nothing was done , but as they marched out of the Camp they returned orderly again , the Dane either not perceiving or making shew not to do so . The third Night the Suede drew out as before , but with full resolution to make the Attack . Several Troops of dismounted Cavalry were intermixed with the Foot , and a good Body of Horse to sustain them , and if need were , secure a Retreat . The King commanded in Person , and put himself under the Covert of an old bank , little more than musket-shot from the Town , ready to give Orders as occasion required . The Cannon of the Town was all pointed low to flank and rake the Ditches and Counterscarps , and the Dane never fired till the Enemy was under the Works and ready for their Attack . But then plied them so furiously with great and small shot , Cartridges , Hand-granades , Bombs from Mortar-pieces , besides others rould down from the Walls , that the Suede was repulsed with great slaughter , the rest of his men disordered , the Engins broken , and the whole Enterprise confounded ; Which the King perceiving commanded a Retreat , and sent at the same to Sir William Vavasor to forbear the Attack on the other side , but the Orders coming too late found him dead upon the place , with many of his followers . The Suede lost in this Action Erick Steinbock General of the Artillery , with many brave and old experienced Officers , both Germans and Suedes . According to the King's List taken from the Muster-Roll , there were slain five hundred thirty four , and eight hundred ninty five Wounded , the Dane reports them more , perhaps the poor innocent Boors whom the Suede too cruelly enforced to help carry down their Engins and Utensils , might encrease the number of the slain . The Suedish Arms were some time after more prosperous in reducing the Isles of Langland , Laland , Falster and Moenen , to the great enlargement of their Quarters , and Accommodation of their numerous Horse , who in some places began to be straitned for want of Forrage . In the Spring of the year the English Fleet arrived in the Sound under General Mountague , not with any intention as some vainly suggested to assist Sueden in the Conquest of Denmark ; That had been impolitic and irrational , for 't is evident the conservation of Denmark is the common Interest as well of England as of Holland , neither was there at that time the least fear or danger of any such supposed Conquest . The Elector had an Army in Jutland of near thirty thousand men , Brandenburgers , Poles and Austrians , and could have been as many more if either the Countrey could have supported their numbers , or the service required them . De Ruyter having joyned Opdam with another Fleet of forty sail , the Dutch besides the Dane were near fourscore men of War in those Seas . De Ruyter had brought upon his Fleet forty Companies more , besides the thirty eight Companies formerly brought by Opdam . Had the War been mannaged in good earnest , and not by Confederates who have different Aims and Interests , and had the Army in Copenhagen , for so I may now call it , joyned with that of Brandenburg , a thing easie to have been effected by such Fleets , and all this mighty force united under one Head , it had been sufficient not only to have beat the Suede out of the Danish Isles and Dominions , but out of Sueden it self . Besides the Suede was at that time involved in a War against the Emperour , Pole , Brandenburger , Muscovite , Dane and Hollander . Add to this that the weak side of Sueden is towards Denmark , and the Suedish King has sometimes told-one in private , that were he King of Denmark he could conquer Sueden in two years . Which though it may seem to have something of the Rodomontade in it , may yet to a States-man be of some Instruction . England though sorry for this second repture with Denmark , thought it not their Interest to see Sueden overset and sinking under the mighty weight of so powerful a Confederacy , but to buoy it up out of those quick-sands it was fallen into , as being the most proper and necessary counterpoise which England had at Sea against the combined Naval strength of Holland and Denmark . Without which Counterpoise England in every War with Holland ( her emulous and Rival State , and that which stands in the eye and aim of all her Greatness and Glory in point of Trade and Sea-Dominion ) would run a great risque of being excluded from the Baltic , and by that means shut out from the Market of all her Naval Stores . The old King of Denmark , Christiern the fourth , was too stomachful to truckle under the Dutch Lee , he fought them in Person when weakned with old Age , and being wounded by a splinter of his Ship to the loss of one of his Eyes , his cloaths besmeared with blood are preserved as a Relique to this day . But in the Reign of his Son and Successor the now Frederic the third , the Dane considering the Suede , his ancient and hereditary Enemy , had by his new Conquests in Pomeren and Liefland , invested himself in so many considerable Ports of the Baltic , he twisted his Interest too weak , of it self to hold against the Suede , with that of Holland ; who having a concentric Interest with that of the Dane in regard of their East-land Trade , both States drawing together by a mutual Cooperation , tied the fast knot of a strict Alliance . And from that time forward the Danish Court , which in the old Kings time was used to lofty Danish , spoke nothing now but Low Dutch ; Yea so prevalent were the Dutch Councils at Copenhagen , that 't is most certain the first War against Sueden was declared and denounced by the Dane at the instigation of the Dutch , to the end that by this revolution they might better open and secure their Trade with Dantzick and the Prussian Ports , obstructed and endangered by that formidable Impression the Suede had made upon Poland . How well the Dane was rewarded for this Service , the sequel of this Narrative will declare . The Design of the English Fleet was to advance , and if need were to inforce a Peace upon the dissenting King , on the terms and conditions of the Roschild Treaty , pursuant to what the English Mediator ( who upon occasion of this second War followed the Suede out of Germany into Denmark again ) had by repeated instances urged upon both Kings . Which , as things then stood , was conceived the most proper medium for accommoding present differences , and preventing future inconveniences ; the Business requiring the greater haft , for fear the War continuing and the Confederates vigorously pursuing their point , the Suede should either totally be ruined , or the Dutch profiting upon his desperate condition , should capitulate from him particular advantages to themselves prejudicial to the Interest of England . Therefore in case of an obstinate repugnancy to the Peace on the Danish part upon the terms aforesaid , to assist the Suede in a defensive way under certain cautions and restrictions . In which case of Assistance , for in War many things may be supposed and provided against which never come to pass , the Suede was to give real gages and pledges for the Garrantie of his Faith. To which end the English Mediator had often and closely remonstrated to him that 't was not reasonable to put a sword into anothers hand without a previous aslurance of its not being made use of against ones self . And used it also as an Argument to dispose the otherwise unwilling Suede to a Peace with the Dane ( for a War with Denmark was of all Wars the most commodious for him ) because he was not to expect an Assistance from England which should cost him nothing . And to foretast the temper of Affairs , proceeded so far as to nominate Stade upon the Elb , and Landscroon in the Sound , to be put in case of such assistance into English hands ; which taking vent afterwards gave occasion to that frivolous report how that England and Sueden had agreed together to share Denmark betwixt them . The English Fleet lay all the Summer in the Sound and Bel only as Spectators , to see fair play , and the year declining returned home without doing any thing , contrary to the sense of the Commissioners , who some time before , viz. in July , 1659. arrived from England , and would have had the Fleet continued out longer to countenance their new begun Mediation . Which new Mediation upon change of the Government in England , was begun and mannaged by new measures taken from Holland . For whereas a Treaty had but lately been concluded at the Hague , viz. the eleventh of May , 1659. betwixt France , England , and Holland , for reducing the two Northern Kings to an acquiescence in the Roschild Treaty , they in England upon the change aforesaid , to gratifie the Dutch and ingratiate themselves , conclude another Treaty with them at the Hague of the fourth of July following , containing a recession from some material points and Articles in the said Roschild Treaty . And moreover oblige themselves to obtain from the Suede , and that forcibly if need be , in favour of the Dutch the ratification of the Treaty made at Elbing betwixt Sueden and the States General , with the Elucidations thereof made at Thoren . The truth is they made no great scruple , at least for that one time , to come under the Stern of their Neighbouring Common-wealth , thereby to have better leisure to recollect and refit the scattered planks and pieces of their own broken Republic . The Dutch and Dane riding Masters at Sea , the English Fleet return'd home , and the Suede so disproportionably out-numbred as not to dare to peep out of his Ports , the next Action of Importance was the descent which the Confederates made upon the Isle of Funen . The strength of the Suede had hitherto consisted in being lodged securely within the Danish Isles , where the Elector of Brandenburg with the Army of the Confederates could not reach him . But what before was his strength becomes now his weakness , for the Suedish Troops lay disjoyn'd upon the several Islands , and the Enemies Fleets intercepted all Communication betwixt them of passing to each others assistance as occasion required . Besides that no Island which has open landing places is defensive but by a Fleet , and such a one as is able to keep the Sea. And lest any should imagin , that in this case the Suede ought to have drawn together all the divided members of his Army , and to have kept them united in one Body upon the principal Isle , which was Zeland , it ought to be considered that the Countrey had been harass'd by a long War , and one Island could not surnish a subsistence to all the Troops , but the greater part must necessarily have perished for want of Forrage . The Suede had upon this Isle of Funen about fifteen hundred Foot , with some few Companies of Dragoons , and about twenty five hundred of his best Horse . Prince Palatine Sultsbach commanded in Chief , assisted by Field-Marshal Steinboch . Part of De Ruyter's Pleet transports General Ebersteyn with a good Body of Horse and Foot from the Confederate Army in Jutland , over the little Belt into this Island of Funen . Whiles at the same time Field-Marshal Schack , by the help of the other part of the Fleet commanded in Person by De Ruyter , lands upon the other side of the Isle by the way of the great Belt. Either of these Bodies was sufficient to have fought the Prince with his whole united Force , but divided as he was and his men posted in several the most suspected places to prevent landing , he was much too weak . One would think the proper time to have fought the Enemy had been at landing , or if that could not be , because the Cannon favoured his descent , yet at least-wise before both Bodies had joyned , which was not till after a leisurely march of some days . And yet he did neither , and which is more , gave afterwards so satisfactory an Accompt to the King that he incurr'd no displeasure . It seems all he could do was to reunite the scattered parts of his little Army , and posting himself in the most advantagious ground he could make choice of , there attend the Enemy , and fight it out for Safety , if not for Victory . This was done at Newburg a small Town upon the extremities of Funen opposite to Corsure in Zeland , in which last the King of Sueden was , almost near enough to be the Spectator of the distress and calamity of his Troops , and yet too far to help them ; For De Ruyter lay with his Fleet betwixt the two Towns. The Suede fought it valiantly having also the advantage of the ground , till the small Infantry overlaid by numbers was driven from it . For the Confederates had not less than six thousand Foot , the Suede not more than sixteen hundred . As for Horse the greatest odds was in Courage and Discipline , the numbers near equal . I would not upon this occasion conceal the honour of our Country-men , I mean the English Regiment commanded by Sir William Killigrew , who together with the other Auxiliary Foot brought from Holland keeping firm and unshaken , gave opportunity to the routed Troops to rally behind them , by which good Order and Resolution , they in great measure turned the sometime wavering fortune of the day . The Suede at last was broken , and lost Horse , Foot , and Cannon , all were slain or prisoners , none escaping but the Prince and Steinboch , who by the favour of the Night and the skill and labour of a few rowers passed by the Dutch Fleet in a Fisher-boat , and landing at Corsure brought unwelcome tidings to their Master . This was the greatest foil that King had ever received and he did not long survive it , and yet 't is not easie to say what impression it made upon him , more , than that 't was little or well dissembled . No part of those many dispatches which were sent upon this occasion could be read in his Countenance , having besides his natural Courage , the Art of concealing all inward emotions and disturbances under a free and masculine appearance , and by seeming to fear nothing deserved to be feared . Not but that in conversation he would often testifie a tender resentment for the loss of so many brave men , who he thought deserved a better destiny . The Prince was so far from being disgraced , that the King during his absence made him Commander in Chief of all his Forces in Zeland . For the Winter coming on , and the Dutch Fleet sailing towards Lubec to Victual , and soon after putting into Port , and the Enemy at Land breaking up their Campagne , gave the King leisure to pass over into Sconen and so to Gottenburg , where he held a Convention of the States of his Kingdome , for the better facilitating of such new Levies of men , and other Contributions which were thought necessary for carrying on his many Wars to some desirable conclusion . And as his leisure permitted he intended to make an Excursion to Stockholm , that City much desiring to see their King after four years absence . But his incessant Labours , Care and Watchings brought him to a sharp defluxion ; that , a Feaver ; and that , his end . He was cut off in the strength of his days , not forty years of Age , a Prince of undoubted Courage and unwearied Industry , low of stature but of aspiring thoughts , of a gross and heavy body , of a quick and active mind . No man of wit or courage could want Employment in his Court , and he had the singular advantage of a happy judgment in discerning men , and suiting them to such Affairs to which they were best adapted , either by the secret dispositions of Nature , or by acquired knowledge . His War with Poland covered him with Laurels which bore him nothing but gaudy and unprofitable appearances , but the Olive of the Roschild Treaty yielded him nourishing and strengthning fruit . His first War with Denmark presented him the fair side of Fortunes medal , in the second she turned to him the Reverse . He had early been bred a Soldier under General Torstenson in Germany , whom he usually called his Master , and never named but with great marks of Veneration . He passed through the gradations of the Art Military , from a Captain of a Troop of Horse to Captain General of as good an Army perhaps as this Age has seen . For at the time of the conclusion of the Peace in Germany by the Treaties of Munster and Osnabrug , he had under his Command of everal Nations , fifty three thoufand Foot , and twenty four thoufand Horse in Field and Garrison ; Besides the Confederate Armies of Marshal Turene and the Landgrave of Hess , who acted by concert with him and were at least thirty thousand more . He kept to his dying day the Muster-Rols of every Regiment with the names of the Officers , some of whom when disbanded upon the Peace , he retained by Pensions at his own charge , being then but Prince , obliging them thereby to his service , and foreseeing the use he might one day have of them . And has been heard to say , that he thought himself a greater man when Captain General in Germany than he was now when King of Sueden . He would bewail the loss of so many good places which Sueden demolisht or surrendred , and for doing whereof he as Captain General was also constitued Plenipotentiary at the Treaty at Osnabrug , amounting to above two hundred Towns , Castles and Forts . By which it was easie to perceive that he sided in opinion with Chancellour Oxenstiern , who when the Spanish Cabal carried all before them at Stockholm , having received peremptory Commands from that Court to conclude the Peace in Germany , he did it in obedience to the commands of his Superiors , but with such regret that he could not forbear to utter those words , Anima mea non intravit in secretum eorum . He was the son of the Sister of the great Gustaphus Adolphus so famous in the German Story , and upon the resignation of his Cosin Christiana , was admitted to the Crown of Sueden by the general consent of all the Estates . This King thus removed by the stroke of death , all things resolv'd into a disposition to a general Peace . His Son and Successor was a Minor of five or six years of Age. His Queen was left Regent during the minority of her Son , a mild and gentle Lady , deriving from the bloud of her Ancestors of the House of Holstein = Gottorp and Saxe , a natural candor and benignity . She was assisted by the great Officers of the Crown , who were willing with peace and quietness to enjoy their share in the Government which the Laws and Constitutions of Sueden allowed them in the minority of their King. The Suedes themselves had been harassd and tired out by long Wars , and that Martial Nation almost rode off their metal by a more Martial King. So that all things conspired on that side to Peace and Settlement . On the other side the Queen of Poland a French Lady , who had the ascendant in all the affairs of that Kingdom , was wrought over by the means of France to a ready Concurrence in a Peace with Sueden . Besides that the Pole was of himself readily disposed thereto , partly in consideration of the many convulsions and distractions of that Kingdom , occasioned by the contrary motions of disagreeing factions , and partly in regard of the unprofitableness of a War with Sueden , by which much might be lost nothing could be got . A Peace is therefore concluded betwixt both Crowns of Poland and Sueden , under the mediation of France at a place called Oliva , and the Emperour and Brandenburger who were but accessories in the Polish War , were easily comprehended in the Peace . The onely difficulty was for Denmark ; the late Suedish King had made great scruple of admitting the States General of the United Provinces , as Mediators for composing the War betwixt him and the Dane , alledging and declaring that they were parties with the Dane and Enemies to him , and that they ought to make their own Peace first before they could be in capacity to interpose for others . But the now Suedish Court soon surmounts this difficulty , and the four Dutch Deputies Extraordinary who arrived in the summer and went two of them to the Suede and two to the Dane ; attended with a splendid Retinue , I mean with De Ruyter and forty men of War , were now accepted by the Suede , notwithstanding all former hostilities and provocations , as Mediators in the ensuing Treaty . This rub being removed , the next was the adjusting the terms and conditions of the Peace . For the Dane expected his Confederates should have assisted him to the obtaining of such a Peace as might in the conditions thereof have born some proportion to the benefits which they had received by the War , and to the loss and hazard which he had sustained . For this War of Denmark had drawn the Suede out of the bowels of Poland , had delivered the Brandenburger from the imminent danger of having his Countrey made the seat of a War. It was begun by the Council and instigation of the States , to secure their Dantzick trade , and was continued and prosecuted under the prospect and assurance of relief from them . Many of the Danish Court , notwithstanding the calamities they suffered by this second War , were not heartily sorry for it , because it gave them an opportunity of bettering by the help of their Allies , those grievous conditions which necessity had extorted from them at such a time when no friend could help them . The States General indeed sent them Relief , but such as served their own turn , not that of the Danes . The Dane expected no less than to be reinvested in all those Dominions and Possessions which the former War had wrested from him . And moreover in compensation and satisfaction for the spoil and ravage of the whole Kingdom of Denmark , by the violation of a Peace so solemnly and lately established , to be reinstated into some or all those Lands and Territories which the Broomsborow Treaty had transferred to the Suede , assisted in that War by the Hollander , that so both Crowns might return again to their former limits and boundaries . They who cut off the flower of the Suedish Cavalry in Funen , what hindred but that they might have landed in Zeland . Winter came not on so fast , but the Fleet might have sailed four Leagues , and it was no more to Zeland though more to Lubec . If they wanted Foot , Copenhagen could have spared them five thousand , and they might have had ten thousand more for fetching from the Confederate Army in Holstein and Jutland . But this needed not , the Suede had not five thousand Foot upon Zeland , nor so good a Body of Horse as he had left upon Funen , besides the Horse of the Confederates was better then before , having received an encrease of strength from the spoils of their Enemy . But unhappy that Prince who wages a War against a stronger than himself , not by his own strength , but by that of his Confederates ; and still more unhappy when those Confederates are jealous and distrustful of his future growth and greatness . The Alliances of States are Convenience not Friendship , Interest not Affection , a reason of the head not a passion of the heart . The poor exhausted Dane , after all his former and later sufferings , must stoop again under the heavy yoke of the despised Roschild Treaty . The dividing of the Banks of the Sound betwixt the two Crowns accommodated Holland as well as England . That necessity which first cast the Dane upon the Dutch Alliance , if removed , might make him recoil from it ; to keep him poor was to keep him humble and so dependent . And yet that the States - General might seem to do something more than the bare relief of Copenhagen , or which is all one , more then the bare securing of their own Trade in the Baltic , They urge and obtain that the Government of Drontheim in Norway be restored again to the Dane , to the intent those barren mountains might make some satisfaction and amends for the plunder and spoil of a fertil Kingdom , much more exhausted and more cruelly harassd by this second War then it had been by the former . And yet 't is worthy considering whether in this also the Dutch did not as well gratifie themselves as the Dane , partly because Drontheim better accommodated their Norway-Trade whiles in the hand of the Dane then when in that of the Suede , partly in regard of the Levies of men which the Dutch usually make amongst the Norwegian Mariners , by the favour of the Court of Denmark in times of War , and partly for better recovery of those moneys which some particular Companies of Amsterdam had advanced to the King of Denmark upon the Gage and Pledge of the dependencies of Drontheim . The controverted Isle of Hueen is adjudged to the Suede . The Isle of Bornholm which during this last War had voluntarily returned to the obedience of her former Master , must be restored again to the Suede after the expiration of one year , or else exchanged for an equivalent . In all the other material points , excepting that of Drontheim , the Roschild Treaty is renewed and reconfirmed , and remains to this day the standard and measure betwixt these two Northern Crowns . There is one thing more observable with which I shall conclude . The onely benefit and advantage which Denmark has received by this last War amidst many losses and sufferances was occasional and accidental , and for which the Dane has no obligation to any of his Confederates , because it sprang meerly from the contingencies of the War ; It was this . The Crown of Denmark had been Elective for above two hundred years in the present Oldenburg Family . The chief Power of Electing being in the Nobility , gave them the means and opportunity of capitulating advantages to themselves , as previous conditions to the Election , with every succeeding King , to the despoiling and debilitating of the Crown , and to the prejudice of the other Orders of the Kingdom . None but a Nobleman could buy or possess in his own right any Seignory or Mannor . A Citizen or Burgher was not capable of purchasing more than a House , and it may be a Garden and Orchard , or such like slender curtilage . The Lands and Revenues of the Crown were let to Noblemen it may be not to the third , sometimes not to the fourth part of what they were really worth , and yet the King must not Enhance the old Rents , though in the mean time the Nobles rackt the poor under-Tenants to the utmost . The Pesants upon the Danish Isles were Villains regardant to the Mannors of Noblemen , such as the Civilians call ascriptitii glebae . All publick Offices and preferments were appropriated to the Nobility , there was no room left for a single and unendowed Desert . Birth had precluded Merit , and the priviledges of Bloud had forestall'd the rewards of Vertue . By which constitution , Denmark , from an anciently glorious and most renowned Monarchy , had in a succession of some Ages dwindled and degenerated to that State and condition which to avoid offence I sorbear to name . But upon occasion of this second War , the better to encourage the Burgers of Copenhagen to stand couragiously for the Defence of their King and Country , lest the hope and expectancy of bettering their condition under a new Master should prompt them to desert their old , great privileges were proposed and conferred upon them . Such as these : An equal admission to Offices and Honours , as they and their Children should render themselves capable and deserving . A power of purchasing Lands and Lordships with the same rights as Nobles . The City to be one of the Estates of the Kingdom , and to have a suffrage in all publick Councils and Resolves . And the Crown is also delivered out of the Guardianship of the Nobility , being changed from Elective to Hereditary . So that now in Denmark there is a more healthful and better proportioned distribution of strength and nourishment to all parts of the Body of that Governwhereby the whole is become more vigorous and able to withstand for the future such rude Attacks and Assaults from without , as had in the late Wars endangered the Life thereof . A VIEW OF THE SUEDISH AND Other Affairs , as they now stand IN GERMANY This present Year , 1675. WITH Relation to ENGLAND . Composed in the Year 1675. when the Suede was declared Enemy of the Empire . LONDON : Printed by A. C. for H. Brome , at the Gun in St. Paul's Church-yard . M. DC . LXXVII . A VIEW OF THE SUEDISH AND Other Affairs , as they now stand IN GERMANY . HE who duly reflects upon the State and Condition of Germany at the time of the Munster and Osnabrug Treaties concluded in the year 1648. How the Empire wearied by a tedious War with earnest longings breath'd after a settlement ; How the Suede at that time powerful in Arms , was courted to a Peace by the proposal of such advantagious conditions , as wanted nothing but the name of a Conquest ; may justly wonder , that so wise a Council as that of Sueden , should submit all their great Acquisitions , of which for many years they have been in the quiet and legal possession , to the uncertain hazard of a new War. The Osnabrug Treaty is the Magna Charta of Germany , and was enacted a perpetual fundamental Law , and pragmatic Sanction of the Empire . But the Suede , upon his late Invasion of the Marquisate of Brandenburg , having in full Diet been declared Enemy of the Empire , all the concessions in that Treaty respecting that Crown , are become like the old Charters or Donations of Charlemagne , sealed with the Pommel of a Sword to be warranted by the Blade . The Risque the Suede now runs is further heightned upon this following consideration . Sueden has enlarged her Border upon all the neighbouring Princes . Upon the Pole and Moscovite by Liefland , Esthen and Ingermanland . Upon the German Empire by the Dukedom of Pomeren , Principality of Rugen , Bishopricks of Bremen and Verden Erected upon this occasion into Dutchies , and by the Lordship of the City and Port of Wismar . Upon the Dane by the several Provinces of Halland , Sconen , Bleking , &c. Some or all of which Princes do but wait a favourable conjuncture , wherein to attempt the reinstating themselves into those Possessions , which the Accidents of War and other fatalities have extorted from them . It may also be noted upon this occasion , that by vertue of the aforementioned Osnabrug Treaty , some of the then Friends or Allies of the Crown of Sueden were devested of part of their Patrimony , the better to accommodate the Suede in laying his new acquired Possessions more close and contiguous . Thus the Elector of Brandenburg quitted Stetin and other Rights which he had in both the Pomerens . The Duke of Mecklenburg resigned Wismar . 'T is true both these Princes received a compensatory Exchange or Equivalent , such as the necessity of the Public Peace constrain'd them to acquiesce in ; the first by the Bishoprick of Halberstad , the latter by that of Ratzenburg , but it must be granted too that the Rents and Revenues of Inland Dominions are not so improveable as those arising upon Sea-Ports . Now if we impartially compare the circumstances of Affairs in this present year 1675. with those in the year 1648. it will be the easier to make an estimate , whether Sueden could rationally hope to better the conditions of the Osnabrug Treaty , or whether their future expectancies can in any just proportion countervail their present hazard . In the former German War , it was no small advantage to Sueden to be esteemed the Head of the Protestant Cause and Interest in Germany ; this brought them many Allies and Adherents ; and made their thin and tattered Regiments swell into numerous and well appointed Armies . But in the present War there is nothing of Religion so much as pretended in the Case . Nay the more immediate quarrel that Sueden now has , is with the Brandenburger , the Dane and Hollander , who though of different persuasions , are clasp'd together with the Suede in the same general concerns of Religion . Before the Osnabrug Treaty , Germany was crumbled into many Factions and Interests , both Religious and Civil . Now the whole Body of the Empire is consolidated and united together against strangers , and some in Germany esteem the Suede no other . In the year 1648. before the Peace , the Suede had more than two hundred Garrisons in Germany , and an Army in Field and Garrison of near fourscore thousand men , the far greater number of them foreiners , but all Veterans exactly disciplin'd , and commanded by a Martial Prince extracted from the Palatine family of the Rhine ( the now King of Sueden's Father ) who upon that accompt was the more acceptable to the German Nation . Now their Army is small and consists of new Levies , their Garrisons few , and by occasion of a long Peace neither so well fortified nor otherwise provided . The Suede had then many Allies and Confederates within the very bowels of the Empire . The Landgrave of Hess had a considerable Army in the Field , which to the very last acted in concert with Sueden ; besides the Army of France under Marshal Turenne in Alsace . Now the Suede has no other visible Confederate but France , so remote , that if the French Armies should by the Chance of War be put upon the Defensive , the Suede may be lost before France can help him . The Dane who then stood Neutral , has now declared against Sueden . The States General then in War with Spain , now confederated with Spain and the Empire against France , and consequently against Sueden . I need add no more to encrease the wonder I before mentioned , the difficulty would rather be to salve and allay it , were it any thing to my purpose , who pretend not to have the Key of the Cabinet , or to be able to penetrate the secret of the Suedish Councils ; only this is obvious , if a lesser Crown condescends to become the Pensioner of another more great and opulent than its self , it will be exposed to temptations of being sometimes warped from her proper measures . Besides the influence of the Example , for if the Crown receives gifts the Ministers will be less modest in refusing them , when tendred . Add moreover , the inlets into a War are so many and so easie , but the outlets so few and difficult , that a wise Prince and Council obliged upon remoter considerations to a shew and appearance of Arms , may insensibly and unexpectedly be involv'd in a War , which they never in good earnest intended . And he who proposed to himself to advance his Arms to such a Point and no further , may to his grief find the unruly beast of War so ungovernable , as not to be mannag'd to certain stops and bounds , but to transgress them all , and sometimes throw the Rider . And as a Prince may gradually and insensibly be engaged in a War which at first he intended not , and afterwards be further engaged in it , than he either proposed or desired ; So 't is ordinary for the consequents and effects of such War to redound to the prejudice of other Princes , who had no participation either in the beginning or the progress thereof . Thus if the Suede ( for I suppose 't is no offence to put such a Case , because what 's laid at stake no man can call his own ) I say , if the Suede should lose all in Germany , and be turned back again over the Baltic ; This would redound greatly to the mischief of France , whose Interest it is to maintain the Suede in Germany as a check and counterpoise upon the House of Austria , the hereditary Enemy of France . But this consideration reaches not England , because that House has in this last Age been under so sensible a decadency , that it gives no longer any just ombrage or jealousie as formerly , of any affectation of an Universal Monarchy . But yet it may greatly concern England into what hands the Chance of War may throw those places the Suede now possesses . Should the Elector of Brandenburg invest himself in the Ports of Pomeren , and by that means erect a third power upon the Baltic : Nay should the Duke of Curland , whose little Dutchy is a Fief of the Crown of Poland , and who of later years has affected to put in for a share in the Baltic under the Title of Admiral of that Crown , though his design always suppressed by the early jealousies of those greater Powers of Denmark and Sueden ; should he I say by help of the favour and consanguinity he has with Brandenburg ( for that House married a Sister of that Elector ) added to the countenance and assistance of Poland , establish a fourth Power upon the Baltic : All this would not sensibly touch England , for a Reason intimated in that Answer , which a Duke of Burgundy once made , when it was objected to him how he was no Lover of the Kings of France , his Reply was , on the contrary he was so great a Lover of them , that whereas there was one King of France he wished there were many . But if the Dane should seize the Ports of Pomeren , or possess himself of Stade and Boxtehude in the Dutchy of Bremen ; or should he so far profit upon the present Conjuncture , as to reinstate himself in the opposite Bank of the Sound , which was taken from him in the year 1658. every of these will alter the Case in reference to England ; For 't is evident that the dividing the Banks of the Sound betwixt the two emulous Crowns , as it was done by the Roschild Treaty , is greatly to the security and benefit of England . To our security in time of War , for in case of a War betwixt England and Holland , if Denmark incline to Holland ( which is not unreasonable to be supposed ) England , in friendship with Sueden whilest possessed of one Bank of the Sound , will in despight of the other two Confederates maintain the Trade into the Baltie , and fetch from thence those materials which are necessary for the apparel and equippage of her Shipping . To our benefit in time of Peace , and that in reference to Trade and Commerce . For 't is a Gain to the Dane to enhance the duties of the Sound , but 't is the Interest , of Sueden to oppose it , because Stockholm and all the Ports of Sueden , except Gottenburg , being within the Baltic , whatever Duties are imposed upon forein Ships in their passage through the Sound , are a burden upon the Trade of Sueden . The same Reason holds for the Elb , where the Dane has Gluestad upon the one Bank , the Suede Stade and Boxtehude upon the other . If both Banks should come into Danish hands , this would more immediately concern Hamburgh ; and so much the rather because of the old pretensions the Kings of Denmark as Dukes of Holstein have upon that City . But it will remotely concern England , for it will be in the power of the Dane to exclude us from the Trade of the Elb whenever he pleases . Which perhaps he will not do . But the Assurances of Princes are not to be founded upon the Will not , but upon the Cannot . Add to all this , that as it is the Interest of France to maintain Sueden as a ballance upon the House of Austria , so 't is the Interest of England to preserve Sueden as her proper counterpoise against the Confederate Naval Strength of Holland and Denmark . The case thus standing , and Sueden having changed the figure it lately made , when the Mediation of that Crown was proposed in concert with England , by entring into the War and becoming Party ; There is no Prince in Europe to whom it can so properly appertain to advance the great work of a Mediation , as to his Majesty of England . The Pope not so fit to interpose in these German Controversies , as upon other considerations , so particularly upon this , because by the Munster and Osnabrug Treaties , which are the Basis of the Peace of Germany , many of the Lands of the Church and other Ecclesiastical Rights , were Alienated and made Secular . Which the Nuncio at that time was so far from consenting to , that he entred a public Protest against it , and Innocent the tenth declared all the Articles relating to Religion to be nul and void . The Venetian State remote , and though admitted Mediator in the Munster Treaty betwixt the Empire and France , yet was not so in the Osnabrug Treaty betwixt the Empire and Sueden . Besides the Councils of that Republic face most to the Levant , neither does she intermeddle in the Affairs of the Western Princes so much as in former Ages . Whilest the King of England besides his Power , Interest and Authority , seems to be selected by a coincidence of several Providential circumstances to undertake this Work , not only Pious , but Safe , Honourable and Profitable . Safe , because all the Interessed Princes court the Friendship of the Mediator ; Honourable because the mediating Prince becomes the Arbiter of others Controversies ; Profitable because his Ministers being upon the place , and privy to the secrets of the contending Parties , have the opportunity of espying advantages for securing and promoting their Master's Interests . But as in Naturals so in Civils , 't is Time ripens all things : And 't is the Wisdome of the Head which directs the diligence of the Hand to gather the fruit in its proper season . The last War of Germany was of thirty years continuance , and the Peace was seven years in treating , reckoning from the Preliminaries agreed at Hamburgh , to the conclusion of the Peace at Munster and Osnabrug . This according to humane conjectures seems not of that duration . But mediating Princes are most welcome and successful , when the Parties are wearied with the War , as those Physicians are most happy who come in the declension of a Disease . FINIS . Errata . Page 117. for revolution read revulsion . p. 124. for defensive read defensible . p. 143. for left read lost . p. 151. for Govern read Government . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A50498-e320 Febr. 165 ; 1659. Nov. 1659. Dec. 1659. 
A51765	----	A manifesto, or, An account of the state of the present differences between the most serene and potent King of Denmark and Norway Christian the V., and the most serene Duke of Sleswick and Holstein-Gottorp Christian Albert together with some letters of the King of Great Britain, the King of Denmark, and the Duke of Holstein-Gottorp, concerning a mediation in these differences, which the king of Great Britain most generously offer'd, and the king of Denmark refused and slighted : as also some other letters of the Dukes of Brunswick-Lunenbourgh, the emperor, &c., whereby the calumnies of a certain Danish minister are plainly detected. Christian Albrecht, Duke of Holstein-Gottorp, 1641-1695. 1677 Approx. 215 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 63 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2008-09 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A51765 Wing M428A ESTC R12344 12426308 ocm 12426308 61869 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A51765) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 61869) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 945:7) A manifesto, or, An account of the state of the present differences between the most serene and potent King of Denmark and Norway Christian the V., and the most serene Duke of Sleswick and Holstein-Gottorp Christian Albert together with some letters of the King of Great Britain, the King of Denmark, and the Duke of Holstein-Gottorp, concerning a mediation in these differences, which the king of Great Britain most generously offer'd, and the king of Denmark refused and slighted : as also some other letters of the Dukes of Brunswick-Lunenbourgh, the emperor, &c., whereby the calumnies of a certain Danish minister are plainly detected. Christian Albrecht, Duke of Holstein-Gottorp, 1641-1695. [2], 123 p. s.n.], [London : 1677. Reproduction of original in Huntington Library. Attributed to Christian Albrect. cf. NUC pre-1956. 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Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Charles -- II, -- King of England, 1630-1685. Christian -- V, -- King of Denmark and Norway, 1646-1699. Schleswig-Holstein question. Denmark -- History -- 1660-1814. 2006-07 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2006-08 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2007-07 Taryn Hakala Sampled and proofread 2007-07 Taryn Hakala Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion A Manifesto : OR An Account of the State of the present Differences between the most Serene and Potent KING OF DENMARK and NORWAY CHRISTIAN the V. And the most Serene DUKE of SLESWICK AND HOLSTEIN-GOTTORP CHRISTIAN ALBERT . Together with some Letters of the KING of Great Britain , the King of Denmark , and the Duke of Holstein-Gottorp , concerning a Mediation in these Differences , which the KING of Great Britain most Generously offer'd , and the King of Denmark refused and slighted . As also some other Letters of the Dukes of Brunswick-Lunenbourgh , the Emperor , &c. Whereby the Calumnies of a certain Danish Minister are plainly Detected . Printed in the Year 1677. A Praemonition to the Reader . BEcause some Danish Ministers have publish'd Books full of lying Stories in the Courts of Princes , and forg'd many Calumnies to the prejudice of the most Serene Duke of Holstein-Gottorp , lest the Reader should doubt of the Truth of what is contain'd in this Manifesto , we have added at the end hereof the Authentick Papers of several Treaties and Agreements , which do clearly justifie every thing that is herein asserted . An Account of the State of the present Differences between the most Serene and Potent King of Denmark and Norway Christian the V. And the most Serene Duke of Sleswick and Holstein-Gottorp Christian Albert. THE Differences between Christian the V. the most Serene and Potent King of Denmark and Norway , and Christian Albert the most Serene Duke of Sleswick and Holstein-Gottorp , wherein the Treaty made at Rendsburg on the X. day of July , 1675. is to be in the first place fairly considered , being the subject of this present discourse ; We hope we may with his Sacred Majesties leave Publish by command from the said Duke and in his name , what-ever we can with truth alledge , either as to the matter of Fact or Law , in behalf of the most Serene House of Gottorp , submitting it to the just Censure of the whole World : And we are perswaded that these our endeavours can offend no person , who loving true Piety follows the precepts of Christianity , which allows of no War to be lawful , but when it is just and necessary , and especially betwixt such as profess the same Religion and are so nearly related in blood . In the examination of the merits of this Cause we shall strictly observe this Rule , To alledge nothing that is false , and likewise neither omit nor disguise any truth to the prejudice of so just a Cause ; since the Justice of any cause cannot appear but by truth and faithfulness , without which Justice is but imperfect . And that Christian Princes and their most illustrious and excellent Ministers and Ambassadors , ( who perhaps may at this time be employed in adjusting the Publick differences at N 〈…〉 eguen , Ratisbone , or elsewhere ) together with other great Men , lovers of Justice , may not be tyred with a prolix discourse ; We shall propose thed state of the case in a few words , and then proceed to the Accusations wherewith the House of Gottorp is charged , which we do not question but to answer so fully , that all unprejudic'd persons may clearly judge of the matter of Fact , upon which the said Accusations are for the most part grounded . These Aspersions being wip'd off , we shall add the Laws and Constitutions , in vertue whereof the Duke of Gottorp ought , notwithstanding the Treaty to which he was forced at Rendsburg , to be entirely restored . It is manifest to all that know any thing of our affairs , that the most Serene House of Gottorp possessing several Provinces bordering upon Denmark , which they have hitherto governed jointly with the Kings of Denmark , pursuant to a Treaty between them , That King has no reason to fear any thing from the House of Gottorp , if he will but suffer it to enjoy it 's own Rights quietly ; VVhereas on the contrary the House of Gottorp lyes exposed to the Invasion of the Danes , whenever they shall have a mind to lay hold of any fair opportunity , and abuse their Power contrary to Justice and the Publick Faith. For although heretofore the Earls of Holstein have had grievous Wars with the Kings of Denmark ; yet the state of Holstein , and the neighbouring Provinces , being much altered from what it was , the Danes can have no reason to suspect the House of Gottorp , and much less fear any harm from it , except what they may bring upon themselves , by provoking it by frequent Injuries and Assaults to it 's own Defence . Since the Crown of Denmark is come to the Family of Oldenburg , and that these Provinces have been more than once divided between these Kings of Denmark and the Dukes of Sleswick and Holstein , the Power of the said Kings has been much encreased by the said Divisions , and by their Successions to the Crown of Norway ; however it will appear that the Royalties of the House of Gottorp have not been therefore in the least diminished . The Dukedomes of Sleswick and Holstein have been both so divided , and the first held at least for many years from the Kingdom of Denmark , as the other alwayes from the Empire . The whole Dukedome of Sleswick is a part of Juitland reaching from the borders of Holstein to the Bridge of Coldingen ; one part of it being possessed by the House of Holstein-Gottorp , and the other by the Kings of Denmark , as Dukes of Sleswick . Amongst the several Conditions from time to time agreed upon , the following have been more than once confirmed , viz. That the King of Denmark should not engage in any War unless for his own defence , or the maintenance of his Dignity , and then not till after having communicated the same to the said Dukes ; and that if thereupon a War should be agreed upon , that then the Dukes of Sleswick ( of whom the King of Denmark is one ) should send to the said Kings assistance , a certain number of Horse and Foot , maintaining them at their own expences , the King contributing proportionably for his part of the Dukedome , and promising to defend both their Vassals . Chytr . lib. 24. Sat. p. 719. And we find that upon the said Kings not regarding this Agreement , but making War of their own heads , the Dukes of Gottorp have not been obliged to send the assistance stipulated , though it has been demanded from them . There have been almost perpetual VVars between the Danes and Swedes , which in former Ages have had different successes , but in this last Age been more favourable to the Swedes , especially since the success of their Arms in Germany . Hence it is come to pass , that the Danes , exasperated by the remembrance of the Losses they had sustained by their Provinces and Places which they had lost , in hopes of better success , and by the Instigation of evil Counsellors , pouring oyle upon the Fire , have taken all opportunities of making VVar against the Swedes , without acquainting the Dukes of Gottorp , much less consulting with them about it ; but with so ill success , that they have been still punisht with greater Losses , having likewise thereby involved the Provinces and Subjects of the said Duke in all the calamities attending a VVar ; by which , though the House of Gottorp hath suffered infinite Damages and Violations in its Rights , yet were they never extinguished , nor lest to the sole pleasure and determination of the King of Denmark as Supreme Prince . But not to take the matter too high , and to come nearer to our Subject , let the beginning and end of the late VVar between the Danes and Swedes be diligently considered , for from thence springs all the mischief . Carolus Gustavus King of Sweden , making VVar against Poland , and having raised up many powerful Enemies , who seemed to have reduced his Army to great streights ; Frederick the III. King of Denmark , of happy Memory , taking that opportunity , declared VVar against the Swedes , making great preparations both of Men and Arms , as thinking he should never have a more favourable opportunity to recover his Losses , and humble the Swedes . And the King of Sweden being by Marriage with the Daughter of Frederick , Duke of Gottorpe of happy Memory , become nearly allied to that House ; the said Duke Frederick obtained a Promise from his Son-in-Law , that he would hearken to a Peace , which he undertook to mediate with the King of Denmark . The Duke therefore wrote several Letters with his own hand to the King of Denmark , to perswade him to Peace , and not only profer'd his own assistance to conclude it , but earnestly recommended the promoting of it to the Ambassador of the most Christian King. Yet so far was the King of Denmark from taking this Office in good part , that he never thought fit to give the Duke any Answer herein . But the event of this unnecessary War was , that the King of Denmark , instead of reasonable conditions of Peace which the Duke of Gottorp might have obtained for him , having spent his Forces , was obliged at last to admit of such as a Conqueror would impose upon him . And whilst this Treaty was a concluding ( by which Schonen and the neighbouring Provinces were yielded up to the Swedes ) the King of Sweden thought himself obliged to take care of the House of Gottorp , which having sustained great damages in this War , he thought ought likewise to receive all just Satisfaction . Amongst other things it was agreed , that the House of Gottorp should hold and enjoy the Dukedom of Sleswick hereafter , not as formerly from the Crown of Denmark , but independently and absolutely , without subjection to any other Power . To this the King of Denmark seemed at first very unwilling to consent ; but when the States of that Kingdom offered him the same Right over that part of the Dutchy of Sleswick which was his , and thereby gave him occasion to aspire to the Monarchy of the whole Kingdom , he approved thereof both for himself and the Duke of Gottorp . Not long after the King having compassed his design , and obtained the Monarchy of the Kingdom of Denmark , from that time governed all things by his sole will and pleasure , exercising an independent Authority , and absolute Dominion over the Persons and Estates of his Subjects . Thus the Danish Commonwealth being changed , and all things having put on a new Face , the King endeavoured all he could , so to order the affairs of the Kingdom , as might best establish his Authority , enable him to repulse his Enemies , and recover his Losses . And nothing seeming more to oppose his designs then the Dukedom of Sleswick and Holstein , eminent in Riches , abounding with Valiant men , and unaccustomed to such kind of Dominion , which would adhere to the Duke of Gottorp , who had Souldiers and a well-fortified Town there , and that probably Holstein might demand help from the Emperor and Empire ; the Danes begun to have an ill Eye upon the Duke and his Fort of Tuningen , suspecting his League with the Swedes , and Journey to that King ; which they endeavoured many ways to traduce , insomuch that their envy against the House of Gottorp , and their Designs to break the Treaty made at Roschild , appeared ●ain enough , though they endeavoured to cover their designs by writing several Letters , pretending all friendship and sincerity at the same time , 〈◊〉 to put them in practise . These Designs of Denmark being now grown so ripe , that nothing but an opportunity seemed wanting , it quickly offered it self . For the King of France having made War upon the Vnited Netherlands , and they having eased themselves of the burthen thereof upon Germany , the Elector of Brandenburg joyned himself , together with others , with the Confederates , in opposition to the most Christian King , and afterwards concluded a Peace with him by the Mediation of the King of Sweden upon most advantageous Terms , who having interposed his Guarantee to the King of France , and the Elector soon after taking up Arms contrary thereunto , the Emperor Elector of Brandenburg and others , fearing lest the Swedes should make good their Guarantee by force of Armes , drew the King of Denmark to their side for a diversion to the Swedes . No sooner had the King of Denmark got this opportunity , but he Muster'd his Army in Juitland , and presently after put them into Quarters ; yet so as the Enemies of the Swedes , at the Court , had an opportunity still to perswade that King to a War against them ; which the Swedes endeavoured to divert , by sending a splendid Embassy to Copenhaguen , but without success , being able to obtain only a short delay of that Expedition . In this conjuncture of Affairs , the King of Denmark had fully resolved upon a War against the Swedes , but suspecting that the House of Gottorp , to which he had shewed so much ill-will , would not neglect their own Defence , whereby his Designs might miscarry ; He thought in the first place , by depriving it of all its Riches , Arms , Forts , and Force , to ruin it wholly ; and in order thereunto , the King made several exorbitant Demands , and moveing frequently with his Army , seemed to Threaten open Violence ; afterwards in the Assembly of the States of the Province , he challenged to himself the major part of the Revenues , which had always been equally divided between him and the Duke of Gottorp , leaving a very small proportion to the Duke : But his Highness having signified by his Ambassadors to the Kings Commissioners , that he would oppose this Demand , as contrary to the Antient Customs , the Assembly was dissolved without doing any thing , and Adjourned to another time , these Controversies encreasing daily more and more . But the most remarkable was that about the Succession to the County of Oldenburg and Delmenhorst , which being long debated , was at last left to the Imperial Tribunal for a final decision , the most Serene Dukes of Holstein-Ploen being Plaintiff against the King of Denmark and Dukes of Gottorp : whilst these two last withstood joyntly the Dukes of Ploen , according as they had agreed between them , the business remained undetermined ; but the Duke of Holstein-Ploen going another way to work , found means to transact with the King separately , and so that obstacle being removed , sentence was given in the Emperours Court against the Duke of Gottorp . This Transaction was carried so secretly , that the Duke of Gottorp has not yet been able to learn the particulars and conditions of the Agreement . The King of Denmark in the mean time challenging to himself the whole Power in these Countries against all Right , and excluding the Duke of Gottorp from all share , not only there , but also in the District of Stad-budjad , a Fief of the House of Brunswick and Lunenbourg . For when this Cause was under debate in the Imperial Court , the King of Denmark himself by Letters to the Duke of Lunenbourg desired him , amongst other things , to intercede with the Emperour , that the said District Stad-budjad , no ways belonging to those Provinces , might not be involved in that Controversie . The Duke obtained his desires from the Emperour , and therefore , when the Sentence given by his Imperial Majesty concerning these Countries came to be put in Execution , The Dukes of Brunswick , Lunenbourg , exempted again the said District from the Execution , and in express terms reserved to the House of Gottorp their Rights in it . Notwithstanding all this , the King commanded Homage to be paid to him alone by all the Subjects of that District , not only excluding the Duke , but using his Ambassador ill , who had entred his Protestation against it , and attempting also to Usurp to himself the Toll of E 〈…〉 upon Weser , belonging by Inheritance , partly to the House of Gottorp , and partly to the Kings of Denmark , endeavouring to dispossess the Duke of both . While these Differences encreased more and more , the King of Denmark in order to the carrying on his designes against the Swedes and the House of Gottorp , the more secretly and succesfully , caused the Swedish Ambassador then at Copenhaguen , negotiating a Marriage for the King his Master , and thereby a firm Peace to be received with the greatest demonstrations of kindness and friendship ▪ And at the same time the Chancellor of Denmark wrote very civilly to the Resident of Gottorp , then at Hambourgh , telling him he would meet him half way , to endeavour a fair composition of all the differences betwixt the King and the Duke , which , he said , he desired above all things , and doubted not but a few hours would put an end to what had been kept on foot so many years , if he would be pleased to meet him accordingly . The King himself afterwards declared his mind to the same purpose to the President more than once , and last of all by the Earl of Oldenbourgh , who told the President , that the King desired nothing more then to have his Presence and assistance to accommodate these difficulties in so critical a juncture , by which compliance of his , he would oblige his Majesty , who was inclined to hearken to an accommodation . After this the Earl was sent by the King to the Duke of Gottorp , to assure him of his Friendship , and let him know the necessity of the President 's going to his Majesty , and after a short stay went to Hamborough with Letters from the Duke to the President , for whose further security to come to the King at Rensbourgh , his Majesty sent him a Passeport , and one of his Trumpets . Soon after the King of Denmark going to Holstein , to put his designs in Execution , acquainted the Duke of Gottorp with his Journey , desiring him not to be troubled at it , as having no other intention therin but to compose all things to both their satisfactions . The Duke of Gottorp trusting to several Letters full of the like assurances , when the King was on his way with all his Army to Holstein , sent one of his Gentlemen to Hadersleby , to complement him , and went himself soon after with his Brother the Bishop of Lubeck and the Earl of Aldenburgh , then returned from Hambourgh to meet his Majesty , waiting upon him at Hensbourgh , after which the King being to go through Dennewerk , and his Highness having entertained him there with all imaginable respect and splendour , the King desired him to come and see him at Rendsbourgh , where he was to stay for sometime , and for a larger expression of kindness , both his Majesty and his Chancellor drunk several times to the good success of the approaching Consultation . After this Adolphus Kielmannus chief Minister to the Duke of Gottorp , notwithstanding his Sickness and the dissuasions of his Friends , went directly from Hambourgh to Rensbourgh , where having confer'd with the Chancellor of Denmark above eight hours about the principal matters in debate , he offer'd the Government of Tunderen for the County of Oldenbourgh and Delmenhorst , and having removed all other Impediments he could think upon , and taking the business to be near its conclusion , and to want nothing but the ratification and subscription of the Princes ; he went to Gottorp to let his Master know , how far they had proceeded , and with what success . The Prince himself , that nothing might be wanting on his part for composing the remaining Differences , deputed Adolphus Buchwaldius Governour of Sleswick , Frederick Kielmannus the President , and Andrew Cramer one of his Counsellors of State , with a special Commission to go to Rendsbourg , June 22. 1675. being Arrived there , they confer'd the next day with the Earl of Rantzo , and the Lord Wibius , and Gloxinius his Majesties Counsellors of State ; and they being the same that had assisted at the Assembly of the States at Kilon , on the part of the King , without effecting any thing , renewed the matter of the Taxes , saying , That the King persisted still in his demand of the greater part of them for the maintenance of his Army , which granted , his Majesty would bind himself by Reversal Letters , as they call them , ( a thing not so much as mentioned in the Assembly of the States ) never to make this a President for the future . But the newness of that being a prejudice great enough , the Duke of Gottorp thought it not secure to recede from the Antient Customs ; yet to gratify the King , he made this Proposal , That the greater Taxes should be paid , but to be equally divided and employed by each Prince , in raising and maintaining Souldiers for the defence of the said Dukedomes ; and that the States might the easier consent thereunto , he desired the whole business might be proposed to them , it being most agreeable to Antient Customes and former Treaties , especially that of the Union , to consult the States about raising of an Army , maintaining and quartering it , and then proceed according to their resolutions . While they were thus debating concerning Taxes , and other things , the Chancellor of Denmark wrote from Rendsbourgh to the President Kielmannus , acquainting him that the King being ready for a Treaty , it would be advantageous to both Princes , if the Duke of Gottorp would please to come to the King at Rendsbourgh , and by his Presence promote an Amicable composure of all these matters . The Duke remembring his Majesty had desired the same thing of him at Dennewerk , to shew at once his duty to the King , and his inclinations to Peace , sent one of his Gentlemen upon St. John Baptists day to his Majesty , to acquaint him , that his Master was ready to wait upon him , if he would give him leave . The King commending this Resolution of the Prince , said twice , he hoped the President Kielmannus would come along too . Accordingly next day , the Duke being perswaded that all was sincerely and honestly intended , begun that unhappy Journy with the President and some others , and being near Rendsburgh , was received with the shooting of several Guns . But hearing there from some of his , what had been said in the Kings Name about the Taxes , his Highness desired it might be regulated according to former Treaties and Antient Customes ; and as to other things , he declared himself as above , protesting he would always obey the King , and wholly employ these Taxes in a War for the defence of his Country . At last comes that fatal and unfortunate day , the 26. of June , in which all the designs that had been so long a-hatching against the House of Gottorp to its Ruin , were to be put in Execution , and that hidden Fire to break out into open Flames . It was hastened by some Letters , that came that very day from the Elector of Brandenbourg , and brought the News of the defeat of the Swedes in the Province of La Mark : Assoon as they were read , all things seemed to favour the Kings designs , and conspire to the Ruin of the House of Gottorp . The Danes glad and proud of this good Omen , thought it not sit to delay or dissemble it any longer , but called a Council of VVar , shut the Gates , drew up their Draw-bridges , sent their Forces to Sleswick , Tonninghen , and up and down ; shut up the Harbour with a Boom , disarmed and secured the Dukes Troop of Guards , and permitted none to sti 〈…〉 , unless they could show the Kings leave under his own Hand . The Duke himself , instead of being Invited to Dine with the King , as formerly , had his Dinner brought him apart in his drawing Room , and Guards set to watch him ; his Chamber-doors being bolted every Night : None of the King Ministers being suffered to come near him for some days , except the Sieur Winterfield , High-Marshal of the Court , to whom the Duke , having called him to him , said , That he was a Prince of the Empire , there unworthily Treated , contrary to his expectation , and undeservedly ; nay , contrary to the greatest Protestations and assurances of Friendship , and Publick Faith , desiring him to acquaint the King therewith , that his Majesty might permit him to depart . But alas , all was in vain , it being resolved , that the Blow should be followed , this Detention being but a Prologue to more mischief . For the Duke and his Ministers being now in their Power , and a fair opportunity presenting it self to invade the Swedes , weakned by their loss at F●●●berlin , the Kings Deputies having sent for Buchwaldius , Frederick Christian Kielman , and Cramer , to Court , told them , that the Case being alter'd , they were no more to dispute about giving the greatest part of the Taxes to the King , who would now challenge the whole alone , and quarter his Army up and down in the Dukes Territories to preserve them from the Enemy , and that the Emperors Requisitorial Letters might be obeyed , which they would therefore now exhibite to them , shewing also by this their ill-will and premeditated Designs against the House of Gottorp . Moreover they added , that the King had for a long time been jealous of the Dukes designs and inclinations , and being to carry his Army out of the Country , he thought he ought to take care to leave no Enemies behind him , wherein he could not secure himself but by seizing upon the Castle of Gottorp , the strong Town of Tonningen , and all the Dukes Forces , till the change of Affairs might secure him otherwise . That it was not sit for the Kings Majesty to exchange the Counties of Oldenbourgh and Delmenhorst , for that of Tunderen . That these and other things could not be done in haste , but required more time than the King could now spare , fearing lest some third Party might in the mean while seize those Provinces . That the King therefore would put Garrisons into all the Fortified places of the Country , and provide all other things necessary for its Defence : protesting withal , that if any loss should happen by the Dukes delay , the Reparation of it would be required from the Author thereof ; but if the Duke would accept of one hundred and fifty thousand Dollars offered him at Copenhaguen , to renounce his Right to them , they still hoped his Majesty might be prevailed upon at the Dukes request to pay that mony . The Danes having proposed these severe conditions , and the Dukes Commissioners having been to consult their Master , returned this Answer , That as to the Taxes , the Duke , without prejudice to his Right , was forced to yield to the present juncture of time in that Matter . That the Requisitorial Letters of the Emperor concerned onely the Dukedom of Holstein , not that of Sleswick ; and they being according to the Constitutions of the Empire , and the Pragmatick Sanction , could require nothing of him but a safe Passage , which his Highness would never deny , when ever the King should desire it . That the Castle of Gottorp was neither by Art nor Scituation so strong as to be formidable , and therefore the King might well permit the Duke to secure the place of his Residence and Habitation , with some Souldiers ; and for an evident proof of his respect , the Duke was contented his Majesty should have as strong a Garrison in Tonningen as he himself , provided both should take the Oath of Fidelity to each Prince ; and that the King would oblige himself , that upon the change of Affairs , all things should be restored again as they were . That if the King would dispose solely of all things in these Countries at his Pleasure , the Duke must yield to it , but hoped his Right should be saved entire : That he had never committed nor omitted any thing that might entitle the King to demand reparation of him ; and for the Proposals of an Exchange , they were neither such as imposed a necessity upon his Majesties will , nor derogated from it . That he would leave the Transactions of Copenhaguen till they were set on Foot again . And lastly , That he earnestly begged , that the King would no longer delay to grant him and his , Liberty to go where they would . This most reasonable Answer of the Duke proved of no effect , the Danes being resolved to pass to the greatest Extremities : For the Kings Deputies signified again in Writing , That their Master persisted firm in his first offers , hoping to provoke the Duke to discover his mind in the same manner . But he replyed only as before , requesting again , That the King would not urge so much the Surrender of his Castles and Forts , but consent to some easier Terms than these ; which the Danes said were only Bagatelles . But that King and his Minister were so far from remiting any thing of the Rigour of their Demands , that they added Rebukes and Threats ; For , said they , the Dukes absolute Power over Sleswick , being extorted from the King by force of Arms , the Duke had thereby lost the Fief of it ▪ and his being in a League with the King of Sweden , an Enemy to the Empire , might probably cause him to be dispossest of the Dukedome of Holstein , and the King to be invested therein . Moreover , that the King was fully resolved , That neither the Duke , nor any of his Ministers , should be set at Liberty , uniil he had seized all the Dukes strong-holds , and that he would even confine his Highn●ss apart from all his Ministers and Servants , and proceed to the Execution hereof by force of Arms. For as we have before mentioned , they had already Body of Horse and Foot in Sleswick , which blocked up the Castle of Gottorp , where the Reverend Bishop of Lubeck , Brother to the most Serene Duke , then was , and had also invested Tonningen and Holme : and that nothing might retard the Surrender of Tonningen , an Order was drawn by the Kings command for the Duke to Sign , and send to the Person that commanded for him there . The Duke seeing himself betrayed , and without any help , deprived of his Liberty , and fallen into a very dangerous distemper , fearing greater Evils might be intended against him and his Ministers , ( which was not obscurely given him to understand ) suffered at length the Surrender of all his Forts and Forces to be extorted from him : and though he only desired from the King that the Castle of Gottorp , the place of his Residence , might be free from a Garrison , he could not obtain it , nor so much as that the King would annex to that fatal Surrender , a Promise to secure him by Reversal Letters of the Restitution of his Forts , and what belonged to them . But though this was promised by the Chancellor of the Kingdom , in the hearing of the King and his Brother , who never contradicted it ; yet his Majesty refused to oblige himself to it in Writing , the Chancellor answering again for his Master , that a Kings promise by word of Mouth was more to be valued than any other Security . And when the Castle of Tonningen , with all his Magazins and Ammunition , was shortly after delivered up to Charles Arenstorf for the King , he added these words to the foot of the Inventory , which was signed by him , That all things should be restored fully and faithfully according to the Kings Promise . The Danes being Masters of the Castles of Gottorp , and all the other Forts , the Duke was carried to Gottorp on the 6. of J●ly from one Prison to another : For the Danes had not only seized the Passages , Gates , and Fortifications of that place , but ordered a Company to watch night and day near his Highnesses Chamber , to let him know that he was still their Prisoner . The Prince being thus in their Power , the Princess his Wife , whom he had not been able by all his kind Letters to get out of Copenhaguen , where her Mother had invited her before all these Troubles , and kept her , was at last restored to him , perhaps for fear , lest she might prevail upon the King her Brothers mind , and avert those great Violences designed against her Husband and Children . VVho would not have thought the King fully satisfied with this ? but it proved otherwise ; For the Earl of Alefield Governor of Holstein , having sent for the President Kielmannus , dictated to h●m eight Articles of great Importance , and bid him acquaint the Duke with them by Buc●wald , the Vice-President Kielman , and Cramer , and get him to declare his opinion about them , detaining the said President Kielman still at Rendsbourgh . This being done , and they returned to Rendsbourgh , did according to their Instructions declare his Highnesses mind upon every Head , delivering also his Letters to the King and the Chancellor , and intreating them to have some regard at least to Justice and Equity . But all was in vain ; for the Chancellor and the Governor having sent for the Dukes Deputies , and read to them these Eight Articles of their own Penning , demanded with great Threats , that the Duke should sign them without any Alteration or Limitation ; adding , that if the Duke refused to obey the Kings will , both Dukedomes and all belonging to them , being now in the hands of his Majesty , he could easily force a disarmed and forsaken Prince to do what his Majesty had a mind to , and then it would be too late to Repent . The Duke sensible of this new Violence , and of his being kept a Prisoner by the Danes , in his own Castle and House , yielded at last to Force , and with great reluctancy subscribed to these severe conditions , as thinking it in vain to hope for any more reasonable , and with his Brother , the Bishop of Lubeck , renounced their Supreme and Independent Right over the Dukedome of Sleswick , which was extorted from them by meer Violence and Necessity . At last the Duke being impatient to be kept always a Prisoner in his own House , and to be forced every day to consent to what the Danes would exact , and being informed that the City of Sleswick , though unfortified , was yet full of Danish Souldiers , begun to be more jealous of the designs of the Danes , and seared either yet a closer Imprisonment , or to be conveyed God knows where . The most Serene Queen Dowager of Denmark was now come to Augustberg , and had sent for her Daughter the Dukes Wife , who had acquainted the Duke her Husband with her intended Journey , in obedience to her Mother , praying him to accompany her : But the Duke remembring that when the King went to Holstein just before these troubles , the Dutchess his Wife had been sent for to Copenhaguen , upon which all these mischiefs had befallen the House of Gottorp , apprehended new Evils to him and his , from this second Journey , and thought of his escape . Therefore to lay hold on the occasion , his Highness caused some Horses to be made ready , took a few of his Servants with him , commanded that his Dogs should follow , pretending his intention was to accompany his Dutchess part of the way , and then recreate himself with Hunting ; but having gone a few hours with her , taking his leave of her , he rid away as fast as his Horse could carry him to Kilonium . Being there , as he was resolving to leave his tired Horses , and prosecute his Journey in a common Coach , word was brought him , that the Danish Troopers were riding , not only about Sleswick , but every-where as far as Hambourgh , and guarded all the ways ; not staying therefore to Dine , he was scarce gone out of Town , but he was met with two Danish Troopers , who taking hold of the Reins of the Horses to stop the Coach , the Duke telling them he was a certain Nobleman , escaped to Eutin , where he heard , that both the Kielmans were carried away Prisoners to Copenhaguen . From Eutin he came to Hambourgh indeed , but as a Banisht Person , and one forc'd to leave his Country and Subjects , exposed to the will and pleasure of the Danes . For the King afterwards , contrary to the Engagement the 11. of March 1676. demolisht the strong Town of To 〈…〉 ngen , and the Castle of Holme to the ground , the Drums beating , and the Trumpets sounding ; and having caused the Dukes Armes upon the great Guns to be defaced , sent them with all the Ammunition partly to Rendsbourgh , and partly to Copenhaguen ; and exacting also Contributions to the value of many Millions of Gold , and a prodigious quantity of Corn , Chariots , and Horses ; wasting all the Dukes Villages and Towns with Quartering his Souldiers in them , and causing them continually to pass and repass to and fro . This his Majesty does to this day , not having remitted a penny of Taxes and Impositions for the Dukes Subjects thus expressed , though many times desired to it by the Dukes Letters and his Ambassadors , and using the Duke at the same rate , not permitting his Subjects and Servants to pay him any thing of his Revenue , that both Prince and Subjects might at last perish by Famine , and the many other Calamities they are forced to endure . The King nevertheless being extreamly vexed , that the Duke had chosen his abode in a City so Famous and Populous , from whence the whole Story of the Barbarity exercised against him , and the breach of so many reiterated Engagements , might be spread over all the world , employed all sorts of Persuasions and Cunning to get his Highness back , and have him again in his Clutches , and at his disposal ; but his Highness warned by his former Usage , having learnt to distrust , would not be prevailed upon . His Majesty for all that , remitted nothing of his Prosecution against the Duke , and both by Letters and Envoys demanded especially , with great earnestness , that the Duke in compliance with the late Treaty ( if it may be so called ) at Rendsbourgh , would solemnly receive from the King the Investiture of the Dukedome of Sleswick , threatning for default thereof to Confiscate the same . On the other hand , the Duke sent him word , that the Transactions at Rendsbourgh were so unjust , that he thought his Promise less engaged thereby than the Danish Reputation . Yet for fear of exposing his Subjects to greater Cruelties , and to comply with the Times and the advice of those , who thought , that in Civility to the King , the Duke would do well to send some Gentlemen , to know his Majesties pleasure , and upon what conditions he was resolved to grant that Fief ; ( for it is certain that it had been held formerly upon different conditions ) the Duke thereupon sent his Ambassadors to Copenhaguen to desire the King , that he would be pleased first to remedy some of the chiefest grievances , which had Relation to the Fief it self , and then declare his pleasure about it . The Ambassador during their stay at Copenhaguen , had no success , and having once mentioned the Grievances , were scarce ever after admitted or heard ; the word Grievances offending the Danes extreamly , and the Kings design being , without any regard to them , to order all things according to his own Pleasure . Therefore the Ambassadors , being advised by the Queen-Mother to return to their Master , and let him know the whole business , and the eminent danger a delay would cast him into , and to return with new Instructions from him , agreeable to the Kings will ; they parted from Copenhaguen without their Masters knowledge , or effecting any thing . But the King interpreting this and other things in the worst sence , sent a little after three Commissioners to Sleswick , the Metropolis of the Dukedome , viz. The Earl of Rantzo , the Lord Gloxin , and the Baron Lenten Assessor of Gluckstad , with Orders to Sequester the Dukedome in the Kings Name , and absolving the Magistrates and People from their Allegiance to the Duke , oblige them to take an Oath of Fidelity to the King , and if any refused it , to deprive them of all their Offices ; to bring in all the Dukes Revenues into the Kings Treasury , and put a Garrison again in the Castle of Gottorp ; adding these secret Instructions , that if the Duke did not comply with the Kings pleasure within six weeks , and accept this Fief upon the Kings terms , it should for ever be annexed to the Kingdom of Denmark . And that these new Orders of the Kings might be more publick , and the better observed , the Kings Proclamation to that effect was published and affixed at Sleswick ; in opposition to which Usurpation , the Duke published another , together with his solemn Protestation , commanding the States of the Dukedome and all his Subjects , to continue in their Loyalty and Obedience to his Highness . The Narrative of the matter of Fact might very well end here , but that many calumnies thrown upon the House of Gottorp must make part of it . Therefore , that the Truth and the Innocence of the most Serene Duke may appear the better , and to take off all subject of cavil from the Danes , we will say something about what the Danes pretend to be most offended at , that so the Justice of the Dukes Cause may be more evident . First of all , we shall speak about the Dukedome of Sleswick , and shew that the Danes had not always the same right over it , but sometimes little or none . For when antiently the Venedi had great Wars with the Danes , the Diocess of Sleswick being chiefly in●ested by their Inroades and Robberies , to prevent it , the Kings of Denmark erected it into a Lieutenancy to oppose them , as formerly the Emperor had erected Denmark into a Marquisate . In the beginning of the twelfth Century , ●he Vandals having invaded Sleswick , and razed the chief City thereof , no body would accept of that Lieutenancy , till at last Nicholas King of Denmark turn'd it into a Dukedome about the year 1118 , and made his Brothers Son first Duke of it , who being Murthered by his Subjects , was Canoniz'd , and call'd St. Canut . Now whether this Canut received the Dukedome to hold as a Fief of Denmark , is not only questioned , but rather denied by the great Historian Jo. Adolphus Cypraeus , in his Annals of Sleswick , lib. 1. cap. 21. 'T is true , it cannot be disputed , but that the Kings of Denmark grant the same to be held as a Fief from them , but the terms upon which , have been different ; and the Kings sometimes reserved nothing to themselves but the Solemnity of the Investiture . For Waldemar the Third , with the Advice of the States of the Kingdom , gave to Gerhard Earl of Holstein his Vnkle , for him , and his lawful Heirs , the Dukedome of South-Juitland , cum Dominio utili & directo , and all things belonging to it , and all the Vassals in the Diocess of Sleswick , to be enjoyed for ever by him and his , quietly and peaceably , and to be held as a Fief with the Armes of it . Renouncing for him , his Heirs and Successors , all the Right that ever they had in the same . Two years after , King Christopher made over the Island of Femeren , with the Propriety of it , to John the III. Earl of Holstein , and all his Heirs , as well Male as Female , to be held likewise as a Fief ; which Donation was confirmed by Waldemar the IIII. his Son. And Christopher the II. being restored to his Throne , Waldemar the III. who had Resigned it , had the Hereditary Dukedome of Sleswick conferred upon him . John Meurs an excellent Writer of the Danish History , relates of Margaret the prudent and careful Queen of Denmark , that she made a Peace with Gerhard Duke of Sleswick , and those of Holstein , Covenanting , That the sole Jurisdiction over Sleswick and Holstein should remain to their Dukes and Earls , and that for the future she should not meddle in the Affairs thereof , nor they in those of Denmark , lib. 5. Contin . Hist . Dan. p. 9● . But Gerhard being Dead , Margaret and her Husband Eric demanded the Guardianship of his Children , and under that pretence , seizing upon many Castles and Places of the Dukedome , at last endeavoured to get the whole , and reunite it to the Crown of Denmark , which being perceived by Gerhards Sons , and other Princes , and that she demanded of them , first absolutely to resign that Dukedome to the King and Kingdom of Denmark , before they should receive the Investiture of it , occasioned a sharp War for Thirty years . At last when the Dukedom came to Adolph the last , Duke of the House of Schawenburg , and that by his Interest , Christian the first , Son to Theodorick Earl of Oldenburgh and Hedewig Adolphus's Sister , had been Elected King of Denmark , He promised by a solemn Deed to his Vnckle , and the States of the Province of Sleswick , that he would never unite or incorporate the Dukedom of Sleswick to the Kingdom of Denmark , and that they should Swear Allegiance to him as Duke of Sleswick , and not as King of Denmark . And Adolph dying Ten years after without Children , Christian succeeded him , and from that time the Fief of the Dukedome of Sleswick was not solemnly granted by the Kings of Denmark to any Body , that I know ( says the Learned David Chytraeus , lib. 24. Saxon. Hist . p. 717. seq . ) for above 120 years after . There have been besides other disputes about this Dukedome , as , That this Fief should be exempted from the performance of all Services ; That the Succession should come to Women as well as Men : by which it appears , that it was not always granted or held upon the same conditions , and that there is little Reason to envy the House of Gottorp , for having at its own great charges and cost , obtained for that Dukedome an Independent Authority , and thereby taken away all occasions of discord between them and the Danes . For after this Independent Soveraignty was granted , though they might have justly demanded other satisfactions to be made them , the Duke preferred a Peace which they had justly sought by the alteration of this Dukedome , and which was confirmed by the consent of the King and States of Denmark , as most advantageous both to the King and the House of Gottorp , to all the Monies they might expect . And as all other humane things or goods may by commerce pass from one hand to another , so there is no doubt , but the Right of an Independent and Supreme Power may likewise be transmitted and alienated . Therefore if a proportioned satisfaction be demanded to a great loss sustained , it may be given , not only in paying so much mony , or delivering up so many Towns and Provinces , but by quitting and transferring the Right of Supreme Power by those who have a right to Alienate ; so that a Person , who before he had due satisfaction made him , had but a Dependent Power , may receive and retain it Supreme and Absolute : This being confirmed by a late instance of the Elector of Brandenburg , who , not many years ago , obtained Prussia in this manner . To say that the most Serene Dukes of Gottorp have fortified Tonningen , levied Forces , entred into a League with the Swedes , and made a Journey to Stockholme , is but a frivolous Accusation . For what should hinder the Duke of Gottorp , or by what Law is he prohibited to fortifie a Town , or raise a Fort ? and Building one in the Dukedome of Holstein , he only does what all the Princes and States of the Empire think they may do , and do every day . And if he would do the same in his Dukedome of Sleswick , we know no Law or Treaty by which he is prohibited to do it . Frederick Duke of Gottorp having to his own cost found that he was exposed to all sorts of injuries and damages , when-ever the Enemies of the Kings of Denmark were by War , or otherwise , drawn into his Territories , and that he was secure no-where ; towards the latter and of the year 1644. ( during the War ) began to fortifie Tonningen , which was not opposed by the King of Denmark , as there was no just reason to do it . But about the year 1660. that King laid Siege to the place , to force the Duke to abolish and annul the Treaty made at Roschild for the benefit of the House of Gottorp ; whence you may well judge with how little sincerity the Danes intended to keep this Treaty , which they had so solemnly agreed and bound themselves to . But the Duke refusing to hearken to so unreasonable a demand , endured the Siege stoutly , till after some time a Peace was concluded without the least mention that these Fortifications ought not to have been raised , or promise of demolishing them : For as this Fort was built only for the security and defence of the House of Gottorp , that the Dukes might have a Place to retire to in times of danger ; so they never raised more Forces than were necessary for the defence of the Place : And if the Duke had intended to invade Denmark , he must have provided much greater Forces , and taken other Measures . That the Duke has entred into a League with the King of Sweden , is not denied , but it is only such an one , as may enable him to resist an unjust Force , and defend himself . If the Danes do accuse him of making any other Leagues to the Ruin of Germany or Denmark , his Highness denies it absolutely , and desires no credit may be given them in a thing for which they can bring no evidence : But if they alleadge , that the Conditions by which the Duke has sought to secure his own House from their Oppressions , are Hostile and against them ; they plainly shew that they have a mind to wrong those they ought rather to Protect , and not provoke to a just Defence , which in the end may prove dangerous to Denmark it self . That Objection of the Dukes journey into Sweden is much of the same nature : For although his Highness would not be diverted by the Councils and demands of the King of Denmark , tending to nothing but a War , from going to see the King and Queen Mother his near Relations , and take their advice ; yet this Journey was never undertaken to enter into new Alliances , those Princes being entred into one long before , but in respect and deference to the most Serene Queen his Sister , who had promised to come and see him . Nay , if the Danes ( who are generally very clear-sighted in the affairs of the House of Gottorp ) did not interpret all that which the House of Gottorp does in the worst sence , they could have satisfied themselves easily , that that Journey was never intended against their Interest . But some may say , that it was not lawful for the Duke of Gottorp to make a League with the King of Sweden , because he was declared an Enemy to the Empire . Such fooleries are so ridiculous , that they deserve no Answer : But because they are spread abroad , and may deceive the simple , who are the greater number , we must say something to them . VVhy the French and Swedes have been declared Enemies of the Empire , is a matter we shall not meddle with . The Duke of Gottorp is not concerned in the Quarrel of either of them , and so ought not to be involved therein . The Duke has been allied with Sweden since 1661 , long before the Swedes were declared Enemies of the Empire , and at a time when all the Parties in War , even the Emperor , and also Spain , courted the Friendship of Sweden , and earnestly desired their Mediation to compose the differences then on Foot : Besides , there is no Article of that Treaty with Sweden , which may endanger the safety of the Empire , or any of its Members , since it is wholly Defensive . Nay , the Duke has by express words excepted the Empire , declaring he would not be bound by this Treaty whenever any thing should happen to the prejudice of the same : And also the King of Sweden in it recommends to the Duke by all means to entertain a friendship with the King of Denmark . And the Danes themselves will not deny , but that they , the Elector of Brandenbourgh , and others , have invited Sweden to enter into a League with them ; and therefore cannot blame in the Duke of Gottorp what they themselves did or would have done , especially since the Duke sought nothing more than to render the Peace and publick Safety more firm and secure . It is then a meer cavil to object , that the Dukes of Holstein have made a League with the Swedes , who are Enemies of the Empire , as such , since their help was never intended to be used but for a just defence against those , who contrary to the Faith of Treaties , would invade them , and not to the prejudice of the Empire , or any body else , there being reason enough to fear an Invasion by the face of things then , as the event has too unfortunately shewn . But because the Danes are of opinion , as to the Taxes , that their Kings demand of the greater part of them for himself was very just , and that the Duke had no reason to deny it , since his Majesty had an Army in Pay , or at least more Troops than his Highness , to defend both Dukedomes ; this must be more particularly examined : And first , 't is certain that the King would never acquaint the Duke , nor the States of the Province , with the designs of this VVar , though it was to be carried on with their Monies , and so was far from undertaking it with their will and consent , according to the Treaties and antient Customs . Moreover , though he had undertaken this VVar with the consent of the Duke and States , he could not demand more mony than was agreed by the antient Treaties , and was wont to be granted . Besides , this VVar was not entred into for the defence of these Dukedomes , but that the King of Denmark might take that occasion of invading the Swedes , and recover his losses in the last VVar. Again , if the King of Denmark thought , that because of his League with the Emperour and the Elector of Brandenbourgh , he could justly attack the Swedes ; yet could he not violate the Agreements made by the Treaty of Roschild , trample it under feet , ruin the House of Gottorp ; and to that end demand first the greater part of the Taxes , then overcharge the Dukes Subjects with Impositions , exhaust them almost totally , by forcing from them in less than half a year , several Millions of Gold. Nay , when the King of Denmark is put upon a necessary and defensive War , 't is but just he should bring into the Field a greater Army than the Duke ▪ for the Dukedoms of Sleswick and Holstein lying as a fence to Denmark , and its security depending upon theirs , each Prince is bound to find Forces proportionably to the Land they possess , and which are to be secured from the Enemy . And though perhaps the King of Denmark may say , that ▪ he will with his own Souldiers alone , defend those Dukedomes , and therefore has right to demand money from them , and all other necessaries for War at his pleasure ; yet it is to be considered , that this cannot be done but by violating in the highest manner the Rights of the Duke of Gottorp ; for we must not think , that by reason of a War , the King may do every thing , and the House of Gottorp have no Power left in their own Territories . Nay , that Serene House pretends to as much Power and Right , as to the making and carrying on a VVar , as the King of Denmark , in quality of Duke of Sleswick and Holstein can any ways pretend to . The Danes now do not question , whether the House of Gottorp hath the Power of VVar , since they have enjoyed it in all Ages , and made use of it against the oppressions of the Danes : but that King endeavours to get it to himself , having in these late troubles manifested his designs of absolutely depriving the House of Gottorp of the Power and Right of VVar ; for when the Duke and all his Territories were in the Kings possession at Rendsbourgh , the Danes demanded an account of what Troops the Duke had sent for the defence of the Empire , ordering that they should be paid only by the Kings Commissioners , ( as they are called ) that the Duke of Gottorp might understand from thence , that he was not to keep any more Souldiers for his Defence , nor to have any part of the Right and Power of VVar in the affairs of the Empire ; or the Circle of Lower-Saxony , but that the King would challenge it wholly himself , to the great injury and oppression of the House of Gottorp , and danger of other Princes . But the Proceedings at Rendsbourgh are covered with this further pretence , as if by it the Antient Union between the Kings of Denmark and House of Gottorp was restored , and those Provinces re-establisht in their most flourishing Condition ; and therefore since the greatest Masters of Prudence teach us , that that Government which makes both the Prince and his Subjects most happy , ought to be preferred and kept , the King seems to have rather done well than ill , by having disposed and brought the Dukedomes from a less , to a more happy , nay , most happy state , by the transactions of Rendsbourgh . This is a fair Speech , but if we consider it a little nearer , we shall easily discover its fraud : For whereas the Kings of Denmark and Dukes of Gottorp , have their Lands , Governments , and Towns , in the Dukedomes of Sleswick and Holstein , not only contiguous , but intermixed with one another , and the safety and happiness of Denmark depending not a little upon the good Government of these Dukedomes , there were Treaties of Union made , confirmed , and exchanged on both sides , by which the Government of these two Countries was left to both Princes joyntly , and they to command in them every year alternatively , and to have the whole Nobility and other the States , subject to them . And as it cannot be denied ▪ but that this conjunction contributed very much to the peace and qulet of Denmark , so the Dukes of Gottorp have used this Right so carefully and discreetly , that none of their Acts have in the least derogated from these Treaties of Union , which is more than can be said of the Danes ; for though they talk of the Union , when it is advantageous to them , yet have they often violated the same in things of the greatest Importance , which is proved by this : That the Kings of Denmark cannot without breach of the Treaties , ( as most manifestly appears , by the Articles of the Union ) enter into a VVar , nor carry it on at their own pleasure , without first acquainting the Dukes of Gottorp with their Designs , and obtaining his consent to it ; nor in time of VVar dispose at his will of their Subjects , or their Estates , who are either in his or in the Dukes Territories . But as the will and authority of the Kings of Denmark have sometimes prevailed in other Affairs relating to these Dukedomes , so have they affected hitherto to take greater power than the Dukes , though but their equals there . And this having happened many times before the Danish Monarchy was Hereditary , and the Danes since strengthning themselves by little and little , are now come to that , as to make and expound all manner of Treaties for the advantage of their King , and either think themselves no longer oblig'd to them then as they are found such , or as they may by them ensnare the Dukes of Gottorp . For the Danes publish openly , that their King will hereafter order matters in these Provinces , ( the Government whereof is joyntly in him and the Duke ) as a Prince having the Soveraign Power , and consequently use the Duke as his Vassal . This Joynt-Government being by the Treaties extended to both Dukedoms , it is easily to be seen , that the King intends to exercise a Soveraign and Independent Power in Sleswick , and afterwards by little and little Usurp the same under divers pretences , and especially that of the Union in the Dukedome of Holstein , and so wholly abolish the Dignity and Authority of the Dukes of Gottorp , either by the Right of a Military Power , or by degrees in time of Peace . Therefore , what one of the Fathers says of Religion , That she brought forth Riches , but the Daughter devoured the Mother , may be said upon this occasion ; The Vnion brought forth this Joynt-Government , but the quarrelsome Daughter has destroyed her Mother . The Danes have no reason then to deceive the House of Gottorp , and the VVorld with the specious word of Union , since every one may see , that the former condition thereof is much alter'd , and the farther this Danish Soveraignty shall extend her VVings , the more the House of Gottorp will be endangered thereby . And no body can look upon this as a meer Conjecture and Guess , since the Danes have in times past and of late confirmed the Truth hereof , and forced the most incredulous to Believe it : For in the beginning of May , 1677 , the King began to demolish the VValls of the Fort of Tunderen , in the Dukedome of Sleswick , though it appertained to the Duke of Gottorp , without speaking a word to him of his design or reason for it . Not long before , a laden Ship belonging to some Merchants of Lubeck , was stranded upon the Shore near Newstadt , a Town of the Duke of Gottorp's , in the Dukedome of Holstein . Now this being without dispute in the Territories of the House of Gottorp , and some monys being due to the Duke as Lord of the Place for salvage of the Goods and the keeping of them , the Officer of the Place , to keep his Masters right , caused the Goods to be brought a-Shore , and to be shut up in a Barn , &c. The Duke intending they should be restored to their Owners : But soon after came some of the Kings Officers with orders to confiscate the Goods , and having broken open the Barn-door , without any regard to Law , or the Soveraignty of the Place , conveyed the Goods away upon several Waggons to Hilgenhaven , one of the Kings Towns , and thereby manifestly violated the Dukes right , having no Orders for the same but from the Kings Commissioners . Besides , in the latter end of March 1677 , the King of Denmark signified to the Duke of Gottorp , that he thought fit some Publick days should be appointed for the Subjects , to Pray for the Preservation of the Country . But herein likewise was a design , for it being usual to set three days apart for publick Prayers yearly in his Highnesses Territories , in the week before Rogation-Sunday , the King resolv'd to take that time , and would not expect the consent of the Duke for it ; but taking no notice thereof , commanded those days to be kept in the Dukedome of Sleswick in his own Name alone , and in the Dukedom of Holstein in his and the Duke of Holstein's Name , thereby infringing the Articles of Union in several respects . And though the King publishes , he acquainted the Duke of Gottorp with this design , yet the Duke did never consent to the thing , nor the manner of it . It is by meer force and no right , that the King deteins that part of the Dukedome of Sleswick , which does and did belong to the Duke of Gottorp , as we shall at large prove : The Duke of Gottorp having already contradicted , and firmly contradicting all what his Majesty shall publish or command there in his Name alone . Besides , the King alone has no right to order matters of the Government of the Dukedome of Holstein , ( which ought to be setled by both Princes ) not having the consent of the Duke , though he cause his Orders to be Published and Proclaimed in the Dukes name as well as his own . For a thing is not done by two persons unless there be a joynt consent . It is evident therefore , that this also has been done contrary to the ancient Treaties : and because that the Kings Order had only his Majesties Seal , and that the King alone cannot enjoyn the States of the Provinces any thing , and especially because that all this hath been done at a time when the Duke , according to course , ought to have had the direction and Prerogative of the Soveraign Power , and Joint-Government ( from whose Power and Right herein , howsoever the Danes endeavour to detract by these pretended Novelties ) the most Serene Duke did on the first of May 1677 , protest against it ; and having appointed the usual days for publick Prayers , doth again hereby repeat his publick Protestation in that behalf . Lastly , this Calumny has also been added to the above-mentioned , as if the Duke of Gottorp ( though almost entirely ruined by the Danes ) should intend dangerous practises against their state . And first , this Story has gone about , that he was raising Eight Thousand Men in Ireland , to Transport into his Territories , and a great many have believed it . But it being impossible to begin such a thing , much more to perfect it , without the knowledge and consent of the King of Great Britain , and the Danish Envoy at London having complained hereof , his Majesty desired him very prudently to prove it ; which he not having hitherto been able to do , all good men are satisfied of the Vanity of the Fable . Afterwards another Story has been raised and spread in the Court of the Emperor and other Princes , having been presented in writing by the Danes to the Deputies of the Circle of the Lower Saxony at Brunswick , that the Dukes Deputies being excluded from that Assembly , and the deliberations thereof , it might serve as a President to help them to perfect their yet worse Designs . It is also charged upon the Duke , that he has taken measures with the Duke of Mecklenbourgh , to contrive how they should with their own Forces , or those of the Swedes or others , retake Wismar and Gluckstadt from the Danes . They endeavour to prove this Story by I know not what discourse , of a certain Frenchman called De Luis , who was carried away Prisoner to Copenhaguen , and by some Letters they found about him . VVe shall not now dispute what the Duke of Gottorp , so unjustly oppressed by the Danes , may lawfully do against them , and why he should not use all means for his own Defence : Neither is it necessary we should plead anothers Cause , since it may be presumed , that no man will desert himself . But we solemnly affirm here with all sincerity , in the Name , and by the Command of the Duke of Gottorp , that he never thought upon any such thing , nor exchanged a word with the Duke of Mecklenbourg about it , as that Duke has himself asserted to the Duke of Gottorp's Minister sent to him expresly , promising to declare the same publickly , and that he never gave any Orders to this De Luis , nor trusted him with any Letters . The Danes themselves , when they think of it , insult over the Duke of Gottorp , and say , they wonder extreamly he will not submit to the Danish Dominion , that is so easie , seeing himself destitute of all help , and no Prince willing to raise an Army in his behalf . And yet at other times they make him so formidable , and so full of pernicious designs against the Empire , the Kingdome of Denmark , and the Confederates , that they would have him declared an Enemy of the Empire , excluded from all publick Assemblies , and having almost entirely ruined him themselves , to be quite oppressed by others . This is indeed a great Malice and Hatred , sit for none but men full of Gall , who are not ashamed to obtrude such Lies upon their King and the whole Christian world , that they may take away from the Duke all means of helping himself , and so stain his Innocence with calumnies ▪ that so good a Prince might be thought not to deserve any pitty , and much less the help of Justice against such manifest Injuries , the greatness and splendor of whose Family is such , that there is scarce any great Family in Germany , to whom he is not Allied and Related . In a word , since the discourses or Letters of this De Luis , that are spread abroad , and pretended to be intercepted , do not at all concern the Duke , we desire no Faith may be given to these Stories of the Danes , till they shew the Truth of them to the World , which undoubtedly they can never do . The falsehood of these Stories and Inventions thus plainly appearing , it remains we should give the Reasons why the Duke ought in any impartial judgment to be entirely restored to all his Rights , which the Danes have so contrary to all Justice Usurped . His Highness obtained three points chiefly by the Treaty of Roschild , viz. The Soveraignty or Supreme Power over the Dukedome of Sleswick , without any dependence from the King or Crown of Denmark ; the Territory of Schwabstadt , and the Cathedral Church of Sleswick , with its Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction , and some other things . And because the King of Denmark had at that time entred into an unnecessary War against the Swedes , not only without consulting the Duke of Gottorp , but contrary to his Opinion , and notwithstanding his dissuading the said King from the same , and had brought great Calamities upon the Provinces and Subjects of the Duke , by drawing the Swedes , Imperialists , Brandenburgers , Polanders and Tartars into them ; the King of Sweden would have procured a proportionable satisfaction to his Father-in-Law , and his Highness might justly have admitted of it ; but was contented for all the damages he had sustained , with the remission of the Vassalage of the Dukedome of Sleswick , and the yielding up of the Soveraignty thereof to him , without demanding any thing more for his satisfaction . This occasion of the Controversies and Wars between them being cut off , and both Princes having solemnly Sworn to keep this Peace , it seemed as if none more firm and secure could have been wished for ; but the Danes continually tormented since the Peace at Roschild , by the remembrance of their having yielded up this Soveraignty , have so far indulged their desire of Revenge , that they have studied nothing more than how to regain this Dukedome and its Soveraign Right , and wholly supplant the House of Gottorp ; which is fully proved by what we have said already , and the most severe conditions of Rendsbourgh , and the means used to force the Duke and his Ministers to consent to them ; which being necessary to be known by those that would judge aright of these Differences , we shall , before we have done , give the world some account , leaving it to their just censure . And though the Danes have obtruded these conditions upon the Duke of Gottorp , and have extorted from him the Authentick Instrument of the Peace of Roschild ; yet hereby they have done nothing but shown their own insincerity , and the dis-ingenuity of their Proceedings ; and rendred themselves obliged upon many accounts to make the Duke amends for their violating of his Rights , and to restore him entirely to the same ; which if they refuse to do , they deserve to be forced thereunto by all Princes who have any consideration for Faith , Justice , and Conscience . And this we shall endeavour thus to demonstrate . 1. VVhatsoever was given , yielded , and promised to the Duke of Gottorp , by the King and Kingdom of Denmark , at the ending of the last War 1658 , was yielded deliberately With their Will and Consent ; and it was particularly provided , that neither of the Parties , under what pretence soever , should ever recede from the Articles agreed upon , and that they should be kept inviolable . Neither can the Danes object here , that they did not consent to these things freely and frankly , but only as forced by the Arms of Sweden ; for having freely and voluntarily attacked the Swedes , they were free certainly also to consent to what satisfaction and compensation the Swedes would insist upon ; and the Swedes having justly extended what they demanded to the benefit of the House of Gottorp , which had sustained so many losses by the War , the Danes have no reason to complain of them for it ; the Swedes having then a just right by the Law of Nations to require yet more from Denmark : And here this Rule of the Civil Law must take place , Whatsoever damage a man suffers through his own de 〈…〉 , is to be accounted no damage . 2. Not only 〈…〉 nd the States of the Kingdome of Den●●●● 〈…〉 with the Duke of Gottorp , have Sworn each of 〈…〉 eep those Articles inviolate ; but the King of Great Britain , the Most Christian King , and the States of the Vnited-Provinces , by whose care the Peace of Roschild was procured , have also approved the same as Guarantees ; and thence it is manifest , that whosoever of the Parties shall violate this Treaty , or refuse to be obliged by the same , doth not only offend against God and his Conscience , but also the Law of Nations , and particularly provokes the Arms of those Princes who are engaged solemnly in the Guaranty of the Treaty . 3. The Danes have consented to this Agreement twice already ; first , by a general Approbation in the 22 Article of the Peace of Roschild , made the 26 of Feb. 1658 , and then more specially by the Agreement made at Copenhaguen the 12 of May the same year . A little after the War between the Swedes and the Danes being renewed of a sudden , the Danes besieged Tonningen , and the Duke with all his Court residing in it , to make him renounce the Articles above-mentioned , and renounce his Soveraignty in the Dukedome of Sleswick . The Danes indeed complained at that time , that the Swedes had retaken Arms against them , but whether justly or unjustly , is not our business now to dispute . For what has the Duke of Gottorp to do with it ? The King of Sweden his Son-in-Law , did not give him the least notice , that he intended to pass into Denmark and renew the War there ; neither was his Highness charged of having committed any offence against the King of Denmark . But suppose this second War of the Swedes was unjust , as the Danes alledge , must therefore the Innocent and the Guilty be treated alike ? what the Duke enjoyed , was as a just satisfaction , the Justice whereof he never did any thing against . Therefore when there was an end put to this War by the Peace of 1660 ; the Swedes indeed remitted again into the hands of the King of Denmark some things that had been granted them by the Treaty of Roschild . But all that had been yielded or promised to the House of Gottorp remained as before without the least diminution . The Most Christian King , the King of Great Britain , and the States General of the Vnited Provinces , thinking it just to leave it so ; the Danes for the third time now approving that Treaty , and agreeing besides with the Duke of Gottorp to pass a general Amnesty for all Injuries and other matters committed before that time , as appears by the 27 and 28 Articles of that Treaty . 4. Besides , when the Treaty of Peace was concluded between the Swedes and the Poles , with their Allies , the Emperor and Elector of Brandenbourgh at Oliva 1660 , the King of Denmark and the Duke of Gottorp were not only included therein : But the Treaty between them the Swedes and the Duke made at Roschild , and renewed afterwards 1660 , was also included in it , as if it had been transcribed word for word ; the Danes ratisying what the Kings of Sweden and Poland , and the Emperour and Elector of Brandenbourg , had stipulated to that purpose , and so now the fourth time solemnly approved the Agreements between themselves and the House of Gottorp . And to the intent that this Peace might be strictly kept by all Parties , not only the Danes and Poles , with their Confederates , promise one another a mutual Guaranty ; but the King of France also entred into the same , agreeing amongst other things , That if any Prince thought himself grieved by any other way than force of Armes , he should not Revenge it by way of Arms , but complain to the several Princes , who were Parties in this Treaty , desiring them to procure him a present and sufficient satisfaction , Vid. Artic. 22. 26. 31. & 35. of that Treaty . I would fain have the Danes tell us , what Injuries the House of Gottorp has done them , either by way of Arms , or otherwise : If they cannot tell , nor prove any , the Duke of Gottorp has reason to expect to be restored to all his Rights by the Princes that have engaged their Faith in this Treaty , and that the Danes should be used as breakers of the Peace . If the Danes will make these trivial objections , which have been already answered , pass for Injuries , and especially the League made with Sweden by the Duke of Gottorp for his own defence ; I am afraid they will find few expert Ministers of their mind . It has always , and ever will be lawful to make such Leagues . Nay , if the Danes will but remember their own Designs , and examine their Conscience , they must needs own themselves the Authors , or occasion of this League . For such Principles must never be neglected , nor the Power of any ever be raised to such a greatness , ( or it must not be left in any ones power to do hurt , who has a mind to do it ) that afterwards you may not be in a condition to dispute your right upon equal terms . Saith Polyb. lib. 1. 5. The dissenting minds of Princes having been in all Ages happily reconciled by Marriage , and their Animosities thereby laid down , and sometimes totally extinguisht ; the Duke of Gottorp thought fit to use this Remedy , and having humbly demanded , and obtained as a Pledge of sincere Friendship between both Princes , the Daughter of Frederick King of Denmark of happy Memory for his Wife ; and several Articles being at the same time agreed upon by the King and the Duke , as well relating to the Dowry as other things , the King then again ratified all that had been so many times agreed between them concerning this Dukedome . So that the King now for the fifth time gave his consent to it in the year 1667 , most freely , and without the least appearance of constraint by War or otherwise . 6. The Danes without the least provocation or new injury ( all former matters being by an Amnesty in the Treaty abolished on both sides ) but out of a desire of Revenge , and hope of regaining their losses , have first broken this Peace and Agreement made and concluded between the King and States of Denmark , and the House of Gottorp , so often Sworn to and approved by both , partly by committing Violences upon old abolish'd pretences , and which by several Conventions have been before adjusted , and partly by doing things either directly against the tenor of the Articles , or the necessary consequences of them ; for whatever is acted contrary to Friendship , breaks the Peace which subsists by nothing else ; And what other men are obliged to by Friendship alone , Princes are further tied to by their Promises and Treaties . And therefore we hope it will find little credit what the Danes falsly accuse the Duke of , as if he should have provoked them justly to what they have done . For those break the Peace who first commit Violences , and not those that repel them , and much less those that only endeavour to defend themselves , saith Thucydides ; wherewith agrees the common opinion of the Learned in the Law , who say , That to make a Defence lawful , it is not necessary to expect or receive the first blow . Therefore what is objected to Chosro● in Procopius , may be applyed here ; Those break the Peace , who in time of Peace or League are first found to endeavour to surprize others , and not th●se that are first in Arms. Now , if any one will impartially consider all Transactions since the Peace of Roschild , it can never be made out , that the House of Gottorp has conspired against the King of Denmark , but on the contrary , that the King hath laid snares for the Duke from time to time , and at last surpriz'd him at Rendsbourgh , as hath been before said . 7. If we consider well the means taken by the Danes to gratifie their desire of Revenge , though they have covered their intentions with many fair words , we shall find them very false and unjust . For the Duke of Gottorp and his Ministers having been drawn to Rendsbourgh upon the hopes given , and so many times confirmed of a fair composure of things , and several protestations of friendship and kindness , were presently after shut up , and detained in Prison , where they were forced to most unjust conditions : there was quite another thing intended than what was acted ; and any man may easily see by what trick they were betrayed and trepanned . Therefore , whatever was concluded there , is void in Law ; and the Danes have done nothing , either in forcing the House of Gottorp to agree to these unjust conditions , or extorting fit and just ones from it . Neither have they hereby confirmed their old Right , nor got a new one . They have only taken Papers and Parchments from the Duke , but not the Right they lookt for ; and in truth there has been only a Play Acted at Rendsbourgh , but it was a Tragedy . For if we weigh this by the Law of Nations , which is chiefly of Force between free Princes and People , the Convention at Rendsbourgh is absolutely null and void ; nothing being more contrary to Faith and Justice than such tricks as these , and Princes being more strictly bound not to depart from it than any private person ; especially since the Articles with the House of Gottorp of 1658 , were agreed upon , and signed with such Ceremony , and in such manner , as equal them to an Oath ; and that by them , not the King , but the injur'd Duke is to be entirely restored . It was a saying of the Antients , That amongst good men all proceedings ought to be sincere . Now Princes ought not only to be counted good , but the best of men ; and the more punctual and sincere they are in their Treaties with others , the greater will their Reputation be . 8. This Transaction was likewise no small breach of the Law of Nations . The King had desired the Duke , after they had Feasted together friendly and kindly at Dennewerk , to come and see him at Rendsbourgh , and the Chancellor of the Kingdom having repeated this desire of the Kings , the Duke sent word he would do himself the Honour to come and wait upon his Majesty . His Highness was received with the shooting of Guns , and all other demonstrations of kindness and respect , that he might believe himself welcome . But when he was detained a Prisoner , with Guards to watch him , and that those who ought to have been used like Guests and well entertained , were not permitted to go away , nay , not so much as to stir out , the Law of Nations was eminently broken , and sufficient occasion given for Reparation . Many wonder that the Duke would trust his Person and his Ministers with the King , and that in a very strong Town . But they will cease wondering when they know all the repeated protestations of true Friendship made by the King and his Ministers , so that the Duke , who has a generous and great Soul , was afraid to be thought mistrustful , or give a suspition of it , esteeming with Livy , that to trust was the way to be trusted . Thus of old perish'd Dio , who knowing that Calippus had laid ambushes for him , was ashamed to use precaution against a Friend , and one whose Guest he then was , saith Plutarch . 9. And here we must not omit the Violences used towards the Duke of Gottorp and his Ministers , and the Troubles they were put to . If a man puts another in Prison or Custody to extort from him , all what is done by it is null , say the Civilians , Vid. Paulus I ctus . Lib. 22. ff . quod met . caus . gest . Nay , he that shuts any one in his house to get a Promise or Obligation from him , does force him to it . V. L. 1. Sent. Tit. 7. Sect. 8. Therefore in the Commonwealth of Rome , by the Julian Law , he was guilty of publick Violence , who had shut up a man with an ill design , restrained him , or got an Obligation from him by force ; the Law declaring all such void . l. 5. pr. ff . ad . l. Jul. de vi publicâ . As force imposes a necessity upon the mind , and is commonly accompanied with fear , because of the imminent danger that unsetles the Soul , lib. 1. quod met . caus . So the Duke of Gottorp , a Friend , a near Relation , a Guest , a Brother , &c. being come to visit his Friend , Relation , Brother , &c. endured not only many hard violent injuries and unjust things , as well as all his Servants , but was terrified daily with new threats and apprehensions of great Evils , by which his Mind and his Body were brought so low , that his grief cast him into a dangerous distemper . Some of the Danes have endeavoured to conceal the disguise , nay , deny too what passed at Rendsbourgh , and perhaps are yet unwilling to confess the truth ; not because they can stiffle what hath been done in the view of so many people , then at Rendsbourgh , but to suppress all they could the remembrance of this Infamous Story . For we do not doubt but that there are many good men among the Danes , who abhor the Counsel of that man , who was then the great man with the King , and never kept within bounds . But however the Danes may be thought of by impartial judges of these things for his inexcusable proceeding , they can neither reap any advantage thereby , nor cause any damage to the House of Gottorp , or render its condition worse . For though by the Principles of Philosophy , whosoever has promised any thing by force or fear , seems to be bound to it in strictness of Law : Yet since the Ancients have been of opinion , that summum jus is sometimes injurious , and that the Law of Nature abhors an unjust force or constraint ; no Prince ought to be bound by this summum jus , when accompanied with force , but rather restored to what has been forced from him , which the following words of Grotius explain and confirm . I am wholly of the opinion of those , who believe , that laying aside the Civil Law , ( by which the Obligation may be taken away or diminisht ) whosoever has promised a thing through fear , is bound , because he has given his absolute consent , and not a conditional one , as in the case of one that mistakes . For as Aristotle says very well , he that throws his goods into the Sea for fear of Shipwrack , would willingly save them conditionally , viz. if the danger was not imminent ; but he is absolutely content to lose them , considering the circumstance of time and place . But I esteem this most true , if the man to whom the Promise is made , has terrifyed ●he other not justly , but unjustly , though but a little , and upon this has got a Promise , he to whom the promise was made , is bound to release him from it , if the other desires it ; not becaus● the Promise is of no force , but for the injury done . L. 2. de Jure B. & P. c. 11. n. 7. He explains these last words thus in another place ; He that has by cunning , force , or unjust fear , obtained from another a Contract or Promise , is bound to release the Person of his said Contract ; for he had a right neither to be deceived , nor to be forced ; the first by the nature of Contracts , the other by the Liberty of Nature . Lib. 2. de Jure B. & P. c. 17. n. 17. And he repeats the same , lib. 3. c. 19. n. 4. 10. The King of Denmark can so much the less deny this right of Restitution to the House of Gottorp , because he himself would have challenged the same right when it was his own case ▪ For his Majesty having extorted from the Duke , by meer force , all he thought fit , his Highness was reproached , that he had gotten these things before by force , and the Arms of an Enemy , and had given just cause consequently to the King to repossess himself the same way ; It will then be very just , that the King suffer the Duke to make use of the same Law against his Majesty , which he would have used against his Highness , since this is a Rule of the Law of Nature , which obliges all Princes without distinction . I say the King would have made use of this Law against the Duke , that having been forced to the Treaty in question , he ought to have been restored unto his Rights again . But in this the Danes are very much mistaken , that they do not distinguish by what kind of force or fear one is constrained , whether just or unjust ; and have gone about foolishly to perswade themselves and others , that the King had recovered the Soveraignty of the Dukedom of Sleswick , the same way he had lost it . For as Justice offers Restitution with both hands to a man , forced unjustly to a promise or grant ; so it denies it flatly to one justly forced . Therefore when any one has himself been the cause of his being compelled to promise o● give , he cannot recover it the same way , having lost his right of Restitution , by giving a just cause to the other , who has justly employed a just force . Grot. lib. 2. c. 17. n. 19. 11. This Restitution due upon so many accounts , ought not to be denied , because of the great Evils and dangerous Errours which may spring from such a denial . For if we take the Treaty of Rendsbourgh into serious consideration , we shall find the Duke of Gottorp deprived of all his Royalties , and the King alone invested with them , and all submitted to his Pleasure . For the King alone having undertaken the defence of both Dukedoms , declared all the Dukes Treaties null , deprived him of his Souldiers , demolisht his Towns and Forts , detained him against his will in Custody , raised such great Taxes upon his Lands , that his Highness and his Subjects have nothing remaining ; whence it is manifest that the Right of Peace and War , and the other great Royalties , are taken away from the Duke by this Treaty , or at least so much incroached upon , that all the Authority which he might of right , and has hitherto , after the Example of his Ancestors , enjoyed and exercised , is now in the King alone , and at his dispose , under whose power and pleasure his Highness must hereafter live , under the Notion of a Client or Vassal , but really as a Subject . So heretofore the Latins complained , That under the colour of a League with the Romans they lived in Slavery ; and the Achaians , that their League was now become a precarious Slavery ; and , as Tacitus speaks , A miserable Slavery was now falsly called Peace . And though Proculus be of opinion , that free Tenants are not under the Dominion or Subjection of the Patron , yet when a Prince or People come under the Protection of a Superiour Prince or People , we know by experience that a fall is easie in slippery ground , and that the Tenantship is soon changed into a soft Slavery , which the Duke of Gottorp has the more reason to fear and avoid ; For that the King of Denmarks Power reaching from the further part of Norway , as far as Holland , is very great , and that under the pretence of the Union at the Treaty of Rendsbourgh , vainly called by the Name of Pragmatick Sanction , an occasion may be taken to oppress or suppress the Authority and Dignity of the House of Gottorp . Who ever saw a Soveraign Prince without Royalties ? Who can shew a Duke of Sleswick thus wholly divested of his high Prerogatives ? If the Dukes of Sleswick are to be invested hereafter by giving them a Banner , and with the Ceremony observed at Ottenwaldt in 1580 , will not that be a Proclaiming of them Subjects with the greater Pomp only , and telling the world by this Investiture , how proud they are of this Subjection ? If the Dukes of Gottorp were cast into this condition or abandoned in it , and on the contrary , the Kings of Denmark might govern at their Pleasure the Dukedomes of Sleswick and Holstein , and that part of them also which belongeth to the Duke , what an augmentation of Power would that be to them , and how might they abuse it if ever they would make use of it against Germany , and especially the Circle of the Lower-Saxony ? This may be made out by an exact account of the vast sums of mony , and all other things they have extorted in a little time from those Provinces ; it is hardly credible how great the sums are . And we know well enough what an ambitious Example they have shown , and there is no question but opportunity and power will invite others to follow them . Therefore Prudence requires rather that the Duke of Gottorp should be in time restored to his former condition , and all his Rights , than that so many Princes , Provinces , and Towns , be destroyed by his Ruin , which will be easily prevented , if the injury now done to his Highness be looked upon by every one of them as done to themselves . But suppose we should grant that the Duke of Gottorp has effectually bound himself by the conditions of Rendsbourg to a Vassalage for the Dukedom of Sleswick , ( which supposition we yet constantly deny as false ; ) yet the delay of demanding the Investiture cannot be imputed to the Duke , but to the King alone : for who does not know that the Strong-holds of Tonningen and Holme are seated in the Dukedom of Sleswick ? And the King without regard to his Word , having razed them both , taken away the Garrisons and all the Artillery , kept the Duke besieged in his Castle of Gottorp ; and all this relating to the Dukedome of Sleswick , hath not the Duke justly demanded , that all these Grievances be first redressed , and satisfaction be made to him for them ? If he had done otherwise , and blindly asked the Investiture , trusting himself to the Kings pleasure , there had never been any notice taken of the old and new Grievances , and his Highness had rashly submitted himself to a Vassalage , that had deprived him and his Posterity of all his Royalties , and exposed them to the eternal Scorn of the world . Besides , since it was suggested to the Dukes Ambassadors sent to Copenhaguen about the Fief and Grievances , that they would do well to return to his Highness for new Instructions about the Fief , without expecting any Orders from him ; the King had certainly no cause given him for Sequestrations , and those other acts of Hostility committed by his Order in the Dukedom of Sleswick . And so we must not yield that the King , by doing Acts by which the Lord of a Fief uses to lose his Right , should take away anothers Right ; and not only gain by the Ruin of the other , but even by what ought to turn to his own loss , contrary to the Laws of Nature ; Nations , Feudal , and all others whatsoever . Eric Duke of Sleswick , having left after his Death his Son Waldemar a Child , Christopher the Second King of Denmark , possessed himself of that Guardian-ship of Waldemar , and at the same time of the whole Territory of Sleswick , except Gottorp , which when he also besieged to gain the whole Dutchy , Gerhard Earl of Holstein , Unkle to Waldemar , with some others , oppos'd him stoutly , and for this Felony committed by the King in 1326 , there was great Debate , which Meursius thus relates ; The Dukedom of Sleswick having been held till then as a Fief from Denmark , and these Princes by reason of this Vsurpation of the Kings , being unwilling it should continue so hereafter , was the occasion of a long Contention , lib. 4. p. 70 , which ended , as we have said before . If this demand in the Name of Waldemar was not unreasonable , with how much more Justice doth our Duke desire that he might have his own , and a full Restitution from the King of what he detains from him so unjustly , and has Sequestrated by meer force ; and God Almighty having ordered Restitution to be made where Covenants are broken , it is but just that his Vice-gerents upon Earth should endeavour to put his Decrees in Execution . 13. If we look upon his Sequestration rightly , and examine it by the Rules of Justice , we shall find it wholly void by Law. For it was neither done by any Convention of the Parties , nor by any Judicial Authority . The Danes , I presume , will confess the former , and the other we do not question but to make them also agree to . The King of Denmark having made himself Plaintiff against the Duke of Gottorp , in the business of the Dukedome of Sleswick , his Majesty cannot be a Judge in the same cause : Which is explained by several Civilians , Ad. Tit. Cod. Nequis in suâ causâ judicet vel jus sibi dicat ; that is to say , Let no man be Judge in his own Case , or do himself justice . And this must not be understood , as if the Positive Roman Law only ( by which the Danes are not bound ) did prohibite any one to be Judge in his own cause , for the Law of Nature dictates the same , and right reason which obliges all the world , proclaims it . Men blinded by their affections do not see the truth in their own affairs , saith Aristotle . And for this reason the Kings of Denmark themselves consented heretofore , that all Disputes about this Fief should be determined by Impartial Judges , according to the contents of the Treaty of Union , and that both parties should abstain from hasty Sequestrations , Ord. jud . prov . part . 3. tit . 3. A judicial Sequestration being thus prohibited , because it is a kind of Execution wherewith a State ought not to begin ; This Sequestration of the Dukedome of Sleswick cannot certainly be defended by any Law , nor by any Judicial Authority , nor by a previous cognizance of the cause , upon which a just Sentence had followed , but only by the way of violence and absolute force ; by which the Duke of Gottorp has been thrown out of a certain Possession and all his Revenues , and an usurped Possession transfer'd by pure Fact upon the Sequestrator , against the nature of all Judicial Sequestrations , which are made use of only for the better keeping of things : so that this pretended Sequestration is really a violent spoil committed by the King ( supported with more than one Army ) upon the Duke naked and disarmed : Now it is the Opinion of all wise men , that a person who has been spoiled , ought first of all to be restored . 14. And this Restitution is so much the more earnestly to be pressed , as this Sequestration may be dangerous both in Temporals and Spirituals . For the King having suffered himself to be perswaded , that he could absolve the common people , Priests , and Magistrates , Subjects to the Duke in the Dukedome of Sleswick , from the Allegiance they have sworn to their Prince , he has caused sometimes one , and sometimes another to be carried away by Souldiers from their habitations , and from their Sacred and Civil Functions , and some to Rend●bourgh ( where this whole Tragedy was begun , and where they have been put in Prison , at least detained for some time . ) Those of the Dukes Officers and Subjects , that have seen and understood all that hath passed between the King and the Duke , must needs know , that his Majesty has indeed a great Power over his Subjects , but none over those of other Princes ; at least not such a one as can free them from their Oath to God , and Allegiance to his Highness ; especially whilst the matter in difference is not onely doubtful , but before no Judicial Court , much less determined . Nay , they know that they are bound to suffer rather the greatest Miseries , and the loss of their whole Fortunes , than to act against their own Consciences and Oaths , or do any thing to the prejudice of their Prince , lest they should provoke the Anger of God , and the Dukes just Revenge ; no obedience being due to any body , that gives sentence out of his own Territory , where he has no Jurisdiction . L. Vel. ff . de Jurisd . And if others frighted with the noise of an Army , or the fear of greater Evils , renounce their Allegiance , let them consider how they ensnare their Consciences , if not expose themselves to the punishments for Perjury and Perfidiousness . To prevent which , let a full and quick Restitution take away this illegal Sequestration . 15. The King caused this Sequestration of the Dukedome of Sleswick to be Proclaimed with a Threatning of Deprivation . It is apparent from what has been said , that this Sequestration is such , executed with that Rigour , as if the Duke was actually deprived and devested of the Dukedome of Sleswick ; though this Deprivation be as unjust and violent as the Sequestration . How can the Authors of such Counsels be sufficiently wondred at , by those that remember , that a Fief is a Contract obliging both Parties , and that the Obligation between the Lord and his Vassal is as reciprocal , as that between Husband and Wife , saith Cujacius . Therefore , as a Vassal promises to his Lord upon Oath to perform truly , safely , securely , honestly , well , &c. so also doth the Lord to the Vassal , and is oblig'd to fulfil it ; if he doth the contrary , he is declared of no Faith , Perjur'd and Perfidious by the Feudal Longobardick Law , 2 Feud . 6. Thence it is that all Felony which deprives a Vassal of a Fief , d●prives the Lord also of the Propriety thereof , if committed by him , and confers it upon the Vassal ; most especially if the Lord spoils him , that holds a Fief from him , of his Forts , wherein he may keep himself secure much more : if the Lord demolishes and destroys them to the ground ; If he uses the Vassal and his Subjects ill , charges them with Imposts and Taxes , and Pillages them ; if he lays Siege to the Vassals Castle , or other his place of habitation : If the Lord bereaves him of the Fief by his own Authority , without cognizance of the cause , and judgment thereupon ; or if judging the cause himself , he alienates the same : For though the Lord accuse his Vassal of having done some act deserving Deprivation , yet he is not to be absolutely believed , though he be a Supreme Prince , saith Vult●j●s lib. 1. c. 11. n. 55. In a word , to repeat the proper Terms of the Law , If the Lord enters into the Fief by a bad way , that is to say , as Baron Schenkius explains it , ad lib. 2. F●ud . Tit. 22. sed . Si vero Vassallus . If he breaks i 〈…〉 o Possession not by the way of the Law or Justice , but by Violence . For in such a case , if he refuses wholly to restore the Fief , and what belongs to it , he may be forced to it by the way of Arms. And therefore , if the Lord and Vassals are to be judged in the same manner , according to the opinion of all Feudists ; certainly the King of Denmark hath lost all his Right long before , if he had any , in that part of the Dukedom of Sleswick which belongs to the Duke of Gottorp , and the Duke ought to be Restored against the King , according to all Laws . 16. For the Duke of Gottorp having received this Dukedome with the greatest Right , and in the most absolute manner , free from all Vassalage , and obtain'd and kept at a very chargable rate the Soveraign Dominion thereof by the so often repeated consent of the King and States of Denmark ; the unjust Convention at Rendsbourgh cannot savour the King of Denmark's cause in this , nor take away the least part of the Dukes Soveraign Power in the Dukedome of Sleswick . This forced Agreement his Majesty himself having not a little receded from , and first broken , by demolishing the strong Towns , in which , by this very Agreement , he was only to put a Garrison for a while , and then to restore them : carrying away the Dukes Ministers Prisoners , who had already bound themselves to the King by the Allegiance he required from them ; reducing the Dukes Subjects to the last extremities , though his Majesty had promised before , that not a Hen should be touched , and other like things ; by which things his Majesty seems not to desire the said Treaty should remain in force . 17. Lastly , an entire Restitution being the common refuge of Princes and Commonwealths , to which they have recourse in their Afflictions , the Duke of Sleswick cannot be excluded from this Priviledge of all Mankind . For though in the Commonwealth of Rome , Restitution was to be demanded from the Pretor within a certain time ; this and the like are only Pleas of the Civil Law. Restitution absolutely considered , is grounded upon the Principles of Equity , which takes its Original from the purest Springs of the Law of Nature ; and is so much the fitter for injured Princes and free Nations , as it is more important to provide for the safety of Commonwealths than of private men . For why should not a Prince , as well or rather than a private Person , be restored unto all his Rights , if he has been deceiv'd or injur'd by fraud ; force , unjust fear , or the like ? Certainly there is no reason against it , Equity requires this remedy for both . Neither is it limited to these alone , but it is applicable as often as there is any cause of Restitution . L. ● . ff . de restit . in integ . Natural Equity it self requires , that a man deceived in any thing , where others ought to have proceeded with sincerity , be fully restored , especially since by such deceits whatever is done , is anaulled , saith a great Lawyer . Now , who must restore the Duke unto all his Rights ? What hath been said before doth furnish us with an answer . The King of Denmark , who has unjustly injur'd the Duke , is beyond all others obliged to do it in the Court of Equity and Conscience , which demands as ready an obedience , as the King himself doth from his Subjects . For those that do an ill act knowingly , or are instrumental to it , are to be put in the number of those that cannot go to Heaven without Repentance . And true Repentance requires absolutely , if there be time and power , that he that has done the Injury make satisfaction for it , Grot. lib. 3. de J. B. & P. c. 10. n. 3. & 4. From whence it appears too , that the King ought not only to restore what he hath extorted from the Duke at Rendsbourgh and afterwards , but make good also those damages his Highness and his Subjects have suffered by the War , and the occasion of it . What if the King of Denmark , for reason of State , excepting against this Court , refuses to restore the Duke ? First , I say , that the great God is Judge , and the truth of his word will not so easily wear away as the Danish Coyn upon which it is stamped . Besides , the King thereby would give the Duke just reason to endeavour to right himself . If an unj●st fear caused by another , has forced any one to make a Promise , he that hath promised may demand Restitution , and , if denyed , may take it himself , Grot. lib. 3. de J. B. & P. c. 23. n. 2. When any one demands satisfaction from his Fellow-Subject , the Authority of the Magistrate must be employed as Superiour , to force the Inferiours . And so in the Commonwealth of Rome , the Pretor having heard the cause , was wont to order Restitution . But when a Prince must be restored against another Prince , that is Soveraign as well as he , and his Equal , the injur'd Prince , or any for him , may perform the Office of Pretor , use all means to procure a full and ample Reparation of his damages . If the Duke of Gottorp is not strong enough to do it himself , all Christian Princes and Commonwealths must make this cause theirs , and employ all their Power to restore him ; For Wars may be undertook not only for Friends and Allies , but for men , as such , if they are barbarously injured . Grot. lib. 3. de I. B. & P. c. 25. n. 1. & seq . And who is more injur'd than he , who by a Cousin of the same Family , his near Ally , and Brother , against his Faith so many times sworn , is so ill used , as to be deprived of all his Authority and Dignity ? Therefore since other Princes are not a little concerned , when the condition of any Prince is brought so low , contrary to all Justice , and when perhaps his entire ruin is endeavoured , especially if these base Counsels proceed from Ministers , who in their actions and speeches , have no regard to the great Asserter of Faith , and consequently less to Faith it self , the foundation of Justice , and the tie of all human Societies ; all Princes and States ought first of all to take care , that Faith be kept inviolable , and Treaties and Contracts between them be not violated , lest this tie of Friendship and Society being broke , the world should fall into confusion by their c●nnivence before the time decreed by Divine Providence . And those Princes and States are chiefly obliged to take care of this Restitution , who have guaranted the Treaties between the King of Denmark and the House of Gottorp , and have signed the Instruments of Peace between Sweden and Germany , and that of Roschild and Oliva , engaging for the performance of them in such terms and expressions , that if they were meant , as they are set down , ( which is not at all to be doubted , ) no man but will believe they intend to perform their Promises . And to induce them thereunto without any delay , let the great danger of this example , and the greatness of the Injuries be considered ; and that it is also the earnest request of the Duke of Gottorp , who is every day more and more oppressed with new Injuries . And since amongst these Princes that are Securities , the good will of the most Serene and Potent King of Great Britain , towards the House of Gottorp , appears above the rest , his Majesty having not only engaged himself with other Princes and States , for the preservation of the Peace at Roschild , and the Treaty of Copenhaguen , made between the King of Denmark and the House of Gottorp , soon after that at Roschild ; but having also passed his word and Guaranty for the Soveraignty yielded by the King and Kingdom of Denmark to the House of Gottorp ; and most especially his Majesty being now the Mediator of all publick Differences : Give us leave , most Potent King , to let all the World know this great affection of your Majestie 's towards the House of Gottorp , and to put you in mind of your special Engagement to our Duke for the Soveraignty of Sleswick ; which you can as easily make good , as you were pleased to engage for it ; that you may be known for as great a Defender of the Civil as of the Christian Faith ; and in judging the Differences between the King of Denmark and the House of Gottorp , or disposing all things to a Peace , make use of that Equity and Moderation , which may prove a Remedy to the Injur'd , a Defence to the Oppressed , and a Reward of Eternal Glory to your Majesty and the Noble People of England . THE ARTICLES Of the TREATY at Rendsbourgh . KNow all Men to whom these Presents shall come , That whereas , for the common Security and Safety , several Treaties of Union and Conjunction have been heretofore made between the Kingdom of Denmark and the Dukedoms of Sleswick and Holstein , which have been renewed , augmented , and changed , according to the Exigence of times ; and that the most Serene and Potent Prince and Lord Christian the V. King of Denmark and Norway , Goths and Vandals , Duke of Sleswick and Holstein , Stormar and Dithmars , Earl of Oldenbourgh and Delmenhorst , and the most Reverend and Serene Prince and Lord , the Lord Christian Albert , Heir of Norway , Coadjutor of the Bishoprick of Lubeck , Duke of Sleswick and Holstein , Stormar and Dithmars , Earl of Oldenbourgh and Delmenhorst , judging it very necessary in these dangerous and troublesome times , that such Treaties of Union be renewed after the Example of their Ancestors , and be accommodated to the present condition and State of their Kingdoms and Dominions : And his said Majesty having appointed on his part [ Here the Names of the Kings Commissioners were inserted ] and the said Duke on his part [ Here the Names of the Dukes Commissioners were inserted ] and the said Commissioners , having accordingly met together , have agreed upon the following Articles . I. As his Royal Majesty and his most Serene Highness do Govern joyntly the Dukedom of Sleswick and Holstein , and the Countries incorporated therein ; so they shall both endeavour , according to the Contents of the former Treaties of Union , unanimously to direct all their Counsels for the safety and augmentation of the said Dukedoms , and to preserve them from all damage , danger , and detriment . II. Therefore , as often as necessity shall require it , or any danger seems to threaten these Dukedoms , they shall both do all they can , by united Counsels and Forces to prevent it ; and if the thing comes to a War , let no Truce be made , nor Peace contracted , before the danger be removed from both their Heads , and satisfaction be made to both by the Enemy , and the publick security provided for . III. And as therefore his Royal Majesty by this takes entirely upon him the Guaranty and Defence , both of the most Serene Duke , and the part he has in the Dukedoms ; so his said most Serene Highness promises again , that as often as his Royal Majesty shall be necessitated to draw Forces from his Kingdomes for the defence of these Dukedoms , and the Countries incorporated therein , or shall be in War against any Forrein Prince whosoever he be , none excepted ( though his Majesty thinks it already his due by the Union ) he shall not only give him free passage through his Land , and all his Towns , but liberty to List and Muster Souldiers , assigning them quarters and places to Encamp , and helping the King with all his Power . IIII. Because also , during these troublesome times , his Royal Majesty could not forbear by an unavoidable necessity to ask leave for his further security to put Garrisons of his own into the Forts of Gottorp and Tonningen , and the Fortress of Stapelholme , which his most Serene Highness has granted , upon this certain hope that these troubles being over , and the Peace made , all things should be entirely given back and restored as they were : And his most Serene Highness having made certain Leagues , in which there are some things which give no small jealousies to his Royal Majesty ; that he may hereafter be more secure of the intentions of his most Serene Highness , and all occasion of mistrust be wholly taken away ; it is agreed and covenanted on both sides , that it shall not be lawful hereafter for his most Serene Highness to make any Alliances with Forrein Princes and States without a previous communication with his Majesty and his consent obtained , nor make use of any of those already made to the prejudice and detriment of his Royal Majesty . V. And that the Forts and Strong-holds that are necessary for the Defence of these Dukedoms and Countries therein incorporated , may be provided and furnished with all necessaries , according to the Exigencies of times , and the threatning dangers , with least trouble to the States of the Provinces ; both Parties have agreed , that hereafter the Contributions shall be brought into a common Treasury , and shall not be imployed to any other use than this now mentioned . VI. But because the Contributions that have been paid till now , have been so far from keeping the Souldiers which are appointed for the Defence of these Dukedoms , that his Majesty has been necessitated to add considerable sums out of his own Revenue ; and his most Serene Highness having put into his Coffers the best part of the Contributions he has received , and employed the same to other uses , for which his Majesty pretends a satisfaction to be made to him : Therefore in lieu of a compensation , and that all things , as much as is possible , may be re-establisht in the same state , and restored according to the Rule of the antient Division , which Hereditarily has been granted to each House ; His most Serene Highness quits wholly and for ever to his Royal Majesty the Territory of Swabstadt , with half of the Chapter of Sleswick , and of the Cathedral Church , which together with the said Territory of Swabstadt , was heretofore yielded to his most Serene Highness by his Sacred Royal Majesty of glorious Memory , with all the Appurtenances , Revenues , Profits , Domains , Prerogatives , and Royalties , as his most Serene Highness had the same yielded to him , and has quietly possessed till now . VII . As to the Controversies about the limits , and other things relating to the Territories of Ripen and Tundern , the discussion whereof remains in suspence till now , they shall be decided by Equity , and according to the Opinions of the Royal Commissioners , who were present at the last Assembly held for that purpose ; and if hereafter any differences or disputes should arise , either between his Majesty himself and his most Serene Highness , or their subjects , which cannot be determined by them , they shall be composed amicably and according to the Articles of Union . VIII . And nothing being intended on both sides by the renewing of this Union and Treaty but to re-establish a perpetual and most necessary good understanding between the Royal and Ducal Families , and to keep the same inviolable for ever , and the novelties and changes which have happened in process of time , having given not a little occasion of mistrust ; it is at last agreed and Covenanted , that to reduce all things to their former condition as soon as may be , his most Serene Highness and his Successors , shall renounce fully and for ever their Soveraignty over the Dukedom of Sleswick and it's appurtenances , together with the Island of Femaria , which they obtained by the Peace of Roschild , and the Treaty of Copenhaguen , in the same manner as if they had never obtained or been in possession of the said Soveraignty , and shall be obliged , no less than heretofore , within a year and a day , as often as the case , either by the death of the Lord or of the Vassal , shall happen , to demand and receive in due manner ( as heretofore hath been used ) from the Kings of Denmark , the Investiture of the said Dukedom of Sleswick and it's Appurtenances , together with the Island of Femaria , and to perform all things according to the form prescribed by the Act of Renuntiation to be made by his most Serene Highness ; for which end his most Serene Highness has also obliged himself to deliver up again , and consign into the hands of his Royal Majesty the Instrument he received from his late Sacred Majesty of glorious Memory , and from these Senators of the Kingdom then in being , which is hereby made void and rendred null . Lastly , this Union and Transaction shall remain entire and firm , as the Basis and foundation of an everlasting Friendship and Alliance between both Houses , and as a strong obligation by which his Royal Majesty and his most Serene Highness are joyned together , and shall be inviolably observed by both parties and their Successors , neither shall any of them do any thing contrary hereunto , or suffer the same to be done ; and besides , all that is not here altered , shall by vertue of the antient Treaties , remain in full force . For the greater assurance of the performance of these Presents , these Articles of Union and Agreement have been by Us , as well his Majesties , as his Highnesses Commissioners , deputed for this affair , signed and Sealed at Rendsbourg the 10. of July 1675. Out of the Articles of Vnion made 1533. Neither Party shall enter into a War without the Counsel and consent of the other . And the same is confirmed by the other Treaties of Vnion . Out of the Transaction at Othenwaldt 1579. If his Majesty for the defence of his Provinces and Subjects or the Conservation of his Dignity , is necessitated to take up Arms , so that the business cannot be determined by way of Justice or a fair Composure , the most Serene Duke of Gottorp ( if the War hath been undertaken and ended by his advice , and with his full consent , after a previous deliberation ) shall be obliged to send the Succours agreed upon . Out of the Concordats of the Kingdom of Denmark , and the Dukedom of Sleswick & Holstein 1593. Neither of the Parties shall make War without the Advice and consent of the other ; but if it happen that the King and Kingdom of Denmark , and the Dukes of Sleswick and Holstein , consent to refer their Controversies to the Cognizance and Decision of a Judicial Court , and nevertheless either of them be attacked by force of Arms , the other Party shall send such ●roops to his Assistance , as by the following Articles are agreed upon . Out of the Vnion renewed in the Year 1624. The Party whose Counsel and help is imployed , may and ought to make use of this Right , to profer his Mediation to the Parties entring into War , for the composing their differences without coming to Arms , and to this end must invite and joyn with him other Neutral Princes and States ; and if there be time , and no danger will arise by delay , let him propose all just and equitable conditions , not derogating from the Dignity of the Princes engaged , nor prejudicial to the cause , and try what success that may have before they come to an open Rupture . Out of the Inventory 4 Jul. 1675. made when the Fort of Tonningen and all its Ammunition was delivered up . This written Inventory , with all the things set down therein , — were delivered , and really received by me under-writen , Lieutenant-General of the most Serene King of Denmark and Norway , after the performance of the Surrender of the Fort of Tonningen ; and I do engage my Faith , that all shall be fully restored according to the promise of his most Serene Royal Majesty , and as it ought to be , and to that end , have subscribed this with my own hand . Charles Arenstorff . Out of the Instrument of Peace at Roschild 12. May 1658. As to the pretended satisfaction for the damages received by the last War , the most Serene Duke of Gottorp ( the most excellent Mediators judging it fit ) condescends out of friendship and affection , to remit all his pretensions thereunto for all the Vassalage remitted to him , that the Amty between his most Serene Royal Majesty and the Duke , and also the Kingdom of Denmark , the Dukedoms and the Subjects of both Princes may remain firm and entire , and that the good correspondence which ought to be between Allies , Brothers , and Neighbours , may be preserved . Out of the League between Sweden and Gottorp , made May 24. 1661. And as there is no other cause for the making of this Alliance , than to keep the Peace between the Princes of the North inviolate , and render the security of the House of Gottorp , established thereby , more entire ; and the most Serene Duke of Gottorp not obliging himself in any thing to the King and Kingdom of Sweden , but what relates to this Peace and Security , and the preservation of the Friendship and Amity between them : so no other Leagues , whether already made , or which shall be hereafter made , shall prejudice either of the Parties , nor be a hindrance to this Treaty , or take place against it . Besides , the most Serene Duke , that he may remove all suspition of his proceedings , desires that the extension or interpretation of this League may no ways reach his Imperial Majesty or the Empire , or any other Kings , Electors and Princes , if they do not injure the Duke contrary to the Peace of the North ; and he also reserves to himself the liberty to keep and improve , by the best ways he shall think fit , that good correspondence with the King of Denmark , which may and ought to be between Neighbours , and may be most advantageous to his Family , Provinces , and Subjects , without derogating from the Peace of the North. Out of the Peace of Roschild made the 26 Feb. 1658. Art. 22. His most Serene Majesty of Denmark , shall be obliged to satisfie Prince Frederick Duke of Sleswick and Holstein-Gottorp , according to Equity , which satisfaction shall be treated of by his Royal Majesties and his Highnesses Commissioners ; yet so as that this Treaty be finished before the second of May. Out of the Instrument of Peace between the most Serene King of Denmark and the Duke at Copenhaguen 12 of May 1658. Art. 6. And so in the Name of God the Grievances and Demands exhibited , are either absolutely or provisionally taken off , to the satisfaction of the interessed ; and the King and Prince do promise bona side , and in words without equivocation , that they will keep this Treaty , and not recede from it under any pretence whatsoever , whatever it may be , and observe these Articles , as faithfully as those of the Peace at Roschild , employing all their cares to transmit and propagate this Friendship now renewed perfect and entire to their Posterity . We Frederick III. King of Denmark and Norway , &c. declare by these Presents , that we have , after mature deliberation upon all that has been proposed by the Lords Mediators , either by word of Mouth or in Writing , concerning the Treaty and Conclusion of a Peace , consented , and by vertue of these Presents do consent to the same , as far as they agree with the Acts passed by the three States for the establishing a Peace between Us and the King of Sweden . Copenhaguen August 23. V. S. 1659. Another Declaration of his most Serene Royal Majesty upon the business of the Peace to be made with the King and Kingdom of Sweden , presented to the Lords Mediators Plenipotentiaries at Copenhaguen . We Frederick III. by the Grace of God King of Denmark and Norway , Duke of Sleswick and Holstein , &c. To all and every one whom it doth or may any way concern ; Be it known , that as we have among other things , as well by our Declaration of the 14 / 24 August , shewed our great propensity to a Peace to the Lords Mediators of the three States , as by another of the 25 / 4 August / Sept. delivered by Our Order into the Hands of the same Mediators , by which we declare , that after a due consideration of the Propositions of their Excellencies , made as well by word of Mouth as in Writing , the 18 / 28 of the same Month , for a happy Issue of this present Peace , We do consent to them all as far as they are agreeable with the resolutions past by the three States the 11 / 21 of May , the 14 / 24 of July , and 25 / 4 July / August about the Peace to be made between Us and the King and Kingdom of Sweden ; so we do hereby testifie and confirm that VVe adhere still to the same Declaration ; and to give a greater proof of our said Inclination for Peace , and to take away all sort of suspition of the contrary , VVe declare by these Presents , that VVe desire nothing more than that the Commissioners of both Parties , without any delay of time , may meet at the place before appointed for the Treaty of Peace , and by the Mediation of the Ambassadors of the three States , make a happy conclusion of the same without any further delay . And VVe relying entirely upon the Integrity and Equity of the said Lords , do also hereby declare , That if it shall be thought fit to add or change any thing in the Treaty at Roschild , we remit and leave it all to their discretion and care . In greater trust and certainty whereof , we have to these Presents set Our Royal Hand and Seal at Our Court at Copenhaguen the 19. of March 1660. Frederick III. Out of the Instrument of Peace at Roschild renewed in the Year 1660. Art. 27 , & 28. VVhereas it was agreed by the 22th Article of the Treaty at Roschild , that his Royal Majesty of Denmark should be obliged to give an equitable satisfaction to the most High Prince , the Duke of Sleswick and Holstein-Gottorp , and his said Majesties and his said Highnesses Commissioners , after several Conferences held at Copenhaguen the 12 / 22 of May 1658 , having at last come to a final Agreement and Conclusion , it is hereby stipulated , that all those Treaties and Transactions shall be exactly observed and fulfilled faithfully on both sides . Moreover , if there has happened any thing in this or the precedent VVars , which may any way create animosities and jealousies between his most Serene Royal Majesty and Kingdom of Denmark and his most Serene Highness the Duke of Holstein-Gottorp , or any thing between his most Serene Royal Majesty and his most Serene Highness , their Ministers , Servants , or Subjects , which may be taken any other ways than in good part ; It shall all , as well for the sake of the mutual Consanguinity , and especially of her most Serene Royal Majesty the Queen of Sweden , as for the perpetuating the friendship between both Houses , from this day forward be forgotten , and be no more remembred to the prejudice of any one , but by vertue of this Transaction be wholly extinguished . And his most Serene Royal Majesty of Denmark , will also , when Denmark shall be evacuated , not only withdraw his Army and Forces out of his Highnesses Country and Places , but likewise do his utmost endeavour to oblige his Allies to send away , and draw their Troops without any delay or ●ergiversation out of the Lands , Towns , and Forts of his Highness , which they have possessed themselves of . Out of the Treaty of Peace at Oliva . Art. 22. The Duke of Holstein-Gottorp , by the consent of the Parties stipulating , shall be included in this Peace . Art. 26. The same is repeated . Art. 31. It importing very much to the establishment of this Peace , that it be made to reach all parties in Difference , and that the safety of Trade between all the Parties engaged in the VVar be provided for , and therefore , though the Controversies that are depending between the most Serene King and Kingdom of Sweden , and the most Serene King of Denmark , cannot be well determined here , but are now under discussion at Copenhaguen , and in a fair way of Composure , it is nevertheless Enacted , that the Kingdoms and Countries of the most Serene King of Denmark and Norway , included in the Danish Peace , shall be comprehended in this Treaty ; so that all which has been agreed and concluded between the said Kings of Sweden and Denmark , shall be part of this Peace , as if the particulars were specifyed , and set down in this Instrument ; yet so as not to derogate from any thing of the Treaty already concluded , or which shall be concluded in Denmark , between both Kings and Kingdoms . 35. To the end that this Peace may be rendred more firm , permanent and secure , and remain inviolable on every side , the said Parties , as well Principal as Allies , now Treating , do promise besides , that they will and intend to keep this Transaction and Peace inviolably , with all its Articles , Contents , and Clauses ; and that it may not be violated hereafter , they oblige themselves to a mutual Guaranty and reciprocal defence on all parts , promising by these , as firmly as it may be , that if it happen that any Party be attacked by another or others , either by Sea or Land , against the Contents of this Treaty , the Aggressor shall , ipso facto , be accounted by all the rest as the Breaker of this Peace , losing all the benefit thereof , and the rest of the Parties now Treating shall be obliged to assist the Party injured with their Forces and Arms , within two Months at the furthest after thereunto desired by the injur'd Party , and prosecute the VVar against the Aggressor until a Peace can be made to the satisfaction of all . But if it happen that one Party shall receive any grievous injury by the other , or some by others without force of Arms , it shall not be lawful to the Injur'd to have presently recourse to Arms , but endeavours shall be used to compose such kind of Controversies amicably and in a friendly manner . Out of the Transactions at Gluckstadt , Octob. 12. 1667. And first , that a Friendly , kind , and filial affection may be restored between his most Serene Royal Majesty and the Duke of Gottorp , all those things which have been acted directly or indirectly against the Union , and and all those Treaties that concern the Kingdom of Denmark , the Dukedoms of Sleswick and Holstein , and all the Princes belonging to the same , shall on both sides be absolutely forgotten , and are abolisht for ever ; and the said Union ( except as to what has been in 1658 , and 1660 , otherwise determined by the aforesaid Treaties of Roschild and Copenhaguen ) shall subsist in its full force in Peace and VVar , any pretence or interpretation whatsoever notwithstanding , and shall be constantly observed . And neither Party shall molest or oppose the other for any cause whatsoever contrary to the same . At the end of this Transaction these words are set down . VVe do Attest and Certifie , that we have approved the foregoing Transaction , and all and every the Articles and Clauses of the same ; and accordingly do approve , agree , and confirm it , promising for Us , Our Heirs and Successors , upon Our Royal Faith , that We shall not directly , nor indirectly act , or suffer any thing to be acted against the same , and that we shall firmly adhere thereunto . Given under Our Hand and Signet . Frederick . We CHARLES by the Grace of God of Great Britain , France , and Ireland , KING , Defender of the Faith , &c. Make known and certifie , That whereas the most Serene Prince Frederick the III. by the same Grace of Denmark and Norway , Goths and Vandals King , Duke of Sleswick , H●lstein , Stormar and Dithmars , Earl in Oldenbourgh and Delmenhorst , having wholly and fully freed and absolved the most High Prince the Lord Frederick Heir of Norway , Duke of Sleswick and Holstein , &c. and his lawful Heirs Males , from a certain Feudal Homage and Vassalage for the Dukedom of Sleswick , and having yielded up to him and his Descendents Males the Dukedom of Sleswick , with the Supreme and absolute Dominion thereof ( commonly called the Soveraignty ) and all its Rights and Appurtenances , as appears more fully by the Treaty or Instrument : And whereas the most High Prince the Lord Christian Albert , Elected Bishop of Lubeck , Heir of Norway , Duke of Sleswick , Holstein , Stormar , Dithmars , Earl in Oldenburgh and Delmenhorst , Our Cousin , having desired Us by the Illustrious Sir John Leyenberg Knight , Resident in Our Court for the most Potent King of Sweden , that interposing our Authority , We would confirm and ratifie by way of Guaranty , the said Treaty or Covenant concluded at Copenhaguen , with all and every one of its Clauses , as it is set down word for word in the German Exemplar ( which We have received from the said Resident of the most Serene King of Sweden upon his Faith. ) We therefore , as well to gratifie the demand and desire of the most Serene King of Sweden , as to shew the affection VVe bear and will always bear to the aforesaid Duke Christian Albert , nearly joyned to Us both in Friendship and Blood , have thought fit to constitute Our Selves as Guarantee , and a Security for the observation of this Treaty or Convention concluded at Copenhaguen the 12 May 1658 ; as by these in the best , most ample , and secure form , We do constitute Our Selves Guarantee , and a Security for the same ; Promising upon Our Royal Faith , that We will maintain the Duke Christian Albert , his Heirs and Successors in the said , and all other and singular their Rights ; and if any thing be attempted against his Highness , his Heirs and Successors , VVe shall endeavour by a Friendly Mediation , or by opposing all necessary means against force , that these Countries , Dominions , and Territories , with all the Rights , Royalties , Soveraign and absolute Dominion , or Soveraignty thereof , may remain whole and safe to him . And for the greater security of all and singular the Premises , VVe have subscribed this Instrument of Guaranty with Our own hand , and have caused Our Great Seal of England to be affixed thereunto . Given at Our Palace of Westminster the 23. day of February , in the year one Thousand six Hundred Sixty five , and in the Eighteen year of Our Reign . Charles R. SOME LETTERS OF THE KING OF Great Britain , THE King of Denmark , AND THE DUKE OF Holstein Gottorp . The King of Great Britains Letter to His Majesty the King of Denmark , concerning a Mediation in the differences between His Majesty and the Duke of Holstein Gottorp . CHarles the Second , By the Grace of God King of Great Britain , &c. To the most Serene and Potent Prince Christian the Fifth , by the same Grace of Denmark , Norway , Goths and Vandals King , Duke of Sleswick , &c. Greeting . VVe were extreamly troubled to hear of the Differences lately arisen between your Majesty and Our good Cousin the Duke of Holstein , for the nearness and tie of Blood and common Interests between you ; and therefore out of the Affection VVe bear to both your Families , and the good and advantage of the same , VVe did almost a Year ago offer our Mediation and good Offices between you ; and VVe had long since charged Our Minister residing at your Court to do it more solemnly , if your Majesties Envoy residing with Us had not induced and desired Us , as in favour of himself ; that all VVe should resolve to do therein , might be done through his hands , which We the rather consented to then , because he charged himself seriously to represent to your Majesty the offers VVe made of Our Offices and Mediation . But your Majesty having not hitherto sent Us any direct Answer thereunto , and your said Envoy having only by the by insinuated to Us , that your Majesty rather desisired , that since this Affair seemed to be purely Domestick , and concerned only the private Interests of two Princes of the same Blood , it might be left to be determined among your selves ; VVe hoped not to have found your Majesty in this mind which VVe perceive by your Envoys discourse , you are of : However , VVe cannot but , out of the desire VVe have to reconcile two Princes that are of a Blood , so nearly Related to Us , and for other considerations , ( which induce Us to concern Our Selves with a more special care in this matter , than perhaps VVe should otherwise ) repeat again in the most solemn manner , the first Offer of Our Mediation and good Offices , not doubting but that your Majesty , after having seriously reflected upon the thing , will think fit to admit of Our good Offices and Mediation , which you may be confident , VVe shall always apply on all occasions which may concern your Majesty , in such manner , as you have reason to expect from the mutual Friendship between Us , of which VVe shall always give your Majesty those Proofs and Arguments which you can desire , &c. July 2. 1677. The King of Denmark's Answer to his Majesty the King of Great Britain . CHristian the Fifth , By the Grace of God King of Denmark , &c. To the most Serene and Potent Prince , Charles the II. by the same Grace , King of Great Britain , &c. Greeting . By your Majesties Letters of the 10th of July last past , VVe have understood more at large what Reasons induced you to offer Us your Mediation and good Offices for composing the Differences arising between Us and Our Cousin and Kinsman Christian Albert Duke of Holstein . This Offer of your Majesties has been the more pleasing to Us , because VVe do not doubt at all , but it proceeds from a sincere and Brotherly affection towards Us ; and We put so great a trust in your Friendship , that if there were place for any Mediation in these Differences , VVe would as readily accept of your Interposition for the composing of them , as VVe have accepted of the same in the present Negotiation for an Universal Peace , which We have constantly endeavour'd should remain solely in your Majesty . But the Disputes and Controversies complained of by the Duke of Gottorp to your Majesty , being grounded upon no other foundation than his endeavours to lay aside all the Alliances and Treaties which have subsisted for many Ages betwixt Our Royal Predecessors and his , and especially that which he Voluntarily made with Us at Rendsbourgh , and approved several times after , and so to free himself from all those ties , by which he is bound to Us as a Vassal of Our Kingdom of Denmark , and Our Dukedoms of Sleswick and Holstein are united together , hoping after the Example of his Father , ( who in the last unhappy VVar supported by the Arms of the King of Sweden his Son-in-Law , and by the favour and unjust Authority of the English Usurper Cromwell , without any respect of his obligations to Our Kingdom , under colour of some frivolous and groundless pretensions , extorted most unjust , and almost intolerable conditions from Our Lord and Father of blessed and glorious Memory ) to accomplish and perfect his pernicious designs and unjust attempts , in these troublesome times , as well by the help of his Neighbours Armes as your Majesties Authority . The Truth hereof appears also by this , that though VVe have divers times proposed to his Dilection , to restore him unto the former condition of his Ancestors , if he would keep to the aforesaid Treaties , and fulfil their Tenor , he does not cease nevertheless to complain of Force , and to sollicite the help and succours of other Princes and States , to finish those unjust Enterprises he has proposed to himself . From whence your Majesty , according to your singular Prudence , will easily judge , whether VVe can , without the greatest prejudice to Our Rights , recede from the ancient Treaties , and those which have been made between Us and the Duke of Gottorp , upon which the safety of Our Kingdoms and Dominions in great measure depends , or suffer them to be disputed , and thereby expose Our Selves to new and everlasting Differences and Quarrels ; especially since it is expresly covenanted by the said Treaties , that if any disputes shall hereafter arise , they shall not be composed by the Mediation of other Princes , but by other friendly and amicable means . For these and other Reasons which we have ordered Our Envoy Extraordinary , Resident at your Majesties Court , to represent more amply to your Majesty , We do not doubt in the least , but your Majesty will not only think it wholly unjust , that We should consent to such prejudicial Treaties , and so contrary to the aforesaid Conventions and Domestick agreements , but also that by vertue of the Alliances VVe have with your Majesty , by which each of Us is obliged to promote the good of the other , and to keep all dangers from him , your Majesty will compel the aforesaid Duke to a better and more exact observance and execution of the Ancient Treaties , and all others , to the performance whereof he has bound himself , and seriously dissuade him from his usual pernicious designs against Us. The many proofs VVe have of your Justice , and your experienced commendable Constancy and Faithfulness in keeping your Treaties , makes Us promise Our Selves this from your Majesties friendship ; being also resolved never to suffer any thing to be wanting in Us that may prove for the advantage of your Majesty and your Subjects , and perswade you of Our sincere affection towards you . By which your Majesty , &c. Given at Our Court at Landscroon the 4th of August 1677. The Duke of Holsteins Letter to his Majesty the King of Great Britain in Answer to the King of Denmarks . Most Serene and Potent Prince , &c. HAving had a view of the Letters written to your most Serene Majesty by the King of Denmark , the 4th of August of this present Year , We find by them , that his Majesty of Denmark does indeed commend your Majesties offers of Mediation for composing Our Controversies , but in reality shews an aversion thereunto , and declines it as unnecessary , endeavouring to demonstrate the same by colouring his Actions with the specious pretence of ancient and late Treaties , and accusing Our Lord and Father , and Us with a great many things . These Letters being full of such complaints , VVe cannot but defend Our Innocence , and free Our Honour from such accusations , by letting your most Serene Majesty understand Our Reasons , why the differences between Us and the King of Denmark ought not to be excluded out of the Negotiations for an Universal Peace , not indeed can be debated any-where else without great danger and prejudice to Us. VVe have been so observing of the ancient Treaties and Alliances , that for several Ages the Dukes of Gottorp have lived under the Authority and at the Devotion of the Kings of Denmark . But VVe are not by any Treaties to be oppressed by those who are obliged by Vertue of Our Alliances to defend Us , nor are VVe to submit Our Selves to a voluntary Slavery , but are rather by the said Treaties freed from so sad a Yoke . Let the Kings of Denmark but consider how they could make VVars upon VVars , and involve the Dukes of Gottorp's Territories so often in the Calamities attending VVar , not only without consulting the Dukes , but against their will and earnest dissuasions from the same , without breach to the ancient Treat●es and Alliances , from which VVe are sure it cannot be proved , that Our Ancestors ever receded rashly or unjustly . As to the Articles of Rendsbourgh , VVe confess that VVe do not think Our Selves further oblig'd to them , then either the goodness or equity of the cause , or of the way of proceeding will oblige Us. We came as Friends and Guests to Rendsbourgh , inticed with great hopes and ample Protestations , that all things should be sincerely and fairly transacted and determined . But We were against the Laws of Nations and Friendship Treated like Enemies , detained Prisoners , guarded with Souldiers , and at last sent from one Prison to another , every-where besieged , and through fear and threatnings compelled unjustly to most unreasonable conditions , ( which the very way of proceeding argues to be null ) . Therefore VVe are so far from consenting to them freely and voluntarily , that VVe have never so much as freely ratified them . For those things that are done by force , and through fear , may be sometimes made valid by a subsequent free consent ; yet no consent is to be esteemed such , except the person who is said to have consented freely , be first set at full liberty : when on the contrary , fear once caused in any transaction is supposed to continue still : and VVe were the more disturbed thereby , because VVe were by the King deprived of all good Counsels , Our Principal Ministers being violently carried away Prisoners to Copenhaguen , and the rest frighted from Us by this unheard-of Example . The Soveraignty of the Dukedom of Sleswick , purchased with a very good Title , and at a dear rate , was yielded up to Our House by Frederick the Third King of Denmark , by his own free and often repeated consent , and has been quietly possessed by Us for above Sixteen years ; neither is it any matter , that it was obtained partly by the fortunate Successes of the Arms of Sweden , since it is undoubtedly true , that VVars may be made not only for O●r own good , but for the good of others , and that the King of Sweden was then justly provoked to take up Arms against the Danes , and that if the King of Denmark has suffered any force , it being but just , he cannot pretend to any Right of Restitution . VVe cannot like wise conceal , that by this and the foregoing Wars made by the Kings of Denmark , VVe have contracted many great Debts ; and Our Subjects are so exhausted by Contributions , that part of them have been forced to quit the Country , and the rest are glad if they can get the coarsest sort of Bread to eat . Now when VVe quitted , by the last Treaty , all Our pretensions of satisfaction from the King of Denmark , in consideration of the Soveraignty which was yielded up to Us ; what have we got , I pray , that any one should envy Us for ? It is the King of Denmark only is the gainer , who by that opportunity got the Soveraignty of that part of the Dukedom of Sleswick which is his , and thereby soon after an occasion of getting the Monarchy of the whole Kingdom . Therefore , since that Our Lord and Father was by so many Solemn and publick Treaties absolutely freed from the tie of Vassalage and Homage , it cannot certainly be imputed to him , that he had without any regard of his Alliance to the Kingdom of Denmark , extorted the Soveraignty of the said Dukedome , unless the King will slight all the Treaties of Peace and Conventions that have been made upon that occasion , and by his Example incite the Kings of Spain and Poland , nay his own Subjects to repossess themselves of their lost Provinces , and Ancient Rights and Authorities , as soon as they shall have an occasion and power to do it . We do with all gratitude acknowledge your Majesties favour , that besides the general Guaranty of all the conditions of the Peace at Roschild , you have been pleased to oblige your Self to a special one for the Preservation and Assertion of this Soveraignty . It is without any ground the King of Denmark pretends , that VVe obtained the Soveraignty by the favour of Cromwell only : For besides , that the good Offices and Mediations of other Kings and States intervened in this Affair , and the conclusion thereof ; VVe do not well conceive how the King of Denmark can show which of the Usurpers Acts your Majesty is pleased to hold ●or good , and which not : For it will not consist with reason of State , and the publick good , that they should be all annulled . Nay , if the King of Denmark will be pleased to look into the circumstances of this matter , he will find that the English Ambassador , who Resided at that time at Copenhaguen , was unknown to the King of Sweden , brought to his Majesty by the Danish Commissioners , and by them Sollicited to employ his utmost endeavour for a Peace . It appears from hence , that all Our Complaints of the great Injuries We have sustained by the Danes are just , and that We never designed any thing to the Kings prejudice , but that what may perhaps have displeased his Majesty , was solely intended for the defence of Our House and Dominions , which is every way lawful ; and therefore VVe are most unjustly reproached of intending and having such pernitious Designs , since we have only sought for a lawful Defence against an unusual Domination and Oppression . VVhich things being thus , as your most Serene Majesty may be more particularly informed by a deduction we have lately caused to be Printed of this whole Affair , or by Our Envoy Extraordinary Residing in London , we hope nothing will appear more reasonable , than that we should be admitted into the Treaty for an universal Peace , and that your most Serene Majesties Mediation should not be rejected by the King of Denmark , especially since he seems willing to admit of the good Offices of other Princes of the Empire . Neither will their Objection , as if the matters between the King and us were purely Domestick , be any ways material ; seeing it is known by all the world , that a Peace confirmed by so many Protestations , was broken , and no regard had of any Domestick considerations ; and therefore your Majesties Mediation is declined , for no other reason , but that which makes Criminals fly from their Tryals . For your Majesty will by what follows see , how improper a Jury of Sixteen men ( as they call it ) is to decide this Domestick business . In the year 1533 , a Treaty was made between the Kingdom of Denmark and the Dukedom , and between the Princes and States of both , which usually bears the name of the Vnion ; and among other things , a certain form of Judicature was agreed upon , according to which all the Controversie , that should arise between the two Princes , or between them and the States , ought to be determined ; viz. That the differences between them should be left to the Arbitration of Sixteen Counsellors , to be in equal number named by both Parties . And though by the Articles of this Treaty a very ample power seems to be given to these Judges , of examining and deciding all sorts of causes ; yet we do not remember that ever disputes of Moment , and about the Dukedom of Sleswick , were brought to them , but they have always been left to the Mediation of Forrein Princes . For there is not only not a word in this Treaty , by which it may appear that these Princes have renounced all other Judgments and Arbitrations ; but the express words of it , as well as the usage and custom , ( which is the best interpreter of Laws and Treaties ) have confined the Power of this Tribunal of Sixteen men , to affairs of lesser importance ; That is to say , when the complaint concerns any Lands or private Subjects . Therefore , not long after the Vnion made , several Transactions have been about the Fief of the Dukedome of Sleswick , first at Coldinga 1547 , and then by the Interposition of the Elector of Saxony , of Vlrick Duke of Mecklenbourgh , and William Landgrave of Hesse at Odensea 1557 ; though nothing was then agreed on : but at last 1579 , in the same place , it was expresly provided by a solemn Convention , That if there should happen any dispute about the Succession to the Dukedom of Sleswick , which was not decided by this Transaction , the Dukes of Sleswick should either themselves , or by the help of other Princes and Friends , endeavour to compose the same , or that it might be determined by a Judicial Sentence . Here is no mention of this Judgment by Sixteen men , but rather all Controversies , that may arise about the Dukedome of Sleswick , are in express words exempted without any contradiction from the States . And therefore the question about the Soveraignty is so much the less to be referred to their determination , because in that Age , wherein the Vnion was made , such a thing was not so much as thought of ; and therefore its Articles cannot extend to affairs of this nature , and which are wholly above the condition of Subjects . And though we can ( without prejudice to Our cause ) allow , that sometimes feudal differences about the Dutchy of Sleswick have been left to this sort of Arbitration , ( which it seems may be done by the consent of both Princes , ) yet there has happened so great a change in the Danish affairs and Ours , that we cannot be forced to consent thereunto against Our will ; and the like Controversies can no longer be debated there , at least without great inconvenience , because such Constitutions remain only in force , so long as the state of publick Affairs is the same and unalter'd ; which being entirely changed , as well in Denmark as in these Duckedomes , and all the Power of the States of Denmark being devolved unto the King and in his hand , and there being no such thing now as Senators of the Kingdom , who had great Authority when the Vnion was made , it is not reasonable his Majesty should sit as Judge in his own cause ; and that a matter of so great moment should be submitted to the decision of those , who , for fear of the Kings Power , or to gain his favour , may be so much byassed , that Our loss may be irreparable . And therefore seeing that amongst free people and Princes , it has been always allowed to refuse to stand to the Arbitration of a Judge justly suspected , and that this present conjuncture of Affairs , as well as the Transaction at Odensea , shows Us another way , VVe earnestly desire your most Serene Majesty will endeavour to prevail with the King of Denmark , that Our Differences may be Treated of at Nimeguen , that so We may find some Remedy abroad for those vast Damages and Injuries VVe have sustained and received , which VVe cannot hope for at home . For as the Peace at Roschild was made by the Interposition of several Kings and States , so it is of publick concern , that it should be restored and confirmed by the like means . All who think themselves injur'd contrary to the Treaties of Westphalia , Roschild , and Copenhaguen , have liberty to come to Nimeguen : And why should VVe who are oppressed contrary to all these Treaties , be hindred from it ? At Nimeguen a general Peace is Treated of ; why should our cause then not be admitted there , who have without all reason suffered most grievous injuries from the Danes , and been almost undone by them ? We suppose the Objection is not considerable , that none are to be admitted there , but those who have joined their Arms to either of the Parties now in War. For if those who were in a condition to resist Arms by Arms , and return Force by Force , are admitted ; with how much more reason ought VVe to be received , who being deprived of all Our Arms and other helps by the King of Denmark , have been forced to endure all his affronts and injuries ? VVe know that the Laws of Nature and Nations are for Us , and we do not think that any Prince will oppose it , but those who over-byassed by Partiality , or the desire of their own advantage , would have a Peace for themselves and theirs though at Our Cost , and the loss of Our Dignities and Dominions ; not reflecting that the sum of Our Cause is only , whether VVe shall become a Subject , or be a free Prince again ; and after Our Example , Whether the other Princes of the Empire must not hereafter rather become Subjects than enjoy their ancient Rights of free Princes . This being contrary to all Justice , to the Treaties so often repeated , and so Religiously Sworn to , to the common Interest of all Princes , and to the Honour and Authority of your most Serene Majesty , and other the Princes who are Guarantees , VVe do earnestly recommend Our Cause to their good VVill and just Affection , and VVe have particularly great hopes in your most Serene Majesties Equity and Protection . And if the King of Denmark desires to be admitted and heard at Nimeguen , sure it cannot be upon any other Terms , than that he must in all things stand to that Law which he intends to use against others ; and endure as patiently the just Complaints of those who have been highly injur'd by him , preferred to that great Assembly , as he has perhaps resolved vigorously to prosecute others there . Nay , let the King of Denmark be willing or not to accept of this Mediation and Place , certainly VVe will rely so entirely and constantly upon the Guaranty of the several Princes , who have entred into it , and especially upon the general and particular one of your most Serene Majesty , that VVe had rather suffer any thing whatsoever , then be forced away from that Sacred Anchor , being well assured , that your Majesty will employ your Authority as well against those that decline your Mediation , as for those that have accepted thereof ; and that Our Restoration and Safety will be secure and certain upon your most Serene Majesties Faith , which the Kings of Great Britain have always Religiously kept to God and men . May it please God , that this Great Affair of the Peace may succeed under the Auspices of your most Serene Majesty , and to your Immortal Praise , That every body may have his own , and none be hereafter Injur'd . And so we most earnestly recommend your most Serene Majesty to his Grace and Protection . Given at Hambourgh the first of Octob. 1677. Christian Albert by the Grace of God , Heir of Norway named Coadjutor of Lubeck , Duke of Sleswick , Holstein , Stormar , Dithmars , Earl of Oldenbourg and Delmenhorst , &c. A Letter to his Majesty the King of Denmarke , from the Dukes of Brunswick-Lunenburgh , &c. Most Serene , WE have thought fit to let your Majesty understand , that his Highness the Duke of Holstein-Gottorp , Our Beloved Cousin , has lately signified unto Us , that although the Affairs concerning the Succession of the Imperial Feifs , the Counties of Oldenbourgh and Delmenhorst , after a long dispute , have at last been brought to a full and final determination , ( and particularly the Town and Country of Bu●jading , a Feif of Our Princely House , has been adjudged not to depend upon the said two Counties , which also at the time of Execution shortly after in the Month of May , remained except and exempted accordingly ) ; his said Highness conceiving no other hopes , but that as he equally shares with your Majesty in the same Rights and Regalities , and has 1674 , received the Investiture of the same from Our Princely House , he should accordingly enjoy the same quietly for the future : Yet his Highness found afterward in effect , that the Provincial Judge , constituted by your Majesty and him joyntly , was removed from his Office without the knowledge or consent of his Highness , and an other put into his room , who in Publick Prayers ( contrary to the former Customs , ) caused his Highness to be left out , pretending that your Majesty had given him orders so to do , ( a Copy of which being communicated to Us , we thought fit here to insert it ) and commanded all those Officers , both Ecclesiastical and Secular , to do homage to none but your Majesty , by which means , the said Town and Country of Budjad seems in effect subject to the ab●vesaid Imperial Execution . VVherefore his Highness thought fit and necessary to mind Us of the Dominium directum which Our Princely House holds over those Lands , and that your Majesty and He were joyntly invested therewith by Our Princely House , and that ( according to the Universal Laws of Fiefs , as well as by the abovesaid Covenant , made at Hambourgh , and the Instruments thereof duly interchanged ) we ought to Protect him as Feudatarie of Our House , in this his manifest Right ( so solemnly gotten by the said Covenant and Agreement ) ; and to desire Us , that without delay VVe would do Our parts , and endeavour with your Majesty , that his Highness neither directly , nor indirectly be disturbed in the possession of those Regalities , and enjoyment of the Revenues of the said Lands , but be suffered to continue therein quietly . VVhereas now it is manifest by the said Treaty , which praemeditatè , and after much pains , was at last concluded 1653 at Hambourgh , viz. That the said Town and Country of Bu●jad is a separate thing and Independent from the Imperial Fiefs , ( the Counties of Oldenbourgh and Delmenhors● ) and since your Majesties Archives will show , what between his late Majesty , your Father of Blessed Memory , and Us has passed ; and that his Majesty during the said Process of Law about the Succession of the said Counties ( in a Letter dated at Copenhaguen the 29 of January 1668 ) desired of Us , that pursuant to the second Article of the said Treaty or Covenant ( wherein it is expresly provided , that not any of the Princes of Holstein , either of the collateral , or any other line of that House , shall ever have pretension now , or for the future thereupon , and that on the contrary it shall neither lie in Our Power to confer the same upon any of them ) VVe should make Our most humble Address to his Imperial Majesty to demonstrate the Interest of Our Princely House , and so prevent that the Town and County of Bu●jading from being drawn into the Controversie about the Oldenbourgh Succession , &c. which we have done accordingly ; and the effect of it was , that that not only in the Sentence and Executions Commission , ( afterwards published ) not one word of them was mentioned , but also when VVe , George William , the 22 and 24 of May at Oldenbourgh and Delmenhorst , proceeded to the Execution upon the said Town and County of Budjading , by Our Sub-Delegats , appointed for that purpose , in the presence and hearing of the Duke of Holstein-Pleun's Deputy , his Chancellor , they were purposely and in plain Terms excepted and exempted ; as it appears by the Rolls kept for that Act. VVherefore we could not but find Our Selves obliged at the request of Our Cousin Duke Christian Albert of Holstein , to second his desires in so just a matter , which so evidently concerns the Interest of Our Princely House : and as we have a sure confidence in the great aequanimity of your Majesty , that your Majesty doth not intend to undertake , or suffer any thing to be undertaken , to so m●nifest a prejudice of Our Princely House , contrary to th● Treaty concerning the said Fief of the Town and Countr● of Budjading , and Our Letters-Pattents , and the Reversales thereof passed in order thereunto ; so VVe beseeci your Majesty to take such order concerning the sai● Country , that nothing may be committed which is prejudicial , but that pursuant to the said Covenant and Transactions , joint Possession and Enjoyment may for hereafter , as formerly , be permitted to his Highness Duke Christian Albert of Holstein , and that what already has been acted contrary to the Premises , ( doubtless without your Majesties command and knowledge ) may be altered , abolished , and all things reduced to their former condition . In so doing your Majesty will perform , what the Treaty , Covenant , and Laws do require , and we shall upon all occasions be ready to do your Majesty acceptable Service . 12 of Septemb. 1676. George Wilhelm . John Frederick . Radolph . Augustus . His MAJESTY the King of Denmarks LETTER To his Highness the Duke of Holstein-Gottorp , CONCERNING The Sequestration of the Dukedome of Sleswick : And the said Dukes Answer thereunto . AS ALSO His Imperial Majesties Letter to the Duke of Holstein : With the Dukes ANSWER . Printed in the Year 1677. The King of Denmark's Letter to the Duke of Holstein-Gottorp , concerning the Sequestration . Christian the Fifth , by the Grace of God , King of Denmark , &c. Serene Duke , &c. IT is not unknown to your Dilection , what hitherto hath past about the receiving of the Investiture over the Dukedome of Sleswick , whereunto you have obliged your Self by the late Agreement of Rendsbourgh ; and how your Dilection since that time , upon Our several well-meant Admonitions , by divers Letters directed to Us , hath promised the performance thereof ; and in order thereunto , sent hither some of your Ministers , who nevertheless under the pretext of going for some more particular instructions from your Dilection , are lately parted again from hence , without having dispatched any thing at all . And whereas We have hitherto in vain expected their promised return ; the time likewise at the said Agreement of Rendsbourgh appointed for the receiving of the above-mentioned Investiture being already past in the Month of July last , besides divers other Terms since indulg'd which are long ago expired ; We also having a sufficient and true information of those most dangerous Machinations , which your Dilection hath in hand against Us and Our State ; and besides , it being very requisite , that VVe carefully do mind what is necessary for the preserving of this Investiture , depending upon Us and Our Crown of Denmark : Therefore have VVe found Our Selves unavoidably , and as it were against Our will obliged , now to Sequestrate that part of the said Dukedome , wherewith your Dilections Ancestors have been heretofore Invested ; and to issue out a Commission to some of Our Counsellors and Officers there residing , for putting in Execution the said Sequestration , and for performing all that is necessary to be done about the same . Since therefore We would rather have desired any thing else , than to come to this Extremity , VVe have thought good to give notice of this Our Resolution to your Dilection , and to appoint yet , out of a super-abundance , another Term of Six weeks from the date hereof , for the receiving of the said Investiture , to the end th●t your Dilection and all the VVorld may see , how willingly we would use all possible moderation herein , without any over-hastening of your Dilection . However , we do it with this further precaution and warning , that in case the said prefixed Term , contrary to all expectation , likewise should be disregarded by your Dilection , VVe then shall be necessitated , though much against Our will , to proceed ad ipsam Privationem Feudi , or to the cutting off the Fief , and to take such further courses as the Feudal Laws do allow of . Of all this we have thought convenient to advertise your Dilection , Recommending , &c. Dated at Our Place of Residence at Copenhaguen the 19th of December 1676. Your Dilections Affectionate Cousen and Brother-in-Law , CHRISTIAN . The Duke of Holsteins Answer to the foregoing Letter . Most Serene and most Potent King , &c. YOur Majesties Letter of the 19th of December last past , from Copenhaguen directed to Us , hath been presented to Our hands the second of this instant , by an Express from one of your Majesties Commissaries ; by the C●ntents whereof We have seen the same things , that already some days before had been published by some Letters Patents affix'd in Our Dukedome of Sleswick , viz. That your Majesty hath been induced to Sequestrate that part of the said Dukedom , which doth belong to Us , and to nominate to that effect certain Commissaries , with the annexed warning , that in case we did not within Six weeks , from the date of the said Letter , effectually accomplish the receiving of the Investiture over that Dukedom of Sleswick , your Majesty would proceed ad ipsam Privationem Feudi , or the cutting of the Feif , and take such further courses as the Feudal Laws do allow of , being moved thereunto by these Reasons : That We in the point of the receiving of the said Investiture , neither had performed that so called late Agreement of Rendsbourgh , nor the Promises made by Our Letters under Our own hand , nor sent back our Ministers , who without any dispatch of Affairs were gone from Copenhaguen ; but that on the contrary we had in hand most dangerous , and , by a singular accident , discovered machinations against your Majesty , and your State ; and had also , as it were , unavoidably obliged your Majesty to the preservation of your Majesties and the Crown of Denmark's Rights . Whereupon we cannot but with all due respect return this our Answer to your Majesty , that for the sake of your Majesty 's own Glory , and high Reputation , and your Realms and Dominions welfare , We have most ardently desired and wished , that our thoughts at the first seeing of your Majesty's afore-mentioned Letters Patents , ( as if they might have been published without your knowledge ) might have a sure ground , and your Majesty such a kindness for us , as not to indulge any longer our Persecutors , but rather to put a period to those unusual hard proceedings , which we undeservedly have suffered from them , and to re-establish and consolidate that ancient tie and friendship , which hath proved so useful and beneficial to both Great Houses , and their respective Kingdoms , Territories , and Subjects ; seriously considering withal , that it cannot be available , neither to the repute of your Majesties innate Generosity , nor to your Majesties Realms and Dominions , to see us , ( who are in many regards so nearly related , and never failed either in due Respects , or required Faithfulness to your Majesty , ) thus oppressed , and reduced to a quite desperate condition , without having been able to obtain the least redress , which yet lies so absolutely in your Majesties own hands . However , this is our only and especial comfort in all our daily encreasing calamities , that your Majesty by your Letters doth furnish us with an occasion to make our justification before your self , and briefly to refute those accusations so inhumanly invented by our ill-wille●s . For your Majesties own Christian Conscience will be the best and sur●st witness for us , that we never have entertained any other Counsels , nor have negotiated with any body whatsoever about any other things , but what to our best understanding we have deemed to be good , expedient , and lawful for a free Prince , to preserve our selves in that State God Almighty hath been pleased to settle us in , by making us a lawful Heir and Successor to the Duke our Father of Blessed Memory , and to transmit the same to our Posterity , as we had got it . VVe our selves have not made that Agreement concluded at Copenhaguen on the 12th day of May , in the year 1658 , but have inherited those Rights , which in due consideration of the manifold damages sustained have thereby accrued to our Family . And it is also known to the World , that we have employed none at all at the Treaty and Conclusion of the reiterated Northern Peace in the Camp for Copenhaguen , on the 27th . day of May in the year 1660 , although we had then already taken the Government upon Us ; and the said Treaty of Copenhaguen hath nevertheless been confirmed therein , and the Guaranty thereof undertaken by the three most Puissant States of Christendom . And presupposing his Majesty the King of Denmark , Frederick the Third , our most Honoured Father-in-Law of glorious Memory , unwillingly and against his mind , ( which yet is altogether unknown to us , since his Family as well as ours hath been benefited thereby , ) should have proceeded to the granting of that Sovereignty , and other advantages promised to our Family ; yet it was but a meer spontaneous Act ; nay , it hath been an evident token of his Royal Affection towards us , that having observed by our Addresses for a near Alliance of Marriage in his Royal Family , our sincere inclination towards him , his Majesty in the year 1667 , when the Contract of Marriage in his own Fortress at Gluckstadt was a-making up , hath in all and the singular Articles , Points and Clauses , wholly , and to all perpetuity , confirmed to us the abovesaid Treaty of Copenhaguen , grounded upon the Soveraignty over the Dukedom of Sleswick , and established the same joyntly with that ancient Union for a perpetual rule betwixt both Families , with this engagement , and Royal firm Parol , that himself and his hereditary Successors in the Government , neither directly nor indirectly would act , nor cause to be acted against the same . But in what manner we have since been dealt withal at Rendsbourgh , in the year 1675 , and how we have been constrained by a most troublesome detention to surrender our Fortresses , Artillery , Ammunition and Militia ; yet with this Comfort given us , that all differences therewith were ended , and upon change of Times , and an ensuing Peace , all should be restored in such a condition as it was taken from us : and how , notwithstanding all th●s , ( after we forsooth , for our Person , were dismissed to Go●torp , yet still had strange Troops about us , and so only had changed place , but not detention , ) certain Articles have been prescribed to our Ministers and Counsellors remaining behind in Arrest , and we forced to the pretended Ratification thereof , even as we were to the surrender of our Fortresses without any liberty left us , only therein to alter things quite inconsistent with the Dignity of a free German Prince of the Empire : We are as unwilling to relate , as your Majesty can be desirous to hear , and should also have forborn to mention it either to your Majesty , or to any others , if we were not assured in our Conscience that your Majesty , out of an inbred Heroick Love to Justice , doth detest such a way of proceeding , and in that regard hath laid a Ground for that high displeasure your Majesty thereupon conceived against him , who out of Reasons unknown to us , hath occasioned all that mischief which then did befal us . And since that time we have not been able to imagin , that your Majesty should ever have intended , to set up that so called Agreement of Rendsbourgh , proceeding from such derogatory and extorted Principles , and consequently made void by Law , into a Pragmatical Sanction , after your Majesty hath charged our Subjects with such Contributions as are intolerable , and do quite cut off both our extraordinary and ordinary Revenues , and hath quite demolished to the ground our Fortresses , your Majesty having thereby introduced an impossibility to perform what the pretended Agreement of Rendsbourgh doth import : For if we by virtue thereof are to receive the Investiture over the Dukedom of Sleswick , it must be done at least after such a manner , as the Duke our Father of Blessed memory the last time , viz. in the year 1648 , received the same ; and then we ought to be Invested not only with the bare Land , but also with those Fortresses , since the last Feudal Letter doth make express mention thereof . It is true , we do confess , that even after such rigorous proceedings , to testifie our deference to your Majesty , and our desire of Peace , but chiefly , to ease our Subjects something groaning under their burthen , and to promote their freedom according to our Power ; we have come so far , as to condescend at length to the receiving the Investiture upon these terms , that all things should be resetled in such a state , as they had been before the pretended Agreement of Rendsbourgh , and that the weighty burthen lying upon our Territories , should be taken off , and due satisfaction effectually made for the damages sustained : And for that purpose we have sent some of our Ministers to Copenhaguen ; but our just desires have been rejected , an unconditional performance of the Feudal duty insisted on , and the redress of our Grievances set out of doors , and our Ministers having alleadged the want of full Powers thereunto , have been sent back for new Instructions , without being recalled by us from Copenhaguen , as her Majesty the Queen Mother by her own Letters deted at Copenhaguen the 19th day of November , 1676 , hath informed us . And we do confess very freely , that in case our Subjects presently after our Conditional Promise made , had been eased from their burthen , the Fortresses reduced to their former state , and due satisfaction effectually given us , we would have done the utmost , and undergone afresh that Feudal Duty . But whereas also , since possession hath been taken of our part of Stadt and Butjadinger-Land , notwithstanding the same hath no Relation at all to that Process , which was made at Vienna in the Cause of Olden●ourgh , ( besides his descending as a Fief from the Ducal House of Brunswick-Lunenbourgh ; ) our Subjects likewise both in Holstein and Sleswick , have been forbid to pay us the few remaining ordinary dues ; and furthermore such aims are taken , as to exclude us from that Treaty of a General Peace at Nimeguen , and consequently from all hopes of redress ; and lately Navigation hath even been by open Proclamations absolutely Interdicted to all our Inhabitants and Subjects of the Dukedoms of Sleswick and Holstein , without affording us , as Prince Regent , the least knowledge thereof , much less designing us to joyn in the said Publication , if the same had been required : We therefore have had good reason to wave the sending over our Deputies the second time again , after they were thus dismissed before , but rather have taken a firm resolution to get our Cause ventilated and discussed at the Treaty of the General Peace at Nimeguen , with this certain hope and confidence , that no Potentate concerned therein will dispute our admission , in regard that amongst other high concerns , the re-establishment of the Northern Peace , will be also treated there , which is not only the foundation of our Soveraignty over the Dukedom of Sleswick , with the other advantages stipulated for us and our Family , but also is an essential part thereof , and stands comprehended under the undertaken General and Special Warranty . Neither do we think that your Majesties Ministers in Holland have had any orders to render difficult the impetrating of the Pasports , by us desired from the States General of the Vnited Provinces , for our Ministers destined to Nimeg●n ; seeing they have not been able to alledge any thing at all which should deserve the least reflection , and exclude us from the General-Treaty , if we were but to be considered as a German Prince , and had no concerns in the re-establishment of the Northern Peace , which nevertheless hath first of all been endangered on our side . But concerning those machinations discovered by a singular accident , whereby , as we do conceive , some endeavours are used , to justifie that ( in all points formally commenced ) Sequestration , we have not the least cause to clear our selves in that respect , before any particulars are nearer touched , and it be duly made appear to us , that we have been concerned in any of those Machinations represented to your Majesty . However we are sure and confident , that we never have been so deservedly suspected privy to any thing as that thereby just cause should have been given , to charge us therewith by Potentates , both within and without the Empire , and to alienate their former inclination from Us and our Family ; much less can a Pretext thereby conveniently be taken to sequestrate that part of the Dukedom of Sleswick , which with all right Hereditarily and Properly doth belong to us , and to menace us with a total deprivation thereof ; and we do also fully perswade our selves , that your Majesty will put this to the serious consideration of your Ministers , who have brought this Process upon the Stage , and perhaps do endeavour to assert it's consistency with the Feudal Laws , That as your Majesty doubtless makes great doubt , to assume a Judges part in your own Cause , so neither the Sequestration of the Fief , nor the Deprivation of the same , can or may consist after that manner , as it is intended against us , although we should be indisputably oblig'd to that Vassalage of the Dukedom of Sleswick , which yet , saving all due respect to your Majesty , we find our selves necessitated solemnly to contradict , except one would presume to Act by nullities , or by making no reflection upon the Law. And the common Feudal Laws , whereupon likewise the ancient Unions and Hereditary Agreements , ( in case any difference as well in Feudal as other matters should arise ) are usually grounded , do shew , That not only in the total deprivation of a Fief , but also in the Sequestration , the hearing of the Cause before a Competent Judge , ought solemnly to precede it , ( notwithstanding one should presume to assert the necessity of a Sequestration , ) in case the Parties shew themselves unwilling , the reasons whereof , nevertheless , will never be made out of those pretended Machinations . Having therefore pondered all the above-mentioned , and such other concomitant circumstances , we cannot but still keep to our resolution once deliberately taken , and remit that point of our undeservedly questioned Soveraignty over the Dukedome of Sleswick , with all the other alien●ted Dignities , Prerogatives , Territories , and Fortresses ; as also all due and equitable satisfaction , and what else can conduce to our future Security , to the place of Congress for a general Peace at Nimeguen , patiently expecting from God and time , what Conclusion there will be made and come forth about the restoring the Northern Peace , and consequently also of our Rights and Concerns . But we do in the mean time very kindly and instantly intreat withal your Majesty , that out of an Inclination to Justice , and in regard of that desolate condition , whereunto we and ours thus undeservedly see our selves more and more reduced , your Majesty would be pleased till then , and till the speediest ( God grant ) ensuing conclusion of a general Peace , to preserve all peaceable thoughts , and not to press upon us any further with the said Investiture , and any other demands ; but on the contrary , without delay to recal that unjust and ungrounded Sequestration , and not only leave to us the enjoyment of all our Rights and Prerogatives undisturbed , but also to take off the exceeding Contributions from our quite exhausted Subjects , and to restore that part of Stadt and Budjadinger-Land , and also of the Customs at Elistiet , properly appertaining unto us , and amicably and friendly to interpret this our unavoidable Justification and Declaration ; with this assurance , that as we have in all Points carefully observed that high respect due to your Majesty , so likewise we have intended to say or write nothing , which should tend against the same . All this is very consentaneous to equity , and to your Majesties inbred Generosity ; and we shall be ready for our part every-where to praise such your Majesties kindness , and with due thankfulness , and all possible services , always acknowledge the same ; most faithfully recommending withal your Majesty to God Almighty's Protection . Dated Hambourgh the 16th of Jan. 1677. Your Majesties Obsequious Cousin and Brother-in-Law Christian Albrecht . THE EMPERORS LETTER TO THE Duke of Holstein . LEOPOLD by the Grace of GOD Elected Roman-Emperor . Serene Duke , &c. BY these We give your Dilection to understand , that We are informed , how you have not only for your part approved of those proposals which were made to you by Graventable the Swedish Minister , ( lately residing in Our Imperial City of Hamborough , ) about certain Levies to be made in Foreign Parts , and are come to a certain conclusion with him in that affair ; but also that your Dilection for the promoting of the said Levies hath made use of Kielman your late President 's Monys , that lie there , and taken thereof the Sum of 200000 Rix-dollars , and that your Dilection doth employ in this affair the Swedish President Kley , ( who hitherto hath pretended to live there as a private man , ) and also another person named Vlke. And although We do repose a far better confidence in your Dilection , than to think that you ( setting aside your strict Ties and Duties towards Us , and the whole Roman Empire , ) will thus lose your Self , and by such prohibited , and culpable advantages , take the Enemies part , contrary to the publick Statutes of the Empire , and Our Imperial Avocatories published thereupon ; yet have We thought good kindly to acquaint , and seriously to admonish you by these , that in case things should be thus , your Dilection might betimes desist from such Enterprizes , and embracing better Counsel , comport your Self according to what Duty doth require of a Loyal Member of the Empire , lest otherwise We should be obliged to cause your Dilection be proceeded against according to Our Imperial Avocatories ; all which is for your Dilections Government : Tendring withal Our Imperial Grace and good VVill to your Dilection . Dated at Our Castle at Lintz the 6th of January in the Year of Our Lord 1677. of Our Reign in the Roman Empire the 19th . In Hungary the 22th , and in Bohemia the 21th . LEOPOLD , V. Leopold William Count of Konigsegg , Ad mandatum Sacrae Caesareae Majestatis proprium , John Ambrose Hogell . The Duke of Holstein's Answer to the foregoing Letter of the Emperor . Most Serene , &c. YOur Imperial Majesties most gracious Letter from Lintz of the 6th Instant , hath been some days ago delivered to Me by your Imperial Majesties Minister here residing , the Lord Baron of Rond 〈…〉 , and received by Me with all the humblest respects Imaginable : but with extream astonishment I understood by the contents thereof , that your Imperial Majesty had got Information , as if I had not only , for my part , approved of those Proposals which had been made to me by Graventable the Swedish Minister , lately Residing here in Hamborough , about certain Levies to be made in Foreign Parts , and had come to a certain conclusion with him in that affair ; but also , that for the promoting of the said Levies , I had made use of Kielman , my late President 's Moneys , that lie here , and taken thereof the Sum of 200000 Rix-dollars , and that I also did employ in this affair the Swedish President Kley , ( who hitherto hath pretended to live here as a private man , ) and another person named Vlcke : Wherefore your Imperial Majesty most graciously hath thought good to acquaint me therewith , and seriously to admonish me , that in case things should be thus , ( which yet your Imperial Majesty would scarce expect from me , ) I may betimes desist from such Enterprizes , and embracing better Counsel , compor● my Self according to what Duty doth require of a Loyal Member of the Empire , lest otherwise your Imperial Majesty should be obliged to cause Me be proceeded against according to your published Imperial Avocatories . It is true , I can promise my Self nothing else from your Imperial Majesties most mild and yet most just disposition , but that your Imperial Majesties very gracious Letter , ( although occasioned by the industrious contrivance of some envious persons , who , by all ways and means , seek very watchfully the oppression and ruin of my self , and my Ducal House ) hath been sent to me for no other end , but that your Imperial Majesty might thereby get a fitter occasion to discover my Innocency , and consequently , by your Imperial Majesties Authority and highest Power , to Protect me as a Loyal Member and Prince of the Empire , against those who have made no Conscience for the space of these 19 Months , to Treat me unworthily , and oppress me undeservedly , leaving me nothing of all my Princely Dignity but bare life . However , when I call to mind again , in what manner your Imperial Majesties Requisitorials concerning me , which were delivered into his Majesty the King of Denmarks hands , have been ( by the contrivance of some Ministers , bearing an hatred to me ) abused so far , that they begun almost from that very hour to exhaust my poor Subjects , as well of Holstein , as of Sleswick , with intolerable Contributions , and to render them quite uncapable to contribute so much , as they were lawfully bound to do for the upholding my Princely State and Dignity ; ( which proceedings are yet till this very moment continued , to the utter destruction of my Territories , though no further Imperial Requisitorials have been signified to me , which have been granted to other States of the lower Circle of Saxony in the point of Quarters : ) Then have I just reason to fear , that they likewise now under your Imperial Majesties highest Name and Authority , though against your Imperial Majesties will and intention , do go about to colour , and palliate what they newly have contriv'd for the finishing of my premeditated ruin , and partly have already brought to an Execution . All which I have by my former complaints , with all submission represented to your Imperial Majesty , and thereby most humbly implored your speedy Protection ; whereunto also I do now refer my self , in hopes your Imperial Majesty will be pleased , not only most graciously to hear , but also see them according to your Imperial Clemency forthwith redressed . Concerning those Accusations brought before your Imperial Majesty , and laid home at my door , I should never have Imagined , upon what bottom and foundation they could be grounded , unless your Imperial Majesty by the Nomination of certain Persons had obliged me to a more exact Information ; whereupon I most humbly can assure your Imperial Majesty , by the true and faithful Word of a Prince , that I never had the least knowledge of these specified Projects , touching the Levies of some Forreign Forces , much less have I approved of the same , or dealt or agreed about them , directly or indirectly , with any man in the VVorld . And I can protest with Truth it self , that Kleyhe the King of Sweden's President , hath not , all the time of his abode here , made any Propositions to me concerning my Conjunction with Forreign Crowns against your Imperial Majesty , and your high Allies , nor ever offered to perswade me to any such thing . But this I do declare willingly and freely , that I have caused my disconsolate condition , whereunto I find my self undeservedly reduced , to be fully represented to his Majesty the King of Great Britain , as Guarantee of the Northern Peace , which first of all began to bleed and suffer on my side ; to whom I made it my humble Request , that his said Majesty would be pleased , ( in respect both of that General and Special Guaranty taken upon him concerning my Soveraignty over the Dukedom of Sleswick , lawfully obtained , ) to procure my Restitution , and due Satisfaction ; which I have been so far from disowning , that I was content that the Memorials about the said Subject exhibited from time to time by my Deputy , should be faithfully communicated to the Danish Minister residing in England . For which end I have also employed at that Court the same Vlcken my Counsellor there , whom I did for almost two years imploy at your Imperial Majesties Court ; and have amongst other Negotiations also caused my most humble Remonstrations and frequent Instances by him to be made to your Imperial Majesty for my Protection , with certain hopes , that he hath behaved himself so well , that no cause is left to mistrust him , or to charge him with any sinister and ill-grounded accusations . Since therefore the abovesaid foul aspersions , studiously contrived by my ill-wishers , can never be proved nor laid to my door ; the rest consequently must fall to the ground , which charge me that for the carrying on of such fictitious Levies , I should have taken and employed the said Sum of 200000 Rixdollers belonging to the Heirs of Kielman , which monies I do not know in the least if they do lye here or no. Whereas now my Innocency , and the Fictitiousness of those Sinister imputations do sufficiently appear by the premises ; I can with all submission assure your Imperial Majesty that nothing in the World shall be ever forced from me , which may offend and interrupt my Loyal Duties tendred to your Imperial Majesty , and to the Roman Empire , and that Devotion which my Ancestors have Sealed with their Princely Blood to the Mighty House of Austria . I do therefore again most humbly implore your Imperial Majesty , as the most Sacred Head of the Empire , that your Imperial Majesty would be pleased not to give way to the Suspicions raised against me , but rather , out of your Highest Fatherly care provide such ways and means , whereby I , as a devoted Co-member of the Roman Empire , may be upheld and freed from all my pressing Calamities . Thus longingly I do look for your Imperial Majesties effectual and gracious Resolution , &c. Dated at Hambourgh the 20 of Jan. Ann. 1677. FINIS . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A51765-e250 Grot. lib. 3. c. 20. n. 27. seq . Notes for div A51765-e9050 See the Patent for the Grant of this Soveraignty in Lundorpius , Contin . part . 8. lib. 8. cap. 10. pag. 318. and elsewhere . 
A47431	----	Animadversions on a pretended Account of Danmark King, William, 1663-1712. 1694 Approx. 257 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 117 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2004-03 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A47431 Wing K522 Wing K543A ESTC R2390 13070911 ocm 13070911 97119 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A47431) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 97119) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 743:5 or 1691:8) Animadversions on a pretended Account of Danmark King, William, 1663-1712. [24], 202, [6] p. Printed for Tho. Bennet ..., London : 1694. First edition. Errata: prelim. p. [24]. Advertisement: p. [1]-[6] at end. Item at reel 743:5 identified as Wing K522 (number cancelled in Wing 2nd ed.). An answer to the work by Viscount Molesworth. Reproduction of originals in Huntington Library and University of Illinois (Urbana-Champaign Campus). Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. 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Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Molesworth, Robert Molesworth, -- Viscount, 1656-1725. -- Account of Denmark as it was in the year 1692. Denmark -- Description and travel -- Early works to 1800. 2000-00 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2001-08 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2003-11 John Latta Sampled and proofread 2003-11 John Latta Text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-12 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion ANIMADVERSIONS On a Pretended ACCOUNT OF DANMARK . I think it very pertinent to take notice , that in Danmark there are no Seditions , Mutinies , or Libels against the Government . Acc. of Denmark , p. 246. LONDON . Printed for Tho. Bennet , at the Half Moon in St. Paul's Church-yard , 1694. TO Mr. M — . SIR , YOU have born so great a Character in the World , and have a Reputation so universal ; that I cannot but think those People , who have Fathered upon you the Account of Danmark , lately printed , have done it only with a design to injure you ; for certainly a man of such settled Principles as you are , of thoughts so sedate and composed , would never expose any thing to the publick View , which you would not set your Name to , and let the Account of a Country , so considerable as Danmark , be put forth without so much as any mention of the Licenser or Printer , like a common Pamphlet or Lampoon . Monsieur Sorbiere put his Name to a scandalous Description of England , though he relates several passages altogether as inconsiderable and ridiculous , as that the Describer of Danmark tells us , p 95. That being a great Lover of Green Geese , he could get none of the Country People ; till a superstitious Old Woman told him , she had four at his Service , imagining that otherwise the Kite would have them ; or rather otherwise being an Old Woman full of Bowels● ( as Hostesses usually are ) being afraid that the Gentleman should lose his Longing . Besides , Sir , what Man of Sense can think , that a Gentleman of your Parts would write so tedious a Preface , that has so lit●tle Relation to the Description Pretended , would spend three or four Pages to perswade the World that Liberty is easy , and Health is valuable , things that were granted by the Authors Great● Grand-Mother ; would fling away four or five Pages more to in●form the World , that thinking men may improve themselves by Conversation and Travel . Whereas if that Author , instead of his important Scraps of Latin , as Divisos orbe Britannos . Res est Ridicula & nimis Jocosa , Catull. had given us these two Verses of Horace . Dic mihi Musa virum , captae post tempora Trojae . Qui mores hominum multorum vidit & Urbes . We should have framed a greater Idea of that Advantage from Homer's Character of Ulysses , and perhaps have found , that he improved as much by visiting the Monster Polypheme , as any of this Authors Disciples may do , whom he would send for Maxims as far as China and Japan , and to search for such Regulations of Government as are fit for Modles to the most civiliz'd Europeans , amongst the Man-eaters and savage Americans ; who being great Philosophers , must in pursuance of this Authors advice , become very excellent Tutors . Further , Sir , I am not of opinion , that you would have our two Universities to reform their Statutes , and direct their Studies according to some new Methods of Modern Learning ; for as their Habits are the same , which they wore in Harry the Eighth's time , and yet are still very decent and becoming , so their old Philosophy , has likewise it's peculiar uses ; we see by experience , that such as neglect and despise the Disputations of the Schools , who laugh at the dark Terms and Subtilties of Aristotle , and his Nice Commentators ; when they once come to writing , find the Want of their Logick ; ( for that and Grammar generally revenge themselves upon their Adversaries ) they trifle instead of arguing , their Method is confused , and when they should urge any single point , they run from one thing to another ; and their discourse is as lax and undigested , as the Preface of that Author we are treating of . Neither , Sir , can I imagine , that you would have the Nobility and Gentry of any Country , commit the Education of their Children to Philosophers , and not to Priests ; and by the former have moral Virtues preached up to them , such as Fortitude , Temperance , and Contempt of Death : their Instructors using pious Cheats , as Elysian Fields , &c. and by those Methods even deceiving their Hearers into Greatness ; these Philosophers thus excelling the Managers of our Modern Education . For I suppose , Sir , you are sensible of the great Benefits that Youth receive , by being bred up under grave and religious Clergy-men ; for though Tully's Offices be a very good Book , yet the Bible , in my Opinion , is a better . Besides Morality , which Youth ought to be instructed in , they are likewise to be taught how to be good Christians , and there is to my Knowledge a● eminent School in this Nation , where the Youth are not trained up , not only to the understanding of Words and Languages , ( though at the same time those are taught there with the greatest Accuracy ) where they are kept in a sence of Duty and Obedience to their Superiors , by a certainty of future Punishments to them that transgress , and everlasting Happiness to such as do well ; where they are constantly call'd upon to give a sensible and rational Account of their Faith , I mean that contained in the Catechism , Homilies , and Thirty nine Articles of the Church of England ; where there is no day passes without their Reading a considerable portion of the Holy Scriptures in the Original Languages : And a better Foundation is laid for a Greatness of Mind , and Contempt of Death from the Example of our Blessed Saviour , than can be framed from any pattern amongst the Grecian and Roman Heroes . However it comes to pass , the Author , among all the Roman Heroes , has unfortunately p●●ch'd upon Brutus , as the true Pattern and Model of exact Virtue : And yet in relation to the Death of Caesar , all circumstances consider'd , a Youth that is bred up to a sense of Gratitude , Honour , or Common Justice , will look upon him as ungrateful , and a base Assassinate ; and will necessarily despise him , when he sees him deserting that Virtue which he pretended to admire ; and in a sullen despair exclaiming against it , as an empty Name . A very fine Model indeed for a Man of Quality , and which must affect him much more when he shall find the Practices of Persons of the like stamp in this particular founded upon Reason , Justice and Truth , and unanimously approved of by most of the succeeding Wise men which the World has produced . I should be glad to see a List of those Wise men , who were of his Opinion , that I may be satisfied , whether our Author has done Justice to Ravailliac , and some other● Heroes of this latter Age ; and that our Authors own Name ( if his Courage be equal to his Inclination ) may be added to it upon occasion . Moreover , Sir , there are several Observations and political Maxims throughout the whole Preface , which ●avor very much of a Commonwealth , and would not well become any Person that has had the Honour to serve Their Majesties , or that heartily consult their Real Interest , or the Glory of the English Nation . For in the first place he says , if we look backwards , It is a true Reflection , that our late Kings half undid us , and bred us up narrow-spirited so long , till the World had almost overlook'd us , and we seldom were permitted to cast an Eye farther than France or Holland . If Peace , Ease and Plenty could be said to undo us , we were indeed undone ; and then as for our Ignorance of the Affairs of other Nations , we must necessarily be in a most profound one , when we had our Ministers at Cologne , and afterwards at Nimeguen , when the King of England's Mediation was accep●ed by all the Princes then in War , and the Pretentions of the most considerable States in Europe left to his Majesties Arbitration . But it seems at present we are in a better condition , and the Preface , to our comfort , tells us , that we make a greater figure in the World than formerly , and have a right to intermeddle in the Affairs of Europe . And here a true Englishman may think , that something has been said to the Honour of his Country : When alas , if he reads but the next Page ( for the Author cannot write consistently two Pages together ) he will find , that we do not live up to our Post , and maintain our Character , that we are insulted on our own Coast , our Trade endanger'd , and in Apprehension every Year of an Invasion and a French Conquest . Not in such dismal Apprehensions neither , Sir ! for as our ancient Yeomantry and Commonalty could draw the Long Bow , and handle the Brown Bill , so their Sons will charge a Musket , or draw a Sword in defence of the publick Liberty , and the Right of Their Majesties , against any Commonwealth's-men or Foreigners that shall dare to invade them . The Author seems to have inserted these Passages to show himself impartial , and to let the Danes see , that they have no great reason to complain of ill Usage , since he is as scurrilous upon his own Countrymen . In the second place to come to some other of his Observations , it may very possibly be proved in contradiction to what he has advanced , that the Jus Divin●●● of Kings and Princes was a Notion in the Northern Parts of the World , long before these later Ages of Slavery ; that is , before Milton ●ver wrote , or England suffer'd under the Tyranny of a Commonwealth ; even Passive Obedience , however unintelligible to this Author , as stated by Reverend and Learned Divines , though it should still be maintained by them under their present Majesties , would be more suitable to Soveraign Authority , and the Welfare of these Nations , than any Doctrins since coined : For the Ecclesiasticks , established by the Laws of this Realm , are so far from having an Interest separate from , and opposite to the Publick , as our Author would insinuate , that no Persons have defended the true Constitution of the English Government , with greater Temper and Hazards . Now the Constitution of England , as set forth by them is , that the King's Prerogative be kept sacred ; the Lords Spiritual and Temporal have their Authority and Honours supported ; that the Priviledges , as well as Properties of the Commons , be inviolably preserv'd : When any of these have been encroached upon by the other , the English Clergy have in all Ages made a vigorous stand , and the publick Liberty has been so dear to them , that many of them have sacrific'd their own Freedom to it . Sir , I shall not trouble you much longer , only tell you , that a principal Reason why we should not take this Book to be yours , is a Remark which may be found in Authors that treat concerning Ambassadors ( viz. ) that he ought to be no Detractor or Speaker ill of any King or State , but more especially of him or them with whom he remains . The Reasons are plain , because Detraction is beneath the Honour of the Prince whose Character he sustains ; and then such actions would make Ambassadors from such a Prince , be treated for the future , rather as Spies and Enemies , than as men whose Persons are to be held sacred . We are of Opinion , that nothing could make you swerve from this Rule ; and that no Provocation could force you to it . However , there are two things that happen'd in Danmark , which to another man might give some small occasion , and are as follow . It seems an Envoy there , who had been above three Years in the Danish Court , where at first he was very welcome , became at last to be very disagreeable , by boldly pretending to some Privileges , that by the Custom of the Country are denied to every body . There is throughout all Sealand a double Road , one is common to all People , the other called the King's Road , is reserved to his Majesty of Danmark and A●●endants ; this is shut up with several Gates , and has great Ditches on both sides of it : The Envoy travelling one day to Helsingor , was resolved to pass this way in his Chariot , an● accordingly did so , after he had broke down the Gates ; which Action as it would have been a great Misdemeanor in any Dane , so it was resented by the Court as a Rudeness in a Foreigner . At another time this same Envoy went to the Isle of Amack ● near Copenhagen , where abundance of Hares are kept for the King of Danmark's Game , and that with so much care , that any man is severely punishable who presumes to kill one of them , unless in the King's Company ; however this Gentleman was resolved to have a Course ; but in his way thither was accosted by one of the King's Huntsmen , who desired him to send his Dogs back , otherwise he was in Duty oblige● to shoot them . Instead of any Reply to this , one of the Envoy's Footmen cut the Keeper over th● Head with his Sword : The Man all bloody as he was , went presently to Count Revenklaw , great Mast●r of the Game , and made his Complaint to him . These Actions being represented to the King , his Majesty was extreamly offended at them , and showed it by the cold Reception the Envoy afterwards met with at Court ; who was likewise given to understand , that he was not very welcome there . Upon this pretending business into Flanders , he retired thither without any Audience of Leave , and from thence went home , where his Master would have had him return , and perform that Ceremony ; but he rather chose to lose the Presents given upon those occasions , than visit a Court again that had been so justly offended with him : And yet pretended to be angry , because he had not this usual Present for Envoys , which his own Rudeness and Absence deprived him of . Even these things could scarce ever sowr a Gentlemans temper , so far as to make him bespatter a whole Country , as the Author of the Account of Danmark has done ; to conceal several things that would have been for the Credit of that Nation ; to set Truth in such a Light , as to appear quite different from it self in the Relation , and to advance a great many particulars in which he may be plainly contradicted . I would not , Sir , believe any thing like this of you , and therefore shall proceed with the more freedom in examining the Book it self . The CONTENTS . Chap. 1. OF the Territories belonging to the King of Danmark , and their Situation . 1 Chap. 2. Of Danmark in particular , and the Island of Sealand . 9 Chap. 3. Of the Sound . 25 Chap. 4. Of the other Islands and Jutland . 32 Chap. 5. Of the rest of the King of Danmark's Countries . 40 Chap. 6. Of their Form of Government . 56 Chap. 7. The manner how the Kingdom of Danmark became Hereditary . 77 Chap. 8. The Conditions , Customs , and Manners of the People . 89 Chap. 9. Of the Revenue . 131 Chap. 10. Of the Army , Fleet and Fortresses . 145 Chap. 11. Of the Court. 153 Chap. 12. The Disposition and Inclinations of the King of Danmark towards his Neighbours . 160 Chap. 13. The Manner of dispossessing and restoring the Duke of Holstein Gottorp . 164 Chap. 14. The Interests of Danmark in relation to other Princes . 166 Chap. 15. Of the Laws , Courts of Justice , &c. 167 Chap. 16. The State of Religion , of the Clergy , and Learning , &c. 172 Conclusion . 194 Errata Typographica . PAge 1. line 7. for scituation read situation , and so in p 15 , &c. p. 4. l. 11. after Blegind add and. p. 5. l. 7. for bis r. this . p. 9. l. 7. for Denmark r. Danmark . p. 11. l. 17. for Kjerfeminde r. Kierfeminde . p. 20. l. 7. for Frederickborg r. Fredericksborg . p. 21. l. 5. for Guidenlew r. Guldenl●w . p. 24. l. ult . for outhwark r. Southwark . p. 34. l. ●● . for Stifts-Amt r. Stifts Amtmand . p. 35. l. 14. for Gi●● r. Gioe . l. 24. for Stifts-Amts r. Stifts-Amtmaend . p. 36. l. 10. for Stifts-Amts r. Stifts Amtmaend . p. 43. l. 21. for recuit r. recruit . p. 44. l. 21. for Clausten r. Clausson . p. 46. l. r. for Tonsborg r. Tonsberg . l. 3. for Zarwick r. Larwick . l. 8. for Writers r. Writer . p. 59. l. 18. for tell r. tells . p. 64. l. 23. for we r. ●e . p. 83. l. 7. for Nauson r. Nanson . p. 86. l. 2. for Sest●ed r. Sebested . l. 5. for Nauson r. Nanson . l. 13. for Nauson r. Nanson . p. 90. l. 23. for Hospitaliay r. Hospitality . p. 119. l. 17. for consumate r. cons●mmate . p. 131. l. 12. for persue r. pursue . p 148. l. 18. for Emperor r. Emperors . p. 150. l. 15. for Naxkew r. Nakskow . p. 156. l. 27. for Hederig r. Hedewig . p. 158. l. 9 , 10. for Daneburg r. Danebroge . p. 164. l. 5. for Rakeburg r. Ratzeburg . p. 171. l. 16. for iu r. in . p. 173. l. 21. for Tousson r. Tausson . p. 186. l. 11. for Glaudius , Lyscander r. Claudius Lyscander . l. 18. for Paxous r. Parvus . p. 190. l. 27. for Er●ticam r. Eroticum . ANIMADVERSIONS On the Pretended Account of DANMARK In the Year 1692. CHAP. I. Of the Territories belonging to the King of Danmark , and their Scituation . DAnmark has always had a particular Interest with England : Our very Ancestors came originally from one of its Provinces ; it has once been our Master , and we are now govern'd by Princes , whose Great-grand mother was a Daughter of it ; nor can there be any dearer Pledge of the Danish Affection to us , than that the only Brother to its King resides amongst us , and has made us happy in a Young Prince , who promises one day to equal the great Families from which he is descended . Whilst 7000 Danes are fighting for us in their Majesties Service , it is very ungenerous in the Author of the Account to resl●● upon them ; who if he must have been malicious , should rather have chosen an Enemies Country for the subject of his Satyr . If we consider the frequent Applications that have been made , both by the Confederates , and the French King , to have the King of Danmark declare in their savour , we shall be apt to look upon him as a Prince that is very considerable , and not agree with this Author , pag. 2. who tells us that if he were put in ballance with the King of Portugal , he would be sound lighter . This is a Comparison no reasonable man would be guilty of making , for the Armies , Navy , and Strength of the former , will certainly very much overpoise the latter ; And then Danmark lies so , as to be able to make use of these advantages , either to the offending of it● Enemies , or relief of its Friends ; and though Portugal has a good East-India Trade , yet the Commodities of Danmark and Norway , especially those that relate to Shipping , make its Trade necessary to Portugal it self , and most other Countries in Europe . Besides , the Kingdom of Danmark with all its Provinces is very large , insomuch that the first words of this Authors Book are , p. 1. that if we consider the extent of the King of Danmark's Dominions , he may with justice be reckon'd amongst the greatest Princes of Europe . For though Schone , Halland and Blegind , by Treaty remain to the Swedes , yet I cannot allow this Author what he says pag. 3. that they were the best Provinces belonging to Danmark . Nor do I really think that he has a sufficient knowledge , which Provinces are the most considerable ; for he seems only to have been in Copenhagen and thereabouts ; the reason is , because what he speaks as to the nature and constitution of Danmark , in relation to the fertility of the Country , or the common life of the People , can in no manner be applied to any other part , but to Sealand only , where Copenhagen stands , and is not above a fourth part of Danmark . Now this Island lying under the disadvantages of a particular Law , is not in so good a condition as the other Provinces , though that , and a great deal of Jutland , is still better than either Halland or Blegind ; though Schone be a fine Province , yet does no way excel Fun●n , as well as other parts of Danmark . However this Author says . p. 3. that these three Provinces are still looked upon by the Danes with a very envious Eye ; and for this reason 't is reported , that the Windows of Croneborg Castle , whose Prospect lay towards Schone , were walled up , that so hateful an Object might not cause continual Heart-burnings . Very well , Sir , Pray did your own Knowledge , or Experience confirm this to be a truth ? ( p. 2. ) or did some of your sensible grave Persons , p. 2. impose this silly story upon you ? For when you was at Croneborg , you might have found , that some Windows were indeed walled up for the Advantage of the Fortress , but not to hinder the sight of Schone ; the Situation of Croneborg being such , that now th●se Windows are close , yet Schone must be seen from the Apartments of both the other sides ; so that to make his suggestion true , all the Rooms must be quite darkned ; and then , Sir , it would be a fit place in which you might employ your fancy and invention in framing more such stories . Nay , this Fable is so ridiculous , that if the King of Danmark should avoid the pretended Heart burnings , occasioned by seeing Schone , p. 3. he must not only forbear coming to Cron●borg , but also leave Copenhagen , and that side of Sealand opposite to Schone , and must also chuse his Residence in Jutland , or some other remote place , where he could be free from that hateful Object . Though indeed , were Danmark as he represents it , p. 4. ( comprehending all its Islands ) no bigger than two thirds of Ireland ; the loss of a Province or two would be of a very tender concern to it . But , Sir , where People have any Knowledge of Geography , and understand how to measure a Map , they will find that Danmark , as it now remains , has much more ground than there is in all Ireland . It is indeed a needless trouble that I have given my self to confute this Remark in the Authors fourth Page , because his first hath already contradicted it to my hand . Poor Norway falls next under his Censure , p. 4. as having a very dangerous and unhospitable Shore ; we must look for nothing there but Wrecks ; for when the Night , or a Storm , overtakes poor Mariners , the deep Sea and high R●cks , never fail to accomplish their Ruine . And this dismal Relation may be very true , for any thing this Author knows to the contrary . The Coast of Norway is indeed high and rocky , but all along the same there are Ports very near to one another , so that with a very little knowledge of that Sea , you may every where find a Harbour behind the Rocks , and Shelter from the greatest Storms : And any Sea-man , who is acquainted with that Voyage will tell you , that he would ten times rather venture amongst the Rocks of Norway in a Storm , than the Sands of England : The reason is , because he may there find shelter in every place , but here are not so many entrances between the Sands . What he says , that there is no Anchorage for Ships , p. 4. is another proof of his exact information ; for in several places there is Anchorage half a League and more into the Sea : And where there is no such before the Land , there is , ( as has been mention'd ) a safe entrance between the Rocks to anchor there . However the Author may have streightned the King of Danmark as to his Dominions in Europe , yet he has given him a prodigious Fort in the East Indies , which he calls Tranquebar ; p. 6. and this is another instance of his extraordinary Accuracy ; for if it be a Fort , 't is of a great many Miles extent . The Coast indeed upon which the Danes have built , is by the Indians called Tranquebar , but the Fort it self has never had any other name than Daneborg . But to come to a general character of the King of Danmark's Dominions , according to the Account , p. 6. they all lye under this great inconveniency , that they are mightily disjoyned from each other , and that to this principally the Conquests which the Swedes have gain'd upon them may be ascribed . First , The Danish Provinces are not so mightily separated , as this Gentleman would persuade us ; since a Sound of 4 , 5 , or 7 Leagues is the greatest distance between any of them ; only Norway indeed is further off , but then it can maintain and desend it self . Secondly , This pretended inconvenience is a real advantage , especially against the Incursions of any foreign Enemy : And this truth was demonstrated in the famous War with Sweden ; for had not the signal disposition of Providence frozen up the B●lt , to that degree as was never remembred before , nor happen'd since , the Swedes could not have besieged the Capital City of that Kingdom ; for the Streams which divide the Provinces of Danmark , afford them this security , that so long as the Royal Navy is safe , Copenhagen , which is the main strength of that Country , can fear nothing . CHAP. II. Of Denmark in particular , and the Island of Sealand . BUT to what end have we labour'd hitherto , in the foregoing Chapter ? Let the Country be never so large , if at the same time it be barren , the extent of it signifies little . Sealand is that unhappy Province , whose Fertility cannot be commended by the Author , it having no Bread Corn ( p. 8. ) except Rye , which he owns to be in good quantity . I hitherto thought that when a Field was sown with Grain , if the Crop answer'd the utmost expectation of its owner , the Field might be commended for its fertility ; and if upon the Authors arrival , he did not find Wheat got ready on purpose for him , it was because Rye Bread , being more acceptable to the Danish Nation , and agreeing better with their health and constitution , the Farmer hoped to make a better Market of his Rye amongst his Countrymen● than he should do of Wheat , to fatten Green Geese or cram Capons for his worship . And indeed , we shall find as little reason , for his being disgusted at the air of the Country , which he says is but indifferent , p. 8. especially in and near Copenhagen , occasion'd by frequent Fogs , and its low Scituation . Any body who has been in Sealand , must allow the air to be very good ; Copenhagen has only the inconvenience which all populous Citi●s are subject to , in not having it quite so clear as in the Country ; though the wholesomness of it appears by the healthiness of the Inhabitants : And as to Fogs ( which they are seldom troubled with ) no man ought to complain of them , who may very probably have lived in Dublin . He is just to the Country for six Lines , in telling us the face of the Land is pleasant , &c. p. 9. and that there is a most excellent Port belonging to Copenhagen ; but he presently comes to himself and says , they have no other Ports in the Kingdom ; nor indeed much occasion in Sealand , since they have no Commodities to ship from them . Notwithstanding this Gentleman's Intelligence , there are very good Sea-ports throughout all Danmark , of which I shall mention the following only , each of them capable of harbouring Vessels of 200 Tun or more ; in Sealand ; Corsoer , Callundborg , Holbeck , Wordingborg , &c. In Funen ; Nyborg , Assens , Kierseminde , &c. In Jutland ; Aalborg , Aarhus , Horsens , Rinkiobing , &c. In Fal●●er , Laland , &c. Nakskow , Nykiobing , &c. too many here to enumerate . And then from Sealand there is a considerable quantity of Corn sent every year to Norway , and the last year but one , viz. 1692 , abundance likewise was carried to Holland ; the reason why there may not be so much exported at present , as has been heretofore , is because , contrary to what he affirms , p. 10. That the number of the Inhabitants are not encreased , The Inhabitants of Copenhagen are twice as many as they were 20 years ago . Corn indeed would be much scarcer , if the Kings Game were so arbitrary as he pretends , p. 9. to make them ; and those sacred things might range the Fields , and no man dare to touch them . The Countrymen I 'll assure you , Sir , are not obliged to you for the Law you have newly made them ; since they have in Danmark hitherto had an equal liberty , as in other Countries , to disturb their Entertainment . Come we now to the business of their Eating , in which the Reflector seems to be extreamly curious . Some one Bur●●● of Copenhagen has undoubtedly d●soblige● him with an ill Dinner , which was a wonder ; for their way of Eating and Drinking is so far above Meanness , that it rather inclines to Luxury ; three or four Dishes of several Meats , is but a common Dinner for the middle People , and generally their Supper equals it . Nay , the very Boors throughout all Danmark and Norway , will not be satisfied , if they have not their three Meals a day , and those commonly of warm Meat ; so that when the Countryman in England is contented with his Bread and Cheese to Supper , the Danish and Norsh Peasants must have their Pot on the fire , or else they will go to their Feather-beds ( than which , our Author says , no man can have better , p. 88. ) with great uneasiness . 'T is true Meat and Fish when salted is more acceptable to the Danes , as well as other Northern People , and agrees better with their constitution ; and it would be a hardship instead of a delicacy to them , to have so much fresh Meat as is customary in England . But was the Diet of the Burghers even as hard as he describes it , yet , I am credibly informed , that the Servants of a Publick Minister there ( who shall be nameless ) would have been very glad to partake of it , since their Masters house-keeping was so far from abounding , that they found too frequent occasions to complain openly . And whereas the Author of the Account says , p. 10 , 11. that if the Inspectors of the English Markets should come to those of Copenhagen , they would find the Victuals had enough to be sent only to the Prisons ; those poor Servants would have been infinitely obliged , should they in pity have commanded an Officer to stop , and set his Basket down now and then at his Excellency's . Their Peasants live as plentifully as in other Countries , they have good Flesh and salt Fish , white Meats , Roots , &c. but what signifies all this ( according to our Author , p. 11. ) since necessary fresh Fish is wanting ? I could heartily condole their condition , if my Tenants in Northampton and Leicestershire would not take exception ; for if they found me once so indulgent to the Peasants of another Nation , they would certainly expect a double barrel of Colchester Oysters by the next Carrier ; and without a Cods-head , Smelts or Turbet , I might e'ne go to plow my self for Hodge and Sawney . But what is most admirable to me is , that there can be any thing fit to eat throughout all Danmark , since according to this Author's description , p. 11. it seems to be exempted from part of the common promise which God made to Noah , and Mankind , that while the Earth remaineth , Seed-time and Harvest , and Cold and Heat , and Summer and Winter , and Day and Night shall not cease , Gen. 8. 22. For he says , p. 11. that at Copenhagen , and in all Denmark they never have Spring , and seldom Autumn . This assertion could proceed only from such a one , as in his preface he calls a very Traveller , or at least an ill natur'd and unthinking Person , since so many People are able to confute him , as have ever lived there but a twelve-month . Then for those three months of June , July and August , which he calls Summer , he has provided sufficient Plagues for them ; first the interposition of thick vapours , &c. p. 11. which upon examination , will be found to be only Clouds in his own understanding . Secondly , his plague of Flies , of which he has seen whole Bushels swept together in one Room , p 12. A BushelSir ! ( if of Winchester measure ) will hold a great many Flies : and what makes this seem more incredible is , that Domitian the Imperial Fly-killer , though in Italy , ( a very hot Country ) when he had taken his half peck , thought he had had very plentiful game . The City of Copenhagen does not more abound in Flies , than it is on the contrary wanting in Fish ; for the Author , p. 12. never knew a Sea Town of that consequence worse served with it ; the Baltick indeed is not so well stored with Fish , as some other Seas ; but yet in Copenhagen there is Sea Fish , asCod , Flounders , &c. brought from other places , and sold there very cheap ; the reason why it is not still cheaper , by being brought thither as it might be in greater plenty , is because their fresh-water fish is in vast quantities , and as he says , p. 92. makes full amends , there being the best Carp , Tench , Perch and Craw-fish , that are to be found any where . He now leads us to a Description of the City of Copenhagen , p. 12. for ( it seems ) when he has done that , he shall have little more to say of any other in the King of Danmark's Dominions , there being no other belonging to him , much better than our Town of St. Albans . Perhaps the Gentleman did not Travel much in the Country , and so speaks only as to his own Knowledge ; but other People who have seen more , are of Opinion , and think that Ribe , Aarhuus , Aalborg , Odense , &c. besides several Cities in Norway , and other of the Kings Dominions , as Bergen , Trundhiem , Christiania , Gluckstadt , Flensborg , Hadersleben , &c. if they were allotted an Impartial Surveyor , would appear to be much better than our Town of St. Albans , which at present stands so fair in this Authors good graces . But though Copenhagen is the best place belonging to the King as Danmark , Yet it is no Antient City , nor a very Large one , it comes nearest to Bristol , and increases in buildings daily . p. 12. Copenhagen was founded in the twelfth Century , Anno 1168. and as to its largeness it may most properly be compared with Dublin , which is the second City in the King of England's Dominions . He is just to the Port of Copenhagen , in about a Page and an half , p. 13 , 14. but it is , that he may find the greater faults with the other things that belong to it . The Air ( he says ) is bad , by reason of the stink of the Channels , which are cut through the City . p. 14. In the 8th Page he attributes the badness of the Air to the Fogs and low Scituation , but here to the Channels , which are indeed rather an Ornament and Convenience to it , than otherwise : Heretofore there might some small offence proceed from them , when they were in the nature of Fleet-ditch , in London : But now , by the Order of his present Majesty , they are cut quite through the City , the Sea going in on one side , and out at the other ; and are so very large , that a stout Man of War may ride cross the City and round the Castle . The Works of the Town , he says , are only of Earth and Sods , p. 14. So much the better ; Stone Walls , we know , are of no great strength against Cannons : And when he tells us , ib. These Works are in tolerable good repair ; he should in common justice have said something of the extraordinary good order they are kept in . The Buildings ( as he describes them ) ib. are generally mean , being Cage-work ; not considering , that Cage-work is more in esteem there than Plaister , as being more convenient and durable , and contrived generally so as to appear very handsome ; not but that there are abundance of very good Brick Houses , that are built by the Citizens , as well as others more magnificent belonging to the Nobility . As to the publick Buildings , King Christian the 4th did more than all the succeeding Princes , ( says our Author . ) It is very strange , that King Christian should do more than all his Successors put together ; p. 15. which all ( after this bluster ) if added together , will amount to but two only , the Father and Son ; of which the Son has augmented the Beauty of the City very considerably . The great Objection against them all is , that they have forgot , or delayed the building of a Pallace , the Kings House of Residence being the worst in the world , p. 15. As for new Buildings , the present King is content with the Garden-house of Rosenborgh , and with the delicious Castle of Friderickborg , till his Affairs will permit him to finish a Pallace , that has been long designed to be built by the Sea side , near the Kings New Market . In the mean time the old Castle is acceptable enough to their Majesties , by reason of that affection which is naturally born to things that have been possest , and are left by several Ancestors ; this Castle being venerable for its Antiquity , part of it having been the first House that was built in Copenhagen . Certainly this Pallace ought to be preserved , at least , to show the Citizens how much they are at present advanced , and to what height his Majesty has raised them ; since Subjects now are not satisfied with such Buildings and Apartments , as have been , and are thought sufficient for the Royal Family and their Predecessors . This signal instance should have been brought by our Author , to prove the Pride of absolute Monarchs , and the Misery of the Danish Nation , viz. in his own words p. 15. That several of the Noblemen , as his high Excellency Guidenlew , the Great Admiral Juel , with others , are infinitely better lodged than the whole Royal Family . Had the Author been resolved to do Danmark the least favor or justice , he might as well have spoken a little of the Curiosities that were in Copenhagen , as without reason , have spent his time in blaming its Air , Buildings and Fortifications . For certainly in Copenhagen a Traveller may find many things worth his observation ; the Change is none of the worst ; the Arsenal one of the best in Europe ; the Canals very fine ; the Round Steeple of Trinity Church , built according to the directions of Christian Longomontan , the Disciple of Tycho Brahe , and Professor of Mathematicks in Copenhagen , is without question a most noble piece of Curiosity , the like is not to be found elsewhere ; for a Coach and Horses may ascend to the top , and yet the height of it comes very near that of the Monument of London . This Steeple consists of Arches , and over the Church , which is all of Brick without any Timber , is the Library of the University as large as the Church . But as for the University of Copenhagen he never so much as takes any notice of it here . Politics and Satyr took up his time so much , that he had no leisure for the Belles Letters , or gentiler Learning , p. 255. so he gives us no Account of the Kings Library , nor of several others belonging to the University ; which as they are very considerable for other things , so particularly for the preservation of the Antiquities of those Northern Nations : Nor of the admirable Musaeum , belonging to the King of Danmark , which is in the same Pallace with the Royal Library , full of all the most exquisite Raritics of Art and Nature ; and which , after the learned Olaus Wormius's death , was so considerably augmented with his famous Closet , one of the best in the world , for the many curious Antiquities it contained , which he bequeathed to the King , and of which the Learned World has a printed account in a large Folio . He speaks nothing of the Beauty , Largeness and Magnificence of the Churches both within and without ; nor of the extraordinary height of the two Steeples belonging to the Churches of the Virgin Mary and St. Nicholas ; nor of the fine Organs , especially that of St. Mary's Church , lately made by a Danish Master ; which for its prodigious largeness is fearcely to be parallell'd any where amongst the Protestants . Neither doth this curious Gentleman mention the Kings New Market , a very fine and large place , in the middle of which stands the Kings Statue on Horseback , very artificially cast in Lead ; and is surrounded with the finest Palaces of the Town , as Count Guldenlew's , Admiral Juel's , &c. But most of all this Authors negligence is to be admired , that he disdains to speak a word of the great new work on Christians-haven ; which is a new City by it self , lying on the Island of Amack , but joyn'd to Copenhagen . This new Work is a vast Fortification opposite to the Cittadel of Copenhagen , which is situated near the Custom-house , and Entrance of the Harbour ; so that on both sides these two Fortresses command both the Port and almost all the City round about , and render the Fortifications of the City it self so much the stronger , and in a manner impregnable . And in this new work of Christians-haven , two things are very considerable . First , that all the Ground contained in the Fort is , by incredible labour and industry , made out of the midst of the Water ; and then , that this Ground is of so considerable an extent , that a Town may be built upon it : And it is said , that his Danish Majesty hath appointed this to be the Dwelling-place of the Jews of Copenhagen . By these instances , ( which yet are not all that are worth a mans curiosity in Copenhagen ) the impartial Reader may guess , how unjust the Author has been in his description of this antient and Royal City , and how far he may rely upon the rest of his Relations of these two Northern Kingdoms and annexed Provinces : Seeing when he pretends to describe Copenhagen , he mentions nothing of Christians-haven ; just as if he should speak of London , and forget Southwark . CHAP. III. Of the Sound . THe Author says , p. 11. The two Principal things in Sealand and indeed of all Danmark are the City of Copenhagen , and the passage of the Sound : Having done with the City He comes to this streight , which lyes between the firm land of Schone : and the Island of Sealand . The King of Danmark claims a Toll of all Ships that pass through it , except the Swedes , who are exempted from it by Treaty ; yet this writer , according to the freedom which Men of his principle generally use with Crowned heads , pretends to question the King of Danmarks title , p. 2● . and says it is slightly grounded . I shall not enter upon matters of State , nor pretend to give a particular account of the Original Records that contain the Immemorial continuance , and Succession of Claims which the Kings of Danmark have made to this Sea , and right of Toll in it . The King , who pretends to , and enjoys this Toll , is able enough to give reasons for it , and to maintain his pretensions . However I cannot but remark , that there are several passages in this Chapter , which I cannot well Imagine to have fallen from the Pen of an English man : As where he says , The Title to the Toll is precarious , p. 23. as founded upon a breach of Trust , it being at first only , to provide Lights for Securing the passage of Merchants through the Sound . That it is a kind of servile acknowledgment of the Kings Sovereignty of those Seas : p. 22. That the Title is not so firm as the Danes could wish for ; not being masters of the Land on both sides , they may have the right , but not the Power to assert it . p. 17. For an English-man knows that although ●ur King is bound to protect all strangers that pass through his narrow Seas yet his Sovereignty does not arise from thence , but because of his Sovereignty , he is therefore bound to protect them : so the King of Danmark being Lord of the passage of the Sound , ought to provide for the safety of such as should Sail thorough it . His Dominion , not being founded on that , but that being a necessary Consequence of his Dominion . In the second place , acknowledgment has always been reckoned by English men to become due , in Recompence of such Protection and Conveniences afforded ; and therefore , our Kings demanded Contribution for the Ships that defended the Fishing of Foreigners . And where is the servility any more in paying a Toll to the King of Danmark , for passing his Sound , than in that acknowledgment which all Ships , according to the Law made by King John to maintain it , must make to those of the King of England by striking a Flag , when they sail through his narrow Seas , or in the paying Anchorage , or for the Lights to the Trinity house ? Thirdly , as to the Case between Sweden and Danmark , ( though Danmark has no reason to imagine there will be such a Pretension from thence , or to fear it if there should , ) it is the same with France and the English. For King Edgar and King Knute , who was as great a defender of the sovereignty , as any of our Princes , had their Dominions many Ages before any of their Successors laid claim to France . And the French , notwithstanding all their Power , have not pretended to the Soveraignty of the narrow Seas , because they live upon one of the Coasts of them . The Author would Insinuate further , that the English pay this Toll , through the Connivance of King James the Ist. in prejudice of his own Subjects , who favoured the Danes upon Account of his marriage to a Daughter of that Crown , p. 22. If King James favoured them upon his alliance to that Crown , our Author should , on the same account , if he had any manners , have done so too ; but setting aside this Reflection on the memory of King James , it is certain , the Kings of England have successively paid this Toll in the Sound , and have been so Wise and Just , not to encroach so far upon a soveraign head , as to prescribe him Laws what to do in such Seas , as are his unquestionable Dominions . In the other particulars , of the Account which he gives us concerning the Sound , he seems not to know what kind of passage it is , He says , p. 22. It is very well known , that the passage of the Sound is not the only one to the Baltick Sea , there being two others called the greater and lesser Belts ; and that of the greater Belt so commodious and large , that during the late Wars , the whole Dutch Fleet chose to pass through it , and continue in it for four or five months together : Whereas in truth the Sound is the only convenient one ; the lesser Belt is unpassable for large Ships , and the greater is so full of Rocks and Sands , that nothing can be more dangerous . To be sure had the Dutch found it practicable to use this passage , which is so large that it cannot possibly be stopt with a fortress , they had done it long ago . It is very true the Dutch Fleet did continue there for four or five months together , but it was much against their will , for coming into it they were so endangered by Rocks , and Storms , that they were forced to make so very flow a motion , in order to their escape with greater safety ; neither does the Author tell us what loss and damage they received , which indeed was very considerable . In the same page we are likewise informed , that the breadth of the Sound in the narrowest part is four English Miles over , and every where of a sufficient depth , so that the King of Danmark's Castles could not command the Channel , when he was master of both sides ; much less now he has but one . This Gentleman is resolved never to measure right ; for if he had , he would have learnt that the Sound is but three English Miles broad , when it is truly measured ; besides had he asked any Skipper that usually passes that way , he would have found , that it is so far from being every where of a sufficient depth , that on the side of Sweden the water is so shallow , that it is impossible for a Ship to pass , unless it be within the reach of the Castle of Croneborg . What he delivers in the next place , p. 23. that the Spaniards may with as much right lay claim to the Streights of Gibraltar ; or , that the Swede who is now Masier of one of the Coasts of the Sound , demand another Toll of Ships , is altogether ridiculous . The solemn Treaties of Roschild and Lund , contain formal protestations against any pretensions to a Double Toll ; and by them to King of Sweden hath been obliged to demolish the Castle and Fortifications of Helsingborg : Besides , it would be impossible for the Swede effectually to demand it at Helsinborg , since that Town is so scituated that no Ship is able to come within half a League of it . Neither is it easie for any one to imagin , how he will make out his comparison , between the Sound and the streights of Gibraltar ; since the former being commanded by a strong Castle is very narrow , and passable only within the reach of Cannon-shot ; whereas the latter is so broad , that several Ships may pass in the middle of it , without fear of Cannon from either side , and not commanded by any Castles belonging either to the Moors or Spaniards . He concludes in a great huff , p. 26. that all other petty Princes and States pay this Toll without murmer , whilst we and the Hollanders do it , but the Danes must have a care left we grow Angry . So it seems France and Poland , whose Ships pass this Sound , are petty Princes and States , and the Author may think he has Authority enough , to make a Crown'd Head stand in awe of him ; but to show him the contrary , I shall proceed with my former freedom to consider , his next Chapter , though he himself should chance to grow Angry . CHAP. IV. Of the other Islands , and Jutland . IT would be tedious to the Reader to account all the contradictions that are to be met with , in the description of these Countries . I shall begin with Sealand , where he says , there are few Meadows , and yet no want of good Hay ; p. 8. that the air is but indifferent , and yet there are no colds : p. 8 , 9. That the Cattle is lean p. 10. because their feeding , when in the house , is partly Hay , and partly Brewers Grains and Roots , &c. p. 10. So having given an Account of the miserable state of Sealand , he proceeds to set forth that of the other Islands in this manner . Funen has plenty of Corn , Hogs , Woods , &c. p. 27. and yet has nothing for the Merchants to export but a few Horses . As it is certain and notorious , that abundance of Corn , Bacon , and other Commodities are sent from thence to Holland , Norway , and other places , so it is as certain like wise that these things must go to Holland or Norway from this Island by Land-carriage , unless the Author will give them leave to be exported . What does he think of the Apples , which yearly are the sole Lading of several Ships . Their Cyder , and their Mead , ( which is the best in the World ) is likewise carry'd abroad ; and more especially a sort of Wheat , call'd in Danish , Boghuede , in Latin , Fagopyrus , ( of which the Danes make their so much talkt of Grout , that resembles the English Hasty-Pudding ) which is in very great plenty throughout the whole Island . Now it cannot possibly enter into my head , that the people who have Corn , Bacon , Apples , Cyder , Mead , and Boghuede to be exported , should have only a few Horses to be exported . The chief Town is Odensee , formerly a flourishing little City , but now fallen to decay , p. 27. It is not so flourishing now as when the King resided there , but it is in a very good condition still . He takes no notice of several other good Towns that are in the Island , as Nyborg , Assens , Middlefart , &c. which are all bigger than St. Albans ; I suppose that he might make his Reader imagine that nothing but Villages were to be found in Danmark , except those few Towns he mentions . This Island is oblig'd to him for declaring the true name of its Stifts-Ampt , or chief Governour , which is Mr. Winterfelt : whereas in Laaland and Jutland he is mistaken in the Names ; and has given us none of those in Sealand , whither for want of Information , or other more prevailing Reasons , he can best inform his Reader . Laaland has met with better quarter from this Author than other places , and is commended for its plenty of Corn ; however he has forgot the great abundance of extraordinary good Pease which grow there , and for which it is famous . I hope it is no reflection upon Copenhagen that it is supply'd with Wheat from thence , p. 28. and it may the rather be excused , because the Dutch , in the midst of their Plenty and Liberty , come hither for it too . So London is at present supply'd from the North , as Rome heretofore from Sicily and Egypt . He is mistaken in the Governours name , which is Mr. Gior ; and this small error is the more to be taken notice of , because he says he resided a long time in England , in a publick Character , and so probably his name might be the better known there . Nor is he less mistaken in the name of another person , which if he were any ways inquisitive he might have known ; for he places Monsieur Edmund Scheel among the Stifts Ampts of Jutland : this I suppose he does only to let his Country men see , that they need not go so far as Danmark to find out his errors : For Monsieur Scheel , a Person considerable for his Parts , Learning , and the Characters he has sustain'd at home , and in Foreign Courts besides that of England , where he lately rended at Envoy Extraordinary ; in that very Memorial he gave in to the King of England about this Authors account , has wrote his Christian name Magnus , as he doth without any abbreviation upon all occasions . After having named three Stifts Ampts in Jutland , an &c. comes in for the fourth . Which the Author upon the least inquiry , might have found to be Mr. Mejercrone , now the King of Danmark's Envoy at the French Court. The four principal Governments which he has not mentioned , are called Ribe , Aarhus , Wiborg , and Aalborg . It contradicts it felt that Jutland wants good Sea-ports towards the Ocean , p. 30. and yet the Hollanders transport a great quantity of Cows and Oxen from thence ; which makes it unnecessary to repeat the Sea-towns mentioned elsewhere , besides which there are several others by the Western Islands , Silt , ●isler , and Ro●me , near the Cities of Ribe and Tonder , where the Hollander's Smacks and Oxen-Ships ( as they call them ) enter without difficulty , and so export those Commodities ; which though the writer calls Lean Cow's and Oxen , p. 3● . yet they are not so in themselves , but only in regard of that extraordinary bigness they grow to , when they come into the Dutch Soil . Otherwise the Cattle of Jutland , as of most part of Denmark , is not of the smallest , though it be left in its own Country , Nor need the Inhabitants of this plentiful Province desire any fatter Beef , than what they can have when they please at home . Jutland also affords Corn , not only insufficient quantity for the use of its own people , p. 30. but in such a superabundance that all the want of Norway in this case is yearly supply'd , in the greatest measure from this Province ; neither can this chuse but be a vast quantity , considering the many Populous Sea. Towns lying all along upon the shores of that Country , Nay , in the very Year 1692. in which this Author pretends to describe this Country , there was such a crop reaped there , that it was upon frequent desires allowed to the Hollanders by the King of Danmark , to export no less then 30 thousand barrels of Corn , ( each Danish barrel containing four Bushels ) besides what privately under this permission was stolen out , and all besides the necessary provisions for Norway . Let now the Reader judge , if no more can be said of Jutland's fertility , than that it affords Corn in sufficient quantity for the use of its own People . But what 's the reason of this plenty , and fertility ? does it proceed from the goodness of the Soil , and the Industry of the Inhabitants ? or from any Natural , Moral , or else some Political Account ? why indeed the Reason that they have so many Oxen to sell , is because the King keeps his Court far from thence : Procul a Jove Procul a Fulmine , p. 30. says our Author . Corn , grows in any Country , where the Farmer is careful , and the Soil agreeable : and where the meadows produce good grass , there will be good cattle , and this Nature will do whither it be in Monarchys or Commonwealth . I have reserved the Island of Amack , or Amager in Danish to conclude with , because it is the Authors darling . This Island , as he says , p. 28 , 29. is very plentiful , and therefore commonly called the Kitchen Garden of Copenhagen , but the Inhabitant's are not all of them North Hollanders , there is but one Pa●ish and Village , which is called the Hollander's Village ; the rest of the people , although they wear a singular dress , to show their primitive Extraction , yet in every thing else they are ●anes , so that their not mixing with that Nation , p. 29. is a meer fable . But hence arises a great consternation in our Author , it is to be fear'd that these North Hollanders by de●rees , will be treated ●e the other Subjects of Danmark . My heart really bleeds , upon the contemplation of these poor North-Hollanders , for they seem perfectly to have been trapan●'d , or as one may say , kidnapt into Denmark . I warrant they had Letter upon Letter , Invitation upon Invitation , before they could leave their own Country , and especially considering what they were , persons of fashion and credit ; Gardners and Dairy-Maids . Now 't is very hard , that a free people bred in a Commonwealth , as North Holland is , where they lye under no Impositions , have no Excises , should be betrayed into a Country , where there is a necessity of their paying Taxes , that they should be reduced to powdered Beef , and stubble Geese , like common Danes ; whereas at home , in the seat of Liberty , they could have Regaled themselves and Families , with a Red herring one day , White-herring another , and Pickled-herring a third , for greater change and delicacy . CHAP. V. Of the rest of the King of Danmark's Countries . THE Author , to keep up an old custom , begins this Chapter with a contradiction ; for in Sleswick the Commodities for exportation are in no great quantity , and yet it affords Corn , Cattle , Horses , and Wood , to its Neighbours , over and above a sufficient store of each for its own Inhabitants . When it is his business to describe Danmark , he runs out into an Elaborate description of the Duke of Holstein's Residence , and sets forth the Romantick situation of his Castle , p. 32. It is easie to guess at the Authors Reasons for this digression . Gottorp is a very pleasant and magnificent seat , yet in most things it is not to be compared with the King of Danmark's Pallace , Fredericksborg . The Pallace may have run to some decay , by the late troubles in Holstein ; but those who told the Author that the Improvements were pull'd down and destroyed , by order , p. 33. were so far from being sensible Informers , that they were false and malicious . Neither does it stand with common sense , that so generous a Prince as the King of Danmark , would give so ungenteel an order , or revenge himself upon the Pallace and Gardens , for any injury which the Master of them might have done him . And after all , the Author found a Library , p. 33. at Gottorp , which was more than he was pleased to do at Copenhagen . The Holsteiners are so much this Gentlemans Friends , that he strains a point in their favour , p. 36. viz. The Danes when they Travel abroad , chuse to call themselves Holsteiners , thinking it more honourable to be born in the consines of the Empire than otherwise . Which in a rational mans opinion , is more honorable ? to be born in a little Dutchy ; ( as Holstein is ) and a Feif holden of the Empire or to be a native of one of the most Antient Kingdoms in Europe ? I cannot tell what they may do in other Countries , but when they travel in England and converse among us , they never dissemble their Country , nor desire to be called any otherwise than Danes . It is to be noted , ( according to this Account , p. 37. ) as a great natural defect , that the King of Danmark has not in all his Dominions one Navigable River , for Vessels of considerable Burden . This can be no great defect in such Islands as Danmark consists of , where there is no need of great Rivers , ( as the Thames , Humber , &c. ) the Sea being on all sides so near at hand . Yet these Islands have some Rivers proportionable enough to their bigness , as that in Sealand , which goes up to a Town called Nested , and has formerly been capable of carrying brave Ships . As for the Continent , Jutland has some pretty good Rivers , but the defect which it may have in them , is abundantly recompenced by nature , with many Friths which the Sea forms , and run far into the Country , as that called Limesiord by Aalborg ; which passes almost into the middle of Jutland . What he says , p. 37. concerning the design of the Danes during this war , to establish the Toll at Gluckstadt , is rather one of his own suppositions , than any of their real Intentions , He complains , p. 38. of the Horses of Oldenburg , as not able to last long or endure hard labour , whereas those that have skill in Horses , account them the strongest of any , and they are at present generally sought after , to recuit the Cavalry in Flanders . Come we now to the Kingdom of Norway , of which ( if we may believe this Author , p. 38. ) little can be said : Or rather in truth he should have turn'd it thus . of Norway I can say but little . For certainly it is more his Ignorance of the Country , than any want of curiosities in it : Else those Gentlemen who have written whole Volumes concerning the description of it , have made a great bustle about nothing . The History of it has been set forth by several eminent Authors , as Albertus Crantzius , and Snorre Sturleson ; [ whose great History of the succession and actions of the Norway Kings written first in Islandish , and then Translated into Danish and Swedish , in a large Quarto or Folio , is as valuable a piece of History as any where is to be found . ] Saxo Grammaticus , in his Danish Chronicle has a great deal about Norway , as likewise Jonas Arngrim , in his Crymogaea Islandica , and lately one Jonas Ramus a Clergyman in Norway , has put forth an Ingenious Tract called Norwega Antiqua , & Ethnica : Peter Clauston ( another of the same Nation and Profession has writ a great Book of their Description of that Country in the Danish Tongue , who is followed by several others , that have discours'd of that either in general , or some of its Provinces in particular ; and most of the Danish and Suedish Historians fill up half their Books with the Transactions and Affairs of Norway . Olaus Wormius in his Fasti Danici , Literatura Runica & Monumenta Danica , has given us as many Rarities and Antiquities of Norway , as he has done of Danmark . This may show the Reader , that contrary to what this Author affirms , there is enough to be said of this vast Kingdom . Now to show you in that little he has said of Norway , how much a man may be mistaken : this Author has an excellent faculty at crowding a great many errors in a little room ; as for example , It is subdivided into four Stifts Ampts , p. 38 , 39. or principal Governments , viz. Dronthem , Bergen , Christiania and Larwick . The Governors are young Guldenlew , Mr. Stockfleet , &c. So it seems , that Norway has of late lost a Stifts Ampt , or chief Government ; for the North themselves hitherto reckon'd that they had five . The names of them are Christiania or Aggershus , Christiansand , Bergen , Trundhiem and Wardohus . As for Larwick , which this Author would advance to be a Stifts Ampt , it is but a County , belonging separately to his high Excellency Count Guldenlew , as Tousborg is another belonging to Count Wedel . Truly , Sir , had we taken your Account , Zarwick had been but a small equivalent , for Wardohus ; and Christiansand , though a principal Government , had been quite embezel'd . Little indeed may come to be said of a Country , when a Writers will omit such principal parts of it . When he comes to tell us who are Governors , he names Guldenlew and Mr. Stockfleet , and passes the rest over with an &c. Sir , I should be glad to know from you a little more of this matter , and whether this &c. be put here for brevity sake , and to spare your Readers trouble , or else to palliate your own ignorance ? Had you nam'd us four Governours we should have been content , and not have been so hard as to put you upon assigning a Stifts Ampt to the fifth Province of Norway , which never came to your knowledge . It is a very barren Country , &c. p. 36. Norway hath never pretended to be so fertile in Corn as Danmark . However it is observable , that where the Ground is fit to be till'd , it yields a greater Crop than the Soil of the richest Countries . If Norway had not so many Sea Towns very populous , and full of Strangers , the Corn growing there would be sufficient , without any Importation , to feed its own Inhabitants . There are some districts up in Norway , as Hedemar●en , Todten , Gulbrandsdalen , &c. which in Fertility and good Corn , do not yield to any part of Danmark . It will not be improper here to remark two things , which the Author formerly advanced , in which Norway clearly convinces him to the contrary . First , p. ●1 . There is no other Town or City belonging to the King of Danmark much better than St. Albans ; whereas Norway is full of large Sea Towns , such as Bergen , Christiania , Christiansand , Trundhiem , Frideriksstadt , &c. Secondly , he says , p. 34. That the King of Danmark has not in all his Dominions one Navigable River for Vessels : But in Norway are abundance of great Rivers and Friths , running far into the Country , as Sarp near Frederickstadt , ●ramen , Lomen , Aggers-Elf near Christiania , Nideren near Trundhiem , &c. One might have expected likewise , that one who treated of Norway should have spoken something of the great fresh Lakes , which are every where in that Country : One of which call'd Mios is a league broad , and near twenty leagues long . And I should the rather have suppos'd , that he would have mentioned these Lakes , because he seems so mightily taken with the places where the Countrymen have good store of fresh Fish ; for in these Lakes there is such abundance and variety of Fish , that the Peasants thereabouts have enough not only to salt , dry , and carry down to the Seaside , but likewise to eat fresh as often as they have a mind to it . He acknowledges there are Silver Mines in Norway , but he questions whether they turn to account , p. 39. He needed not to have questioned it , for he might have been informed , that they have of late years yielded more than they did formerly , or could reasonably be expected from them . There is indeed , ( p. 36. ) an Account of the Commodities from thence exported , but he forgets the many Furs and Skins of Mart , Zabel , Beavers , &c. which are sent from thence yearly : As also Copper , and small Nuts , of which quantities are shipt out , and come towards the end of Winter to London . The beginning of the Character he gives the Norsh is very well , viz. p. 39. ) that they are a hardy , laborious and honest sort of People , and that they are esteem'd by others ; yet for all this , alas ! they must have their share of Scandal too , and the vice of self conceitedness is laid to their Charge . Vincit Amor Patriae , it seems , may be their Motto , as well as our Authors ; for he says , i● . they esteem themselves much superior to the Danes ; whom they call upbraidingly Jutes . Were such a thing true , as that the Norsh thought themselves superior to the Danes , it might be apt to breed some discord between them . On the contrary , no two Sister Nations can love one another better . Any one who has been in those Northern Countries , knows that none is welcomer in Danmark then a Norsh man , or in Norway , than a Dane : So that it is wonderful to see two Nations not conquer'd one by the other , but joyn'd by the Marriage of Princes , agree so very well together . As for the name of Jutes , it was given the Danes , as a spightful nick-name by the Swedes in the late Wars , but the Norsh , no more call them upbraidingly Jutes , than the Danes when they Travel call themselves Holsteiners . Island and Feroe he says , p. 39. are miserable Islands forCorn will not grow there Misery consists not always in want of Corn ; since they may have that from other places , Fish and Cattle they enjoy in great abundance . We see Holland , which is a most happy place in this Authors opinion , fetches all three of them from Danmark and Norway . The Inhabitants of these Islands , are great player at Chess , and our Author says , p. 40. would be worth some curious mans enquiry , how such a Studious and Difficult game should get thus far Northward , and become so generally used . So we see that notwithstanding their misery , they have leisure for their Sports , and have Parts able to surmount that game , which being difficult must require Study . This curious man need not make very far inquiry about their playing at Chess , it is easily known from reading any of the Northern Antiquities ( which the Islandish writers abound with , and have the most plain , simple and uncorrupted ) that Chess has been the proper game of the three Northern Nations . Now the Islanders having preserv'd the old Tongue and Manners of the Goths , old Danes , Norsh and Swedes , it is no wonder they have also kept this Gothick game , and their Ease and Plenty , together with the great Colds in the Winter , inclining them to sedentary lives , make them follow it , and from thence arrive to its Perfection . As to the Kings Factories in both Guinea and the Indies , they are esteem'd of little consideration , p. 40. yet he has seen several East India Ships return home well laden , but whether the lading were the lawful product of Trade , or acquired by other means , will in time be worth the enquiry of those Kingdoms and States , whose Interest it is to preserve in the Indians and Persians , a good opinion of the honesty and fair dealing of the Europeans . I shall always think that such Factories as send home ships well laden , are both of good worth and consideration , and I am the more confirm'd in these thoughts , because , p. 40. most of the men of Quality are the Adventurers . The looking into the fairness of their Traffick and Merchandise may be let alone at present ; for I suppose no European Prince , will concern himself with the affairs of Asia , so far as to engage in a War with the King of Danmark for that reason . At least , Holland and England will very probably remain quiet , till the world has in some measure , forgot the proceedings with the great Mogul , and the King of Bantam . At last , the Author comes to sum up what he has been saying , concerning the King of Danmark's Dominions , and from what he himself has deliver'd , p. 41. infers ; that they produce but a moderate Plenty of Necessaries for the Inhabitants , but few Commodities for the Merchants : However from the very worst representation that can be given it , which is this Authors , I shall endeavour from his own words , to evince the quite contrary . For Sealand , p. 7 , 8. has Rye in good quantity , no want of good Hay , the gra●s short and sweet , great Number of the Lakes sufficiently stor'd with Fish ; Beech. wood , which is excellent for the pureness of its firings , much Game , as Stags , Wild-boars , Roebucks , &c. The face of the land is pleasant , in many places abounding with little Hills , Woods , and ●a●es in a very agreable diversity . For Sea-ports it hath that most excellent one belonging to Copenhagen &c. One of the best in the World , &c. Funen ( p. 27. ) is second to Sealand , whether its bigness or goodness of its Soil be consider'd , it has Plenty of Corn , Hogs , Lakes , and Woods , and some few Horses to be exported by the Merchants . Laaland , p. 28. is a small but plentiful Island , producing all sorts of Corn in abundance and particularly Wheat , wherewith it supplies Copenhagen , and all other parts of Danmark . The Hollanders buy yearly and ship off great Quantities of Corn from thence . ●astria , Langland and Mune , are fertile Islands , the two first export yearly some Corn ; Arroe and Alsen abound in Anniseeds , which are much used , &c. Bornholm , Sa●nsoe , p. 28. with the other Islands nourish Cattle , and afford ●orn for the use of the Inhabitants . Amack deserves to be particularly remembred : This little Island is , as it were , the R●ehen Garden of Copenhagen , and supplies its Markets plentifully with all sorts of Ro●●● and Herbs , besides Butter , Milk , great quantities of Corn and some Hay . Jutland ( p. 29. ) is a Plentiful Country , abounding more especially in Cattle . The Hollanders transport yearly great Quantities of Corn and Oxen from thence , to their more fertile Soil ; where in a short time they grow prodigiously . The Horses and Swine of this Country are excellent , and in great numbers : It affords Corn in sufficient quantity for the use of its own People . The Dutchy of Sleswick ( p. 32. ) is in general a very good Country , its convenient Situation between two Seas , the Ocean and the Baltick , rendring it considerable for Trade : Some Corn , Cattle , Horses , and wood for Fireing it affords to its Neighbours , over and above a sufficient store of each for its own Inhabitants . Holstein , p. 35. is a Country very Fruitful and Pleasant , excellently well seated , for Trade , between two Seas . Stormar and Ditmarsh , p. 38. are for the most part low and Rich Countries , their Soil being fat and in most places resembling Holland , as well in its fertility as manner of Improvement . Oldenburg p. 37. abounds in Cattle , and has a good breed of Horses , which are much sought after for Coaches , Delmenhorst p. 38. is pretty well wooded . Norway , p. 39. has Silver Mines ; the Commodities which it yeilds sit for exportation , are Timber of all kinds especially Firr , Stockfish , Masts for Ships and Iron ; of these it has a tolerable store . Island and Feroe , p. 39. have good stocks of Cattle . The King of Danmark , p. 37. hath Factories in Guinea , and the East and West Indies : Several East India Ships return home to Copenhagen well laden with the Merchandise of those Countries . Thus I have given you from the Authors own words , the Qualities of all the King of Danmark Dominions , only abating the malicious insinuations of the Describer , and leave the indifferent Reader to judge , which deserves to be thought most contemptible of , such a Country , or such a Writer . CHAP. VI. Of their Form of Government . WE come now to his darling Topick , which is that about Government : In the very beginning of which Chapter , he shows himself very ungrateful , in Reflecting upon the Northern Countries , to whose Antient Inhabitants ( he says , p. 42. ) we are so much indebted , as to owe the Original of Parliaments . The constitution of a Government by a Parliament is a signal Blessing , but for the most part , those who make the greatest bluster with it , are Men who would leave out the Principal part of it , and commit the greatest errors about it . The word Parliament is very equivocal , and consequently there must be several differences as to the original of it , in diverse Countries . It is very probable , that the original of Parliaments in general , is not so much owing to any particular Nation , as to Nature it self . And for the due and firm constitution of the Government , as I take that to be by King , Lords , and Commons ; I look no further than the Body natural , ( viz. ) that of man , the most Divine part of the Creation ; and there I find the head dignified with exceeding Power , Command , and Honour ; there are other members , which being most useful to the principal part , are exalted to a particular preferency , and a third sort , inferior and less useful , which through their weakness &c. seem liable to contempt and neglect , and consequently to grievances ; so it is but meet for them to have recourse to their Superiors , to set forth their wants , and likewise to declare their willingness , so far as in them lies , to contribute towards the Support of the whole ; and it seems not unreasonable that it should be thus in the State , since we find St. Paul to the Corinthians , most admirably describing it to be so in the Church ; where having first made Christ the Head , and secondly constituted Apostles , Prophets , and Teachers , he yet further in the third place , makes every particular Christian come in for a share as a member , That there should be no Schism in the body , but the members should have the same care one for the other , and whether one member suffer , all the members suffer with it , or one member be honoured , all the members rejoyce with it . To take the word Parliament in this sense , it may agree to several Nations , but else ( as was before said ) it is very equivocal , and differs according to the several Countries it is found in ; so that when the Author joyns the Parliaments of Poland and Great Britain together , the Reader must not imagin , that there is any likeness or resemblance between them ; for there the King has so little Power , the Cities scarce any , and that of the Nobility is so exorbitant , that the greatest Councils upon the most pressing necessities for their safety against the Turks and Tartars end in nothing , if one Deputy shall think fit to make his Protestation against it : This Parliament● being no more like ours than the Venetian Senate . And yet he tells us with great pomp , p. 43. that Poland alone has preserved its Parliament , whereas every one must acknowlege , it would be a happy Country , if it had the oppertunity to lose it . As for all other Countries whatsoever , except that , and our own , ( he tell us , ib. ) they have lost their Parliaments within this last age ; This cannot be true , for though Danmark has lost its Diet , yet Sweden retains it still , and such a one was summoned but the last year . Spain and Portugal have the same sort of Government , they have had this several hundred years ; how can he then say , that all Kingdoms , in this last age have lost their Parliaments ? Besides , as for Bohemia , Hungary , and the rest of the Emperors Hereditary Provinces , although the Government is pretty absolute on the Princes side , yet there is every where a Convocation of the States of the Country But I would fain know of him , whether he believes there is such a place as Ratisbone , and whether he thinks the Germans send their Deputies thither for nothing . England had indeed been happy if this Gentlemans opinion had been true , that its Parliaments had met with no Interruption in th●● last age ; but whatever his thoughts may be , our Parliament was properly lost for several years together ; from before the Death of King Charles the first , till the Restoration of his Son ; for 't is impossible in nature to have that assembly in its true perfection , without a King in his full Prerogative and Splendor Danmark has some years since , upon very important considerations , laid aside the Assembly of the States , and given their King a greater extent of Power in that particular , than his Predecessors formerly enjoyed : Not but that the King did before enjoy very signal prerogatives ; and throughout all the Northern Histories it is easy to show , that strict Obedience , and an entire Submission to their Prince , hath been reigning there from immemorial times ; nor hath it ever so much as been known what a Republick was : There has indeed a controversy been started by Historians , whether in remote ages the Kingdom of Danmark has been hereditary or elective ; there are weighty Reasons for the Inheritance , at least if custom and prescription be such , seeing Successors of the Royal Family , have come always to the Crown : insomuch that if we look back as far as Saxo's fabulous times , we shall always find the Son succeeding his Father , or if the Son has been wanting , another of the same race has been made King. Upon the Death of a Prince , the Estates constantly met together , but it was with their Voices to confirm the next Heir , and not to elect another , of any other Family whatsoever ; for there cannot be one Instance given through all the Danish History , where the Royal Family was excluded , and a private man , though endowed with never so many excellent qualities , exalted to the Throne ; the example of Hiarne , recorded by Saxo , does not argue , for those times being fabulous , the story cannot be much relyed on ; and it is likewise to be observed , that it was even then supposed , that the Prince and Heir was killed in Russia . Besides it is more improbable , because they say he was made King for his Poetry ; Poets being persons that seldom arrive at such Riches and Preferments . It is not to be denied , but that the Danes sometimes may have renounced their Allegiance to their King , or rebelled against him , but those instances are extreamly few , in comparison of such as may be found in the English or other Histories . When these Facts have been committed , they have been so far from being justified afterwards , that the Danes have ever looked upon them as their greatest misfortunes . And nothing can more evidently demonstrate to an English-man , that Faith which the Danes naturally bear to their Prince , than the Hatred they have expressed against the villanous Act of the Regicides , who commited the horrid Murther of King Charles the first . The book called Englands Black Tribunal , being translated into their Tongue , has by several editions , given them such a sufficient account of it , as makes them universally detest it . In the alliance between the two Crowns , February 13 , 1660. It was agreed in the 5th Article , that if any of those Regicides , were found either in Danmark or Norway , they should presently be delivered up to the King of England . Nay if a Dane would pretend to fix any Crime upon the English it is th●s , you have killed your King : And as all Nations have some word or other of Reproach , their highest passion can give an English-man no worse than that of Rump . But to come yet nigher to our Authot , let us consider what rebellious sort of People he would make the Danes ; and in order to this , let us wait upon one of our Danish Kings , from his Election to the Scaffold . It seems when a former Prince was murthered , a King was presently chosen by the People of all sorts , even the Boors had their voices , p. 43. They were to elect such a Person , as to them appeared personable , valiant , affable , &c. and adorn'd with all other virtues . A very peculiar method ! The Boors undoubtedly were made Judges of his Civility and Breeding , and the Citizens Wives were brought in to consider his Person : as to his inward qualifications , it was impossible for the Mob to look into them on the sudden , and if the former were admitted , these were thrown into the bargain : Regard was generally had to the family of the preceeding Kings , and sometimes they pleased to choose the Eldest Son , because the greatness of his Paternal Estate might enable him , in some degree to support his Office. So that if the Father dyed in debt , the Son was sure to be disinherited , but if we had kept his Estate together , then the young man might possibly get into the Throne , and having a tolerable fortune of his own , with that , together with some few perquisites of the Crown , he might pay his Tradesmen , and as this Author says of the King , p. 46. might live like one of our Modern Noblemen , upon the Revenues of his own Estate . After the good fortune of his Promotion , if they found themselves mistaken in their choice , and that they had advanced a cruel , vicious , tyrannical , covetuous or wastful Person : they frequently deposed him , oftentimes banished , sometimes destroyed him ; and this either formally , by making him answer before the representative body of the People ; or if by ill practices , levying of Souldiers , contracting of Alliances to support himself , in oppo●●tion to the Peoples Rights , he was grown too powerful to be legally contended with , they dispatched him without any more Ceremony , the best way they could , p. 44 , 45. We see here that there were five Crimes , for which the Kings of Danmark● by this Authors Laws , were to stand corrected ; deposing being but a slight punishment , that was made use of frequently ; therefore we will suppose ten or a dozen gone that way : Banishment he puts in the next degree , and that he says they were Sentenced to oftentimes ; from whence we may rationally conclude , the Banisht will amount to very near the forementioned number ; the more Incorrigible were sometimes destroyed : There 's five or six sent that way I warrant you ; others were either formally E●ecuted by the sentence of a high Court of Justice , or dispatched without any more Ceremony the best way , for Endeavouring to secure themselves against the Insults of their own Subjects . A very moderate computation ! And here how few Kings are left to end their days in Peace ? One would think a succession would not be much contended for , where a Crown is tendred upon such ●icklish conditions , yet he tells us , p. 45. they always elected a better man in his Room● sometimes the next of Kin , sometimes the Valiant man that had exposed himself so far , as to undertake the Expulsion , or the Killing of the Tyrant ; at other times a private Person of good Reputation , who possibly least dream't of such an advancement . I suppose the next of Kin were seldom so desperate as to venture , and therefore they oftener threw their voices away upon some private Person , who according to this Authors description , might possibly be some honest drunken sleepy fellow , that had a Crown dropt into his mouth as he lay yawning . But generally the Murtherer was likewise the Thief , and the Villain , who had dispatched his Prince succeeded him ; hence there arose a well ordered Government , and all men became ambitious of Imitating their new King ; the meanest Subjects duly weighing the faults of their Superiors in their own breasts ( the proper Tribunal ) the Servant soon stabs his cruel Master ; the Tenant shoots his wasteful Lord , and the Son poisons his covetous old Father , that having so done , they may by the common Law and Justice of the Kingdom succeed in their respective Inheritances . Having done with that Government , the loss of which he so much complains of ; we enter upon his account of the present State , and find him telling us , p. 46 , 47. that about thirty two years ago , at one Instant the face of affairs was changed , so that the Kings have ever since been absolute and arbitrary , not the least Remnant of Liberty remaining to the Subject ; the first and principal Article in the Danish law being , that the King has the Priviledge reserved to himself to explain the Law , nay to alter and change it as he shall find good . The consequences of this are , excessive Taxes in times of peace , little regard being had to the occasion of them ; Poverty in the Gentry , Misery in the Peasants , and Partiality in the distribution of Justice . The occasion of the Change of Government shall be declared in the next Paragraph , in the mean time , any one that knows Danmark must confess , that the King is absolute , but no further so than a Christian King of o●r own Protestant Religion may be ; wherefore amongst other of the obligations which he lies under , are the Holy Scriptures , and the Confession of A●gsburg , as is declared in the beginning of the Danish Law : A● for that Law which the Author ●●livers , it is declaratory of the Kings Authority ; and since it is necessary , that a legislative Power should be lodged somewhere , shows that it is placed in him . Pursuant to this , the present King has compiled a Book of Laws , the Character of which is given by our Author , p. 232 , 233. That for Justice , Brevity , and Perspicuity , they exceed all in the world . That they are grounded upon Equity , and are all contain'd in one Quarto Volume , written in the Language of the Country with so much plainness , that no man who can write and read , is so ignorant , but he may presently understand his own Case , and plead it too if he pleases without the assistance of Councilor Attorney . Being thus constituted , they are so agreeable and adapted to the Danish Nation , that they continue still the same , the King having never yet changed nor altered , much less explained any part to the Prejudice of any particular Person whatsoever ; the execution of them throughout the whole Kingdom is with great equality and more eminently in the High Court of Justice in Copenhagen , where the King himself is President , and sits frequently ; where , Causes are often decided in favour of the meanest Peasant , against the greatest Favorites , who for wrongs done , have been condemned to vast Mulcts and Penalties , as might be shown by several instances , if it were needful , or proper to insert them . By this Law , every man possesses his own Real , or Personal Estate , without the least E●croachment from the King ; 't is true that the Subject pays Taxes , but they are such only as Necessity requires ; for Danmark being surrounded with many potent Neighbours , who are all in Arms , it must , for its own preservation , support a Fleet and Army , unless it could perswade them to disband their Forces . The Taxes being for the common good , are laid equally upon all : and the Kings Moderation in his Expences , both as to himself and the Royal Family , being so conspicuous , the Subject has the greater satisfaction to see what he contributes , laid out only for his own Preservation . Notwithstanding these Taxes the People live in Plenty , wanting nothing either for Conveniency or Pleasure . All this they enjoy , although the Government is indeed absolute ; and they with all willingness and due obedience submit themselves to this Government , because they are sufficiently satisfied , that this absolute Power was not given to his Majesty of Danmark , till the necessity for it was unavoidable . The Nobility was that part of the Danish Constitution , which first broke in upon the Symmetry of the whole ; in several Ages , and by insensible degrees , they encroached upon the Kings Prerogative , but all along made larger progresses towards the enslaving of the Commonalty ; insomuch that all burthens and publick Taxes , were imposed upon them alone . After the War with Sweden , the Commons found themselves unable longer to live under such oppressions ; they had bravely defended their Country , with the hazard of their Lives , and would have done so with their Fortunes , if they had had any remaining ; but these were wholly swallowed up by the Nobility , who yet would contribute nothing toward the maintaining of a just War against foreign Enemy and Invader . Danmark being upon the brink of Ruine , the Commons in these circumstances , as the weaker and more oppres●ed part , fly to their Head for succour . Neither the King alone , nor the Commons alone , nor both King and Commons joyntly , could controul the Nobility so far , as to make them pay Taxes ; therefore it was necessary that all three should consent to a new Government , so the Commons proposed it to the Lords , and both Lords and Commons offer the King to make him absolute ; which offer , if he had not accepted of , neither himself nor the Commons could have supported the State : Supplies were of necessity to be raised , the Commonalty could not raise them without assistance , and there was no other way but this , to make the Nobility in some equal measure bear their proportion . After this alteration in the Government , the present Author would make us believe that strange Miseries happened , and as a very astonishing one , says , p. 47. That the value of Estates , in most parts of the Kingdom is fallen three fourths 'T is true , the value of Estates did fall , but nothing near the proportion he speaks of , the true reason was the want of Money in the Commonalty , which had been exhausted by the War ; for the Commons if they had had wherewithal , would have been glad to buy Estates , which they were not permitted to do before this alteration . Then it must be considered , that before this the price of Estates was extravagant , and far beyond the intrinsick value ; for then none but a Nobleman could purchase Lands , and if by a Mortgage , or any other occasion , Lands happened to fall into the hands of other People , they were obliged to proffer them to sale to the Nobility , who still purchased in Envy and Emulation of one another . Trade and Commerce being little at that time , the Money was chiefly laid out in buying of Estates ; but since the Nobles have not the former eagerness for buying up the Land as before ; and Shipping is so much encreased of late , every one rather chuses to employ his Money that way , than to purchase Lands at such an extravagant rate as formerly . And yet it is to be observed , according to the Relation of a Gentleman , lately arrived out of Danmark , the value of Land is now raised considerably ; so that in a little time , it will come to be very near equal to what it has been heretofore . For it is to be considered , that Danmark and Norway , being since the alteration , become Masters of a very great Trade , their Money must encrease likewise . In other Reigns it was a rarity to see some few Ships from Copenhagen . and the most considerable Cities , go to France and Spain . Now Copenhagen alone has above 50 large Ships that trade to France , &c. and other parts have 'em proportionably , besides those bound for Spain , the Streights , Guinea , and the East and West-Indies , &c. And in Norway little Sea Towns that formerly had either one , or two , or no Ships at all , but sold their Timber to the English and Dutch that came thither ( the Dutch especially , being as it were their Factors , carrying out their Goods , and supplying them with all sorts of French and Spanish Wares , which the Inhabitants never fetched themselves . ) These very Towns , which are not one , or two , but most Sea-towns in Norway , being in abundance all along the Sea-coasts , now send yearly to England , France and Holland , 10 , 20 , 30 , or 40 large Fly-boats , and Ships of other Building , as can be testified by the Merchants who trade to those parts . With this encrease of Trade , the reputation of Danmark , in respect of its interest with other Princes of Europe , is of late years so far advanced , as that Crown never yet made so great a figure in Christendom , as it does at present , not even in the time of Canutus ; when we may suppose it in its greatest prosperity . So that , although an absolute Monarchy , with the additional term of arbitrary Power , sounds harsher in the Ears of an Englishman , than most other Nations : His present Majesty of Danmark shows us , that even in an absolute Monarchy , which in its own nature may be under several inconveniencies in respect of the People , and temptations of encroachment as to the Prince ; yet a wise and good King may so order his conduct , as to make his Subjects easy , and himself glorious . To conclude , I take this Chapter to be our Authors Masterpiece , particularly his character of an old Danish King ; it gives us the very image of the Describers own thoughts and inclinations , and shows us what sort of King , a Commonwealths man may perhaps condescend to make , and then how many particular ways and means , he can find out to dispatch him . CHAP. VII . The Manner how the Kingdom of Danmark became Hereditary and Absolute . IT is astonishing to consider ( says our Author , p. 48. ) how a free and rich people , ( for so the Danes were formerly ) should be perswaded intirely to part with their Liberties . It is more astonishing to me , to see a man write without considering : For in what did these former Riches consist ? In a Country exhausted by the Taxes ( p. 50. ) or in the want of Money to discharge the Arrears due to the Army , ( p. 49. ) or in the miseries attending the War , ( ibid. ) which had in a manner ruined the People ? In the next place , where was their Freedom ? when the Senator Otto Craeg tells the Commons● p. 52. they were no other than Slaves : and these very words made them deliberate how to get rid of such an odious Name and Character ? Lastly , how were they perswaded intirely to part with their Liberty ? when they gave this power to the King , on express purpose to gain it . For the King upon the first News of the Resolution of the Commons , did often openly promise that he would in gratitude and recompence , declare them all free assoon as it lay in his power , by the Gift they were about to make him , p. 58. Which promise he perform'd accordingly , and put the Commons of Danmark into the State they are at present , which is far from Slavery . It will be necessary here to show how all sorts of people stood in Danmark before the alteration , which will easily make the true grounds of it appear , and how it came to be effected with a consent so general and with so little trouble . The King had his power curb'd by the Nobility to a great measure , p. 54. and as the Kings found these encroachments , they did endeavour to prevent them : to secure their Prerogative therefore ( in the latter ages ) they often made their Sons be elected and sworn ( whence they were in Danish called Hylded : ) during their life time , and have Homage done them both in Danmark and Norway . Frederick the third , who was King at this conjuncture , had done so by Prince Christian the present King ; he was then admir'd by his Subjects for his conduct and valour , p. 54. they had seen him with an admirable Patience and Constancy bear all his Calamities : he had often exposed his person for the sake of his Subject ; and they therefore thought they could never do enough to show their gratitude towards him . The Nobility were very numerous and diffusive : all the lands were in their sole possession ; their estates resembled our Mannors , of which they were Lords , and took their Titles from thence , and as they increased in Wealth , and consequently in Lands , they had additional titles from thence , and these accrued either by Purchase , ( which as has been said before , none could make but themselves ) or else by Marriages , which they always contracted among one another ; for when a Nobleman died , his pedigree was declared to the eighth Generation upwards , both by Fathers and Mothers side to have been noble . To them alone belong'd ( and does belong ) the honour of a Coat of Arm 's ; others may make use of Cyphers and Rebus's for distinction , but they do not deliver them down to posterity ; nor have they any farther mark of honour in them . Among these Nobles there were twenty four persons of the chiefest Families , who composed a standing Council , call'd Rigens Raad , or the Council of the Kingdom ; upon the death of one of these Councellors , his Successor had a Patent from the King to constitute him so , but he was always approved , if not first chosen by the Nobility . This Council had by degrees so enlarged their Authority , as to interpose in most of the great Affairs of the Kingdom . The entire body of the Nobility , though standing possest of the Lands , look'd upon it ( p. 50. ) as their Ancient Prerogative , to pay nothing by way of Taxes . The rest of the people of Danmark consisted of the Clergy , the Burghers , or Citizens , and the Peasants , who were either in the nature of ou●-Farmers , or else the Vornede , who resembled the Villains in our Law , who were so called quasi Villae adscripti , and so were these . When a Diet was to meet ( which it did not do of course , or at certain periods , but upon great occasions ( as doing Homage , or to raise Taxes ) the Nobility assembled together in the Palace , and sate by themselves , the King seldom coming among them ; all were summon'd , and as many appear'd as could with their convenience : The Clergy and Burghers , who were sent in proportion by their several Districts , sate in the Brewers Hall ; and the Peasants , who had their Representatives likewise , sate in some other Hall , belonging to some of the Companies . When the Nobility had deliberated concerning a Tax , the Clergy , Burghers and Peasants were sent for to their House , to hear what was to be laid upon them , and not to debate the matter , or to pretend to controul+'em . This was the condition of the Kingdom , and the Danish Parliament , when the War with Sweden was ended : And it was this Prerogative of the Nobility , that made the other States so willing to devolve a Power upon the King , by which he could make the Nobility pay their proportion , and either Clergyman or Citizen be able to purchase ; and so the Peasant , who before could be a Farmer only , if he could get Money , might have licence to become a Free-holder : And the Soldier was , no doubt , likewise desirous of it , because he had a prospect then , that his Arrears should be paid him . There being so many advantages likely to accrue to the King , whom they acknowledged by his Valor and Conduct to deserve them ; to the whole Royal Family , and indeed to all the rest of the Danes ; and no damage toany , except that which the Nobles received in contributing towards the defence of the Lands , which they possest . It is not so very strange , that an alteration should be perfected in so few days , all things not only being ripe for , but necessity itself requiring it . The Speech of Otto Craeg made the Commons eager to obtain this alteration , especially being headed by their President Nauson , who was a man of Vigor . The Superintendent Swan was at the Head of the Clergy , who were no less desirous of it . Sestede was Prime Minister , and concurred to their intention ; and several of the Nobles themselves , who were in Court , were not displeased at it ; and the Queen , being a Woman of Spirit , thought her self bound to her Posterity to advance it . It was night when the Commons parted from the Nobles , and that gave them time the better to concert their resolutions . The next day they come again , and declare their fixt design , concerning the Power which they intended to place in his Majesty's Hands . The Nobility desired farther time to deliberate concerning it , and to do it with greater caution and solemnity . Finding a delay in the Nobles , and that they would not come up to equal resolutions with them , the Commons go the same morning to the Palace , where being introduc'd to the King , they tender him an Hereditary and Soveraign Dominion . His Majesty in answer tells them of the necessity there was for the concurrence of the Nobility , before he should be willing to accept the Power they design'd him , assuring them of his Protection , and ●ase of Grievances ; dismissing them with advice to continue their Sessions , till matters might be brought to greater perfection . The same day Monsieur Scheel , a Senator , was to be buried with much magnificence , and all the Nobility invited to a great Entertainment , as is usual there upon such occasions : In the mean time the Gates of the City were shut and whereas two or three of the Nobility had gone out the night before , there was no opportunity left for the rest to do so . Now being altogether upon the forementioned occasion , they began to deliberate more seriously upon the assair , and to send news to the Court of their compliance with the Commons , and their unanimous agreement with them ; three days were thought requisite for an intermediate space , before the Consummation of this Ceremony , which was perform'd before the Castle , the King and Royal Family being plac'd there in Chairs of State , and receiving the Homage of all the Senators , Nobility , Clergy and Commons ; so an affair of this consequence was dispatched in four days , without any farther trouble than what has been related . We must allow our Author in his Description of these proceedings to use some of his own Ornaments , and particularly that instance of his subtle Genius to dive into the hearts of men , which he gives us when he speaks ( p. 56. ) about the Kings seeming Reluctancy , through doubt of the event , or sense of the dishonesty , and crime of the action . Whereas the King was all along willing to receive the profer of the Commons , but declared that he thought , the concurrence of the Nobility necessary , that the consent might be universal . He is very particular , as to the Summs of Money that were given , p. 74. Hannibal Sestled had two hundred thousand Crowns : Swan the Bishop had 30000 , and was made Archbishop : The President Nauson had 20000. One might think he spoke with the person that paid the Bills . This is a piece of secret history , which may perhaps be revealed to Foreigners , but the Danes know nothing of it ; and it seems to carry the less probability , because Swan has an Archbishoprick , and ten thousand Crowns more than Nauson , who appears all along to have done equal service . Besides these three persons , the Clergy who always make sure bargains , were the only gainers in this point , p. 74. What are their Revenues enlarged ? Do they pay no Taxes ? Or what have they gained more than the Burghers ? Why e'en just nothing . There are no Taxes rais'd upon the Burghers , to which the Clergy must not pay their Quota : And whereas before the alteration , the Clergyman paid , as it were , no Taxes , through the connivance of the Nobility , now h●bears an equal share with any man of any other Profession in the Kingdom . The Commons have since experienced , that the little ●inger of an absolute Prince , can be heavier than the loins of many Nobles . All the Citizens of Copenhagen have by it obtained the insignificant Priviledge of wearing Swords ; so that at this day , not a Cobler or Barber stirs abroad without a Tilter by his side , let his Purse be never so empty . The Priviledge of wearing Swords was granted to the Citizens before the change , to encourage them to a vigorous defence of Copenhagen , when the Clergy not only adher'd to the interest of their Country , but the Burghers likewise valiantly defended it , ( p. 51. ) Before that time none might wear them but the Nobility , unless they were Soldiers , and among them a Commoner , very seldom rose higher than a Captain . In the publick calamity of their Country , all appeared zealous for the defence of it . The Works of the Town were as good as none , but they were raised in a little time by an incredible industry : Not only the Students of the University appeared in Arms , and the Citizens of condition did the same , but the meanest of the People got Scythes , and such other instruments , to perform what was in their power , upon an occasion so absolutely necessary . Indeed all sorts of People shewed , that they were worthy to wear their Swords , since they knew so well how to use them . After the alteration , the Priviledges granted them were far from insignificant . Several for the benefit of Trade , &c. are fixt by a large Charter , besides the liberty to purchase any Lands and Lordships whatsoever . They are to be burthened with no impositions , but such as the Nobles bear ; and they have the comfort ( which before they had not ) to see their Children admitted to all honours , and publick offices , to employments civil and military according as they can deserve them ) equally as well as the Sons of the greatest Noblemen . Barbers indeed in Copenhagen wear Swords , as being principal Citizens ; for they are at the same time very skilful and able Surgeons , and much respected ; but Coblers stalking about with Tilters by their sides , are as rare a sight there as roasted Green Geese . When he told me ( p. 74. ) the People had the Glory of forging their own Chains . I took the Danes to be like his Savage Indians , and that they wore Fetters and Manacles instead of other Ornaments , and that all their cold Iron was rather employ'd that way , than for Tilters : For by the by , a Sword is the foolishest instrument in the world , for a Prince to put into the hands of such Subjects , as he designs to make absolute Slaves of . CHAP. VIII . The Conditions , Customs , and Temper of the People . THis Authors Book would be very plausible , if People would oblige themselves in the reading of one Chapter , not to remember what may have been said in another . His eighth Chapter is long enough of it self to require the same dispensation ; for the Reader will be at a loss if he makes use of his memory , or if he hopes , that the middle should be agreeable to the beginning , or the end not be contradictory to them both . As he has hitherto been partial , in representing the nature and change of the Danish Government , so it is no wonder , if he be mistaken in the consequences he draws from thence : The condition , customs and temper of the People , he says , are influenced by the change of Government . Whatever alteration that may have undergone , and whatever new Fashions may by chance , or humour be brought in , as to Cloaths ; yet still the customs of the People are the same they were before : And more especially they continue their free and merry way of living , their Hospitaliay , and their Liberality , all which the Danes and Norsh have always look'd upon as their native qualities ; these make the condition of People of all ranks to be very far from deplorable . ( p. 75. ) For they know , that what he calls habitual slavery , ( ibid. ) in them is nothing but a due obedience to supream powers , not interrupted by any Mutiny or Rebellion : His Laziness ( ibid. ) is in them a contented mind , his setting them beyond hopes and fears ; is their desiring not to intrench upon the power lodg'd in their Prince ; nor creating needless Jealousies and Mistrusts , lest he should misuse it . For it seems , ib. the Danes have mortified ambition , emulation , and other troublesome qualities , which freedom begets , and which ill men may indeed admire , but common morality has set forth to them as vices . From hence they are so far from finding themselves in a sickly constitution , that on the contrary , they have evident and sensible proofs , that their obedience makes the constitution of the Danish . Government strong and vigorous ; so as to be able to fling off any ill humours that may be bred within , and to repulse any accident from without . Nay they see it not only healthy , but gay and florid , proceeding on from strength to strength in greater degrees , than it has done heretofore , either within their own Memories , or the Records of their Ancestors . And indeed the Government is so much the stronger , because the Nobility now assist to the support of it . It is easily imagined , that the Nobles were in some greater power before the alteration ; and that they were richer , when they contributed nothing toward the publick necessities of their Country , than they are now . However they are not diminisht , or grown so low ( p. 75. ) as this Author would insinuate ; that proportion which they pay to the publick Taxes for the defence of their Country , being only deducted , they are in the same condition which they were before , and live very great and nobly on their seats in the Country , some of which , tho ancient , are very decent , others built after the modern Architecture : and they delighting much in Gardens , have them in very good perfection . This is the utmost difference , that whereas formerly only the ancient Families call'd Adelen , or the Nobility lived so ; ( because then no others could purchase Lands ) now any one of the Burgher state that can afford it , may keep his Country Seat as well as the Nobility . What the Nobles pay in Taxes is sufficiently repaid to several of them by the profitable Imployments , which they have in Civil Affairs ; and as they help towards the maintaining of an Army , so they reap the benefit , by being general Officers in it . These Employments our Author complains of , as grievous , p. 78. to the Nobility ; whereas it seems much better than living at home uselessly , and 't is no more than what they do in all other Courts of Europe . Nor are the Civil Employments so few , or of so small value , as he would make them , p 78. For though the Long Robe has not places of such vast profit as elsewhere ; yet every Government having its Governour , and several Officers subordinate , there must be abundance of Employments , whose names cannot be so properly exprest in the English . Our Author has given us a very odd account of the Nobility , and begins with affirming , that Antient Riches and Valour were the only Titles to Nobility formerly in this Country : whereas not he that was Rich and Valiant , therefore consequently became a Nobleman : but the Nobility having got all the Lands to themselves , might easily engross the Reputation of being brave and valiant . None , it seems , then took their Degree or Patents of Honour from the King. First , If this were true , it could not be for the good of any Nation , where for an encouragement to glorious Actions , there ought to be some fountain of Honour , and the King certainly is the most proper one : but in the second place , 't is evident that as well before as after the alteration , the King of Danmark made Noblemen , and gave Patents of Honour to them that deserved well , as can be proved by several instances , in the Reign of Christian the IV. and Frederick the III. ( before he was made absolute ) as also in the Reigns of their Predecessors . Of late years , he says , p. 79. some few Titles of Baron and Count and nothing higher , have been given to Favorites , who enjoy not the same priviledges by those Titles , which our Lords in England do , but content themselves with a few airy insignificant ones . There is no necessity that the Nobility of another Country , should in every thing correspond with that of England ; suppose the Counts and Barons in Danmark not to be just the same , are therefore their Titles airy and insignificant ? On the quite contrary , there 's no Country in Europe , where Counts and Barons have such a Preeminence , as in Danmark . When the King there gives Sheild and Helm ( as they c●ll it ) that is a Noblemans Coat of Arms with a Patent of Nobility to him ; then such a man is distinguished from the common people : ( and such as these only were made before the Alteration , except some few Counts created by foreign Monarchs and Princes . But when the King will promote a person to a degree higher , which he never does , unless he has so great an Estate as is requisite to sustain his Honour and Character , then he gives the Titles of Baron or Count ( for Dukes there are none in Danmark , that Title of old time , properly belonging to the Royal Family ) this Honour is far greater , and has several Priviledges above the rest of the Nobility , as may be seen in the Danish Law. And yet it may more easily be imagin'd , that that honour must be so much the greater , by reason of the rarity of such Titles , there not being twenty in the whole Kingdom . The following paragraph , that 't is only this kind of Nobility with Titles , that have liberty to make a Will , and thereby to dispose of any Estate , otherwise than as the Law has determined , unless such Will , in the Life of the Testator , be approved of , and signed by the King ; has more than one mistake in it , for not only this kind , but all the Nobility , have Titles from the Lands they possess and are Lords of ; these indeed have the highest Titles of Count and Baron , and then not only they , but all the Nobility , nay any one among the Clergy and Citizens can make a Will ; only it is to be observed , that it is required to every such Testament from whomsoever it comes , that it be approv'd and sign'd by the King , to render it of force and valid , that the Estate may go otherwise than the Law hath determined . Neither is it true , that the King ( p. 81. ) assumes to himself the power of disposing all Heirs and Heiresses of any consideration . Sometimes the King may interpose his Mediation for the Marriage of some of the chief Nobility , but it is far from being his usual custom , much less does he assume any power to constrain them , or cause them , who do not hearken to his Recommendation , to lye under the pain of his displeasure , p. 81. which is too weighty to be born . The Nobility being forc'd to endure the forementioned hardships , It is possible , p. 81. most of the present Possessors would quit the Country , the first opportunity , if there were not such a severe Law against alienations : That if any one would transport himself , the third part of his Purchase Money shall accrue to the King. This Law is not more hard , than it is unnecessary , for there being no buying and selling of Land in Danmark , ( p. 80. ) the Kings third part of Purchase Money will amount to but little ; and where Estates are a charge , ( ibid. ) and the Proprietors can scarce obtain the favour of the King to be so gracious as to take their Estates from them , ( p. 77. ) one would fancy , that all landed men would lay the Key under the door , and be scampering : now to mend their condition , and to get free from Monarchy and Taxes : I would advise them to hasten to a neighbouring Commonwealth , the Seat of Liberty , where the chief Minister of their State has not above 5001. salary , and where their Excise and Taxes laid on their Estates , amount often to above their yearly income . After all , the Law , a● it is reasonable to prevent the Subject from following his own humour to the prejudice of his native Country , so i● does require but a sixth part to the King , and a tenth part of the rest to the Magistrate of the place , both which , according to my Arithmetick will not amount to a third part , a● is reported by our Author with his Geometrical Exactness . Land being worth nothing , how must the Counts and Barons do to live ? Why they are obliged by all manner of ways to keep in with the Court , as indeed all are , who have a mind to live , and eat bread , p. 79. What then will become of the rest of the Adelen , or native Gentry ? Why military employments are mightily covered by them , p. 81. almost as much as the civil , and for the same reason , that the Priest's Office was among the Jews , viz. That they may eat a piece of Bread. Bread ! Bread ! is the universal Cry , and our Author seems to have borrowed his Images not from the Jews , but rather from the Egyptians , calling upon Pharoah towards the latter end of the seven years of Famine . Want of Bread is not the only misfortune , for it comes attended with other miseries ; for he says , that the King of Danmark ( p. 81. ) imitates the French practice in this particular , to make the Gentry poor , and render Traffick unprofitable and dishonourable : Men of birth must live , and one half of the Nation , by giving themselves up to Slavery , will contribute their assistance afterwards to put Chains upon the other : Yet in Danmark Natives are considered less than Strangers , and all sorts of places civil and military are fill'd more by Foreigners , than Gentlemen of the Country , &c. Were all these things true , they would be very great evidences of a corrupt Government : But I shall beg leave to set the Reader right as to these particulars , and the condition of the people . The Plenty of the whole Country has been sufficiently described , and in the midst of this , the chief Nobility enjoy the Governments of the several Provinces , and the chief Offices of the Kingdom ; the rest of the Adelen , or Nobility , have subordinate Governments and Offices , some at Court , and others in the Countries where they have their Seats of Residence ; some Germans are in the Court , but the native Subjects are in greater number , as the Counts Guldenlew , Rantzow , Reventlaw , Ahlefelt , Frits ; Baron Juel , Messieurs Hogh , Moth , Harboe , Scholier , Luxdorf , and a great many more , too numerous to be here inserted : And Natives likewise are in all the Governments throughout the Provinces . Men of Birth breed up their Sons to several Employments , some to civil Affairs , some to Studies , and some to Trade and Traffick , which is as profitable and honourable there as Merchants can desire ; it has all encouragement from the King , and many of the highest rank interest themselves in it continually . Some Gentlemen apply themselves to Arms , and endeavour that way to be serviceable to their Country ; there are abundance of these in Commission : Foreigners there are indeed in some number , but it must be considered , that they came thither in the late War , and took pay in Danmark , either of their own accord , or hired out by their Princes : These are by birth Germans , French , Scotch , Poles , Prussians , &c. Yet these very men are naturalized , married , and settled in Danmark , and so are now to be accounted Danes . The Inhabitants do not pay the Souldiers , nor are constantly plagu'd with insolent Inmates , who Lord it where they dwell , p. 87. For the ●ane lying under a necessity from his Neighbourhood to maintain an Army at home , does it after the manner that may be most easy to the People , which is this : Souldiers are scattered universally all round about the Countries . The Officers there often take Houses , and live with their Families , their Companies quartering round about them . The Souldiers are quartered upon the Inhabitants , who are to find them Bed , Salt , and Sour , or Vinegar . If the Landlord finds his Souldiers disagreeable , he may hire them a Lodging elsewhere for a small matter : But the Souldier is generally desirous to oblige his Landlord which he does by several offices and labours that he performs for him , and is rewarded with his Diet , which otherwise he must find for himself , so that by that means he may have the Kings Pay clear for his Pocket . And hence it proceeds , that a Souldier comes to be as desirous in a Family as a Servant ; their Arrears are small , the Pay being as constant , and the Discipline as exact and severe , as any where can be , both for Officers and Souldiers . Strangers find themselves so well entertain'd in Danmark and Norway , that it is no wonder they flock thither : Great Civility , Courtesies and Hospitality are shown towards them , which if our Author will have to be a fault , is certainly one upon the best natur'd side . A man would hardly have thought to have found any People in Danmark , according to our Author's Description ) that could get out of it : Much less to have found Strangers there , and that persons , honoured by being born within the Confines of the Empire , or Poles who have Parliaments , would vent●re thither . But I see at last , that there is in Danmark something worth getting , and leaving one's own Country to become Master of . Come we now to an unexpected paragraph , and which is beyond all credibility ; by what has been said before , one would have thought the Danes went on foot at least , if they did not go bare-foot , when on a sudden ( p. 83. ) he acquaints us with their Expensiveness in Retinue , Cloaths , &c. and of a prodigality not only in the Gentry , whose condition is more easy , but likewise in the Burgher and Peasant . It is not deny'd , but that the Danes have always been , and are now inclin'd to a handsome way of living , and to the free enjoyment of what they are lawfully possest of . It is the generousness , p. 83. of their temper and nature which makes them do it , and not our Author's reasons , viz. the difficulty of procuring a comfortable subsistence , and the little security of enjoying what shall be acquired through industry ; the sense , that they live but from hand to mouth , making them live to day , as the Poet advises , not knowing but what they now have , may be taken from them to morrow . They all know the quite contrary ; and whatever the Poet may say , they are certain the Law says , that what they have to day , shall not be taken from them to morrow : As for their spending prodigally , because they come by it difficultly , Sancho may teach him , that 't is rather , lightly come , lightly go ; and I look upon this Proverb to be as true as his Assertion : Being in a merry humour , and in with his Poets , he gives us a bit of Latin , Torva Leaena Lupum sequitur , Lupus ipse Capellam , Florentem Cytisum sequitur lasciva Capella . The admirable application , and the use he makes of his Learning , ( according to his modern Education ) as he gives it us is this : p. 84. That the Gentleman spends presently on himself , and pleasures all that he can get , for fear his Money be taken from him by Taxes , before he has eaten or drank for it : The Peasant assoon as he gets a Rixdoller lays it out in Brandy , lest his Landlord should hear of it , and take it from him . Thus Torva Leaena , &c. Little could Virgil imagine when he wrote those Verses , that future ages would make Florentem Cytisum be by interpretation a Brandy Bottle . Pray● Sir , to be serious , do they in Danmark first search for what a man has by him , and then lay on the Taxes ? or rather as in other Countries , proportion them to his way of living , his estate and employments ? What man in England would set up his Coach to avoid the Poll Tax , by which he is to pay five pound more for keeping it ? Come we now to the Merchant and Burgher , these he says , p. 84. subsist purely upon credit , there being very few that can be called rich , or worth a hundred thousand Rixdollars . Less than a hundred thousand Rixdollars by far● will give a man the denomination o●●ich in Danmark or Norway ; an Esta●e of 10 , ●0 , or 50 thousand will be called Riches there , for we must consider , that a Rixdollar will go every way farther there , than a pound sterling in England . Nay the Author himself , p. 103. when he is to show the grievous●●ss of the Taxes affirms , that a Rixdollar , considering the scarcity of Money , ought to be computed to go farther than three Crowns with us . And at this rate there are not so few wealthy men as he would perswade us . Th●t Trade should be managed by Credit is no wonder , it is punctual Payment which maintains it , and their Credit would soon be lost , if they had not wherewithal to pay their Creditors . Manufactures have been endeavour'd to be introduced , not so much with a design of benefitting the publick , p. 85. as private Courtiers and great men , who were the Undertakers ; but in a little time all came to nothing . For 't is a sure Rule , Trade will not be forc'd , where proper●y is not secur'd . It is apparent from h●nce , that Trade is not discouraged in Danmark , p. 81. since by his Confes●●●on , Courtier● and great men become Undertakers : It is certain , likewise that in Danmark several Manufactures have succeeded very well , others indeed have no● had the same success , not because property is not secur'd , but because they can have the same Commodities cheaper from Holland , Spain or England . The making Silks , and Drinking Glasses , ( though these latter are made in great perfection in Copenhagen ) did not turn to account , because there is no property in Danmark ! Should you , Sir , take Sir Robert Viners House in Lombardstreet , and set up a Manufacture for the making Tacks at three pence a thousand , and employ about 500 Smiths to furnish London with 'em , and this project should not turn to one per cent . must I attribute this misfortune to the unsecureness of the English property , or rather to the discretion of the Ironmongers , who can have them about II d. in the Shilling cheaper , if they will but send to Brumigham . Who thinks his Estate to have the worse title , because he sees People daily fling their Money away in Stock-jobbing ? There being an impossibility of having Manufactures introduc'd into Danmark , p. 84. trading Towns and Villages are all fallen to decay . Kioge once a flourishing little Sea-Port Town , lent Christian IV. two hundred thousand Rixdollars , but upon occasion of the late Poll Tax the Collectors were forced to take Featherbeds , Brass , Pewter , &c. in lieu of Money . That trading Towns should fall to decay , when Trade encreases will scarce gain belief . As for Kioge , that Town lying within four Leagues of Copenhagen , 't is no wonder if the Trade is in some measure decreased , since the flourishing of that City : We have this Authors word for it , that Kioge raised so much money in four and twenty hours time . Two hundred thousand Rixdollars ( and those ( as was said before ) equivalent to English pounds ) is a good round summ for a little Town to lend in a days time ; they lent so much then , that it is no great wonder they have no great plenty now : However it was no such great sight in England ( even in King Charles's time ) to see a sturdy fray , between a Collector of Chimney-money , and an Old Woman in behalf of her Porridge Pot , and batter'd Pewter Dish , the only Ornament of her Cupboard . And yet I suppose , the Author does not take us to have been undone then , though such an instance ( which he has only by hear-say , p. 85. ) is enough to prove all the Danes to be ruin'd . If this be the Case of the Gentleman and Burgher , what can be expected to be that of the poor Peasant ? p. 86. What indeed ? In Sealand they are all as absolute Slaves , as the Negroes are in Barbadoes , but with this difference , that their fare is not so good . For indeed every body knows , that there is great care taken by the Planter , throughout all the West Indies , to provide dainties for their Negroes , which consist of Pork very seldom , and Potato's always . The Author is to b● excused for his mistakes in this paragraph , because they cannot so easily be rectified without the Danish Law , which I suppose he never consulted . It must be known that from immemorial time in Sealand , there has been a Law about Vornede , as they are called in Danmark , that is Vassals ; the ●●● whereof is , that a Boor born upon a Landlord's Land , is obliged to stay there , and not to leave his Service , except he is freed by his Landlord . But first , what he says , that neither they , nor their Posterity to all Generations , can leave the Land to which they belong , p. 86. is far from being true : for the Landlord may make them free when he pleases , which is often practised : Or they may obtain their freedom for a small summ of money , which is done commonly . Or if it happens , that a Vassal comes away , and stays ten years in a City , or twenty in the Country any where , without his Landlords ground , he is free from his claim . Secondly , That Gentlemen count their Riches by their stocks of Boors , as here with us byour stocks of Cattle , p. 86. is of the same stamp : As we say , such a Gentleman has so many Tenants , by which we mean so many Farms ; so throughout all Danmark they say , he has so many Boors , not that he has many head of Boors , as we would say of Cattle . Thirdly , That in case of Purchase , they are sold as belonging to the Freehold , just as Timber Trees . In England , when a Mannor is sold , all the services due to the Mannor are sold with it ; and it is no otherwise in Danmark . Further the Landlord cannot go , for the Law says , the Landlord may make his Vassal free , but he must by no means sell him to another ; if the Vassal be sold , then he 's free , both from him that sold and bought him . Neither , fourthly , Do the Boors with all that belongs to them , appertain to the Proprietor of the Land. For such a Vassal owes nothing more to his Landlord , than that he shall stay on his Land , till his Ground , and pay him his Rent ; which when it is done , reasonably the Landlord can require nothing more of him ; so that this Law of Vassals in Sealand , was principally introduc'd , that the Landlords might not want Tenants . These Vassals may be transplanted from one Farm to another . The Vornede are only in Sealand , and the King would have given them freedom there , since the Alteration , but that he was shewed there would have been several inconveniencies attending it . As to the condition of the Country People throughout the rest of Danmark and Norway , it is just like that of the Farmers in England , paying their Rent and Due to the Landlord , or leaving his Farm when they cannot agree together . They do indeed ●●arter Souldiers , but it is in the manner before described . And they are bound to furnish Horses and Waggons for the Kings Baggage and Retinue when he travels . These are provided by an Officer in the nature of our Constable , who takes care , that there shall be an equal share for every Peasant throughout Sealand and other Provinces , where the King of Danmark travels ; so that it does not come to the same Boors turn above once a year ; for not only they that live near the Road , but those likewise who lye farther off , must attend in their order . This seemed to our Author to be the greatest hardship imposed on these poor Peasants . He has seen 'em so beaten and abus'd by Lacqueys , that it has often mov'd his pity and indignation to see it , p. 90. Tender hearted Gentleman ! There was no Provocation on the Boors side I warrant you ! They are generally better bred than to give ill language ! If you were so touched with this , how would your Pity , Sir , have been mov'd , had you seen a Dane's head broke in a violent Passion , because he could not leta Draw-bride down soon ●nough , or had you seen one of the Kings Huntsmen cut over the pate by a Footman ? Men may talk of Barbadoes and Negroes , but the Danes are never us'd so much like Slaves , as when they meet with some sort of Envoys . According to the account hitherto of People in all stations , one would imagine the Beggars to be innumerable ; but it seems , that you will scarce see a Beggar in the streets of Copenhagen , except before some Burghers door , who that day gives Alms to the poor of his Parish . For all the poor People of a Parish go about one day to one , another to another Citizen , ●ho knows his day when he is to give them M●at or Money , both for Di●ner and Supper . If any other Beggar is seen in the street , an Officer carries him immediately to Prison or Punishment . After what has been said , concerning the state of all sorts of persons , even to the mean●st , who do not appear to want acomfortable subsistence ; what man will not presently agree with the Author , when he says , Danmark at present is but competently peopled , p. 88. Vexation of Spirit , ill Diet and Poverty being great obstructions to Procrea●ion ; and the Peasants , who before used to have a large piece of Plate or two , Gold Rings , Silver Spoons , &c. not having them now , or indeed any other utensil of value , unless it be Featherbeds , whereof there are better , and in greater plenty than in any place he ever saw . I should have imagin'd Featherbeds to have been as proli●ick a piece of Furniture , as Gold Rings and Silver Porringers . However the People have continued much about the same number for these two or three hundred years : As to the Multitudes that have been there heretofore , this may be observed , that since from all the three Northern Kingdoms , Danmark , Norway and Sweden , and the adjacent Provinces , near the Elbe and Weser , so many swarms went out so often to conquer and inhabit other more fertile and Southern Countries , it is probable at last so great deductions might exhaust the number ; as Saxo Grammaticus in his eighth Book , in the Life of King S●io says , that when the Lombards went out of Danmark , in the great famine and dearth that reigned then , the Kingdom was so deserted , that great Woods and Forests grew up in ma●y places , where before had been fertile ground ; and to this day , the signs of the Plough are to be seen among the Trees . Another great reason is attributed to the Plague , called the Black Death , that ravaged all the Northern Kingdoms , in the year 1348. when so many died , that scarce the tenth man was left to till the ground . Our Author gives another reason , why they are not so numerous as formerly , for discontent kills 'em , and 't is usual to have them die of a Slatch , which is an Apoplexy proceeding from trouble of mind . The Falling Sickness is more common in the Northern Kingdoms than with us , but not to that degree that our Author talks of , ( p. 90. ) And their Apoplexies are not half so ●atal , as they have been in England , within these few years . 'T is scarce reconcileable , that people should die in such number for discontent , whom in the beginning of the Chapter , he describes , p. 75. as taken up with a dull pleasure of being careless and insensible . Let us proceed to the description of their Diet , in which the Reader may e●p●ct exactness , seeing our Author all along seems to have been a good Trencher-man ; Their Tables are usually well furnished with Dishes , yet he cannot commend their cheer , p 92. Other English-men have mightily commended their Cheer , and never complained of the Leanness of their Meat : The truth is , the Danes like it the better for not being very fat ; the greatest fault which they and other strangers find with the English Meat is , that it is too fat , which disagrees with most of ' em . This may be one reason , and perhaps a better than that of Properly not being secure , why they have not been over diligent to Introduce the Fa●ning of Tame Fowl , it being an Art not known to above two or three in Copenhagen . And yet Fat Capons were in Danmark and Norway long before any English-man brought in the Cramming Manufacture , p. 92. Beef and Veal , p. 42. he allows them : Wether Mutton is scarce , and seldom good ; not so scarce or bad , though not in such plenty , or so fat as in England ; Wild Ducks taste as well as in England ; Plovers they have , but do not care for , but Snipes and other Sea Fowl in abundance , through all Danmark . According to him here are no wild Pheasants , Woodcocks , Rabbits , or Fallow Deer , Red Deer being the Kings game , not to be bought for mony . What game is permitted by Law to be sold in our English Markets ? Wild Pheasants are not there as yet , but the Prince Royal having a Nursery of tame ones near Copenhagen , and they increasing prodigiously , it is thought they will soon grow wild and common . Their Woodcocks call'd Agerhons are most delicious in Danmark . They have all sorts of Venison in plenty and perfection , nor is it kept so strictly for the Kings own use , but that it is very often to be had among any people of Fashion : For the King's Huntsmen have great priviledges in this case : and most of the Nobility and Gentry having their Game in the Country , can communicate enough of all sorts to their ●riends . Rabbits the Danes have , but they do not care for them , they not being so good as in England ; but Hares are plenty , and the Author says good , p. 92. As likewise their Bacon excellent . As to their Fish I have spoke before . Their Butter is very good , and they have Melons , Grapes , Peaches , and all sorts of Sallads in great perfection . However in general , their way of Cookery would hardly be pleasing to an Englishman , p92 , 93. The ●anes generally roast and boil their Meat more than the English. If you call their's over-roasted , they would say yours was raw ; but this might easily be adjusted : Their Broaths and Soops are extraordinary , I fancy , together with them , a man might contrive a Good Dinner , and a Desert out of what has been mentioned . To Consumate the Entertainment , The Liquors are Rhenish-wine , Cherry-Brandy , and all sorts of French Wine , p. 93. The Fair Sex do not refuse them ; in such a quantity as is agreable to their health , and becoming their Sex and Modesty . The men are fond of them , p. 93. more addicted to drinking perhaps than is necessary : But for these Twenty years last past that Humor has declined , and does in some measure continue to do so daily . There are some few other Customs of the Danish Nation , which He represents after his fashion , and so concludes . Their Marriages are usually preceeded by Contracts , p 94. and there is some Interval between that and the Wedding , according to the conditions of the Persons : What he says concerning three , four , or more years , before they proceed to a Publick Wedding by the Minister , p. 94. is to introduce his following Scandal upon the young People : That often the young Couple grow better acquainted , before such formalities are dispatched . There are no such long Intervals , or very seldom at least : Besides there is such a strictness in Danmark , about marrying , that no Minister dare marry any that is not of his own Parish , which prevents several Inconveniences : And there can be no greater shame than it is in Danmark for a New married Woman to be brought to bed before her time . If we will believe him the Gentry give Portions with their Daughters , p. 94. I must confess , I had rather believe the Danes themselves , who assure me that no body in Danmark , gives any portion in Money with his Daughter , except the Wedding Dinner , Cloaths , and Houshold-Stuff . But in requital for this the Daughters have a share of the Estate , when their Parents die . For it is to be remarkt that every Brother hath an equal share of the Patrimony , the youngest as well as the eldest , and each Sister has half as much as any Brother . When a Parent would dispose of his Estate otherwise by Will , it must ( as has been said before ) be signed by the King in his Life time , which , in truth is no other , than that he must have a new Law to disinherit any of his Children . Sumptuous Burials and Monuments , ( he says ) are much in request with the Nobility , p. 94. The King has some years since by a particular Law , retrenched much of the former Luxury and Magnificence of the great Peoples Burials ; so that they now are moderate , and yet very proper and decent . The common People are mean spirited , p. 94. yet in the foregoing page , they were proud and vain ; which two sorts of qualities seldom meet together . If they have any fault it is a quite contrary one , which is that of being too much inclined to sight upon the least word , and too slight provocations : Besides , they must always be acknowledged to be desirous , rather to confer than receive obligations , which a mean Spirit never does . The Swedes , who are as brave a Nation , as any in the world , have sufficiently try'd their courage : and in all their Engagements , that they have had in the present King and Queens of England's Service , they have behav'd themselves like men . The defence , which the common People made for their Country , and Amack in particular , deserves not only to be encouraged with Privileges , but to have so excellent a Poem , as that of Amagria vindicata , written by Borrichius , to continue the memory of their valour down to posterity . What Tradesmen he may have met with , it is impossible to know ; and what notion he may have of being cheated : But whereas he says , p. 95. the common people are inclin'd to gross Cheating ; they have the general reputation with other men of being fair Dealers . First , An Old superstitious woman would not sell him any Green Geese . This silly story ( as he relates it , p. 95 , 96. ) gives him a more lively Idea of the temper of the common people , than any description he could make ; and in mine it raises a much brighter Image of the Author : Especially when he proceeds to tell me , that in their Markets they will ask the same Price for stinking meat as for fresh ; for lean as for fat , if it be of a Kind , p , 97. We 'll suppose the Butchers so mad as to do so : But how came he to know this curiosity ? did he cheapen lean meat , and stinking meat ? Some frugal people go towards the latter end of a Market to buy the refuse cheap , perhaps our Author did so too , and makes his Complaint in Print , because he was disappointed of a penny worth . Where he lays it down , as a sure way not to obtain , to seem to value , and to ask importunately , p , 90. It is that way which I would advise no man to follow , for certainly the Danes are not such Fools as to keep their Wares , when they find the Buyer so forward as to overvalue them . No Lodgings in Copenhagen for strangers . In Taverns one must be content to Eat and Drink in a publick Room , p. 97. It is so in all Germany ; but in Copenhagen persons may have Tables or Rooms to themselves when bespoke , and no stranger need , or does want convenient Lodgings , both in publick and private houses . Their Seasons of Jollity are very scarce , p. 97. Persons of Fashion have their Diversions at seasonable Times , as Musick , Comedies , Retreats into the Country in Summer , as well as their Sleds in the Winter . Whereas he says , they content themselves with running at the Goose on Shrove tuesday , p. 97. One would think that Men of Quality ran at this Goose , but it is only a pastime of his beloved Boors of Amack , and performed by them : only sometimes , because of the odd frolicks of these Peasants , persons of better Character condescend to be their Spectators . Perhaps it may be thought too nice for him to remark , That no body presumes to go in a Sled till the King and Court has begun , that the King passes over a new Bridge the first ; and that the Clocks of Copenhagen strike the hours after the Court Clock , p. 97. If these Remarks were but as True , as they are Nice , they would be admirable ; but as soon as the Snow comes every one Presumes to use his Sled , the Diversion of it indeed is become more fashionable , when the King and Court have done it one night through Copenhagen . As for new Bridges , some of them might drop down again without any Passage over them , if no one were to go till the King had done it : In the mean time our Au●hor must provide Ferries for the Passengers ; the Clocks of Copenhag●n must be the most complaisant in the world ; otherwise if some traiterous Clocks should chance to go to fast , they might make an exception to a rule so universal . I like this Account our Author gives us of Precedency in such ridiculous matters most extreamly , because having been searching according to his advice among the Barbarians , I find something like it at the Savage Court of Monomotapa , where the Emperor having Dined , Commands a Trumpet to be sounded , to give notice to the rest of the Princes of the World , that they may go to Dinner . The Language he says , is very ungrateful , and like the Irish in its whining complaining tone , p. 98. He may be as free with the Irish as he pleases ; But the Danes and Norsh speak more like the English in their accent than any other People , and therefore these two Nations most easily learn , to read , speak and understand one anothers Languages upon occasion . There is a great agreement between their Monosyllables , ( p. 98. ) which being generally the particles , and strength , or sinews of a Language , show that the English has not only incorporated the old Saxon but the Danish likewise , to bring it to its present perfection . At Court High Dutch and French are much used , and also Italian : Though Conversation often passes in these , yet if any should boast that he could not speak Danish , p. 98. he would render himself ridiculous : and an Englishman might think him not worthy to eat Danish Bread : and indeed with reason , for among the living Tongues , there is none that for its abundance , the propriety of the Expression , the fitness and agreeableness to Poetry and Numbers , can pretend to surpass it . I shall finish the Remarks upon this Chapter with a recapitulation of what the Author has delivered in it . Was ever any man so Planet-struck as this Writer , to pronounce a People the most miserable in one Page , and to sill the next with the Grandeur and Equipage ( p. 83. ) of the Gentry , the plenty of their Tables ( p. 92. ) Their retreats for pleasure in fruitful and delightsom Gardens , ( p. 92. ) at the same time declaring that the Burghers , Servants , and even Peasants have change of Lining and are neat and cleanly ( 93. ) What Country can boast of more than Plenty and Neatness ? He begins with telling us , that in former times when the Nobility and Gentry were the same thing ( p. 76. ) That is , during the times that the Nobles had an excess of Power ( p. 76. ) in their hands , they liv'd in great Affluence and Prosperity , ibid. which he takes much pains to describe , and every body will easily be induced to believe . Then the Commons were willing in a great measure to be directed by them . ( ibid. ) that is , because they depended on them ( ibid. ) were forced like Slaves ( p. 52. ) to truckle to them whither they would or no. But in process of time the Liberties of the whole Country were lost , p. 76. By which alteration the Nobles were reduced to some bounds , and the Commons delivered from a Tyrannical Aristocracy , p. 73. This change forsooth creates in them all a kind of laziness and idle d●spondency , setting them beyond hopes and fears ; insomuch that even the Nobility are now desirous ( p. 78. ) to procure Employments Civil , ( Strange ! ) and Military ( Wonderful ! ) Civil , I suppose , without hopes , and Military without fears . Under these Circumstances 't is easily imagin'd the present condition of such a People in all ranks is most deplorable , ( p. 75. ) Their Nobility and Gentry sunk very low , and diminishing daily both in number and credit , ( p. 76. ) they are forced to live meanly and obscurely in some corner of their ruinous Palaces ; and patiently endure their Poverty at home ; their Spirits ( for there was not so much as a Song or Tune made in three years , p. 96. ) as well as Estates , grown so mean , that you would scarce believe 'em to be Gentlemen by their Discourse and Garb. The truth of all which foregoing Assertions , is seen in nothing more plainly than in what he fully delivers to us , concerning the extravagant expences which the Danes are at in Coaches , Retinue , ●loaths , &c. p. 83. They ride abroad , it seems , poor Gentlemen ! in their Coaches with great E●●ipage , to show how patiently they endure their Poverty in some obscure corner of their ruinous Palaces . They go so very sine in their Dress , after the French Mode , ( p. 93. ) and are so prodigal in their Cloaths , p. 83. that , you would scarce believe 'em to be Gentlemen by their Garb. Their Tables are so well furnished with Dishes , p. 92. and their Gardens afford them Fruit in so great perfection , that they are forced to seek Employments● that they may eat a piece of bread , p 81. p. 79. But if they have a mind to carouse , or be excessive in their Drinking , they have Rhenish , and French Wines , p. 93. to do it with ; and upon a merry bout , even a Boor can drop a Rixdollar , for a chirupping dose of Brandy , p. 84. And though he has neither Plate nor Silver Spoon in his Cottage . ( p. 88. ) yet can be as merry as a Prince , and has clean Linnen , ( p. 93. poor Slave , p. 86. and a good F●ather-bed , ( p. 88. ) poor Negro ! p. 86. to go home and lye down on . To conclude , When any of the Gentry dye , they leave such Estates behind them , as that their Children think themselves oblig'd to make Costly Burials , and raise Sumptuous Monuments , p. 94 to their Memory . Such is their Misery when Living , such their Ignominy when Dead . CHAP. IX . Of the Revenue . LEt us in this Chapter follow the Authors advice , p. 102. and Measure Hercules by his Foot. If what has gone before does not suffice , let us at least from hence take the height of his fancy , and the level of his understanding . He does indeed throughout the whole persue his first design , which is to multiply the Taxes , and yet afterwards to lessen the Revenue ; with what Art he does it , and with what respect to Truth , the following Instances may convince the Reader . Consumption , or Excise upon things consumable , is the first Tax he mentions , p. 100. The Danes perhaps took their pattern for this from Holland . But here the Author to multiply the Taxes makes three of one ; for the says ( ibid. ) There are besides smaller Ta●es , as thirdly upon Marriages , where every couple marrying pay so much for their ●icence , according to their Qualities ; this is pretty ●●gh , and comes in some Cases to 30 or 40 Rixdollars . This is only a branch of the consumption , where it is decreed , that every couple that marries shall pay a small matter to the King ; no● is this pretty high , for i● seldom amounts among the Commo● People higher than from half a Rixdollar to a whole one ; but paying for Licences for Marriage is quite another thing . People of Quality that will not have the publick Banes thrice proclaimed in the Churches , and besides desire to be married at home in their Houses privately , buy Licences and commonly pay 10 Rixdollars for them . That Tax for Brewing , Grinding , &c. is nothing else but the Consumption paid by Brewers or Millers . Poll Money , he says , p 101. is sometimes raised twice a year . This is more than the Danes know of ( or if it might have happened is extreamly rare ) and in raising this Tax more proportion is observed in Danmark● between the substance of one and another , than any wh●re else , wherefore it is very far from truth , that it is only guess'd at . Fortification Tax , or Money raised for , or upon pretence of ma●ing Forti●●cations , p. 101. was never raised but once , which was three years ago ; nor was it done then upon pretence , but expended upon the Fortifications of Croneborg , Rensborg , &c. and then to ease the Subject , the Pole Tax was not gathered that Year . Marriage Tax for a Daughter of Danmark is raised upon occasion● ( as in ●th●r places● but that under this Name , occasion is taken to raise more than the Portion , is more than any one can pretend to demonstrate . Trade-Money , p. 101. where every Tradesman is taxed for the exercising his Trade , and moreover obliged to quarter Soldiers , is a Tax never heard of , except what a Tradesman pays to his Company in the Cities , where he begins to exercise his Trade , and this is very unjustly called a Tax to the King ; and then he is obliged to quarter Souldiers , not as a Tradesman , but a Burgher . Ground Rent , he says , p. 102. is paid for all Houses in Copenhagen , or any other Towns in Danmark ; which are taxed by the King when he pleases . This is called Byskat , or Town-Tax , and is contributed towards the City Stock , and is a very small matter , nothing near 4 per Cent. as he afterwards ( p. 103. ) would perswade us . In the o●her Cities of Danmark , this Tax was never known to be paid to the King , but in Copenhagen such a thing may have happened once , instead of another Tax which then ceased . We come next to six very edifying Pages , viz. p. 103 , 104 , 105 , 106 , 107 , 108. where any one that is curious may know the Excise upon Mustard seed , Eggs , Tripe and Coleworts ; also upon Eels , Soap and Herrings ; which sheet of his Book can be no where more acceptable , nor of greater use , than for the more careful Preservation of those Commodities , when they are to be carried from Leaden-hall , or Newgate Market . Publick Mills , it seems there are , ( p. 109. ) where all the Inhabitants of Copenhagen are bound to grind , and to pay the Summs above-mentioned for grinding . There are such Mills , but they cause no new Tax ; and what is paid for grinding there , is as cheap , as it would be done any where else , they being appointed only , that so the Consumption Tax may not be avoided . Having gone a second time over his Taxes , and given an account o● some that had never been , and others that have seldom been , he comes at last , p. 113. to one that had like to have been : For if the Kings only ●aughter had been married to the Elector of Saxony , as she was about ●o be , a Tax had certainly been levy'd . Perhaps there might ! in the mean time what does this Tax do here ? Especially when ( in the very next words ) ●e supposes that by this , an English Reader , has taken a Sur●eit of his account of Taxes : For if he must have surfeited us , it might have been with something to the purpose . I confess no Tax the Danes lye under , surfeits me half so much , as the having paid three Shillings for such a Narrative . After all that he has said , it is easily imagined , that a Fleet and Army cannot be maintained without Taxes , which are raised either upon Land , by Poll-money or Excise . His present Majesty has with great Wisdom , caused a v●luation of all Houses in Cities , and an admeasurement of all ●ands in the Country , p. 110. from whence every man pays in proportion to his Estate , and each Farm is tax'd higher or lower , according to the Fertility of the Land. Seasonableness of the Year , or Ability of the Landlord , p●101 . so there is an e●uality of the Taxes , and the manner of Taxing , p. 247. This makes the People both willing and able to bear them ; and as the contrary , ( viz. ) unequal Taxation , was the cause of the Alteration of the Government , so this is the Preservation of it . Were Danmark in a profound Peace , as the Author imagins ( p. 114. then he might have cried out with some reason , Pax servientibus gravior est , quam liberis bellum . But when the greatest Princes of Europe are in Arms , during the Noise and Tumult of War , the Peace of Danmark cannot be so profound . And I believe that it is no ill Maxim for a Neuter Prince , to take care , whilst his Neighbours are in War , that the Conqueror shall not be able to hurt him . Danmark endeavours to do this , and accordingly keeps up a Fleet and Army ; so that if a War should happen , he need not be in suspence , whether his Subjects could possibly bear a greater Burthen , p. 110. for there would not be a necessity for much more towards maintaining them ; and then besides the disciplining of the men , there would be all that charge s●ved , which attends upon the Levying of new Souldiers . From this account of Taxes , the Author brings us to a Catalogue of other Miseries , The number of trading Ships is decreased , and does not come up to what it did within these 30 years , p. 116. and the foreign Trade of Norway is considerably diminisht , s●nce their late Quarrel with the Dutch , p. 115. whereas in truth , the Trade never was greater than it is now , and the Dutch can so little be supplied with their Wooden Commodities from Sweden , that they are glad to refix their Commerce with Norway again . He gives us , p. 117. his computation of the Ships that Trade thither , and that pass the Sound yearly , but I never lik'd his computations , because I have before found him wrong in his Arithmetick ; and at present there is a difference that I cannot easily reconcile : In his Chapter of the Sound ( p. 23 , 24 , 25. ) he recites a Letter from a very Understanding Person , March 31st , 1691. which gives him to understand , that since the Peace with Sweden , the Sound has not yeilded above 80000 Rixdollars per annum , and the last Year past , it did not reach to full 7●000 . Now if I should have believed his understanding Friend , what a mistake I might have run into : For when the Author himself comes to give us his opinion of it , p. 115. he says , that in the years 1690 and 1691 , it amounted not to much more than 65000 Rixdollars , at which rate we may judge it likely to continue . Seeing this disagreement between him and his understanding Friend , what credit can we Strangers give to the Letter of Advice , when there are at Least 4000 Rixdollars in the account between 'em ; which he will not take his Friends word for . There is another branch of the Kings Revenue , p 117. which is least considerable , and arises from the Rents of the Crown Lands , and confiseated Estates . The latter are in the Kings hands , either upon account of Forfeiture for Treason and other crimes , or by reason of Debt , and Non-payment of Taxes ; but notwithstanding this addition of Lands , the King is so far from being the richer , that he is the poorer for it . And were the thing true , that Estates fell into the Crown rather than pay Taxes , it would be great pity that the King should receive no advantage by them ; but such Surrenders are as imaginary , as his Confiscations for Treason and other crimes : For Danmark is that happy Country , where , according to his own words , p. 139. You never hear of any Person guilty of the crime of Treason against the King ; there are no Clippers and Coyners , no Robbers upon the High-way , nor House-breakers . So that if he , being an exact Arithmetician , will put together the Rents of Estates given to the King , rather than pay Taxes ; the Rents of Estates confiscated for Treason , Rents of Estates forfeited for Coyning , Robbing and House breaking , to the Money arising to his Majesty , from the Tax which might have been , p. 113. the Summ total will probably be just nothing . But farther , as for this sort of Land , it generally turns to Forest , and contributes to his Diversion , though little to his Purse , p. 113. It is a sign his Purse needs no supply , when he can afford so much ground for his Diversion . And then the Royal Palaces run to decay , ib. And so they do in all Countries , when the Prince is better pleased with another Scituation . As for several of the King of Danmark's Palaces , they are old uncouth Buildings , used by former Kings , disused now , and therefore not kept in so good order as Fredericksborg , Jagersborg , and others , where the King passes some part of the Year The Author it seems has met with another understanding Person , p. 119. who has informed him in several things , as first , that it is very difficult to make any rational computation of the running Cash of these Kingdoms , ib. or indeed of any Kingdom besides these ; and so his Labour might have been superseded ; certainly it is but very l●ttle , and not near the hundredth part of that of England , ib. When he is able to give a Rational Computation of the Running Cash of England , then it will be time enough to guess what proportion that of Danmark may bear to it ; but till I find that understanding Persons agree in the computation of that of my own Country , I shall despair of finding them exact , as to that of another . If they have no Cash by them , and are indebted over head and ears to their Creditors at Amsterdam and Hamborough , ib. how comes it to pass , that the Danish Merchants have so good Credit in both those Cities , and how come they to have it in London ? But the Officers of the Army transport their Money to other Countries : This may be true in some very few instances ; but for the most part these Officers are Danes , or married and settled in Danmark as has before been intimated . That few , or none of the Ministers of State purchase any Lands , p. 118. is as true as other of his Remarks , for there is no publick Minister , be he Dane , or not , that has not one , two , or more Seats , with Lands appertaining to them in the Country . That these Kingdoms consume more of Foreign Commodities , than their own Product can countervail , ib. cannot certainly be said of Norway , nor of several Provinces of Danmark , as Jutland , Laaland , &c. and any person who has the least knowledge of their Traffick , will easily confute this Aslertion . As for the running of Brass Money amongst the common People , it is as Farthings amongst us : Their Silver Coin is very good , in respect of several other Nations , although not equal to Sterling ; but whether the goodness of Coin be a way to preserve Running Cash in a Kingdom , may perhaps hereafter come to be considered by the English. Under these circumstances , I cannot think this understanding Person a competent Judge of the Running Cash of Danmark , any more than I take the Author to be of the King of Danmark's Revenue , though he is so very particular as to make it , Two Millions , two hundred twenty two thousand Rixdollars , p. 122. and I am the more confirmed in this opinion , because the Taxes not being every year the same , the Revenue received by several Officers , and no account given but to the King himself , the calculation of the Revenue can hardly be made by those , who are most employed in these Affairs at the Court , much less by a Foreigner . To conclude with Norway , the Revenue of the Southern part amounts to between five and six hundred thousand Rixdollars , and of the Northern to between two and three hundred thousand , and so the Total may be communibus annis 800000 Rixdollars , so says the Author , p. 117. But when he comes to sum up the whole Revenue , p. 121● there all the Revenue of Norway● comes but to 700000 Rixdollars . Were their Losses in Danmark to be so great , the Natives , p. 120. might well think that it was impossible for the Taxes to continue , and wish for an Invader , since they have little or no property to lose . For you were pleased , Sir , to drop four thousand Rixdollars in the Customs of the Sound ; and here you defalk a hundred thousand Rixdollars more : Might I advise , whatever Foreigners may be preferr'd in the Danish Court , you should never come into the Treasury , if you can make up your Accounts no better . CHAP. X. Of the Army , Fleet and Fortresses . THE Author begins this Chapter with bewailing the Misery of Danmark , that the Revenue is expended upon a standing Army , and upon the maintaining of a Fleet and Fortresses : And if Danmark had not sufficient reasons for the maintenance of all these , they would have just cause to complain . But it seems it is the King of France , that Great Master of the Art of Reigning , that has instructed the Court of Danmark , p. 123. and the King is his Pupil , p. 124. and in pursuance to such a character he has taught him , the pernicious secret of making one part of the People both the Bridle and Scourge to the other . This is not so great a secret , but that it has been known and practised in all Ages and Countries ; that when one part of a Nation is factious and mutinous , the more honest and sober part should bridle them , and if part of a Nation rebel , the other that is for quietness should endeavour to scourge and correct them . But God be thanked , Danmark has no occasion for an Army upon these accounts , nor necessity of going to France for such a Ma●im . In the next place , France has taught him to raise more Men than his Country can maintain , p. 124. Very well ! And then his own Prudence teaches him to disband such as he thinks unnecessary or burthensome to him , as he has done several times . But the great thing that he has taught him is , that Souldiers are the only true Riches , p. 125 , 126 , 127. The thing that the Author would here reflect upon is , that the German Princes often receive Money , before they will send their Troops into a Foreign Service ; and hence he would infer , that at present Souldiers are grown as saleable Ware , as Sheep and Oxen , p. 125. What a strange Country this must be , where the Souldiers are Sheep and Oxen ! and the Peasants Timber Trees , p. 86. But the King of Danmark esteems his Souldiers to be his Wealth , only as he can make them serviceable to his Allies , or as they preserve his Subjects from any foreign attempts , and so are the causes of Quiet , and consequently of true Riches . Yet , whatever the matter is , it happens , p. 127. that the Pupil improves but ill upon the example which the French King has set him . The Toad may emulate the Ox and swell , but he shall sooner burst than equal him , p. 127. Truly a very decent similitude for a couple of Crown'd Heads : I find the Author mightily taken with these kind of Animals , for , p. 232. speaking with reference to , and commendation of the Laws of Danmark , p. 232. he says , there is no Plant or Insect how venemous or mean soever , but is good for something ; upon which a Friend of mine observed , that there may be a creature in the world , that has as much Venom and Malice as any Vermin , and yet be good for nothing . It were to be wisht , that there could be a Remedy found for keeping up so great a number of Souldiers , as are at present in Europe . But his own words ( p. 126. ) That none of the Kings or Princes , though endowed with a more peaceable spirit and better judgment than the rest , dares lead the Dance and disarm , for fear of his armed Neighbours : E●cuse not only the King of Danmark , but those other Kings , whom he obliquely would blame upon this occasion . To give a List of the Danish Officers would be too nice , and is continually variable ; however the King of Danmark may be said to have above twenty thousand men in pay , besides those that are in the Emperor and the King of Englands Service . I have before given an account of the Souldiery , only I must add this farther , that when he says , the Troopers are maintained by their Peasants , p. 135. The Reader must know , that there are particular Peasants living on Lands in the Country , that are appropriated to this use ; so that such a Peasant as contributes to the maintaining of th●se Troopers pays the less , both Rent and Taxes . That these Troopers are none of the best Souldiers , p. 135. is reported by this Author because he confesses , they are generally Natives , ibid. Yet King William has judged far better of the three Regiments of Horse that he had from Danmark , the half part of which behaved themselves so well in the Battle of ●anden ( for the other half was with the Duke of Wirtemberg ) that his Majesty was pleased to compliment their Colonels particularly , upon the Bravery and Valour of their Troops . The Author gives us a reason ( p. 135. ) why there are not more Natives in the Army ; because the Landlords , whose Slaves they are , can hinder them from entring into the Kings Service , and remand them if any should offer so to do . This is true only of the Vornede , whose condition has heretofore been described : But it is an apparent proof , that the King of Danmark is not so arbitrary as he would make him , and that the Danes have not entirely lost their Property ; since they have such an Authority , as to be able to deny their King the taking men from their Farms , though they are to be employed in the Service of their Country . As for the French Officers , which he says are in the Army , the most part of them are such as have been forc'd to leave their Country for the sake of Religion ; and Danmark thinks it a Duty and Honour to be able to grant them Protection . In his Account of the Fortifications , p. 143. instead of saying that Naxkew is of no defence , he might have said , that Nakskow is a good Fortress , which it shewed in the War with Sweden , when it longer resisted the Enemy than most of the other Towns : He speaks as slightly of the Fortifications of Copenhagen in this place , p. 144. as he did before ; although that , and not Rensburg , p. 144. is the most considerable place for strength , that the King of Danmark has . Neither is Nyborg so much out of repair ; nor Fridericks-hall , which is the strongest place in Norway by natural scituation , so much commanded by the neighbouring Hill as he would insinuate . In the Account of the Fleet , which he makes to consist of but two and thirty Ships , p. 141. he has omitted several ; and as to what he says , that it was never set to Sea thus equipt , ( p. 142. ) The late Wars with Sweden may sufficiently confute him , and yet the King of Danmark had much fewer Ships then , than he has at present . The Danes and Norsh are very good Seamen : The Dutch are mightily desirous of them , and consequently have several in their Service ; yet not so but that they would return upon occasion ; and indeed all the ●eamen are so ready to be employed in the Kings Service , that there is no need of pressing to man the Fleet : To make this the more easy , the Sea Officers are kept in pay during a Peace , as well as in time of War ; and so are the Seamen , who have a Salary , and are employed in the Bremer Holm , in working upon all Materials necessary for the Naval Service . As for the Sea Provision of the Danes , which he says is very bad ; the contrary will easily be evinc'd , by any that have experience of it . The Mutiny of the Seamen , p. 38. and the besieging the King in his Palace , p. 139. is a meer story , for in Danmark are no Mutineers , p. 246. But it may have happened , that the Seamens Wives may have had Complaints to the Lords of the Admiralty ; now the Admiralty being opposite to the Castle , their flocking thither , perhaps to this over-curious Gentleman , who is troubled with several active qualities which Liberty and Freedom beget p. 75. and has his Head always full of Commo●ions , may have seemed to have been a Mutiny . CHAP. XI . Of the Court. TO give Characters of living Princes , and publick Ministers of State , must be a thing very difficult : It is not easy for the man , who would make 'em to set aside passion or partiality , and mens tempers , humours , inclinations and interests daily , nay hourly varying , it is hard to fix a lasting character upon a man , till we see the whole Thred and Tenor of his Life and Actions : This is one reason why I don't defer so much to the characters which the Author gives in this Chapter ; besides when I have found him mistaken in his Account and Description of things , which are sensible and permanent , I shall be much more cautious how I trust him as to his notions of men , who are mutable and various especially when he would make his search into the recesses of their mind , and there discover their very thoughts and sincerity , p. 168. For if the Authors Conversation be like his Writing , a man might be very free and open in his temper , and yet appear reserv'd to him ; for it is the opinion taken of the Man which makes one disclose himself to him : And I am the more confirm'd in not relying upon these characters , because in the same Chapter , when he is to give us an account of so considerable a Court , he tells us things so very ridiculous : As that I must go for an Idea of the Danish Court to some English Nobleman , p. 159. methinks the Horse and Foot Guards , and Trabands , the Kettle Drums the Trumpets , which are in perfection , and being rang'd in a large place before the Palace , proclaim aloud the very minute when he sits down to Table , declare to me that there is some difference . That few or no Gentlemen that have no Employments come to Court , p. 159. I can't imagine whither men should go , or where they should sooner pay their attendance , for the obtaining Preferment , if they have any hopes , or merits to deserve it . That the Kings Children , Domestick and Foreign Ministers , Officers of the Army and Houshold , who appear in the Anti-chamber and Bed-chamber , seldom amount to above the number of twenty or thirty , p. 159. I cannot think the number seldom to exceed thirty , when the Royal Family is so numerous as to make seven of them ; and methinks Courtesy , Duty or Interest at least , might bring four and twenty more to make above thirty . That there is a plentiful Table , but the Meat is drest after their own manner , p. 158. Ridiculous ! Is not the King of Spain's drest after his own manner ? There are abundance more of the like particulars , which I shall omit , only this one , where he says , That King Frederick had once the thoughts of making the present Count Guldenlew , King of Norway , which has been remembred to his Prejudice , p. 155. For it is what was never heard of in Danmark ; nor could that thought have been consistent with such a Kings great Wisdom . I must for these reasons , beg the Authors pardon , if I do not give an entire belief to his characters ; and the Readers , for my not giving any of the same persons my self : But with a very short description of the Court conclude this Chapter . The King of Danmark's great and royal Qualities make him be universally belov'd by his People ; and the Queen by her goodness , obliges them to the same affection , and makes her difference in opinion from them scarce discernable . Frederick , the Prince Royal , in his late Travels , where-ever he came appeared accomplished and very gracious ; and at home he is admir'd , for having such a temper as will follow his Father's example , and pursue his designs for the Ease and Prosperity of his Subjects . Prince Christian has all the Vigor and Gayety of Youth ; and the two younger Princes Charles and William , give great hopes , agreeable to their respective Ages : And the Princess Sophia Hederig , has all that Beauty and Sweetness , which will one day render some young Prince happy . The Ministers of State who compose the Council , as Guldenlew , Reventlaw , &c. are Persons of Honour and Fidelity to their Master , by whose advice affairs are so manag'd , that he has Love at home , and Honour abroad . Though the Court has not all that Luxury , which may be in some more Southern Climates , yet there is Decency and a sufficient Grandeur : Nor is it strange , that a warlike Prince and Nation should express their Magnificence by things suitable , as the Attendance of Horse and Foot Guards , Kettle-drums and Trumpets ; and consequently that the Kings Diversion should be the reviewing of his Troops , or Hunting in its proper season , as an exercise becoming a Soldier . These occasion frequent removals of the Court ; which can go no where to a finer place than Fredericksborg , which , tho it be not built after the modern Architecture , yet may be esteemed one of the pleasantest Pallaces in Europe . The Ladies likewise have their Diversions , not only in the Hunting of Deer and Swans , but the nicer ones of their Sleds , Musick , Masquerades and Comedies . To encrease the Grandeur of the Court , the King has two Orders of Knighthood : The first being that of the Elephant , is given only to Foreign Princes , or Subjects of the highest Deserts and Qualities . The other , which is the Order of Daneburg , was instituted long ago , but not as our Author says , by one King Dan , who saw a White Cross with Red Edges descend from Heaven , and thereupon instituted the Order , p. 178. For King Waldemar II. fighting against the Listanders in the Year 1219 , saw , or pretended to see , this Banner descend from Heaven , which was followed by a great Victory ; and in remembrance of this , the Order of Daneborg was instituted . This was laid aside a great while , but revived by his present Majesty . The Knights are inferior to those of the Elephant ; yet they are both fewer in number , p. 179. and greater in Honour by far than the Baronets in England . As to the Rank and Precedency of all great Officers and other persons , the Author has given us an Ordonnance in French concerning it , which was published in 1680. It is true that his Account is to represent Danmark , as it stood in 1692. However it is strange , that so curious and exact a man should have no correspondence there from 92 till 94 , when his Book was published ; for then he might have known , that by a new Ordonnance dated 11th of February , 1693. this old Ordonnance of our Authors is altered in abundance of particulars , so that he has nine whole Pages of his Book , that , by his negligence , are entirely good for nothing . CHAP. XII . The Disposition and Inclinations of the King of Danmark towards his Neighbours . THis Chapter seems to labour under the same difficulties with the former , for as we see the Interests of Princes are changeable , so are their Inclinations ; upon which reason I shall leave him to dive into the Hearts of Men , and the Cabinets of Princes , and only see whither his Matter of Fact be absolutely true : For that being the Foundation , according as that appears , we shall be able to give our opinion of his Superstructure . First , As this Author is a mighty Lover of Seditions within a Kingdom , so he is of Animosities and Quarrels without : Therefore his Presage is very common and often repeated , That there will be a fresh War between Danmark and Sweden : But on the contrary , they rather grow greater Friends every day than other , nor has there been a stricter Alliance between those Crowns than is at present , which has been lately renewed by solemn Treaties . Secondly , Whenever ( says he ) we please to caress the one at the expence of the other , this seeming Knot will discover the weakness of the contexture , and probably dissolve of it self , p. 192. These two Princes are not to be suppos'd to break solemn Oaths and Treaties for a little interest , that may be proffered them by England and Holland : And we saw this last year , when the Danes stopt the Dutch Ships in the Sound the Swede , although never so much carest , could not be prevail'd with to go off from the King of Danmark's Interest , or take any other party , but contributed what he could , to procure a satisfaction for his Confederate . Thirdly , That the Alliance by the King of Sweden's having married the others Sister , is not of any moment towards a good Corresp ●ndence , p. 192. is not altogether so certain , for this Queen whilst she lived , was the greatest Tye between these two Nations : She was the delight of them both , and that not without reason , for she had all the Accomplishments of Piety , Wisdom , Goodness , and all other Virtues : So that Sweden loves Danmark for nothing more than the having received from thence a Queen , for whom they had so great a Veneration . Fourthly , He wrongs the King of Sweden when he says , p. 193. That he showed coldness and indifference enough t● his Queen : He a vertuous Prince , ibid. and she an accomplished Princess , ibid. and yet coldness and indifference ! What is this but a Contradiction ? But the matter of fact is this , that never a greater Love and Esteem could be had for a Queen , than this King had for his ; which was manifest y enough shewn by the deep Afiliation her Death threw him into , so that he would scarce admit of Consolation ; and Sweden never heard of such a Sumptuousness and Magnificence , as that wherewith her Burial was accompanied . Fifthly , Whatever he ominates concerning the Swedes avoiding a further Matrimonial Tye with Danmark , p. 193. Yet it is true , that the general report of the World is , concerning a double Marriage between the Prince Royal of Danmark , and the Princess of Sweden ; as also between the Prince Royal of Sweden , and the Princess of Danmark : If so , where is this Gentlemans assurance of the impossibility of a further Matrimonial Tye ; or the certainty of the Prince of Holstein's being contracted to the Princess of Sweden , whom he falsly cal's , p. 193. the only Daughter of the King of Sweden ; this King having two Princesses living , by the lately deceased Queen . Sixthly , As the Author is pretty near in guessing , that the King of Danmark would not sit down with the Duke of Zell's thrusting himself into the Dutchy of Saxe Lawenburg ; so he is out of the way , when he says , that the King of Sweden would uphold the Lunenburg Family , though secretly : For the Swede was one of the chief Mediators that made the Duke of Zell demolish Ra●eburg last year , and give the King of Danmark the satisfaction which he desired . Seventhly , When he says , that the Duke of Holstein has , by the Sister of the King of Danmark , issue a very hopeful Prince ; one should think he has no more issue than this only Son ; whereas the Duke of Holstein has several Children of both Sexes . CHAP. XIII . The Manner of Dispossessing and Restoring the Duke of Holstein Gottorp . ANY one who reads this , and the foregoing Chapter will see , the Authors partiality for the Duke of Holstein : He seems to have undertaken his Cause , and to display it in all its best Colours and Brightness . It were an easy thing , in answer to all this , to transcribe the King of Danmark's Manifesto upon this occasion , which those who are curious may consult if they please , it having been spread about all Germany . But I shall avoid meddling with any Justification of the King of Danmark upon this Account : The reason is , because there is at present an intire Reconciliation between the King and his Brother-in law the Duke ; and last year they met together with great Friendship in Holstein . Now Reconciliation clears up a thousand things , which Distru●● , Jealousy , or Misunderstanding may have cast before one : What here●ofore may have seem'd unkind or unjust , then will appear to have been necessary ; but especially upon th● renewing of Friendship , there should be no Justification of former Proceedings made by either Party ; for such Justification shows as if the breach were not thoroughly repair'd , and will give a handle for future disputes and difficulties : Since no reconcilement will be perfect , but such as carries along with it an entire oblivion of past differences , and all their circumstances . CHAP. XIV . The Interests of Danmark in Relation to other Princes . I Shall be very short in relation to this Chapter , because it is of the same nature with the former . What he says of Danmark , that it resembles a Monster that is all Head and no Body , all Soldiers and no Subjects , p. 224. has been sufficiently confuted . However , if I were to have a Monster , I would rather have one that is all Head and no Body , than such a one as he would make , which is all Body and no Head. Neither am I of opinion , that Danmark bears no greater proportion to France , than the little Republick of St. Marino does to Venice ; and that Danmark is the least and poorest Kingdom in Europe , p. 225. for as to its poverty I have given him an account , and as to the Littleness of this Kingdom , I must a second time make bold with the first words of his Book against him ; That if we consider the Extent of the King of Danmark's Dominions , he may with Justice be reckon'd among the greatest Princes in Europe . CHAP. XIV . Of the Laws , Courts of Justice , &c. THE Danes are sprung from the Goths , who have always been a most warlike Nation ; they have left no Northern People free from their Incursions at least , if not their Conquests ; and extended them from Island to the warmer Climates of Spain and Italy , and the burning Shores of Africa . [ Krantzius in Dani● . Lib. 1. &c. Meursius Hist. Dan. Lib. 2 , 3. Isaac Pontanus Rer. Dan. ] And have the honour never to have submitted to the Roman Empire , nor to have any just pretences made from thence of Superiority or Dominion over them Their Historians affirm , that they have had a continued Succession of Princes from a thousand and forty Years before Christ ; who have continually governed them They have always been ruled by their own Laws , without foreign impositions . These Laws and Customs were so agreeable to the Northern People , that Roger Hoveden , in his Annals of Hen. 2d . of England says , that when William the Conqueror was to give Laws to the English , he made the greatest use of the Danish Laws to that purpose from the Love he bore to the Danes , from whom the Normans took their Original . Under the forementioned Laws and Customs the Danes lived : which they might possibly explain or improve by the Civil or Roman Law ( that Pontanus Lib 6. says they made use of and which the Governors of their Monasteries understood and studied , having learnt them in the Universities of France and Italy , Georg. Lorich . in addit . ad cons. poster . n. 92. Helmold . Lib. 3. Chron. Slavorum . c. 5. King Waldemar in the Year of Christ one thousand two hundred thirty two , collected the Statutes of his Predecessors , wh●ch with the ancient Customs of the Danes and Cimbers , he reduc'd into writing ; and adding several others together , with the Consent of the States , he made an entire Body of the Danish Law [ Pontanus Lib 6. Duck de Authoritate juris civilis . ] Yet this was but for one Province , for formerly each Province , Jutland , Sealand , &c. had their own particular Laws differing from one another . And indeed , since his present Majesties Collection and Reformation of the Laws , the Danish and Norsh Law is still distinguished , so that there is just such another Volume comprehending the Norsh Law , as that of the Danish ; but there is no difference , except in such things where the nature and situation of Norway require another Regulation than Danmark . In Norway likewise is another high Court of Justice , where the Viceroy is resident , to which all Causes may come by Appeal . But if the Parties be not contented with the Decision of that Court , they have a further Appeal to the highest Court in Copenhagen . Holstein is ruled by the Imperial Law , as a Fier of the Empire , and there is at Copenhagen two Chanceries ; the Danish for Danmark and Norway , the German for Holstein , and the other German Provinces belonging to the King of Danmark . He has said nothing of the Ecclesiastical Courts in Danmark , which are in every Diocess , where the Bishop is Resident , and several of the chief of the Clergy are his Assistants , and the Governor of the Province always present on the Kings behalf . These Ecclesiastical Courts are proper for all the Clergy , but if the Cases are of little importance , they are first judged by the Praepositus ( who is like our Rural Deans ) and some of the eldest Ministers in his District , which may be called an Inferiour Court ; but in both these nothing is judged but things of Ecclesiastical Nature . In Copenhagen there is a Consistory , where the Rector Magnisicus ( chosen every year out of the Professors , and like the Vice-chancellors at Oxford and Cambridge ) is President , and most of the Professors his Assistants ; in this Court all things relating to the University are debated . As for his politick comparison of the Trap to kill Vermin in Dovc-houses , p. 239. and his nice Description of the Headsman and Kennel-raker , I shall only tell the Reader that they are false , and so leave them to our Authors further Reflection . CHAP. XVI . The State of Religion , of the Clergy , and Learning , &c. WE must not expect great Accuracy in what he says of the Reformation of Danmark , neither as to the Time , nor the King that then reigned . For not only Frederick the First , p. 249. but his Cousin Chrisliern the Second , favoured Luthers Doctrine ; and both he and his Queen , who was Sister to Charles V. died in that Profession . Frederick , who succeeded his Nephew , in the year 1524. by a Publick Edict enjoyned , that no body in his Kingdoms or Provinces , under the Forfeiture of Life and Goods , should do the other any hurt , either Papist or Lutheran ; but every one should so behave himself in his Religion as he would answer it before God Almighty with a good Conscience : At the same time seriously commanding , that the People should be well informed in the Doctrine of the Gospel , that the Romish Abuses might be the sooner extirpated . This he repeated in the Diet of Odensee , A. D. 1527. and more was not done by this King till his death , which happen'd , A.D. 1533. saving that he himself adhered to the Protestant Religion , and favoured both that and its Preachers , where-ever he could in his whole Dominions . But Popery was tolerated however , nay as yet carried the Sway , by the great Oppositions and Power of the Bishops . This appeared in the Diet which was called upon the Death of Frederick , in which Diet one of the chief Lutheran Preachers , Mr. John Tousson , had been oppressed by the Power of the Bishops , if the Citizens of Copenhagen , who adhered firmly to the Protestant Religion , had not rescued him with force of Arms ; from whence we see , that though Frederick the First brought it in , yet he did not establish so generally Luthers Doctrine in his Dominions , as we are told by this Author , p. 249. Afterwards King Christian III. finding great opposition from the Popish Party , with much trouble , and not without effusion of blood , having besieged Copenhagen a whole year , and at last forced it to surrender by Famine , began to establish the Reformation with vigor ; for the seven Popish Bishops were suddenly surprized and imprisoned by the King , and after having been publickly before the Diet of the Kingdom , accused and convicted of many enormous crimes , were all deposed , and seven other Superintendants , or Protestant Bishops , afterwards consecrated in their places The King was crowned by Dr. John Bugenhagen , who had been a Fellow-Labourer with Luther in the work of the Reformation ; and in the year 1539. in the Diet of Odensee , the last hand was set to the Reformation , and it was wholly and universally introduced and settled in Danmark , as it is at this day . Now I leave the Reader to judge of the great Accuracy of our Author , when he says , that Frederick the First established Luther's Doctrine about 150 years ago , ( p. 235. ) First , 150 years ago , Frederick the First had been dead for above nine years , and next it was his Son Christian the Third , who established the Protestant Religion , in the year 1539. There is a Union and Harmony of Religion throughout the whole Kingdom , and this our Author says , p. 251. Cuts off occasion of Rebellion and Mutiny . 'T is very reasonable it should ! and a sign that the Clergy do their duty in preaching such due obedience as the Gospel enjoyns ; and the People show their sence of Religion in being directed by them : not that the Priests depend entirely upon the Crown , as this Author intimates , p. 251. any more than the rest of the King of Danmark's Subjects ; nor the People absolutely governed by the Priests , ibid. with a blind obedience , any further than Scripture and Reason obliges them . The Clergy have full Scope given them to be as bigotted as they please , ib. I know not what he means by their being bigotted , unless it is , that they are zealous in teaching their People the Doctrines of Salvation , and resisting Vice and Scandal in their peculiar Churches , as they ought to be ; perhaps this Author would not have them trouble their heads much about Religion , nor be zealous for any one in particular ; but content themselves with an idle Despondency , and scepticism concerning all . That the Clergy have no common Charity for any that differ from them in opinion , except the Church of England , ( p. 251. ) is a proposition very boldly advanced , against a body of men , in whom Charity ought always to be conspicuous ; and for a Defence against this Charge , they appeal to those numerous French Protestants who have fled to them for Relief , to whom at present they allow a Church for their publick Worship , though there has been no example before , since the Reformation , and the Law is directly against it . They confess that they cannot joyn in Communion with them , because they differ as to the real Presence in the Sacrament , and in the point of absolute Predestination , which they take to be essential ; for 't is the Doctrine of Reprobation , which has been the greatest stumbling block between them and the Calvinists ; but the Lutherans , seeing the great Moderation of the Church of England , both in that particular , and in the other of the Real Presence , they have always had a great veneration for it , and could be very desirous , that their Doctrines , especially that concerning the Sacrament , were but rightly understood , so as to come to a Union with it ; for 't is a general mistake in England , to call the notion of the Lutheran Protestants concerning the Sacrament , Consubstantiation , p. 252. for no such word is used amongst them ; their notion amounts to this , that they believe stedfastly a real and true Presence of the Body and Blood of Christ in the Sacrament , in a manner ineffable , which our Saviour himself is best able both to know and do ; whereas Consubst antiation would imply something more natural and material . Did Princes think it worth their while to promote this Union , our Author is confident , p. 252. that the business of Consubstantiation would make no difference . It would be of wonderful consequence , if Princes should really promote this Union between Churches so considerable ; and no better work could be performed in this turbulent and divided State of the Church of Christ : For who knows but this Union might draw another of more consequence after it , between all the rest who call themselves Protestants , and those more strictly so , viz. of the Confession of Ansburg , who first gave us that name , which we so much glory in ; and what a fatal blow this would be to Popery , any rational man will easily imagine . For the Church of Danmark is far from deserving the Character this Author gives it , p. 252. That the Calvinist is ●●●ed by them as much as the Papist , and the reason they give is , because he is against absolute Monarchy , and has a resisting Principle . They will confess they do not like his resisting Principle , and this makes a greater distance between them . However , they think it not agreeable to common Charity , to hate either Calvinist or Papist : As to their Errors , they think the Papists to have several that are fundamental , and more in number than the Calvinist whom they have a respect for , as having jointly protested against the Antichrist of Rome . The Church of Danmark think themselves likewise wrong'd , when he says , p. 253. That they keep the Mob in awe by Confession , which they retain of the Romish Church , as well as Crucifixes and other Ceremonies . For their Confession is far from the Auricular Confession , and Enumeration of all sins made by the Papists : For they retain only that Confession us'd in the Primitive Church , and which other Protestants wish for : For by that , the Minister can excite and exhort the Communicants to a right Penitence ; and there , as our Exhortation to the Communion tells us of the Church of England , The Penitent may open his grief to a discreet and sober Minister of God's word , that he may receive the benefit of Absolution together with Ghostly Councel and advice , to the quieting of his Conscience , and avoiding of all scruple and doubtfulness . In like manner the Danes have Crucifixes , and other Historical Pictures out of the Bible in their Churches , but they are far from making any idol ●●●ous or superstitious use of them . They use them as Ornaments and Remembrances only ; nor do they think , because a Papist adores a Crucifix , that a Lutheran must consequently be so afraid of one as not to endure to look upon it . So likewise is it to be understood of the other Ceremonies , which they have kept , not from the Romish Church , but innocent Ceremonies which the Romish Church have abused , they have made a right use of , and are here in the same case with the Church of England . He says , that the Splendor and Revenues of the Church of England , are the principal Virtues they admire in us , p. 252. The Church of England has lost so much of its Revenues , as that it is not at present to be envied for them . Besides , I never found Splendor or Revenues recounted as Virtues in Aristotle's Ethicks . But I have found Prudence , Fortitude , &c. among the Virtues , and for these the Danish Church may admire it ; but more especially for its purity in Doctrine , and it s well ordered Government and Discipline . It is true that the Church of England has better Revenues than that of Danmark , for at the Reformation , the King and States laid almost all the Ecclesiastical Revenues to the Crown , which at that very time Luther complain'd of to King Christian the Third . However , the Ecclesiasticks in Danmark are in no low condition , for they live very well , and honourably as any Gentleman can define . Every Minister lives in his Pa●ish , and has one , two , three or more neighbouring Churches under his Care , which if he cannot take care of alone , he does it by one , or more Assistants , call'd Chaplains , which resemble our English Deacons . He tells us , p. 251. That the Clergy are entirely dependant upon the Crown , as if their Salary was wholly given them by the King. But afterwards it seems , p. 252 and 253. The best subsistance of the Priests , is the voluntary Benevolence of the Mob . So that their flattery of the Court , p. 252. ought , if this were true , to be turned into a Flattery of the Mob , whose Vices notwithstanding , as well as those of Persons of the highest Quality , they reprehend with great freedom ; Ibid. And yet their Churches are much frequented , p. 91. As to the subsistance of the Ministers in Danmark , it is partly certain , as Tithes , &c. as in England , partly uncertain , as Offerings at the three great Festivals in the Year ; Marriages , Burials , &c. and they are very liberally provided for , without cultivating the Mobs good Opinion , p. 253. As the Inferior Clergy are thus provided for , so are the Superior , such as the Bishops , Professors of Divinity , &c. to a greater degree . Concerning these he tells us , p 153. That there are Six Superintendants in Danmark , who take it very kindly to be call'd Bishops , and my Lord , viz. One in Sealand , One in Funen , Four in Jutland , and Four in Norway . These have no Temporalities , keep no Ecclesiastical Courts , have no Cathedrals with Prebends , &c. but are only Primi inter pares ; having the rank above the inferior Clergy of the Province . 1. When he enumerated the Bishops , he might have mentioned those two more who were in ●●●nd . 2. That the Danish Bishops should take it kindly to be called My Lord , is a very curious remark , they have not so often occasion to converse with Englishmen , and the Danish Tongue has no word that properly answers to the English words , My Lord. Then they have no reason to refuse being called Bishops , since the King calls them so in the Danish Law , and they have all Episcopal Jurisdiction . It is true that in Danmark at the Reformation , none of the P●pish Bishops ( as many in Sweden did ) would embrace it ; but all , because of their errors , were deposed , and then the new Superintendents , according to Luthers institution in Germany , were ordained by Dr. Bugenhagen , from Wittenberg . And they did , as their Successors at present do , use and exercise in ecclesiastical things the same Power and Jurisdiction , that any Bishop does in England or Sweden . 3. If by Temporalities he means Baronies , the Danish Bishops have none of them . But that they have Ecclesiastical Courts is certain , and an account has before been given of them . 4. Though Canons , Prebends and Subdeans , are not as in England , yet in each Cathedral Church ( for such there is in every Diocese ) the Bishop has four , five , or more of the chief Clergy for his Assistants in the Chapter , and they are called Canonici , or Capitulares . 5. In Honour the Bishops may be only Primi inter pares , but in Jurisdiction there is a very great Subordination , so far as to suspend and depose , which sets them far beyond an Equality . 6. That most of these understand English , and draw the very best of their Divinity out of English Books ; and those who have studied in Oxford are more valued than others , p. 254. are expressions that savour a little of vanity . They do indeed esteem our Divines , and especially their Sermons ; but the way to be respected more by them , is not to value our selves too much . As to their Learning he says , at present it is there at a very low ebb . But to show the contrary , I shall name some of those great men in all Sciences , which have been eminent for their Learning , and name some of those who preserve the succession . In Divinity , who in the learned world does not know Hemmingius , Resenius both Father and Son , Brochmand , Winstrup , Swaningius , Wandalinus the Elder , Bagerus , Noldius , Bircherodius , &c. In Physick , who are more famous than Thomas Bartholinus , Joh. Rhodius so renowned in Italy , Nic. Stenonius the great Anatomist , Simon Paulli no less an Herbalist , Olaus and Wilhelmus Wormius , and Borrichius , who was excellent for his Chymistry . In the Law , there have been eminent men , as Petrus Resenius , Cosmus Bornemand , Claudius Plumius , &c. As to the Mathematicks , Tycho Brahe was followed very successfully by his Scholar Longomontanus and Geo. Hilarius , &c. In Philosophy and Philology , few have excell'd the great Borrichius , and besides him Bartholus Bartholinus , Arnoldus Rhumannus and others ; nor does Danmark want Historians , as Wormius , Petrus Resenius , Vitus Beringius , Claudius , Lyscander , and the lately deceased young Gentleman Thomas Bartholinus . As for Poetry , it began in the Danish Language with the Proverbial Rhimes of Lollius , and the Satyrs of Scanus , and the Eclogues of Virgil , turn'd into the Danish Language by Petrus Parous Ripensis , and by the Translation of the Psalms of Du Bartas by Christianus Arreboe ; but its perfection encreased with the Rules given by Corvinus in his Heptachordum , and his Rythmologia Danica ; by Severinus Pauli Gothlandus in his Prosodia Vernacula , and several other Authors . Severinus Torchillius with the beauty and sweetness of his stile , advanced this improvement ; whereas Bording did the same by his strength and majesty , and Johannes Wilhelmus as much with his Hexameron , in which there appeared a decent and becoming gravity : These were followed by Kingo , Sehested , Matthias Wormius , Andreas Claudianus , Lundius , Gernerus and others , whose works may promise them Fame and Immortality . The Ladies come in likewise for their share in this glory , Tycho Brahe's Sister , and especially Dorothea Engelbrechtia , may contend with the famous Poetresses of the Ancients . The Lady Brigitta Tot has translated Seneca the Philosopher into the Danish Tongue , with all the Elegancy any Language is capable of ; to show , that the ruggidest Philosophy of the Stoicks must submit , when the Fair Sex is pleased to conquer . It would be too tedious to enumerate all the Danish Poets , who have writ from Hiarne and Saxo Grammaticus , down to this time . Borrichius has done it , and given their Characters in a very pretty dissertation ; and Fredericus Rostgaard , an ingenious young Gentleman , has made a Collection of six of them , printed in 2 Duodecimo Volumes in Leyden , in 1693. Albertius Hopnerus , and Aagardus , have their beauties , but Vitus Beringius has a peculiar easiness , and his Masque of the Rape of the Sabins , writ in several sorts of Latin Verse , has much variety , and must have given great diversion in the representation of it . Harderus at writing Epigrams has a great Quickness of Wit ; and the English , among whom he liv'd some years , are particularly oblig'd to him for his ingenious Verses , made in commendation of their Language . As for Borrichius it is enough to say , that his Poetry equals his other performances . There are still living and flourishing in Danmark Wandalinus the Son , Masius , Caspar Bartholinus , Oligerus and Janus Jacobaeus , Olaus Romerus , Paul Vindingius , John Brunsmannus , and many others , who deserve no less praise than the deceased if their Modesty would permit it to be given them . Their Learning is preserved and cultivated among them , by their Publick Examinations , Disputations and Lectures in all Arts and Sciences : And their want of Printed Translations , shows their very great improvement , for the Danes generally understanding Latin , English , French , Italian , and German Languages , have no occasion for them , and yet in the publick Library there are abundance of Translations of all sorts , of both Antient and Modern Authors . Printing is indeed much dearer than in Holland and Germany , which is the reason why the Atlas Danicus of Petrus Resenius lies fairly written in the Library ; the Nobility and Gentry have likewise their Libaries in very good order , and there is nothing that I can find wanting , but Satyrical Pamphlets , and Seditious Libels . The Author says , there is no invention here , or tolerable imitation of what is brought in to them by Strangers , p. 255. But I cannot believe it , when I hear that Thom. Bartholinus has found the Vasa Lymphatica , as his Son Caspar still living , has done one Ductus Salivalis , and Borrichius , found several new ways in Chymistry : That the round Steeple of Longomontanus , is a great piece of Ingenuity and Architecture , as likewise the Bremer Holm , and the great work on Christians-haven . We have several Ornaments of the City of London , carv'd by a Danish Master . And whosoever will not believe their skill in Musick , may be convinc'd of the contrary by the Harp of Signior Arnoldo . But what need I speak far ther of the Danes , the very Islanders , whose Country was the Thule of the Ancients , are not without their Learning . Their Law-Book in their own Language , has several things conformable to the great wisdom of the Imperial Laws , as Angrimus tells us , Konung : Sagurne contains their History . Edda and Scalda gives an account of their antient Philosophy and Poetry , shows the Art and Fable of the one , and the Misery of the other . They have likewise Chronology from 740 to 1295. Nor are they wanting in the more refin'd Arts of Poetry and Comedy , as may appear by the Drama Eroticam , and the Verses made in the Islandish Tongue , about the beginning of this Century , upon Christian Friis the Chancellor of Danmark . Runolphus Jonas having studied the Islandish Language , found it so full , proper , and expressive of the Latin , especially the Thoughts and Beauties of Virgil and Horace , that he thought himself bound in justice to compose a Grammar for the more easy attaining of it , which he printed , and has been since reprinted at Oxford , with Dr Hicks's Saxon Grammar . But to go yet farther , even Greenland has its Annals ; and the parts which are farthest North are not without some pretensions to the Belles Lettres . When he comes to the University of Copenhagen , he compares it , p. 253. with these of England , which may exceed it ; however in respect of other foreign Universities it yields to few , either for its Buildings , Revenues or Students . The Auditories , Colledges and other Edifices belonging to this University , are as good and substantial as any Houses , except the Palaces in Copenhagen ; and the Professors have fine and convenient Houses allotted for their Residence . The Revenues likewise are considerable both for the maintaining of Scholars that study at home , or travel abroad . There are several Colleges as that call'd Collegium Regium built by King Christian IV. where a hundred Students have their Lodgings , to which belongs another house call'd Communitas Regia , where as many have their diet , and during their meals have frequent exercises . There is also Collegium Walkendorp●ianum founded by a Danish Nobleman , and Collegium Medicaeum founded by Dr. Borrichius , splendidly endowed for sixteen Fellows in each of them . There are several Exhibitions likewise for Scholars , some to reside and some to travel , which they call Stipendia , as Stipendium Frisianum , Scheelianum , Winstrupianum , Hopnerianum , &c. With these Assistances the University flourishes , and it receives encouragement from his Majesty , who was particularly pleased to be present at an Act performed upon his Birth day , in the year , ( 91 ) when the Rector , Dr Oligerus Jacobaeus , made him a Speech to thank him ; for some favours conferr'd upon the University . For since Pliny and Pacatus his time Panegyricks have been thought due to good Princes , and if a King will do great things , he must pardon his Subjects when gratitude makes them eloquent in the relation of them . There was formerly another University at Sora ; but , p. 256. The King had occasion for its Revenues , and in its stead there is only a small Grammar School erected . It was ruined by the Swedes in the late Wars , and pillaged of its Libraries , and all things else that belonged to it ; so that the King of Danmark has thought fit to let it be a School only , and in its room has erected an Academy in Copenhagen , where young Gentlemen and Persons of Quality learn Riding and several Exercises , as well as other Sciences . This has its Professors , and was solemnly inaugurated upon the Kings Birth day , in 1692. The Provisions for the poor are regular and considerable . Hospitals there are in every City very good and sufficient ; nor shall he show many examples of such as have been diverted to other Uses , p. 257. and especially not publick ones . The Author concludes this Chapter with a very great Encomium of the Danish People , p. 257 where every one keeps the ordinary beaten road of sence , and you see no Madmen , natural Fools , fanciful Folks or Enthusiasts ; for these are the People that generally create uneasiness and disturbances ; and I will assure the Author , that ever since I first read his Book , when I have been troubled with a fanciful Fool , that I could not in good manners get rid of , I have often wish'd my self in Danmark . The Conclusion . THe Authors Conclusion is a Panegyrick upon Popery , France and Turky . Popery has this to say for it self , That it is not the only Religion that intr●●●ces Slavery ; for he is perswaded that other Religions , and particularly the Lutheran , succeed as effectually in this ●●●●● . p. 25● . Besides Popery has a farther Plea , That King James's attempt to bring it into England was the principal thing , which rescued our Liberties from being swallowed up , p. 259. But the third thing excellent in it is , because the dependance which the Romish Clergy have on the Church of Rome causes often a clashing of Interests , and derogates from the entire Obedience the Subject owes to the Prince , p. 260. So that whereas he says , p. 136. Popery has been the Darling of many Monarchs , upon the account of introducing Slavery : It is this Authors Darling because it raises Wars and Tumults . France is put next into the Scale with Danmark , and made to outweigh it , because that Kings Subjects are better treated , and there is a Name of a Parliament at Paris , and a formal demand of a Benevolence , which they have not the power to deny , p. 261. But the true reason is , because the King of France , having quarrelled with the Court of Rome , his Clergy ( if he were reduced to a lower Ebb ) might produce divisions and disturbances , ib. So in this Authors opinion , France is happier than Danmark , because there is greater probability that it may lie under the misfortunes of a Civil War. Then comes Turky , which has suffer'd by some Writers , but he says , will scarce seem to deserve it , if compared with Danmark ; for the Turks have con●uered the Christians , and have a sort of barbarous right to use them ill : Yet they never persecute them upon Account of ●onscience : They suffer them for the most part to inhabit their own Lands ; it is true the propriety of all Lands is in the Grand Seignior , but whether it be not better to be only a Farmer at an ea●e Rent , than to have the name of a Proprietor without a comfortaable subsistance , he leaves the Reader to judge , p. 262. The Alcoran or Turkish Law declares the barbarous right which our Author mentions in these words : When you meet with Infidels cut off their heads , kill them , take them Prisoners , bind them , till either you think fit to give them Liberty , or they pay their Ransom . Sir Paul Rycaut is an Author of credit , who describes to us that sort of toleration which the Turks give the Christian Religion : They know they cannot force Mens Wills and Consciences , nor captivate their Minds as well as Bodies : But what means may be used to render them contemptible , to make 'em poor , their Lives uncomfortable , and the Interest of their Religion weak and despicable , are practised with divers Arts and Tyranny ; their toleration of Christianity is rather to afflict and persecute it , than any grant of favour and dispensation . The Grand Seignior may take their Estates from them if he pleases whilst they live ; and all People know , there is no such thing , as Inheritance of Land in Turky , at their Death . Let therefore the Reader judge , what Christian would not rather live in Turky , than enjoy the free use of the Protestant Religion , and have his property secur●d inviolably to himself and Heirs , as he may do in Danmark . Children are indeed in Turky forced away from their poor Christian Parents , but says the Author , it is for their worldly profit , and so bating the point of Religion , it is a far less mischief , to deprive Parents of their Children , than to leave a charge upon their hands , after having taken away the possibility of nourishing and educating them , p. 263. I profess upon reading this Paragraph , I enquired how many Children were starved every week in Copenhagen ; and whither there were not greater quantities that died for want throughout all Sealand ; I ask'd whither there were not abundance of famish'd Infants , that their Parents would be glad to part with for Skeletons , upon reasonable terms : But being resolv'd , that there was Pap and Milk-porridge , and the like , in those places ; and that the Children when they cried , had as much Bread and Butter as is usual in other Countries . I resolv'd with my self , that my Children should rather go to Danmark , with all its inconveniencies , than be circumcised or made Eunuchs , upon the hopes of coming one day to be Caimacan , or Grand Visier . I wonder most , how our Author ever came to like Turky , since I do not find , that he has any hopes or assurances from the Mufti , that any Rebellion shall be raised there speedily . Come we now to the grand Query , Whither matters are like to last at the same rate they are now at , in Danmark ? p. 264. Our Author would willingly have it resolv'd in the Negative ; and gives important reasons why it should be so : And more important why it should not be so . Let us see his self-encounter at pro and con , and the mighty tumults and bustles raised in our Authors fallacious Judgment , p. 264. First , That natural Love of Liberty , eminent in the antient Goths and Vandals , perswade , him to think of a change , ib. But alas the Love of Liberty [ which was that of Knight ●rrantry , and Rambling to seek their Fortunes in foreign Countries ] being now quite extinct in the North , they find sufficient conveniencies at home , where Obedience to their Prince secures their Ease , and is preferr'd by them , before those brisk Traverses ( as he calls them ) which commotions would occasion , p. 267. So Love of Liberty might do something , but that Duty prevails . Well , but again , may not the freshness and newness of this alteration of their condition , produce an alteration in the Government ? p. 265. Why , truly no , because he finds it to have little or no influence upon the people , who are wonderfully well pleas'd both with one and t'other . So that if the Father should propose any methods of change to his Son , he would not be heard by him with patience , p● 268. Bu●● however to try again : What should hinder the Swedes , who have their Eye upon Danmark from introducing Liberty ? p. 266. Why truly they use their own Subjects so ill , and there is such a ●●●t hatred betwixt these two Nations , that the Danes are resolv'd to keep them out as long as they are able , p. 2●8 . The last hope then is in the numerousness of the Royal Family , for there being four Princes it will be rare if Concord be maintained among them all , p. 266. And thence something in favour of Liberty might arise . 'T is a thousand pities that matters should not be brought to this pass : But such is the Wickedness of this cursed Soil , that those Jealousies , which use to reign in the Families of Princes , are not so common nor fatal in these parts , as elsewhere , p. 270. Besides there is a terrible thing , call'd Unity of Religion , p. 268. which spoils all manner of hopes , and cuts away the very root of Sedition . So then the sum of the grand controversy amounts to this , That the Government of Danmark might be shaken , were it not supported by a firm security from foreign attempts , by a mutual concord in the Royal Family ; by the Ease , Content , Loyalty and Religion of the Subject ; in a word , by all the Blessings and Cements which make Governments happy , and consequently will render this of Danmark fixt and durable . Since nothing hitherto will do the work , what if this Author could get his Account translated into the Danish Tongue , might not that , when publisht , have so blessed an effect , as to occasion a change , not only in their Condition , but also in their Masters ? Why truly whatever his aim may have been nearer home , and though it has been printed in English , yet he has not perswaded his Countrymen to endeavour an alteration in either of theirs . So that if the present State of both Kingdoms be fixt and durable , then his Book ( poor Gentleman ! ) has lost its design , and he his labour . FINIS . Books Printed for , and sold by Tho , Bennet , at the Half Moon in St. Pauls Church-yard . FOLIO's Athenae Oxonienses : Or an exact History of all the Writers and Bishops who have had their Education in the University of Oxford ; from 1500. to the end of 1690. Representing the Birth , Fortunes , Preferments , and Death of all those Authors and Prelates ; the great Accidents of their Lives ; with the Fate and Character of their Writings . The Work being so Compleat , that no Writer of Note of this Nation , for near two hundred years past , is omitted . In Two Volumes . A New Historical Relation of the Kingdom of Siam , by Monsieur de la Loubere , Envoy Extraordinary from the French King , to the King of Siam , in the Years 1687 , 1688. Wherein a full and curious Account is given of their Natural History , as also of their Arithmetick and other Mathematick Learning● In two Tomes . Illustrated with Sculptures . Done out of French. By A. P. Fellow of the Royal Society . The Works of Mr. Abraham Cowley . The Eighth Edition . To which is added , The Cutter of Colemanstreer . Never before Printed in any Edition of his Works . Sir William D'avenants Works , Dr. Pocock's Commentary on the Prophets Joel , Micah , Malachi and Hosea . Voyages and Adventures of Ferdinand Pinto ; who was five times Shipwrakt , sixteen times sold , and thirteen times made a Slave , in AEthiopia , China . &c. Written by himself . The Second Edition , 1693. Quarto's . A Critical History of the Text , and Versions of the New Testament ; wherein is firmly Established the Truth of those Acts on which the Foundation of Christian Religion is laid : In Two Parts . By Father Simon , of the O●atory . Together with a ●●●u●ation of such Passages as seem contrary to the Doctrine and Practice of the Church of England . The Works of the Learned : Or an Historical Account , and Impartial Judgment , of the Books newly Printed , both Foreign and Domestick : Together with the State of Learning in the World. By J. de la Crose , a late Author of the Universal Bibliotheques , The first Volume is finished with compleat Indexes . A Sermon before the King and Queen . By the Right Reverend the Lord Bishop of Worcester . The Bishop of Ch●●ter's Charge to his Clergy at at his Primary Visitution , May 5. 1691. and his Sermon before the King and Queen , 1694. Five Sermons before the King and Queen . By Dr. M●ggot Dean of Winchester , Two Sermons . One before the Honourable House of Commons , on a Thanksgiving , in November , 1691● The other before the King and Queen in November , 1692. By Dr. Jane Dean of Gloucester . Three Sermons . One on a Thanksgiving , the two others before the King and Queen . By Dr. Talbot Dean of Worcester . Mr. Atterbury's Sermon before the Queen at White-●all , May 29. 1693. Dr. Resbury's three Sermons before the Queen . A Discourse ●ent to the Late King James , to perswade ●●● to embrace the Protestant Religion . By Sam. Parker , late Lord Bishop of Oxon. To which are perfixed two Letters ; the first from Sir Lionel Jenkins , on the same Subject ; the second from the said Bishop , with the Discourse ; All Printed from the Original Manuscripts . The Plagiary Exposed , or an old Answer to a newly revived Calumny , against the Memory of King Charles the first , under the Title of Colonel Ludlows Letter . By Mr. Butler , Author of Hudibras . Never brfore Printed . A short Defence of the Orders of the Church of England . By Mr. Luke Milbourn . The first Book of Virgill's AEneis . Made English by Mr. Luke Milbourn . The Reasons of Mr. Bayes's Changing his Religion . In Three Parts . By Mr. Tho. Brown. Novus Reformator Vapulans : Or the Welsh Levite toss'd in a Blanket . In a Dialogue between Hick — of Colch . Da — J — s , and the Ghost of William Pryn. Written by Mr. Tho. Brown. An Account of the Proceedings of the Right Reverend the Lord Bishop of Exeter , in his Visitation of Exeter College . The Second Edition . To which is added the Censure of the University of Oxford on the Naked Gospel . A Defence of the said Proceedings , with an Answer to , first , The Case of Exeter College Vindicated . Secondly , The Account Examined . A Vindication of Mr. James Colmer , M. B. and Fellow of Exeter College , from the Calumnles of several late Pamphlets : to which are annexed , the Authentick Copies of the Affidavits relating to that Affair . Popish Treachery : or , a short and new Account of the horrid Cruelties exercised on the Protestants in France ; being a true Prospect of what is to be expected from the most solemn Promises of Roman Catholick Princes : In a Letter from a Gentleman of that Nation to one in England . Certain Considerations for the Establishment of the Church of England , By the Lord Bacon . Now published with a new Preface . A Letter to a Lord , in Answer to a late Pamphle● Ent●●uled , An Enquiry into the Causes of the present Fears and Dangers of the Government : in a Discourse between a Lord Lieutenant and one of his Deputies . A Sermon at the Funeral of John Melford , Esq by Mr. Easton . A Practical Discourse concerning Divine Providence , in Relation to National Judgments . A Defence of the Church of England from the Charge of Schism and Herefie , as laid against it by the Vindication of the Deprived Bishops . The Indecency and Unlawfulness of Baptizing Children in private , without Necessity , and with the Publick Form. By Martin Strong M.A. and Vicar of Yeovill in Somerset . Mr. Blackburns Sermon before the Queen . Octavo's and Twelves . TWenty four Sermons Preached upon several Occasions , by R. South , D.D. Six of them never before Printed . in 2 Vol. Sermons and Discourses upon several Occasions , by G. Stradling , D.D. late Dean of Chicester , Never before Printed : together with an Account of the Author . The Meditations of Marcus Aurelius Antoninus , the Roman Emperour : Translated out of Greek into English , with Notes by Dr. Casaubon . To this Edition is added , the Life of the said Emperour ; with an Account of Stoick Philosophy ; as also Remarks on the Meditations . All newly Written by the Famous Monsieur , and Madam Dacier . Mr. Waller's Poems compleat , in two Parts . Sir John Denham's Poems . Crashaws Poems ; containing , Stepts to the Temple . The Delight of the Muse , &c. Third Edition , The Faithful Shepherd ; with an Addition of divers other Poems . The Second Edition . By the Right Hono●●able . Sir Richard Fanshaw . The History of Henry IV. Surnam'd the Great , The Second Edition . Witten in French by the Bishop of Rodes , and made English by J.D. Memoirs of the Court of Spain . Written by an Ingenious French Lady , and Englished by Mr. Tho. Brown. Hudibras Compleat . Scarroons Novels . Love Letters between a Nobleman and his Sister , 2 parts Compleat . Bona's Guide to Eternity , Englished by Sir Roger Lestrange . Memoirs of the Court of France , by the Author of the Court of Spain . Some Motives and Incentives to the Love of God pathetically discoursed of in a letter to a Friend : by the Honouaable Robert Boyle . The Seventh Edition much Corrected . Arist. Hist. LXXII . Interpret . accessere veterum Testamonia de eorumversione , e Theatro Sheldonian . Dr. Busby's Greek Grammar . The Life of that most Illustrious Prince , Charles V. la●e Duke of Lorrain and Bar. Generalissimo of the Imperial Armies . Written Originally in French , and made English. The Morals of Confusius , a Chinese Philosopher ; who flourished above 500 Years before the coming of our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ. A Voyage to the World of Cartesius : Written Originally in French , and now Translated into English by T. Taylor of Magd. Coll. in Oxford . Academy of Sciences ; being a short and easie Introduction to the Knowledge of the Liberal Arts and Sciences ; with the Names of such Authors of Note as have written on every particular Science . By D. Abercromby , M. D. Homeri ●liad●s ●iber primus , in qua ●irgularum v●●●● s●gnifica●i●nes , compositiones ac derivationes annota●●●tur , dialecti clare & distincte exponuntur , &c. Opera & Studio Geog. Sylvan . Par. Med. Editio secunda . Twelves . The Art of Practical Measuring easily performed by a Two foot Rule , which slides two Foot , and and which is the best Measure of round Timber the common way ; as also the true Measure of Round , Square , or other Timber , of Stone , Boards , Glass , Paving , Painting , Wa●nscot , &c. Gauging of Casks and Gauging and Inching of Tuns ; containing brief Instructions in Decimal Arithmetick ; the best way of using the Logar●thms , according to Mr. Tou●●ey : the Use of the Diagonal Scale of 10● parts in a quarter of an Inch ; applied to Gunter's Chain . And lastly , some useful Directions in Dyalling , not hitherto published , By Henry Coggshall Gent. Twelves . A method and order of Practice to be prepared for Death and Judgment . By the Author of the method of private Devotion . Plays , by the Honourable Sir Robert Howard . Five Plays in one Volume . in Folio , viz. The Indian Queen , Surprizal , Committee , Vestal Virgin , and the Duke of Lerma . By Mr. Dryden and others . Villian . Quarto . Rambling Justice . Love in a Wood. She would if She could : All for Love. The Assignation . Aurange Zebe . Indian Emperour . Wild Gallant . Rival-Ladies . Hamlet Prince of Denmark . Macbeth . Epsom Wells . The Emperour of the Moon . by Mrs. B●●n . The Rape ; or , The Innocent Impost●rs . by Mr. Br●ddy . FINIS . 
A35311	----	Denmark vindicated being an answer to a late treatise called An account of Denmark, as it was in the year 1692, sent from a gentleman in the country, to his friend in London. Crull, J. (Jodocus), d. 1713? 1694 Approx. 300 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 116 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2003-01 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A35311 Wing C7426 ESTC R16639 12256049 ocm 12256049 57496 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A35311) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 57496) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 888:7) Denmark vindicated being an answer to a late treatise called An account of Denmark, as it was in the year 1692, sent from a gentleman in the country, to his friend in London. Crull, J. (Jodocus), d. 1713? [14], 216, [1] p. Printed for Tho. Newborough ... and Ed. Mory ..., London : 1694. Reproduction of original in Huntington Library. Attributed Jodocus Crull. cf. BM. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. 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Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Molesworth, Robert Molesworth, -- Viscount, 1656-1725. -- Account of Denmark as it was in the year 1692. Denmark -- History -- Early works to 1800. 2000-00 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2001-08 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2001-09 TCP Staff (Michigan) Sampled and proofread 2001-11 TCP Staff (Michigan) Text and markup reviewed and edited 2001-12 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion Denmark Uindicated : BEING AN ANSVVER To a late Treatise called , An ACCOUNT of Denmark , As it was in the Year 1692. Sent from a Gentleman in the Country , to his Friend in London . Corn. Nep. Haec praecipienda videntur lectoribus , ne alienos mores ad suos referant ; neve ea , quae ipsis leviora sunt , pari modo apud caeteros fuisse arbitrentur . Terent. Faciunt , n●● , intelligendo ut nihil intelligant . LONDON : Printed for Tho. Newborough at the Golden-Ball ; and Ed. Mory at the 3 Bibles in St. Paul's Church-yard , 1694. TO HIS ROYAL HIGHNESS The Most Illustrious PRINCE GEORGE , Only Brother to His MAJESTY , the Present King of Denmark . May it please Your Royal Highness , AS true History transmits to posterity the good and bad Counsels not only , but also the most Famous Actions of Great Men ; so Princes , and Men of the first Rank , seem more particularly concern'd in maintaining its Sacred Laws against such as prompted either by their Vanity or Malice , endeavour too frequently to pervert the same . I having undertaken in this present Treatise , to vindicate in some measure the KINGDOM of DENMARK , against a nameless Author , who , ( as much as in him lays ) has endeavoured to misrepresent the State of your R. H's Native Country , and the most antient Rights of your Royal Family in Denmark : I thought I should appear to the World to be wanting in my Duty to your R. Highness , and to deviate from that profound Veneration , which I have always paid to your R. H's most eminent Vertues of Valour , Moderation and Love of Truth ; it if I should have committed this Work to the protection of another , which I was sensible ought to implore no other , but that of your Royal Highnesses . My chief aim in this Undertaking has been to undeceive such , as being not acquainted with the true State of Denmark , might be apt to mistake fair shining appearances , for the Truth it self ; wherein , as I have soughtmore for the Satisfaction of being approved of by the most understanding sort , than the multitude ( whose applauses I never sought , nor valued . ) So , if I have been able to contribute any thing in this Matter , which may meet with the least Approbation from a PRINCE , who by his BIRTH , and exquisite KNOWLEDG of the Constitutions of his Native Country , and the Prerogatives of his Royal Ancestors , is the most unquestionable judge of this Vindication : I shall always esteem it as the greatest honour , which I could pretend to in this undertaking . Pompous words ( the common ingredient of our new-fashion'd Dedications ) being the Scorn of great Souls , ought not to be brought into your R. H's Presence . But instead of these , I will offer my fervent Prayers to Heaven for the Prosperity of your R. H. and your most illustrious Family , humbly intreating your R. H. graciously to accept of this as an unfeigned Testimony of my constant Zeal for your R. H's Service , and begging leave to call my self , Your Royal Highness's Most Humble and Devoted Servant , J. C. A LETTER FROM A GENTLEMAN in the Country , TO HIS FRIEND in LONDON . SIR , NExt to the most acceptable News of your health , nothing could at this time have been more welcome to me in my retirement , than the Book you sent me concerning the present State of Denmark ; which , as it has , with pleasure revived in me the remembrance of such Matters , as forme●ly I had observed in those Northern Countries ; so the reading of it at such intervals as were free from the usual jollities of the Christmas Holy-Days , has afforded no small variety to me , when tir'd with the diversions , this Season particularly allows us in the Country . I had some days before I received yours , heard a most advantageous Character of the said Book , from some Gentlemen , who being Fellows , if not the Heads of a State-Reforming Society in London , were come , partly to pass the Holy-Days in the Country , partly to communicate to their Friends here , the Results of their grave Debates in their several London Clubs , and had among other State Censuring Pamphlets ( as I understood ) recommended this Treatise as a singular piece , fit to improve the Knowledge of all such as desired to be instructed in State Affairs . The Truth is , knowing these Gentlemen to be of a Society , the Members whereof I know not by what antient Title , which they deduce even from the times of the Romans , claim a prerogative of Censuring not only foreign States , but also our own in particular , as often as Matters do not fully answer the ends of their wise Consultations : I had a more than common Curiosity , to peruse a Treatise , which they seemed to be so fond of , even to admiration . But , as soon as I found the Title Page not only without the Author's Name ( which seems so requisite to give an Authority to Historical Treatises , that I do not see how any body can challenge a belief from his judicious Reader without it ) but also the Printer's omitted ; the work seem'd to me at the very first sight , to carry with it a shrewd suspicion , if not of downright falshood , at least of an unanswerable partiality . And to speak freely , when immediately after in the Preface , so disproportionable both to the nature and ●igness of the Treatise , there appeared to me every where the foot-steps of a conceited Home-breeding , and every Leaf almost stuft up with the Praise of This , and the Diminution and Undervaluing of other Countries , confirmed with far fetch'd Arguments , devised on purpose rather to amuse and ensnare , than impartially to instruct the Reader● I did conclude , that our unknown Author's inten●ion was to give us a Novel , such as the Turkish Spy , or the like ( wherein of late years some have taken a priviledge to intermingle Truth with their own Inventions , accommodating the whole more to their own Fancies , or else to the Humors of such as they seek to please , than to the sacred Laws of History ) but not a true and impartial Account of the present State of Denmark . When soon after my Curiosity did lead me to make a true comparison betwixt the most remarkable passages related in this Treatise , and such Matters as either my memory or observations , which I had made some years ago , when conversant in those Countries , as also the correspondence of my Friends from thence had furnished me withal ; I was sufficiently convinced , that in the most concerns of Moment our Author had endeavoured , by an affected Stile , rather to adapt the whole to his Conceits in the Preface , than the Preface to the Work. The gross and unaccountable Comparison especially , made betwixt the Northern parts of the World and the Turkish Government , nay , even the preferring the latter before the others may . I think , serve , as an undeniable Argument to all unbyass'd Persons , That the Author did not intend to give us a just account of those Countries , but under a Romantick Cover of Arbitrary Power , to represent Tyranny in its worst shape to the English Nation . And as this is plainly apparent out of several passages of the said Book , so it seems to be the only excuse that can be made for these extravagancies and groundless Aspersions , so little suitable to the rules of true History , wherewith it is filled up from the beginning of the Preface , to the very conclusion . Certainly , if this Author's Intention had been to give a warrantable Account of Denmark , it would have been much more glorious and consonant to the practice of all civilized Nations , to have imitated the frankness and integrity of the antient Romans , whom he seems so much to admire , and more particularly , that of Tacitus in his Book , which he writ concerning the Germans in his Time. Those , who see this Author quoted , not only in the Title page , but also in several places afterwards , will scarce believe that any other , but the above mentioned Reason could induce our Author , to recede so far from the Method of an approved Historian ; and the so much applauded moderation of him , whom he himself praises as the greatest of Politicians of his Time. Neither will the difference which some pretend to have found out betwixt those Times and our Age , be a sufficient excuse for this new-invented way of writing ; since , if our Author had been more taken with an Ambition to imitate Modern than antient Writers in this kind , there are not wanting Examples among them of undeniable Sincerity and Modesty . The Memoirs of Villeroy , and the Letters of Cardinal D● Ossat have deserved such praises from the most unbyassed , and eminent Politicians , that he need not have been ashamed to tread in their footsteps . Even the Northern parts , where our Author falsly imagines all Learning to be extinguished , can furnish him with a Pattern of this Kind in their imcomparable Monzam bano , of the State of the German Empire ; according to which , if he had regulated himself , he would not have scattered such abundance of ill grounded Reflections against many Illustrious Persons , and had better deserved the Name of a true Historian . But , if nothing of Foreign Vertue could be charming enough to our Author , the living Examples either of Sir William Temple , or of the so much celebrated Dr. Burnet , now Bishop of Salisbury , in his Observations especially made , concerning his Travels , and published some years ago , ought to have excited him to deserve the same Character ; except our Author has an in born Aversion to any thing that has the least relation to the North. To conclude ; this Author seems to be a great Admirer , and to have adapted the whole Work to the Doctrine of some political Doctors among us ; who having gathered their phantastical Notions of a Platonick Government without Faults , out of such antient Philosophers , as used to fight Battels in their Studies , and with florid Speeches infuse their Conceits of Governing into their Auditors , do very industriously labour to spread their vain Opinion , to the great disadvantage of the State. And I think , the whole Work may serve as a convincing Instance , to shew the World how difficult it is to shake off such Prejudices , as are implanted in our tender Age , and have in process of time taken root with us ; so that it is manifest , that ( notwithstanding our Author's Opinion in his Preface ) Travelling too late proves sometimes as ineffectual , as going abroad too young . This being , what in general may justly be said of this Treatise , I have communicated to you with the same freedom , as I thought was becoming our Friendship , and the satisfaction I always take in contributing any thing to your Curiosity . But the particular consideration of the whole much exceeding the compass of a Letter , I have in the enclosed Papers set down such impartial animadversions , as seemed to me necessary towards the explaining of the chief points in the whole Treatise , wherein if I have added any thing to your satisfaction , it fully answers the ends of him , who , Sir , always will be Your affectionate Friend and Servant . January 16. 1693 / 4. REMARKS UPON THE PREFACE . BOOKS without their Author's Names , being like Bastards , who cannot claim the least Prerogative from their Parentage , ought questionless to challenge no other Authority but what is derived from their own Deserts . And tho' it is not to be denyed , but that sometimes the Circumstances of time and place may be a good Plea to some Authors , who have disguised themselves under fictitious Names ; or else set none at all to their judicious Pieces . Yet it must also be owned , That whenever they have transgressed the Rules of true Sincerity and Modesty , and endeavoured rather to recommend themselves to the Reader by their pompous Words , than approved Truth , they have deservedly incurred the Censures of all Judicious and Unbyassed Persons . If the Author of the Treatise , called , An Account of Denmark , had made the least Reflection ( as he ought to have done ) upon this , certainly he would not have been so much pre-possessed with the Vanity of his own Inventions , as to believe , That the same , tho' never so gaudily dress'd up with fine Words , and adorned with fair Suppositions , could be received as a Truth among the more sensible part of Mankind . But to come to the Matter it self ; Health and Liberty are , without dispute , the greatest natural Blessings Mankind is capable of enjoying , says our Author at the very beginning of his Preface . That Health and Liberty , duly considered , are Two precious Jewels , scarce sufficiently to be valued , has never been questioned in this part of the World , But since Physicians themselves do not agree in the true nature of the First , as admitting of several Degrees , and being scarce ever to be found in its due Perfection ; and the Degrees of the Second , being by all Judicious Politicians , adapted to the several Constitutions of those Countries , and Inhabitants where the same is to be exercised , our Author would have done very prudently to have have given us a more clear and satisfactory Notion of the true Nature of both . So do we see Phantastical Ladies , tho' ( according to their natural Constitution in good Health ) affect sometimes to be leaner , sometimes fatter ; sometimes to nauseate a small Pimple , or even their natural Colour ; sometimes imagining ( tho' falsely ) I know not what Indisposition in their Body ; and by Vomits , repelling Medicines , and other destructive Methods , bring upon themselves dangerous Diseases . And how often the mistaken Rules of Liberty , have proved not only troublesome , but also fatal , the Histories of all Ages do abundantly testifie . It had therefore , in my Judgment , been more suitable to the nature of an Historical Treatise , and the Circumstances also of our present Enjoyment of sufficient Liberty , under the Conduct of a Wise and Just King , to have given a true Scheme of moderate Liberty , than to represent to us at this time a Romantick Notion of the same , by fetching the Italian out of his own Country , and transferring of him into Greenland ; for these are his Words : But as an Italian that passes a Winter in Greenland , will soon be convinced how much Misery he endures , in comparison of those who dwell in his native Country ; so he that knows by Experience the Trouble of a languishing Sickness , or the loss of Liberty , &c. He need not have sent him so far , since the Highlands in Scotland would have made him sensible enough of the Difference ; and yet I have known Italians , who would not change their Habitations which they had in the Northern Parts , with the fruitful Champaign of the Ferrarese , and other the Pope's Dominions . From hence he falls abruptly upon the Two different ways of profiting , either by our own , or other Peoples Experience , and recommending the latter , ( and certainly no body who has common Sense would do otherwise ) returns quietly to his beloved Panegyrick of Liberty : Thus he says : Want of Liberty is a Disease in any Society , or Body Politick , like want of Health in any particular Person . This Passage I could not forbear smiling at , when I considered with what Caution our Author had avoided to give the least Limitation of Liberty ; tho' it is evident , that a proper Epithete would have taken away all occasion of a sinister Interpretation . Surely he that seems so well versed in the ancient Greek and Roman History , cannot but remember , that it was the immoderate Liberty of Greece , the famous Nursery of his so much admired Philosophers ; which was the chief Cause of the Ruin of so flourishing a Country . I speak this upon the Credit of one , who living in a free Common-wealth , and being the greatest Admirer and Maintainer of a lawful Liberty , is an unquestionable Judge in this Case ; I mean Cicero ; his Words are these : Graecorum totae respublicae sedentis concionis temeritate administrantur . Itaque ut hanc Graeciam , quae jam diu suis consiliis perculsae & afflicta est , omittam : Ea vetus , quae quondam opibus , imperio , gloria floruit , hoc uno malo concidit , libertate immoderat● atque licentia concionum . And that excess of Liberty is the same in the Body Politick , what excess of Blood ( tho' else the Treasure of Life ) is in a particular Person ; which if not timely taken away , causes Inflammations , Exulcerations , Phrensies , and other dangerous Diseases ; besides what is befallen the Strasburghers , by their too much nicety of Liberty , in refusing an Imperial Garrison ; those Civil Commotions and Intestine Wars which happened in our Father's Memory in the Kingdom of Poland , have been convincing Instances , and that too much Liberty is frequently the Spring of fatal Diseases in the Government . And when even to this Day we hear of their bloody Debates , where the Cimmetar often is the chief Argument in their Consultations at the Diet ; I will scarce believe , but that this may instruct any true thinking Englishmen , how much more desirable it is to enjoy an Equitable Portion of Liberty , than greedily to follow the Footsteps of such as too often transgress the Bounds of the same . Travel , says our Author , seems as necessary to one , who desires to be usefull to his Country , as practising upon other Men's Distempers , is to make an able Physician : For , though a Man may too frequently see the Misery of such , as are deprived of Health , without quitting his own Country ; yet , ( thanks to Providence ) he must go out of these Kingdoms , who would know experim●ntally the Want of publick Liberty . And since next to Providence our present happy Enjoyment of our legal Liberty , is owing to the Valour and Conduct of His Majesty ; Why then all this stir for Liberty ? Could not an impartial Account have been given of the Present State of Denmark , without a Romantick Preface fill'd up with Chimerical Notions ? Such a Piece as this would have been very excusable some Years ago , when we were in apparent Danger of losing both our Religion and Liberty ; And yet at that very time it has been observed , that those very Gentlemen who generally make the greatest Clamour for Liberty , and pretend to be the true Proselytes of the Ancient Grecians and Romans , were not the most forward of maintaining , and publickly asserting it . What concerns the Usefulness of Travelling , it was , I think , never denied among understanding Men : and if in representing the same , this Gentleman had avoided the nauseous Praises of this , and the undervaluing of other Countries , I am certain , it would have had a much better Influence upon unbyass'd Persons , than can be expected from such hyperbolical Comparisons . But let us observe his Words : And this can be done by no Nation in the World so commodiously a● the English ; The Affluence of their Fortune , and Easiness in their private Affairs are evidently greater , than those of other People of Europe , &c. And immediately after ; In other Countries some Princes and Men of the first Quality may have Purses strong enough to bear the Expence , but few of the midling Sort venture upon it , &c. This is so manifestly contradictory to the Experience of all Travellers , that I cannot sufficiently admire how our Author could pretend to put it upon us . The Panegyrick of his Native Country , might have been interpreted as a pardonable Imitation of his so much beloved Ancient Philosophers ; But certainly he , who can affirm this for a Truth , must never have travelled any where , but by a direct Sea-voyage from England to Denmark : For if he had taken the Way thither through Holland , even some of the meanest Capacities in those Countries in his Journey would have informed him to the contrary . I appeal to all in this Case , who have made any Observation iu their Travels , especially in France , and I am sure I can affirm it upon my own Experience , what a Concourse of Foreigners there used to be some Years before this War in Paris , whereof so few were in Comparison of the rest , English , that I have often been admiring at it . And I remember very well , that when my Curiosity afterwards did lead me thither a second time , I made as strict an Enquiry as possibly I could , about the Number of Foreigners in Paris , ( besides those in the Country ) where I was informed by such as in all probability were the most likely to give a true Judgment of this Matter , That they did esteem the Number of Foreigners there , to amount of late Years to betwixt sixteen and twenty Thousand ; whereof one half were supposed to be Germans . I have often afterwards heard the same confirmed since , by such as came from thence : and , as I have seen my self ; the most of those live up to the Port of Gentlemen in a Place , where every thing is very dear to Strangers ; we must either conclude , that all those were either Princes , or Men of the first Quality , or that he had his Supposition , That few of the midling Sort venture at travelling , from no Authentick Hand . And though this be more conspicuous in France , aud especially in Paris ; yet the same may evidently enough also be observed in other Countries , as in England , Italy , Holland , and the most Parts of Germany . I have been in the latter of those Countries conversant for a good many Years , and at several times ; and as I always took no small delight in the Gravity of the German Tongue , so I was very careful in making the most exact Observations I possibly could ; and I must needs acknowledge , that scarce any Nation in the World bestows more Labour , and Money upon the Breeding , and thoroughly qualifying their Male-Children , than the Germans . Not to speak now of the first Degrees of Education ( because I shall say more of that by and by ) they reckon Travelling so necessary and requisite towards the accomplishing of a Gentleman , that those who have not had the Opportunity of seeing other Countries but their own , must be of Eminent Quality , if they are preferred to any Place of Moment . They used formerly to send their Sons especially into Italy , but the Reservedness of the Italians being not found so convenient towards the obtaining the Ends of Travelling , the frankness of the French , and the Necessity there was , in the most Courts of Germany , to be nearer acquainted with the French Tongue and Affairs , have drawn the Germans more into France of late Years , than into any other part of the World ; though I verily believe , That if a true Account could be made of Foreigners travelling in Italy and Holland , nay , even in this Country , ( not Merchants ) it would be found that near one Half of them are out of that Country . I appeal to such English as have been in Holland , and especially at Leiden , whether this Assertion be not manifestly true there , and those that have duly observed , what great Numbers of Foreigners , pass only from the Northern parts ( so much despised by our Author ) by the way of Hamborough to Amsterdam , and from thence over Brussels to Paris , will , I believe , scarce question what I said before , concerning the Number of Foreigners in France . I very well remember , that during the time of some Years , I was at Leiden , I have often with great delight observed , how they used to come thither from the most remote Parts , as Prussia , Courland , Livonia , Sweden and Denmark , ( though most of those Countries have their own Universities ) and with great Expence endeavour to correct the Remnants of their home-breeding so common and mischievous to most Countries . If our Author had followed their laudable Example , and made his own Observations , instead of writing by hear-say ( as he needs must have done ) he would not so easily have undertaken to assert such a notorious Untruth . As that in other Countries , perhaps Princes and Men of the first Quality , but few of the midling Sort ( for want of Means ) venture upon it . He that will believe this , must be very little acquainted with the Affluence of the Fortunes of the Venetians , Genueses and Florentines , and the Dutch are so near us , that no body , but who is purblind may see the Effects of their Wealth . And though is is not to be denied , but that the German Nobility , by that Civil War which lasted twenty Years , and was not ended till with the Peace of Munster , and by other foreign Wars since , has been miserably afflicted in their Fortunes : Yet the Patricians and Inhabitants of so great a Number of large and populous Cities , as are to be found on the most famous Rivers , the Rhine , Danube , Elbe , Weser , and others , have fared much better , and the Damages sustained have been sooner repaired in that Country , than in most others , by the great Plenty there is of every thing . Even the Pomp and Multitude of their Courts , and numerousness of their Armies , for which the Germans have been blamed long since , are the constant Nurseries of a great many Noble Families , who raise themselves great Estates , and put out generally their ready Money in the neighbouring great Cities , from whence the Citizens draw as great Advantage in their Trade ; and the Nobility is thereby enabled in time of Want , either to uphold or to restore the Grandeur of their Families . I know my self , that about twenty Years ago , a certain Minister of State to the Duke of Holstein Gottorp , ( who is none of the most Potent in those Parts ) was esteemed to leave in real and personal Estate to the Value of 500000 l. viz. to three Sons , who have laid the Foundation to so many Rich and Noble Families . Notwithstanding all this , we may without detracting from other Countries say , That the English in general enjoy as great Conveniencies for travelling , as any Nation whatsoever . Our Situation in the Middle of the most flourishing and civilized Nations of Europe , and the continual Correspondence we have by our Trade in those parts , is , ( besides the Affluence of our Fortunes ) no small Encouragement to an English Traveller . But the Goodness of our Money , which exceeds much the currant Money of a great many other Nations , is an Advantage which a great many Foreigners who live remote from us , and are obliged to lose by their Bills from 20 to 30 per cent . would be very glad of . But that we may not travel beyond out reach , let us see what he farther says concerning Travelling . The Method which has been generally followed by us , in sending young Gentlemen to travel , can hardly answer any of these Ends , &c. We send them abroad Children , and bring them home great Boys ; and the Returns they make for the Expences laid out by their Parents , are suitable to their Age , &c. Bu● the Travelling here recommended is that of Men , who set out so well stock'd with the knowledge of their own Country , as to be able to compare it with others , &c. Here Here our Author pretends to instruct us how to travel with Profit ; but in such general Terms , that I am sure he that does not know it without it , will scarcely ever learn it from those Rules . He would have done very well to have explained what he meant by Children , great Boys , and Men , since the first are the most improper for travelling , and very seldom either in this or other Countries sent abroad ; and with the latter , if over-grown with Home-Education , it proves very often near as ineffectual as the first . But tho' I cannot well guess what he means by his great Boys ; if he understands those of a middle Age , betwixt Childhood and Manhood , I think they are the most fit to answer in general the Ends of Travelling . The practice of those Countries beyond Sea , where Travelling is most in fashion , has sufficiently confirmed , That the Age of Twenty , or thereabouts , is the most suitable for the first sending abroad of young People , it being the Age when young Men , first well instructed at home in the Principles of such several Professions as they intend to apply themselves to , may well prepared , and yet not too much pre-possessed with the knowledge of the Constitution and Manners of their own Country , gradually improve themselves by Travelling . This Rule I have observed to be generally followed in Europe , and especially in Germany ; where , as they travel most , so they may serve as a Pattern to such as intend to travel with any Benefit . After they have well instructed their Children in publick Schools , ( which are to be found in every City there , ) in the Latin Tongue , and Principles of Philosophy , till coming to the Age of 18. or 19. Years , they commonly send them to some neighbouring University , as well to be further instructed in several Sciences , and in such Profession as they intend to embrace ; as also to begin to improve themselves in bodily Exercises , as Fencing , Dancing , Riding the Great Horse , and in Foreign Languages , especially the French , and Italian Tongues . Thus prepared , they leave Germany , and for the most part making some stay , either in the several Universities of the United Provinces , at Leiden , Utrecht , or Groningen ; or else in the chiefest Cities , they endeavour to perfect their Knowledge of such several things as they were instructed in before . From hence the common Road used to be to France ; ( some taking a small Turn into England , ) where having staid a considerable time , sufficient fully to accomplish themselves in the said Tongue , and in such Exercises as are taught there in great Perfection , they either go straitways from thence ; or else passing thro' Italy , return into Germany ; and taking in their way the chiefest Courts of the Empire , are then , if they have not wilfully neglected themselves , esteemed duly qualified to make a true Comparison betwixt the Excellencies and Deficiencies of their own and other Countries . So that all we pretended to , says the Author , by the late Revolution , bought with so great Expences , ( yet not too dearly paid for ) was to be as we were , and that every one should have his own again ; the effecting of which may be called a piece of good Luck ; and that is the best can be said of it . That in our late happy Revolution , Providence seemed to have a particular Share , is what every body that loves his Country , and this Government , does willingly own : But that at the best , it should only be a piece of good Luck , I am to learn yet . As I am well assured that the most sensible Men agree in this Point , That Providence in our Days acts by Human Means , and not by Miracles ; That what is commonly called good Luck , is generally the Product of such Counsels and Designs , as are often not so evident to vulgar Eyes : So I cannot sufficiently admire , that this Gentleman , who has taken upon him the Office of a Censor of Foreign , and a Reformer of these Nations , should either be ignorant , or so soon forgetful of the unparallelled Valour , and uncommon Wisdom of his present Majesty , which was so apparent to all Europe , that I think he might have with Justice , and a due Respect , mentioned it here . Truly , if by his Majesty's particular Wisdom , those extraordinary Preparations , as were requisite for such an Enterprise , had not been carried on with that Vigour and Silence , in a Country where it seemed most difficult to be effected , that even the quick-sighted French were deceived ; if by his indefatigable Care , the number of such Forces as were designed for this Expedition , had not been timely supplied by the German Auxiliaries : If at last by his incomparable Valour and Constancy , he had not surmounted the very Obstacles of a far advanced Season , contrary Winds , and Tempests , which would have with-held any Body but Him : I believe we would before now have been in despair of good Luck in that kind ; and our Gentleman would have had no great Encouragement for such a Preface . And it is Riddle to me , since every body has his own again , and enjoys it under the Legal Government of a Wise and Brave King , with the Assistance of the great Council of the Nation , why some among us should be so busie to vent their State-reforming Speculations , except they labour on purpose to entail upon us that Sarcasm which our Author mentions , of the most inconstant Nation in the World. These are his Words : But must frequent Blood-letting be indispensibly necessary to preserve our Constitution ? Is it not possible for us to render vain and untrue , that Sarcasm of Foreigners , who object to us , That our English Kings have either too much Power , or too little , and that therefore we must expect no settled or lasting Peace ? Shall we for ever retain the ill Character they give us , of the most mutable and inconstant Nation of the World , which however we do not deserve , no more than England does that of Regnum Diabolorum , so common in unconsidering Foreigners Mouths . Methinks a Method to preserve our Common-wealth in its legal State of Freedom , without the necessity of a Civil War once or twice every Age , were a benefit worth searching for , tho' we went to the furthest Corners of the World in quest of it . No Question that such a Method would not only be worth sear●hing for , but also the most desireable thing in the World● But what Method may be the most proper to effect it is the Difficulty . This I am sure , the Methods which some of our Tavern or Coffee-house Politicians have taken of late , will not answer the Ends of such a Settlement . As I frequently converse among Foreigners , so it has often vexed me to the Soul , to hear what Judgment they will make of our Transactions here ; not but that I often have found it too true : yet it could not but grieve me , that the whole Nation should bear the blame of a certain Gang of People among us , who being infected with the Vanity of their own Conceits , ( like to those afflicted with the Yellow Jaundice , to whom Objects are represented under the same Colour as their Eyes are infected withal ) spread their corrupted Opinions abroad , to the great Dishonour and Detriment of the whole Nation . The Character of Regnum Diabolorum I have very seldom heard , and never , except from such as were very unconsidering indeed ; but as for that of inconstant and most mutable ; I must confess , it is common among Foreigners , even of the best Sence . And for the Love of God , what milder Construction can any Body make of the Behaviour of such , as , pretending to be the Champions of our Government , revive ( in their Pamphlets ) the almost forgotten Names of Whig and Tory , on purpose to renew at the same time those Jealousies , which within these few Years had brought this Nation to the very Brink of Destruction . How can we expect , but that not only Foreigners , but also all understanding Men among us , should look upon such as worse than inconstant , and mutable , who can so soon forget the past Dangers , and neglect their present Happiness ? Lucius AEmilius , the Roman Consul , could not forbear in a publick Speech which he made to the Romans , when going to the Macedonian War against Perse●s , to reproach them with the Liberty they took of leading Armies into the Field , and censuring the Actions of their Generals over their Liquors at Rome ; and what wonder is it , if it seems the most surprizing thing in the World to Foreigners , when they see some petty State-reformers among us in their Pamphlets to take upon them , and challenge an Authority in gross terms , and with bitter Reflections , to censure not only the Actions of Ministers of State , but also of His Majesty himself , and the Parliament also , sometimes , if every thing does not exactly agree with their conceited Rules of governing ; and that at a time when both King , and the grand Council of the Nation are mutually labouring for the Repose , and Happiness of those Kingdoms . I would ask any body of common Sense , if one , who has perhaps from others only learned the Rules of Navigation , and peept a little into the Sea-cards , should pretend to instruct old Commanders of Ships ( how to steer with Advantage , how to avoid such hidden Banks as lay scattered up and down near several Coasts , and how to manage a Ship in case of Tempests : would not he deservedly be laught at by every body , and whether those , who should trust a Ship to his Management , would not be esteemed to be out of their wits ? Yet these C●amber-Politicians find their Admirers here , and are vain enough to imagine , that they could manage the Helm of our Government better than those to whom the same by our Laws is committed , and have given sufficient proof both of their Fidelity and Ability . And here I cannot forbear to insert what is related of that great General of the Carthaginians Hannibal , because it seems to agree in most of its Circumstances , with what I have said before . Hannibal in the time of his Banishment from Carthage , came to Ephesus , where at that time was a Famous Philosopher Phormio , much admired , especially by the Ephesians . Among other diversions wherewith they entertained Hannibal , they would by all means invite him to hear their so much beloved Philosopher . Hannibal at last over-perswaded by the Ephesians , went to be entertained with his Discourse , where the Philosopher with abundance of Rhetorick , begun to make a long and tedious Sermon of Military Affairs , and the Duty of a General , to the great content of the Ephesians . The Oration at last being ended , Hannibal was asked by them , what he thought of their Philosopher , to whom he replied very freely , that he had in his Life-time seen a great many old Dottrels , but had never met with one that was so raving-mad as this old Fellow ; which Answer coming from so great a Man , it 's said , put them a little out of Countenance , but not out of conceit of their Doctor . But to return to our Author● who , having attributed our not travelling of late Years to the management of the two last Reigns , says further thus : 'T is not very long ago , since nothing was more generally believed ( even by Men of the best Sense ) than that the Power of England was so unquestionably established at Sea , that no force could possibly shake it . That the English Valour and Manner of fighting was so far beyond all others , that nothing was more desirable , than a French War. Should any one have been so regardless of his Reputation , as at that time to have represented the French an over-match for the united Forces of England , and Holland , or have said , that we should live to see our selves insulted on our own Coasts , and our Trades endangered by them ; That we should be in apprehension every Year of an Invasion , and French Conquest : Such a venturesome Man must have expected to have pass'd for a very Travellour , or at least for an ill-natur'd or unthinking Person , who little considered what the irresistible Force of an English Arm was ; but our late Experience has reclaimed us from these Mistakes . It were to be wish'd , that our late Experience , though never so dearly bought , had qui●e rooted out so vulgar an Errour among us , which had almost proved fatal to these Kingdoms . But the ignorance of foreign Affairs , the fondness of our own irresistible Strength , and the want of duly comparing the same with that of our Enemies , seems not by late Experience it self quite extinguish'd among some , who fancy themselves no small Politicians . How many are to be found to this Day , who vainly boast , that we are not so near concerned in this War , as the rest of the Allies ; that the Sea is a sufficient Bulwark against any Attempts from France upon us ; nay that upon all occasions we are able alone to beat the French by Sea and Land , without the Assistance of our Allies . This vain Belief of our own Strength , was the Trap which the French twenty Years ago , when first they began to bid fair for the universal Monarchy , knew how to make good use of , to catch us withall at their own time . I remember very well , that coming some time before the Peace at Nimuegen , out of France : and having had an opportunity to pass along the Rhine , and afterwards through Flanders , where the Seat of the War then lay : I at my Return hither , would often relate to my Friends what I thought , and had as an Eye witness , observed concerning the Strength of France ; who , ( tho' else no Favourers of the Court at that time ) were so far from making any reflection upon that matter , that they rather look'd upon it as a false Notion , and the vain Effect of Travelling ; so deeply had this flattering Fancy taken root among the Generality of our Nation here . At those times it must be confess'd , this Opinion might be perhaps excusable , but I cannot see , under what Colour some , who have seen so formidable a French Fleet a few Years ago in our Chanel , and the Armies of France out number us almost every where last Year , can pretend to scatter their Pamphlets at this time , full of vain Suppositions of this Nature . But we must return to our Author , who by the Example of the Ecclesiasticks , encourages us to Travelling in these words . The Jesuits have brought several Maxims , as well as Summs of Money from as far off as China , or Japan , thereby improving their Knowledge , &c. These Men , ( whose firm Adherence to the most exquisite Tyranny is manifest , by their indefatigable Endeavours , in behalf of the French King's Interests , as formerly of the House of Austria , whilst it was in its Height ) have by these Arts ingrossed to themselves , the Education of the Youth , in all Popish Countries . The Lutheran Priests ( who have an entire Dependance on their Kings and Princes ) are entrusted with the like , in those Countries , which observe the Confession of Ausburg . They also send abroad some of their hopefullest young Students , several of which may be met with at Oxford , Cambridge and Paris : The use they make of Travel , being not only to improve their Knowledge in Sciences , but to learn fit Methods to please their Sovereigns , at the Expence of the Peoples Liberties , &c. And a little further : But the same Travel will afford the best Antidote against this Poyson , and teach a Gentleman , who makes right use of it , by what S●eps slavery has within these last 200 Years crept upon Europe ; most of the Protestant , as well as Popish Countries , having in a manner quite lost the precious Jewel , Liberty . This cannot be attributed to any more probable Cause , than the enslaving the Spirits of the People , as a Preparative to that of their Bodies . For since these Princes think it their Interest , that Subjects should obey without Reserve , and all Priests who depend upon the Prince , are , for their own sakes , obliged to promote what he esteems his own Interest , 't is plain , the Education of Youth , on which is laid the very Foundation Stone of publick Liberty , has been of late Years committed to the sole management of such as make it their business to undermine it ; and must needs do so , unless they will be false to their Fortunes , and make the Character of Priest give place to that of true Patriot , &c. Indeed they do not forget to recommend to them frequently , what they call the Queen of all Vertues , viz. Submission to Superiors , and an entire blind Obedience to Authority , without instructing them in the due measures of it ; rather teaching them , that 't is without all Bounds . And in the Conclusion of the Treatise he hath these Words , which we will insert here , because they are of the same Stamp . It has been a great Mistake among us , That the Popish Religion is the only one of all the Christian Sects , proper to introduce and establish Slavery in a Nation ; in so much that Popery and Slavery have been thought inseparable . Not to derogate from the Merit of the Roman Catholick Perswasion , which has been the Darling of so many Monarchs upon that Account , I shall make bold to say , That other Religions , and particularly the Lutheran , has succeeded as effectually in this Design as ever Popery did . 'T is confess'd indeed , That Popery would certainly introduce Slavery ; but it is denyed , That the last cannot come in without the assistance of the former , &c. In Denmark , as well as other Protestant Countries in the North , through the entire and sole dependance of the Clergy upon the Prince , without the interfering of the Authority of any Spiritual Superiour , such as that of the Pope among the Romanists , through their Principles and Doctrines , which are those of unlimited Obedience ; through the Authority they have with the common People , Slavery seems to be more absolutely established than it is in France , as in effect it is more practised ; for that King's Subjects are better treated . And a little after : But in the Countries I have spoken of , all is swallowed up in the King , Temporals and Spirituals , Soul , Body , Estate , and Conscience : The Army and the Priests are Two sure Cards ; the Prince that has one of them at his side can hardly fail ; but he that has both depending on him , need fear nothing from his own Subjects , let him use them never so ill . Here is a general Charge against the whole Body of the Clergy ( except the Calvinists and their Proselytes , because the English have their Share by and by ) concerning the Miseries that have befallen Europe these Two hundred Years : These ( he says ) by the abuse they make of Travelling , corrupt the Youth , of whom they have sole Management ; these , by their entire dependance they have from their Princes ; and , by their Doctrine and Principles , sow the Seeds of Slavery among the People . Thus runs the Stream of our Author's Eloquence . But what if we should endeavour to stop the Current ? What if the Doctrine of the Roman Catholicks , and especially the Principles of the Jesuites , should prove rather dangerous than advantageous to absolute Monarchy ? If we should prove , that the entire and sole dependance of the Lutheran Priests from their Princes , is a Chimera of his own ? That they neither have in general , the Education of their Youth ; neither that their Principles and Doctrine are for a blind unlimited Obedience : That as it is against the Interest of the Ecclesiasticks in those Parts where that Religion flourishes , to suppress the Liberties , and undermine the Welfare of the People , so it is absolutely false , That Spirituals and Temporals are swallowed up by their Help or Connivence : And if this Foundation falls , will not his Doctrine seem to be built upon a very slippery or sandy Ground ? This Gentleman must surely have been very little acquainted with the History of the Reformation in those Parts , and the Constitutions of the Empire ; as also how often the Protestant Religion there , together with the Government , hath been asserted by Arms against the Emperor , and all other Aggressors , with the Approbation of the Lutherans , both Priests and Lawyers . If this had not been convincing enough to our Author , he would have done well to have look'd a little into their and Writings before he undertook to put Books such Falsities upon the world . But since this Gentleman has taken upon him the Authority of a Judge , let us see by what Laws he hath condemned the poor Lutherans . And since it is certain that he ought to condemn them by none but their own , we must look a little back into their Monuments , to see how they do agree with our Author's Assertion . It is evident , that at the beginning of the Reformation , Luther and his Associates , had all the Reason in the World to be cautious in the Doctrine of Obedience , as well to avoid the Slanders and Reproaches of the Roman Catholicks ; but espeeially not to open a Gare to the Licentiousness of some , who they foresaw would take an opportunity to abolish , together with their Religion , the very Constitution and Order of Government . And the several Sects of Fanaticks , but more especially that cruel Rebellion in Germany , ( commonly called , The Peasants War ) were evident Proofs , that their fore-sight had not been ill grounded . But let us but cast but one Eye upon some of their Writings , and we may easily see , that they savour not so much of blind and unlimited Obedience , as our Author would make us believe . And to begin with the Sentiments of those very Divines who lived partly at the same time , partly succeeded in the same place where Luther had begun the Reformation , and ever since have been very strictly adhering to his Doctrine . The Councils of the Divines at Wirtemberg , from the time of the Reformation , till the Year 1664. ( when they were reprinted ) and dedicated to the present King of Denmark's Father , after that Crown was become Hereditary , ) and also to the then Electoral Prince of Saxony , will doubtless be accepted of by all unbyass'd Persons , as a Rule whereby to judge of the Limits the Lutherans have set to Obedience . I have therefore thought convenient to translate some Passages relating to this Point , out of the High German Tongue , and to insert them as a Pattern of the Lutherans Doctrine of Obedience . Upon a Question put , Whether Magistrates are obliged to defend themselves and their Subjects against an unlawful Force , against Princes of an equal Degree , and against the Emperour , especially in point of Religion ; Martin Luther , Justus Jonas , Martin Bucer , and Philip Melancthon , with joint Consent , did answer : That it was an unquestionable Truth , which ought to be confess'd at the last Minute , even till Death ; that it is not only permitted , but also truly and strictly commanded , that all in Authority owe to God Almighty this Service , to repel all Violence from themselves , and defend their Subjects against such , as either intended to impose Idolatry , or a false Religion upon them , or pretended to exercise an illegal Power over them . And , as the Gospel doth confirm ( say they ) the Authority of Magistrates ; so it does no less confirm the Laws of Nature , and Constitutions of Governments . There is no question , every Father is obliged to the utmost of his Power to preserve his Wife , and Children from publick Murther , and there is no difference betwixt a common Murtherer and the Emperour , if he , out of the way of his Office , notoriously exercises an illegal Power ; because open violence takes away all obligation betwixt the Subject , and the superiour Magistrate , jure naturae So it is the same case if a Superiour Magistrate forces his Subjects to Blasphemy , and Idolatry : so did Constantine wage War with Licinius , because he would not desist from his Tyranny , though he exercised the same in his own Territories , All this , as we have said , is without question just , and according to the Rules of Christianity , which we ought to profess at all times of Danger , and Death it self . Yet is this not to be understood , but in the defensive Part. And immediately after , in the Considerations and Instructions concerning what resistance is permitted ; Martin Luther , Justus Jonas , John Bugenhagen , Nicolas Ambsdorff , and Philip Melancthon , say thus : Concerning this Article , there have been frequent and hard Disputes among us , but this day we are agreed ; That , the Gospel being a Doctrine of the Eternal Spiritual Kingdom which is in the Heart , does not reject the outward Form of Government , but rather confirms , and praises the same : From whence does follow , That the Gospel does not forbid any natural and just Defence , such as is suitable either to the Laws of Nature , or Constitutions of a Government , &c. From whence it is evident , that every Magistrate is obliged to defend his Subjects against others of the same Degree , or any private Person . But here arises another question , Viz. What is the Duty of a Prince against his Superiour Lord , as the Emperour , in such a Case ? To which we give the same Answer : Because the Gospel confirms Temporal Governments ; therefore every Prince ought to behave himself towards his Superiour Lord , or the Emperour , according to the natural Right , and temporal Constitutions of the Government . If the Emperour is not a proper Judge , and yet will , as pendente appellatione , undertake to punish ; such his violent Attempt is , injuria notoria . Now is by a natural Constitution of Governments , Self-defence , and Resistance against injuriam notoriam is allowable . Wherefore if the Emperor should act violently , pendente appellatione , concerning Matters of Religion , or the Peace promised ; he is to be esteemed as a private Person , and the injuria undertaken against the Right of the Appeal , and the promised Peace , is a publick and notoria injuria . But what if the Appeal is pass'd the Council ? What if Judgment is given according to the imperial Laws , and we are cast ? Can we then with a safe Conscience openly resist our Supreme Lord ? Answer , After we have in a decent , and Christian like manner declared , that we are willing this Matter should be examined and adjusted , and have clearly proved the Foundations upon which we have built our Doctrine ; and yet the Council goes on in its illegal way of proceeding , contrary to the very Foundation of natural Equity , and the Ordinances set down in the Scripture , viz. That not the contrary Side , but the whole Christian Church is the sole Judge , all the Proceedings are void ; and as it is not to be esteemed a Council , so the Appeal remains in its due Force . And whatsoever is violently undertaken , by virtue of such Proceedings , is in truth a publick Violence , and notoria injuria . And suppose , the Pope should seem not to be so violent in his Proceedings , yet by virtue of his Sentences , endeavour to establish Idolatry , and commit publick Injuries ; we believe that it is the Prince's Right to oppose , and defend themselves against the same . And to clear this point the better , it will , I think , not be amiss to insert here also the Answer , which was given by Martin Luther , Justus Jonas , Philip Melanc thon , George Spalatin , and other Divines , to the Instructions of the Lawyers at Wittenbergh , concerning Resistance . These are their words : A Paper has been delivered to us , out of which we see , what the Opinion is of the Doctors in the Law concerning the question : In what cases it is allowable to resist the Magistracy . Now because these cases are determin'd by the Doctors , and others skill'd in the Laws ; and we certainly are at this time under such Circumstances , as will allow us ( as they prove ) to resist our Superiour Powers ; and we having always taught , that temporal Rights should remain in their due Force and Vigour , we cannot contradict it out of the Scripture , but that we may defend our selves , if it were against the Emperour's own Person or whoever else should act under his Authority . And because we are a● present in great danger , which seem● to encrease every Day , whereby may happen a sudden Necessity of Resistance ; it will not be amiss not only for our Laws , but also for Conscience sake , to prepare and arm our selves against any Attempts , which may be made upon us ; as it seems very likely that according to all Circumstances the like may easily befall us . For what we have hitherto taught concerning not resisting the higher Powers ; we were not sufficiently instructed , that the Laws did allow it , to whom we also have always taught , that Obedience ought to be given . And when afterwards the Protestant Princes clearly apprehended an Invasion from the Roman Catholick Party , and especially from the Emperour Charles the V● Martin Luther , John Bugenhagen , Caspa● Cruciges , George Major , and Philip M●lancthon , did not only approve the Protestant League made at Smalkald , but also the four last , Anno 1546 , gave concerning the War against the Emperour , this following Answer : When we are once certain that the Emperour intends to attack the States , by reason of their Religion , there is no doubt , the States have a Right to defend themselves , and their Adherents , &c. Such a Defence is the same , as if you defended your self against so many Murtherers , whether they be headed by the Emperour or any body else ; because the Act is a publick Tyranny , and notoria violentia . And what we may expect from the Spaniards , Italians , and Burgundians ; the Country of Juliers , can and may serve us as an Example . Wherefore every Inhabitant ought to venture his Life to resist such Tyranny . And in this case it is also true , that the Prevention it self is just and allowable , provided we are certain , the Emperor has resolved to invade the States . I could have translated a great many more the like Cases ; but as the rest have all follow'd the Footsteps of those above-named Divines , who were the first and chiefest in the Work of Reformation ; so I thought these sufficient to show , how far different the Principles and Doctrine of the Lutherans , were from a blind and unlimited Obedience , wherewith our Author so boldly charges them . But that it may not be objected that our Age has perhaps altered the Opinion of the Lutheran Divines ; I will , ( besides what may be seen in the above-mentioned Book ) give you the Opinion of one of the most famous Lutheran Divines of our Age , Dr. John Gerhard , in his own Words : Distinguunt , says he , Politici Scriptores ( 1 ) inter Principes Majestatis integrae & potestatis absolutae , qui absolutum Imperium in subditos obtinent , nec tenentur certis quibusdam pactis , conventis vel legibus regni fundamentalibus , expressa promissione obstricti ; & inter Principes potestatis limitatae , & pactis , conventis inter ipsos & proceres regni initis circumscriptae , cui distinctioni respondet ea , quae statuitur inter subditos meros & mixtos , ( 2 ) inter offensionem & defensionem . Principibus , quorum potestas est limitata , ab illis , qui non sunt mere subditi , ab ordinibus scilicet regni , resisti , ac violentiam eorum armata manu repelli posse disputant , id quod sequentibus confirmari posset argumentis . 1. A Magistratus officio : Magistratui incumbit , subditos contra injustam oppressionem tueri , ut superius fuit demonstratum . Jam vero ordines regni in regno electivo , ad quod non nisi certis conditionibus caput est evectum , sunt loco Magistratus . Non enim sunt mere subditi , sed partem potestatis in electione summi capitis sibi reservarunt . 2. A Juris naturalis praescripto . Defensio sui omni jure Divino , scilicet naturali & civili est concessa ; Ergo licet ordinibus regni contra injustam oppressionem se & subditos defendere . 3. Ex mutuae obligationis modo . Ex contractibus nascitur mutua & reciproca obligatio . Jam vero inter Principem potestatis restrictae , & Ordines regni electivi talis contractus fuit initus , ut Princeps in leges regni fundamentales prius juraverit , antequam Ordines , regni nomine , omnium subditorum fidem ipsi darent . Quod si ergo Princeps ab hoc contractu discedit , Ordines regni ab obedientiae promissione ipso jure absolvuntur . 4. Ex axiomate Theologico , quod Evangelium non aboleat politias . Jam vero ad statuta & jura politica hoc ipsum pertinet , quod Ordines regni vi contractus initi , Magistratui libere electo , & contra promissionem & sidem datam agenti resistere possint . Vid. Lutherum Tom. 7. Germanic . Jenensi . Fol. 389. 5. A paritatis judicio . Sicut principes aberrantes ministri Ecclesiae verbo possunt arguere , consiliarii sanis consiliis in viam eos revocare : Sic ordines Regni , quibus datus est à Deo gladius , vi armata ipsius conatibus possunt resistere . 6. Ex probatorum exemplorum testimonio , 2 Reg. 11. Jojadas deponit Athaliam , 1 Maccab. 2. & seqq . Judas & reliqui Maccabaei resistunt Antiocho . Constantinus oppugnavit Licinium , collegam in imperic , Christianos● persequentem . B. Lutherus in Scripto ad pastorem Tom. 7. Germ. Jnenesi , fol. 386. addit duo alia exempla , quod populus restiterit Sauli Jonathanem interficere cupienti , I Sam. 14. quodque Ahicam & alii principes Israelitici restiterint Regi Jojakim Jeremiam ad internecionem quaerenti . 7. Ex consequente absurdo . Si ordinibus Regni denegaretur potestas contra injustam violentiam se ac suos desendendi , consequens foret , non esse discrimen inter Principes , qui absolutam & integram obtitinent potestatem , & inter eos , quorum potestas est limitata & circumscripta , nec esse discrimen inter mere subditos , & eos , qui sunt in partem potestatis recepti , ac quibus cura boni publici ex parte adhuc incumbit , promissionem illam quam Princeps ante evectionem ad Regnum Ordinibus praestet nullius esse momenti , cum pro arbitrio ab ea discedere , nec ad impletionem ejusdem cogi possit , electionem boni principis intuitu boni publici susceptam , in extremum Regni detrimentum vergere , cum libidini ejus nemo possit resistere . 8. Ex Theologorum & Jurisconsultorum suffragio . Lutherus , Bugenhagius , Justus Jonas , Nicolaus Ambsdorfius , Georgius Spalatinus , Philippus Melancthon , Casparus Cruciger , Georgius Major , Justus Menius , Christophorus Hoffmannus , & ●alii Theologi . Jurisconsulti Wittebergenses , Anno 31. Basilius Monnerus & alii ex Politicis , defensionem sui ordinibus Regni licitam & concessam esse censuerunt , ut constat ex Scriptis à Dom. Hortledero collectis Tom. 2. lib. 2. de causis belli Germanici . Sed gravissimae hujus quaestionis decisionem Theologorum & Jurisconsultorem Collegiis commit tendam , neque quidquam temere pronunciandum esse dicimus . Thus far concerning a limited Power : And though he seems afterwards not altogether to agree with the Opinion of such as allow Resistance in an absolute Government ; yet it is apparent enough , that his Arguments are rather intended against the Jesuitical Principles , and such as makes every body a fit Judge of the Limits of Obedience and Princely Office , than against all manner of necessary self-defence , which , among others , may be seen out of these Words : Cum satius sit à subditis hic peccari in defectu quam excessu , ac durissima quaevis ab illis tolerari , quam praetextu defensionis principem , de quo emendationis spes est de solio dejici , ideo Theologus rectius fecerit , si populum Christianum subjugo tyrannico laborantem ad poenitentiam ac patientiam hortetur , quam si vim armatam contra vindicis Dei flagella adhibendam esse doceat . Non existimo negandum , ( scribit Brentius in comment . in 1 Sam. 24. ) quin Davidi in regem divinitus electo Saulem tyrannidem exercentem tam opportune in spelunca oblatum interficere licuerit ; sed David maluit fequi , quod aedificaret , quam quod liceret impune , &c. Et postea : Quod David perpercit Sauli , magna laude dignum est , & docet , multo honestius esse & utilius , ut ad evitanda offendicula de jure nostro aliquid remittamus , quam summum jus prosequamur , &c. I could not avoid inserting those Passages here , that thereby the Judicious Reader might the better be able to judge of the Doctrine of the Lutherans concerning Obedience ; and how much the same differs from what our Author has laid to their Charge ; That both their Principles and Doctrine are for a blind and unlimited Obedience , without instructing their Auditors in the due Measures of it : And that they send some of their hopefullest young Students abroad , to learn fit Methods to please their Sovereigns at the Expence of the Peoples Liberty . It may perhaps be objected , That some of the Lutherans have tied the Subjects to a much stricter sort of Obedience towards their Sovereigns . But to this may be answered , That it is very unjust to charge a whole Body with the Opinions of a few ; besides , to those who have perused the Writings of the most zealous Lutheran Champions for Obedience to Sovereigns , it will be evident enough , that even these have put Bounds to the same , and always submitted their Judgment in this Case to the Laws and Constitutions of the Government . I could give a great many Instances of this kind ; but not to be too tedious in a matter already sufficiently proved , I will only add a few Passages out of an Author , who living at this Day in the very Resident's place of the King of Denmark ; and having dedicated his Treatise to that King himself , is generally thought to have strained this point of Obedience as high as ever any Lutheran Divine did ; from whence it may appear , whether in the North it self , Spirituals and Temporals , Soul and Body ( as our Author says ) are swallowed up in their Princes , and the Lutheran Priests have their sole and entire dependance from them . These are his Words in his Dedication to the King. Nam ut reliqua taceam , quantis laudibus efferendum illud est , quod cum non ita pridem sanctissimis , aequissimisque legibus Jus Daniae nostrae auctum esse volueris , primo loco , velut fundamentum juris & felicitatis civium Augustanam . Confessionem ponas , à qua vel latum unguem recedere nec parentibus fas sit , nec Imperanti . Facile enim , quae tua est prudentia , animadvertis ; ita Majestatis tuae causam cum gloria Dei conjunctam esse , ut , nisi salva Religione , salva atque tuta esse non possit . And p. 66. Quare nec Magistratui quidem competit illud exterius jurisdictionis Ecclesiasticae , ut vocant , exercitium : Examinare , consecrare , ordinare futuros Ecclesiae ministros . Et falsum est , per Transactionem Passaviensem vel Pacem Religionis , inter Status Romani Imperii sancitam , in Magistratum Civilem translata haec esse , aut transferri potuisse , ut nonnulli putant . Distincta sunt ordinis Ecclesiastici & politici munia , jura , officia ; & quemadmodum Sacerdotibus nihil in politicis , ita & Principibus nullum in Spiritualibus jus competit . p. 67. Quamvis enim vocare & constituere Doctores ac Ministros Ecclesiae non minus etiam ad summos imperantes spectet , quam ad reliqua Ecclesiae membra , imo potius cum quadam 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ad eos pertinere videatur , qui praecipuum Ecclesiae membrum constituunt ac utriusque tabulae legis custodes & nutritii audiun● , nihilominus tamen nec solius Magistratus est vocare Ecclesiae Ministros , exclusis reliquis statibus , neque ipsa illa vocatio divinae potestati docendi & administrandi Sacramenta , quid quam humani admiscet , ut superiorum autoritate suffulta tantum videri debeat Doctorum Ecclesiae Autoritas . And in his Animadversions ( a ) he says thus : ' De vocatione ministrorum Ecclesiae duo extrema sunt , inter quae medium tenet Orthodoxia Lutheranorum , nequid vel ambitioni clericali , vel libidini Principum indulgeatur , sed omnia ordine , decenter & juxta primitivae Ecclesiae ritum procedant . Caeterum quod jus vocandi Ecclesiae ministros attinet , divisum illud esse inter tres status , & ad totam Ecclesiam spectare , toties probarunt nostrates Theologi , ut ea opera nunc quidem supersedere possim . Disceptari etiam illud solet , anne status Ecclesiasticus , aut Oeconomicus renunciare juri suo possit , atque illud tacito quodam consensu delegare Senatui aut Magistratui Seculari . Cujus quaestionis negativam partem tuetur B. Hulsemannus . And p. 69. he gives us the Opinion of the famous Puffendorf , in his Book De habitu Religionis Christianae ad vitam civilem ; who says thus : Sed Doctores Ecclesiae ut ' tales , non sunt propriè officiales Regis sed sunt servi Christi ac ministri Ecclesiae , non Civitatis . And p. 73. he goes thus on : Male alias apud pontificios audit ministerium Lutheranorum ; eo potissimum nomine , quod omnia Jura sua ac Privilegia divina & humana Magistratui politico resignet , ab ejus nutu , imperio & voluntate totum pendeat , adeo ut nulla ipsi nisi parendi gloria relicta sit , sive in doctrina ipsa sive in legibus quicquam mutari , consultum imperantibus videatur . In quem finem exprobrare etiam nobis solent illud in Germania tritum dicterium : Cujus est Regio , illius & est Religio ; quasi ex hypothesi Lutheranae Religionis integrum sit Principi de rebus fidei pro lubitu decernere , quidquid pro varia temporum & utilitatis publicae ratione visum placitumque fuerit . Sed calumnia haec est curiae Romanae , eoque a●rocior , quod in nostris principiis , ne quidem suspicionis locum invenit . Scilicet didicere Evangelici aequa lance metiri Principum & Ecclesiae jura , nec divellere ea , quae Christus conjuncta esse voluit : Date Caesari , quae sunt Caesaris , & Deo quae Dei. Quod si forte contingat nonnunquam Magistratum jure suo in praejudicium ordinis Ecclesiastici abuti , id non magis doctrinae nostrae imputandum est , quam omnes alii abusus , scandala & vitia Protestantium , quae toto ore atque pectore detestatu Ecclesia nostra . Caeteroquin fore putandum non est , ut illisplaceat alienaeservitu tis jugum , quia tyrannide cleri in libertatem tam fortiter sese asseruerunt , vel ut aequis oculis aspiciant 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 qui 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 quondam ferre non potue runt . But in his 6. Chap. p. 166. he says plainly , That the Augsburg Confession is the Foundation of the Danish Monarchy . Hac occasione non possum satis depraedicare Juris Danici sanctimoniam , & cum vera religione intimam connexionem , quam vel primum caput statim in limine prodit his verbis . Kongen haver og eene hoyeste Magt over ald Clerisiet fra den hoyeste til den laveste , at beskikke oc anordne ald Kirke og Guds Tieniste , Moder , Sommenkomst og Forsamlinger om Religions-Sager effter Guds Ordog den Augsburgiske Confession , &c. Non potest igitur jus Daniae nostrae nisi cum vera religione perennare , & si illam tollas , Augusti diadematis gloriam potentiamque imminui necessum est . Pio igitur & prudenti consilio factum est , ut Augustana Confessio legum nostrarum constitutionem ingrederetur tanquam certissimum medium & valorem legibus conciliandi , & legislatoris summam & absolutam Majestatem sarram tectamque conservandi . Numae Pompilii tempestate ancile quoddam de coelo decidisse , Romana antiquitas fabulatur , unaque vocem editam omnium potentissimam : Erit civitas , quamdiu illud manserit . Nec dissimile responsum Trojanis de Palladio ex Oraculo Delphico datum ferunt : Ejus Civitatis futurum esse exitium ; si Palladis simulacrum , extra moenia portaretur ; quo effectum , ut cives summa cura & sollicitudine rem tanti momenti custodirent . Non hic fabulas vel oracula memoramus , sed vocem seriam omniumque prudentum confessione veram repetimus : Erit in Dania , summa & absoluta Majestas , quam diu Lurana Religio manserit . I am not ignorant that these latter words may bear a double Interpretation ; yet he that will duly compare the former Passages with the last , will easily find out the Author's meaning to be , That the Lutheran Priests , as Priests , have no entire dependance from their Magistrates , but that in Denmark the Welfare of the Monarchy is inseparable from the maintaining of Augsburgh Confession . And I admire how our Author , during his stay in Denmark , could be so overseen , as no● to enquire more strictly into this Point , before he undertook to assert a thing of that nature with so much Confidence . As for the Lutheran Priests in Germany , where that Religion chiefly flourishes , it is certain , they have in the most places , much less dependance from their Princes ; since in the most Cities and Corporations there the Rights of Patronage are either in the Magistrates , or else in the Congregation ; sometimes joyntly in the Magistrates and Elders of the Parishes . In the Country some of them perhaps belong to the Nobility , some to the Prince ; and so do some Cathedrals ; tho' a great many Ministers in these latter are chosen by the Canons ; and all their yearly Salaries , Houses , and other Benefices , are ascertained to them out of such Revenues or Lands as do properly belong and depend , not from the Prince , but the several Cathedrals and Parish-Churches . Their Perquisites , which especially in the Cities , commonly amount to more than their Salaries , and in some places are very considerable , come from Buryings , Baptizing , Confessions , Prayers in the Churches , and with the sick at their Houses , Marrying and New-years-Gifts ; all which as in those Parts they most absolutely depend on the Peoples Liberality and Inclination , being rather established by Custom than any Laws , I cannot see what Colour our Author could have for his Assertion , that , except they will resign the Character of Priest to that of true Patriot , and be false to their Fortunes , they are obliged to assist their Princes in their Arbitrary way of governing ; it being manifest , that their Vocation ( generally speaking ) and their Subsistence as Priests , depend from the People , rather than their Princes ; and they having also their Consistories where Ecclesiastical Affairs are determined according to the Constitutions of the several Countries ; and in a great many Places Prelates , as Abbots , Priors , and Deans , who are among the States in their several Countries , it is evident , that our Author 's supposed dependance , without the interfering of a Superiour , such as the Pope among the Romanists , betwixt the Lutheran Clergy and their Princes , is no● so dangerous either to the Priests or People , as our Author would fain p●rswade us , on purpose to lay all the blame upon the Clergy . To effect this the better , he tells us with a singular Confidence , That also the sole Management of the Youth is committed to the care of the Lutheran Priests in those Countries , which observe the Confession of Augsburgh ; tho , most certainly nothing is more contrary to the Truth . I will appeal to those who , as well as I , have made an enquiry into this Matter , Whether in the publick Schools of the Lutherans they have not found Schoolmasters of other Professions as well as Divines ; and tho' they are not excluded from that Function , whether they ever were preferred before others , as being Professors or Students of Divinity ? The Nobility in the Country , and Patritians in the Cities , generally have their Tutors or Domestick Preceptors , for the Education of their Children ( Boarding-Schools being rarely to be found there ; ) in the choice of whom they are generally so far from preferring Divines before others , that they seldom admit of them in that Station . And when their Children come to the Age of Travelling , or going to the Universities , it is a general Maxime among them , not to put the Tuition of their young Men into the Hands of Divines , whose Profession obliging them to a sedentary Life , and least of all others being accustomed to travel , they do not reckon these so proper Instruments for the perfecting their Sons , and obtaining the full ends of Travelling , as those of other Professions , who more frequently apply themselves to it in those Parts . I am apt to believe that our Author may be fallen partly into this Mistake , from the necessity and custom which formerly had obtained in Denmark , when the Nobility having in their Hands all Places of Profit and Trust ; and their Constitution not requiring many Lawyers , Divinity was the only Profession , out of which they were obliged to choose persons for the Education of their Youth . But besides that Matters are much altered since in Denmark , as to this Particular , it would have been but prudence to have enquir'd more strictly into this Point , as to the Customs of other Lutheran Countries , before he made it the Foundation Stone of his Doctrine of Slavery . If this Gentleman would have taken into due Consideration the Protestant League made immediately after the Reformation at Smalkald ; the ensuing War with Charles the V. the Transactions at Passaw ; That long and most cruel War which was for 30 Years together carried on in Germany , betwixt the Protestants and the Roman Catholick Party , and the Peace thereupon concluded at Munster , and Osnabrugge ; besides what not so many Years ago happened in Hungary , under the Conduct of the Counts Serini , Nadasti and Franquepani , and is to this Day continued by Teckely , ( the Heads of which League were chiefly Lutherans , and their Pretensions both for Religion and Liberty ) he could not have committed so gross an Error , as to impute an unlimited blind Obedience both in their Principles and Practices to the Lutherans . And to clear this Point the better , I cannot but relate some Passages which happened in our Memory , in the Electorate of Brandenburgh , betwixt his Electoral Highness , and some Lutheran Ministers , out of which it will easily be understood , whether the Northern parts of Germany are so much infected with blind Obedience , as this Gentleman imagines . The Business happened thus : Frederick William the present Elector of Brandenburgh's Father , being of the reformed Religion , which they call commonly the Calvinian , was for establishing an Agreement betwixt the Lutherans and Calvinists . There were at that time two Factions among the Lutherans ; The first of such , as were strictly , and with some austerity adhering to the first Rules of the Reformation , were called the Wittenburgh Faction , or sometimes Calovians , from one Dr. Calow in the said University , Professor of Divinity , who was a fierce and implacable Enemy to the Doctrines of one Dr. Calixtus , and others in the University of Helmstadt , who were for moderating and reconciling the religious differences in Germany . The former had for a considerable time , both in their Sermons and Writings , been very vehement against the Calvinists ; the later had dealt with them more mildly , for which reason they also had undergone the rigid Censures of the Wittenburgh Divines in the Country of Brandenburgh . The Calixtines therefore , and Calvinists , with the Assistance of some of the States of Brandenburgh were very desirous to bring the former to a more pliable Temper ; and the Elector being willing to establish a better Understanding , took an opportunity by his several Proclamations to order , that both Parties should abstain from injurious Words : Such as Zwinglians , Sacramentarians , Ubiquitists , Marcionites , and the like ; That they should not put any Consequences deduced out of their several Hypotheses upon one another , which either Party did deny ; And thirdly , that all Priests should be obliged to baptize the Children of such Parents , as were averse to the Exorcism , ( which the most Lutherans , together with the Sign of the Cross , use in the Baptism ) without the same . And findding some of the Lutherans in no ways complying with his Mandates ; he ordered certain Formulars to be subscribed by them , and commanded his confistorial Judges , to see that every thing were duly performed according to his Mandates . It would be too long to dispute here concerning the Merit of the Cause upon either Side ; it will be sufficient to shew , how the Lutherans behav'd themselves in this Case , which I think will fully clear them as to the Point of blind Obedience . They were then so far from obeying the Electoral Proclamations , and subscribing the Formulars , that they on the contrary , together with such of their Auditors as adhered to them , did by several Petitions under the Name of the true and pure Lutheran Churches , and their Confessors , tell the Elector , That he had quite surrendred himself like a Prisoner to his Privy Counsellors , who pretended to a religious Peace , by suppressing that of Osnabrugge , and quite abolishing their native Constitutions and Agreements . And whenever they objected to the Courtiers , that their proceedings were against the Rights of Patronage , and Contracts ; the common Answer was , that these were out of date ; Because the Eighth Commandment was not to be found in the States Catechism , but in lieu of the same , was introduced , that Principle of Machiavell , Principi licet , facere , quidquid lubet . That at the Peace made at Osnabrugge it was agreed , that no body should be permitted to alter the free Exercise of Religion , or the Laws and Constitutions that were established . Neither that under pretext of Rights of Patronage , Episcopal or Territorialor any other Pretence , Ministers should be forced upon the Subjects of another Religion , or any thing to be either directly or indirectly done , which might prove prejudicial to another Religion . They say further : That these Rules were taken out of the States Catechism , to perswade Magistrates , that as in Temporal , so in Ecclesiastical Affairs , they have alone absolute Power to determine and punish , which is an unheard of Doctrine in both Religions . That some Examples out of the Old Testament and Christian Emperors ill applied , the Prerogative of Magistrates and Rights of Patronages , were political Pretences , from whence it might be evident , that the former Proclamations were nothing else than the Tokens of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or the political Antichrist ; since in setting Magistrates above all what belongs to God , viz. his Word , Sacraments , Denominations , Church-Ceremonies , and Ministers ; the Design was to invade the Throne of Christ. And in another Petition they object to the Elector a Coin which was coined 1548 , by George Duke of Anhalt , which had on one Side this Inscription : Plus odi Conciliatores istos , quam apertos Religionis Hostes. And further say : That the Elector's Proclamations were against the Peace of the Empire , Constitutions of the Land , and Contracts made Anno 1653 , where it was concluded , that no Proclamations should be issued forth repugnant to that Contract , or contrary to both Religions . I could have inserted more of this kind , but I will only add so much , that these Petitions having been delivered to the Elector , after he had upon the Request of the Representatives of the Prelates , Earls , Nobility and Cities , abrogated the Formular proposed to the Clergy before , and explained himself very favourably as to the point of arguing in their Sermons , may serve as lively Instances , that the Lutheran Priests , though they represent Obedience as the Queen of all Vertues , endowed rather with Modesty , than armed with Dagger and Poyson , yet they have neither blinded , neither tongue-tied her . The Disturbances arisen some time ago , & continuing to this Day in a * Northern Lutheran Commonwealth , betwixt two Clergymen , who have drawn not only the rest of the Clergy , but also all the Inhabitants ( notwithstanding the Senates Authority and Endeavours to the contrary ) into two Parties , are so notorious , that those alone sufficiently contradict our Author's Assertion concerning their blind Obedience . But it is time to leave the Lutherans , and to see why the Roman Catholick Religion has been the darling of Princes upon the Account of blind Obedience , according to this Gentleman's Opinion . Truly those that will a little consider , that pernicious Doctrine of the Roman Catholicks , of deposing , nay even murthering of Princes ; the many Instances of this kind , which have verified their Principles in this point ; the Bulls of Bonifacius VIII , Innocent III , Clement V , and other Popes , who have asserted the same as a legal Power , will , I believe , easily be convinced that an Arbitrary Prince , who understands his own Interest , has but little reason to make those his darlings , who think it not only lawful , but also meritorious to cut his Throat , when not submitting himself to their Rules . And how can any Prince who affects an Arbitrary Power , suppose himself absolute Master of his Subjects , as long as there are in his Dominions those , and that in great Numbers , who being potent both by their vast Possessions , and the Influence they have over the rest , acknowledge another Head , besides himself , and profess openly that both in Spirituals and Temporals they owe more Obedience to the Pope than the Prince ? It would be supervacuous to prove this , it being , besides the Bulls of Gregory IX , Innocent IV , Gregory VII , and a great many others , so abundantly certified by Histories , and their practices in all Ages ; that no body who has any insight in History , can be ignorant of it . I know some will object to this , that these have been the Practices in former Ages among the Roman Catholicks , when Simplicity was more predominant ; but that since the Reformation the Jesuits have known so to mitigate this point , as that nothing is to be fear'd from thence , which seems to be also our Author's Opinion ; when he says , that the firm Adherency to Tyranny is manifest in the Jesuits , by their adhering now to the French interest , as they did formerly to the House of Austria . That the Jesuits who are the Supporters of the above-mentioned Doctrine so destructive to all Governments , should have in the least receded from the same , is as vain to imagine , as that the same do now less adhere to the House of Austria , than formerly . It is not to be denied , some of that Gang have had cunning enough to insinuate themselves into the most secret Affairs of the French King ; but what is that towards their having shaken off off their old Principles of Self-Interest , and maintaining the Pope's Prerogative ; or their adhering now more to France . than the House of Austria ? Their seeming Compliance , is by all understanding People in France it self , look'd upon as an effect of their Fear , rather than good Inclination towards that Kingdom : For they having seen , that the French Kings have maintained their Authority with a high Hand against the Pope , and the restless Endeavors of their Fraternity , they have of late according to their wonted Custom , changed their Tune for fear of losing all . That famous Inscription of Lewis XII , that notable Advice of Cardinal Richlieu , of setting up a Patriarch in France , and the vigorous Opposition Innocent XI . found in the present French King against all his Attempts , has frightned these Fathers into a Complacency , which nothing but the Consideration of their own Interest could have extorted from them ; to pursue which they will at any time adhere , either to France , or to the House of Austria , to Monarchy , Aristocracy , or Democracy . And this may be evident enough to any body who will recollect their Behaviour in our Age as well as the former . Not to speak of the Villanies of Castell , Clement , and Ravaillack , who are so abominable , that they ought not to be mentioned among the Race of Mankind , and are lively Instances , how far the Roman Catholicks have laid aside their ancient King-killing Principle . The Jesuite , Santarel , in his Book which was burnt by the Hangman in France , has shewn sufficiently , That they have not changed much their former Opinion as to the Pope's Prerogative over Magistrates . And it is remarkable what is related of the Jesuites in France ; who being then asked , What their Opinion was of this Book ? whether they would oppose it ? or whether they did intend to conform themselves according to the Approbation of the same by their General at Rome ? after a great many Tergiversations , being put to give a Categorical Answer , they could not forbear saying , If they were at Rome , they should be of their General 's Opinion . And the threatning Letter from Innocent XI . to Lewis XIV . as that also to the Clergy , evidences sufficiently , that it is rather want of Power than good Will , when they seem not to act according to their former utmost Severity . That the Jesuites follow no other Dictates but such as agree with their own Interest , ( whether in a Free or Arbitrary Government ) so many of the Roman Catholicks have testified themselves that I wonder how any body can fansie them adhering to any . Was it not justly objected to Father Parsons and Campian in Queen Elizabeth's time , from the other Roman Catholicks , that the several Disturbances , and especially the Disputes about frequenting the English Churches were raised on purpose by them only for the Benefit of their Society ; and that the rest had been considerable Losers by it ? Were not , by Father Parson's Means , Seminaries for English Jesuites erected as well in France as Spain , Portugal , and the Netherlands ? Did he not treat with the Spaniards , French , Queen of Scots , the Pope , Duke of Guise , Prince Farnese , and the Earl of Derby , about the Crown of England ? so indifferent was he in the Point , that it matter'd him not who had it , provided the Jesuites might obtain their Ends. Has not a certain moderate Roman Catholick , not many Years ago , attributed the bloody Wars in Ireland , and a great many other mischievous Devices against this Government , to the Excommunications of John Baptist Rinuccini , the Pope's Nuncio , then in Ireland , and to the great Aversion the Jesuit●s and their Adherents always have shewed against the Oath of Allegiance and Supremacy ? And have we not in our Memory seen the Jesuites have an equal Interest and Adherency both to the House of Austria and France , by raising Persecutions in Hungary and France against the Protestants ? And was not the Emperour , by their Advices , brought to the very Brink of Ruin ? and do the most judicious presage any good to the French King , from having followed their Methods ? So that I am apt to believe , the most sensible Princes , though never so Arbitrary , will not be so fond of them , as to make them their Darlings upon that score . And if some Commonwealths have been cautious enough to clip a little their Wings in their Dominions : yet as the great decay of that once flourishing City and Commonwealth of Cologne on the Rhine , caused by their Devices , is an instance , that where ever they get footing , it will be prejudicial to the Government : So the Switzers can testifie , that it is next to an impossibili●y to keep them even out of Commonwealths . For though Switzerland has shewed as little Inclination to them as any Government whatsoever ; yet they having possessed themselves of one of the best places in Friburgh , they have a most noble Colledge and Chapel there . And though the Canton of Soloturn would not admit of them till within these few years , and that not but under hard Conditions ; yet out of 1000 Livres Revenue per Annum for ten of them , they are grown so rich that they are erecting a most magnificent Church and College , the building whereof is reckoned , Will amount to 50000 l. Sterl . which may convince all unbyass'd Persons , that it is not any form of Government they adhere to , but that they will flatter either Arbitrary Power or Licentiousness , according as it turns best to their own Account . But we must go further and hear what our Author has to say concerning the English Clergy . I do not hereby mean , says he , to reflect on the Order , which generally has the government of our Youth ; we have had the experience of many among them , who have given proof of a freer Education and Learning : And without question the chief posts of the Gown of both kinds were never better filled than at present . I only lament the ill contrivance of their Constitution ; for while Interest draws one way , and Honesty another , when a Man may make his Fortune by forgetting his Duty to his Country , but shall always stick at mark while he serves it ; 't is scarcely to be hoped Men should hold out against such temptations , unless they be generally gifted with more Honesty than the generality of Mankind are . And since they continue still upon the same bottom , it must be expected the same , or other as mischievous Doctrines will be broached ; whereas if they were once set upon the same foot , the Philosophers of old were , if honesty and the duty to their Country , were made their private interest , and the way to thrive , we should soon see them shift hands , and the Spirit of those Philosophers revive in them again . The Constitution of our Universities as to Learning , seems as unfortunately regulated , as it is to Politicks , &c. It seems as ridiculous to take patterns for the gentile Learning of this Age , from the old fashioned Learning of the Times , wherein the University-Statutes were compiled , as it would be for one , who would appear well dress'd at Court , to make his Cloaths after the Mode in Henry the VIII's Days , &c. Here is an Harangue upon the English Clergy , which if you explain , it is nothing else to say , but according to their Institution , if they will be honest they cannot thrive ; and that therefore no good is to be expected from them . I must confess , that among all Books that ever I saw , I never met with one , which asserted more with an excessive Confidence , and proved less . If this Gentleman's Resolution was to take upon him the Office of a Church , and State-Reformer General , it would have been but suitable to so great a Character , to have been a little more particular , as well in this as other points , and to have shewed us the true Faults of such Constitutions , with their proper Remedies ; that from thence we might have judged , whether by his Suppositions , those Rules could be introduced into the Government , which the best Head-pieces hitherto have not been able to find out . But to tell us a random Story of Interest drawing one , and Honesty another way , without explaining the point , is nothing else than audacter loqui ( not to speak worse ) and can scarce be taken by any sensible Man to have been done with a true Intention of serving the Publick ; Since it is certain that by such vain Rhetorick , neither the true Nature of the Matter will be understood , nor proper Remedies be found out . Neither can any one conceive what he means by saying , if Honesty and the Duty to their Country were made their private Interest , since it is apparent enough to all judicious Persons in that kind , that the Constitutions of the Clergy , is in all well-constituted Governments , so link'd with that of the Foundation of the whole , and in this Kingdom so inseparately annexed to our true and fundamental form of Government , that without great Danger of Ruin , both Interests cannot be separated ; We have learned this Truth by woful Experience , within some of our Memory , that as to us , it needs no further Proof . I remember , that in my Travels I did once in a certain Commonwealth see the following Inscription upon a Door of a great Church , Felix Respublica , ubi Moses & Aaronmanent Fratres ; by which as they seem'd to admire the Wisdom of the great Legislator , who put the Spiritual and Temporal Government of the Jews , into the Hands of two Brothers ; so they intimated that from the Union and Concord of both , depended in a great Measure , the Felicity of the Commonwealth . Surely , our Author , who is altogether for Antiquity , has forgot , that in the most Ancient , and so wisely regulated Government of the AEgyptians , the Priests ( who also were Philosophers ) had the chief Rank of esteem together with the Soldiers , both by the Prince and People . That besides others , his beloved Greeks and Romans followed the same Methods . The Athenians admitted their Priests , whom they called Manteis , to all their publick Counsels . The Lacedemonians gave to their Kings as a constant Assistant and Counsellour , an Augur ; and among their Elders , ( who were the Counsellours of the State ) they had likewise placed an Augur . In what respect the Colledge of Augurs were at Rome , and how it was decreed in the Senate , that constantly six of the principal Citizens Children should be sent into Hetruria ; that by learning that Sort of Divinity it might not be communicated to the common People , is so notorious , that few who have read Histories , are ignorant of it . I have not related these latter , with an Intention to put the Heathens religious Contrivances in an equal Ballance with the Jews , and Christians Church-Government ; but only to shew that even the wiser● sort of the Ancient Heathens , whom our Au●hor prefers much before us , did lay the very Founda●ion of their Government upon the Union betwixt Ecclesiastical and Temporal Governours ; and that after God Almighty had committed the Management of both to two Brothers ; he afterwards to make this Tye the more inseparable , instituted but one Temple at Jerusalem , which the whole Jewish Nation being obliged to visit , they could not alter their Government , without at the same time renouncing their Religion . What this Gentleman is pleased to tell us concerning the old Philosophers , and their Preference , is as vain as the rest , since he proves nothing of their Foundation , and will ( when we by and by treat of that point ) be as ridiculous as most of his former whimsical Assertions : He would have done well , when he compared the Old Fashion'd Learning of the Times , wherein the University-Statutes were compiled , with the Clothes made after the Mode , which was in Henry the VII● Days ; to have also remembred , ho● much that bigotted sort of Philosop●● of the Pythagoreans , who gave no other reasons for their Opinions , than ●●● dixit , and which our Author has imitted to a Hair , is out of fashion among the most sensible part of Mankind . ●● ought to have considered how little ●● table it would be both to our Times a●● Constitutions , if , according to the ●●●stom of the Ancient Academians , ●● should be obliged to hear them prat●● and contradict every Body withou● proving , or as much as asserting circumstantially their Opinions ; in which a●●● this Gentleman takes a more than ordinary Pride . And I would ask him Diogenes the Cynick should come in h● Wine-pipe rolling to Whitehall , whether he would not appear as ridiculo●● there , as one dress'd up after the Fashion which was usual in King Henry the VIII Days . And yet these are some of hi● admired Philosophers , these his inge●●ous Comparisons : is not that taking pain● for nothing ? It is not to be denied , bu● that from some foreign Universities , several matters might be taken , which would much improve ours ; as also that a gre●● deal might be added as to Universities in general ; but as I always have had a natural Aversion against that Office of Censor , so troublesome to all lovers of Liberty , and that I have received particular Obligations from one of our two Universities : I will rather leave that Province to more able Men , than be too busie and forward in mentioning the same . What also this Gentleman says , That the Lawyers have been in most places favourers of Liberty , I will not contradict positively ; because , to prove the contrary would exceed the Limits of Animadversions : though , I believe , if a proportionable Computation were made betwixt the Gown of both Kinds ; it would be found that the Lawyers , even in our latter Times , have in no ways been behind hand with the Clergy in that point . But since it would be unreasonable , that the whole Body of either kind should be charged with the opinions of a few ; and a great many of these also , partly have altered , partly laid aside the same ; I reckon it better to bury it in oblivion , than by exasperating to revive the old Animosities . But we must return to our Author , who after he has long discoursed concerning the Diseafes in the Body politick , now begins to come to his Remedies . So have seen your half-learned Youngsters in Physick , who having got together a few Aphorisms and other sayings out of Hippocrates and Galen , apply them with a very comely Countenance to all sorts of Sicknesses , and with no less Confidence promise Cure , speedy and easie , by help of their Universal never-failing Restaurative of the whole Body : which though they generally pretend to be as ancient as Hermes Trismegist ; yet is upon due enquiry commonly found to be taken out of some bragging Chymist or other of our times : But let us look upon our Author's Receipt . The Greeks and Romans , says he , instituted their Academies to quite another purpose ; the whole Education of their Youth tended to make them as useful to the Society they lived in , as possible ; There they were train'd up to Exercise and Labour ; to accustom them to an active Life : No Vice was more infamous than Sloth , nor any Man more contemptible , than him , that was too lazy to do all the good he could . The Lectures of their Philosophers served to quicken them up to this . They recommended above all things the Duty to their Country , the Preservation of their Laws and the publick Liberty ; subservient to which , they preached up Moral Vertues , such as Fortitude , Temperance , Justice , and Contempt of Death , &c. Sometimes they made use of pious Cheats , as Elysian Fields , and an Assurance of future Happiness , if they died in the Cause of their Country ; And even deceived their Hearers into Greatness ; hence proceeded all those noble Characters , wherewith their Histories are so stock'd , &c. The Managers of our modern Education , have not been quite so publick-spirited ; for it has been for the most part in the hands of Men , who have a distinct Interest from the publick , &c. Good Learning as well as Travell , is a great Antidote against the plague of Tyranny . The Books that are left us of the Ancients ( from whence , as from Fountains we draw all that we are now Masters of , ) are full of Doctrines , Sentences , and Examples , exhorting to the Conservation or Recovery of the publick Liberty , which was once valued above Life . The Hero's there celebrated are , for the most part , such as had destroyed or expelled Tyrants ; and though Brutus be generally declaimed against by modern School-boys , He was then esteemed the true Pattern and Model of exact Vertue . Such was Cato of Utica , with others of like Stamp , &c. 'T was not to learn Foreign Languages that the Greecian and Roman Youths went for so long together to the Academics and Lectures of their Philosophers ; 't was not then , as now with us , when the Character of a Scholar is , to be skill'd in Words , &c. This manner of Education produced Men of another Stamp than appears now upon the Theatre of the World , such as we are scarc● worthy to mention , and must never hope to imitate , till the like manner of Institution grows again into Reputation ; which in e●slaved Countries 'tis never likely . to do , as long as the Ecclesiasticks , who have an opposite Interest , keep not only the Education of the Youth , but the Consciences of old Men in their Hands , &c. Here is such a Panegyrick upon the ancient Greeks and Romans , that I much question whether Demosthenes and Cicero both have said so much of them . But , since our Author seems to nauseate so much all that is new , and only to admire Antiquity , it is a great wonder to me , why he did not go to the most ancient Fountain it self , from whence the Greeks , and consequently the Romans , had their best Laws and Constitutions ; I mean the Egyptians : What the Historians have related of them , as having first of all understood the Rules of governing , and kept their Laws the longest and best in ure of any other Nation , as having implanted them into their very Infants by degrees , and taken effectual care to instruct them afterwards in Philosophy and Divinity , deserves credit by all who have had any insight into those most ancient times . Besides their most admirable Institutions , the Invention of Astronomy , Arithmetick , Geometry and Physick , are unquestionably attributed to them ; their Magnificent Tombs , stupendious Obelisks , and Pyramids , their Sculptures , and whole Architecture , their Labyrinth , and prodigious Chanels , derived out of the River Nile , together with their stupendious Lake of Myris , were much surpassing any thing the Greeks or Romans ever did afterwards . Their bodily Exercises , as Horse and Foot-Races , besides those with Chariots , were surprizing things ; and , to say all , the Greeks had all from them , but they almost all from themselves . And since it is absolutely certain , that Pythagoras , Plato , Lycurgus , Solon , and the most solid Grecian Philosophers did fetch their best Knowledge from thence ; and it is even spoken to the praise of Moses himself , that he was instructed in all sorts of Wisdom of the Egyptians ; I cannot well devise what induced our Author not so much as to mention them ; except the Reason is , That their way of having Hereditary Princes , to whom they did pay ( though no Slaves ) a most profound Respect , did not agree with our Author 's Romantick Opinion of the transcendent Vertues of Brutus . And since he pretends to teach us the true Education of our Youth , the Persians would have furnish'd him with as good Patterns in their Princes Sons , as any are to be found among the Romans or Greeks , but that I suppose these were less for his purpose . We must therefore look a little into the ancient Monuments , and see whether they are the only People that , being to be preferred before all others , ought to prescribe Rules for Education and Policy . I suppose it will not be thought a new Objection to say , That the Greeks have not been so Religious in describing their own Affairs as the Romans ; wherefore we ought not to wonder , if these latter do not speak in so high Terms of them as our Author . That the Greeks made no great Account of their Faith , Cicero , who knew them , I think , at least as well as this Gentleman , has left as a most notable Remark upon them ; a nay he did not stick to say publi●kly , That they did not know truly what belonged to it ; tho' for Eloquence , Ingenuity , and other Studies , they were sufficiently to be recommended : b Their Democratical and unskilful way of governing , he reflects upon as most pernicious and destructive : c Their Laws and Constitutions he thought so much inferiour to those of the Romans , that there was no Comparison to be made betwixt them . As to their Philosophers , he calls them a Company of Pratlers d who talk'd much , and apply'd themselves to nothing . e And it is remarkable that the Philosophy of that great man , Plato , immediately after his death , was divided first into the Academians and Peripateticks ; and not long after , into as many Sects as there were little pratling School-masters or Teachers . From whence it may easily be conjectured , how useful they were to , and what Interest they had in the publick Good. f Gellius , who was sent as Pro-Consul into Greece , by calling them together at Athens , would fain have endeavoured , by his Authority and Perswasion , to put an end to their vain Disputes ; but could effect nothing ; Such great Lovers were they of the publick Good , that they did not think it worth their while to hearken to his wholsome Counsel● And if we reflect seriously upon their Transactions , it will easily be found that● what our Author tells us , of their love of Liberty and Country , Fortitude , Temperance and Justice , has abundance more Pomp than real Truth in it , That ancient Law of their drunken Meetings at Athens , aut bibe aut abi , does not shew so much Temperance ; and if the Lacedaemonians exceeded the Athenians in Sobriety , Avarice was a general Vice among them . Philip of Macedon's , ( who understood the Greeks and their Policies very well ) Saying is famous : That no Fort was strong enough to hold out against an Attack , if there were but an Opportunity to let an Ass loaden with Gold enter the same . Their continual Strifes are so well known , that it would be superfluous to pretend to enumerate them ; and though they continually did exclaim against Tyranny , yet their main endeavour was to tyrannize over one another , and effectually did it by turns , till at last Philip , and afterterwards Alexander , took away from them the means to devour one another ; and under pretenee of publick Liberty , by their cursed Ostracism , to ruin such of their Countrymen as had deserved best of them . I have not related this to derogate any thing from the Merits of a great many among them , eminent for their Doctrine , and brave Atchievements . Pythagoras , Democritus , and Plato are questionless among the Greecians , highly to be recommended for their great Industry in searching for their Doctrine● among the Egyptians , and other far distant Countries ; and their Doctrines having from thence been transferred into Italy , and afterwards into these Parts of the World , we ought to pay a due acknowledgment to those who have shewn us the way how to improve our Knowledge . But my only aim is to demonstrate the Vanity of our Romantick Author , who pretends to set them so fat above our Age , both in their Doctrine and great Deeds , that we must not as much as hope to imitate them ; and , that , if Pythagoras and Democritus were great Men , yet the Arrogancy of the first , and the latters blinding himself , thereby to divert himself from all outward Objects , and the better to speculate , savour more of a Phantastical Conceit , than Usefulness to the Publick . And what has been said of their Philosophers may also be applied to all others● who have been eminent among them ; If the Athenians , had their Aristides , Cimon , Thrasibulus , Conon , and others , famous for Justice , Military Atchievements , and love to their fatherly Country ; there were also to be found among them a Miltiades , who affected to domineer over them ; a Themistocles , who made a League with Artaxerxes against them ; an Alcibiades , who was as excellent in Vices , as celebrated in Vertues , by whose Advice the Lacedemonians straitned the Athenians . If the Lacedaemonians had their Agesilaus and Leonidas , the Thebans their Epaminondas , never sufficiently to be praised for their extraordinary Vertues ; had not the Lacedemonians also a Pausanias , famous for his Pride , Levity and Treachery ? Was not among them also a Lysander so justly accused of Crudelity , and other enormous Crimes ? Callicratidas their General , if he was celebrated for Military Vertue ; his Ambition was almost the undoing of the Lacedaemonians , and the Ruin of one of the best Fleets they ever set out . And since our Author has magnified their Philosophers so much above ours , I cannot but put him in mind of the greatest of Philosophers , who , being come forth in our Age , has in so much out-done all the Ancients , both in Metaphysical and Natural Principles , and is in no ways behind them in his Ethicks ; but especially in his incomparable Method of Reasoning , that I am to believe , if he had perused and duly considered his Philosophy , he would perhaps have been cured of his vain Conceits of the old ones . It is not my business here to determine whether he has taken some light as to his natural Principles , out of Epicurus , as some say he has● as to his Metaphysicks out of St. Augustine , and other Fathers ; this is most certain , that since his publishing the same , there has been a more solid Foundation laid towards the true understanding and advancing the most useful Sciences , than all the Golden Ages of his so much admired Philosophers have been able to produce . But let us not insist farther upon the Greeks , since we must also take a short view of the Romans : That the same have much exceeded the former in true greatness of Mind , Constancy , Love to their Country , and , before all , in Martial Discipline , Knowledge of the Laws , nay even in Eloquence ( that most beloved Art of the Greeks , ) have been equal to them , is what scarce any body , who has had a right insight into both their Histories , will deny : but that they should have committed the Education of their Youth , generally speaking , to the chief management of such Philosophers as were frequent in Greece , I am to learn yet . As the Foundation of the Roman Government was their Military Discipline , and excellent Laws and Customs ; so the same were implanted into their Youth , by the Instructions and Examples rather of their Parents , than any publick Philosophers : And though in Process of time Eloquence begun to bear a great Sway with the Romans ; a yet was it a great while before they took the pains to go and hear the Greecian Orators , but were contented with such as their Genius and Home-education furnish'd them withal . b And it is observeable that most of the Romans did excell in the same kind , wherein their Fathers or Ancestors had been remarkable : c And such as had not the Advantage of such Parentage , commonly used to chuse some great Man or another , from whom they took Directions , and whom they strove to imitate . From hence came that Custom of taking their Youths into the Senate● House , that by continual Observations of the Gravity , Constancy and Secrecy of that great Assembly , they might be instructed , not only in State-Affairs , but also excited to imitate the Examples of their several Parents . To these Methods , and not the hearing of pratling Philosophers was chiefly owing that prodigious Off-spring of so many Valiant , Wise , and Eloquent Men , who were educated by the Care of their Wise Parents , and by timely applying themselves to Business under their Tuition , became the Terrour of their Enemies . And this was doubtless one Reason why by their Annal Laws no body was admitted to the highest degree of Honour , till at a certain age , that also , as by steps , they might ascend to the same , sufficiently prepared with the Knowledge not only , but also the Practice and Management of State and Military Affairs . From this Paternal Care , and timely applying themselves to the Knowledge of their Affairs , and Martial Discipline , came these so renowned Men among them ; and these Philosophers , whom our Author would fain make us believe to be the principal Men of their Education , were only employed to teach them the Precepts , of Oratory , and such like ; d and as by the most understanding Greeks they were not much valued , so they proved very mischievous to the Romans , as they had done to the Greeks before , and will do so to all Governments , where the Art of Rhetorick is preferred before true Sense . The Roman Commonwealth thus instructed with excellent Laws , and stock'd with Great and Wise Men , yet was so over-run with all sorts of Vices , and entangled at last in the Snares of its own Citizens , that I cannot for my Life see why this Gentleman should so much prefer it before our times , since it is evident enough , that Viceswere as predominant there as they are among us ; and that if they have had Men famous for Military Atchievements , Temperance , Constancy , and other Vertues , our Age is not destitute of them . Was not Avarice as enormous among the Romans as it is among us ? The Saying of Jugurtha , who had tryed them in that kind , sufficiently verifies it . And he that doubts , whether all sorts of Vices were as much in vogue at Rome formerly , as they are in our Age , let him ( besides what their Poets and other Historians have left us ) but cast one Eye upon that Catalogue which Cicero gives us of such as were the Associates of Catiline , and belonged to his Army , and he will quickly be of the same Opinion with me . e Did not Cicero tell them publickly to their Faces , That through the Licentiousness and Avarice of the Roman Generals , more Cities were spoiled by their own Soldiers , than by the Enemies ? Had not they among them as well their Tarquin , Sulla , Catiline , Antony , and others , as their Scipio's , Regulus , Marcellus , and such like . Truly even Cicero himself , who could give such good Doctrines to others , who pretended to be behind-hand with no body for Love to his Country , Greatness of Mind , and other Vertues , who was certainly as great a Philosopher as ever the Romans had , and writ as pathetically , as any body in his Philosophical Treatises , was , without Contradiction , guilty of vain Ambition , Flattery , Dissimulation , and other Extravagancies . And though he exclaims most egregiously against the latter , especially a in his Philosophical Works ; yet those that will take the pains to compare his Orations , pro Rege Dejotaro & pro Marcello , with his Philippicks , will easily be convinced , that he had studied that Art as well , and made himself as great a Master of it as any body . Now if we look upon the Religious Institutions of the Romans , How ridiculous were they ! And though they served sometimes for a State 's Turn , yet proved they often as mischievous ; since for all the outward Pomp , b the most judicious , as well of the Romans , as also others , were sensible of the Vanity of them , and would ridicule them also upon occasion . How Cato the Elder represented the Vanity of the Augurs , and Hannibal's witty Reply to Prusias , who would not fight , because the Entrails of the Beasts did not prove favourable , is well known to those who are vers'd in Histories . Their Constitutions , Laws , and Policy , it 's true , were extraordinary ; their Counsels grave , and deeply laid ; their Constancy admirable , from whence they seldom receded ; their Military Discipline and Order of their Legions , without Comparison , much above any thing that was to be found in those times . Nevertheless the perpetual Contests betwixt the Patricians and Plebeians , and afterwards betwixt the Senate and People , caused a great many Convulsions in the State , and was at last the cause of its Alteration . After Valerius had once given an Inch to the Plebeians , in allowing the Appeal to the People , they would not be contented , till by their shameful Tumultuous Assembly in the Mount Aventine , they forced the Senate to allow them their Tribunes , who so well knew how to play their Cards , that in a little time the Plebeians were admitted to all Dignities , and by continual Strifes against the Patricians , were the occasion of the abolishing the Power of both . For when Sylla had once tryed what the Romans could bear , Pompey his Scholar was for following his Foot-steps ; but being prevented by Caesar , left that Work to be perfected by him and his Successors . Their Gravity also and Constancy was not a little shaken , when they were forced to make that shameful Peace with Porscnna , so little spoken of by the Roman Historians , and to redeem themselves from the Gauls , called the Senones , with Money . How also their Military Discipline did , by degrees , decay , and at last degenerate into such a licentiousness , that the Souldiers and Generals of their setting up became Masters of the Empire , the Histories of these Times do abundantly testify . It is then in vain for our Author to seek for his Golden Age among the Greeks and the Romans . If he had perused the 97 a Epistle of Seneca's , who questionless had an extraordinary insight into those Times , he would have lost his Appetite of railing against our Age , since it is evident to all considering Men , that if our Times be over-run with Vices ; nevertheless we are not destitute of Examples of Contempt of Death , Love to their Country , Constancy , Valour , and other most eminent Vertues . Contempt of Death is so common to our Age , that even our Miscreants shew it frequently in their Journey to Tiburn . And if this Gentleman's Eyes had not been quite dazled with his Ancients vanity , he might at Copenhagen , when he was there , have seen the Remnants of Valour , Bravery and Constancy , which the Citizens of that place , when reduced to the utmost , shewed under the Conduct of so brave a King in our Age. Hath our Author forgot what one single Person , whose Name was Hasselaer , did in our memory at Amsterdam ; who saved that City from falling into the hands of the French , who were much stronger and nearer to that City , than ever Hannibal was to Rome , after the defeat of Cannas ? Can our Author have forgot that successive Off-spring of Heroes , of that illustrious Family , from whence his present Majesty is descended ? Has he forgot what his Ancestors not only , but more particularly he in Person has done for the Deliverance of his Native Country , first , and again for us , against a more potent Enemy , than the Carthaginians were in comparison of Rome ? If I should but hint the particulars of these great actions , certainly it would make him asham'd of his vain Conceits . But since these great and unparallell'd Actions will never be forgot by all good Men , and my Pen is in no ways able to find words proportionable to so extraordinary Merits , I will only say , that I will defie our Author to shew me out of all his worm-eaten Antiquities , ( whether Greeks or Romans , ) a Family by a continual Succession of time so abounding with Champions for their Country , as his Majesty's , or any one of the Ancient Hero's surpassing his Majesty in Valour , Prudence and Justice . It is therefore to be admired , why among so many Romans eminent for their Vertues , he could not pick out any others to put as Examples , besides Cato and Brutus ; Cato was always censured by all understanding Politicians , for having more surliness in him than was useful to the State. And Brutus committed the blackest Villany against his Friend , and murthered him , to whom he ow'd more than to his Parents . Neither is the matter much mended , by excusing his Villany with the pretence of publick Liberty ; for not to mention , that he and Cassius took upon themselves the same Title of Imperator , as Caesar had done : it is evident enough to all sensible Men , that they intended to play the same Game , if not a worse , since they were far behind him in every respect . And if a pretence of Liberty is sufficient to warrant the blackest Crimes , I see no reason why Ravaillac , and others of that stamp , should not claim the same Priviledge ; since questionless the pretence of their Principles of Religion are as specious as those of Liberty . Methinks our Author shews in this point especially a little too much inclination to such , as rail with great violence against the Jesuits ; yet have not laid aside their Doctrine of Sacrificing either King , Friend , Relations or Kindred , when ever they are possessed with the Frensical humour , that any thing is done in prejudice of their pretended Rights , which they know how to deduce with as many florid Speeches , as ever the whimsical b Greeks and some of the b c Romans did , when they intended to impose upon the People under the pretext of publick Liberty . And here I should say something concerning our Author's new broach'd Rules of Policy , as also the Digression he makes upon the most Antient Constitutions of Government in Europe : but because these Remarks are grown almost as monstrous in bigness as the Preface it self , and we shall be obliged to treat of these Points hereafter , when he in the Treatise represents the form of Government in Denmark and other Countries , we will supersede it here , as also , what he says according to his Romantick way , That in Spain , Italy , and France , Slavery is not so conspicuous , but in the Northern parts it appears in its true shape ; since something of that will be said in the Conclusion of the Treatise , where he speaks to the same purpose . But what he says , That it is now or never seasonable to assert both the Peoples Right and his Majesty's Title , is like all the rest of his Vanity , since God knows he has not said one word farther of it ; and it would have been but common Wisdom not to have inserted things of that high moment in a transitory way among his fantastical Conceits , especially at a time when the People enjoy their legal Liberties under the Reign of a Wise , Just , and Brave King , whose Title is so generally approved by the Practice of all , and especially our Age , and more particularly by the general approbation of all Europe , and all good Men in these Kingdoms , I conclude with the great Roman Politician and Philosopher . Nihil est temeritate turpius , nec quidquam tam indignum sapientis gravitate & constantia , quam aut falsum sentire , aut quod non satis exploratè perceptum aut cognitum sit , sine ulla dubitatione defendere . ( ic . lib. 1. de natur . Deor. REMARKS UPON THE TREATISE , CALLED An ACCOUNT OF DENMARK . THE first Chapter of the Treatise it self , having nothing material in it , besides a general Geographical Description of the Territories belonging to the King of Denmark , does not require any further Observations ; and if the Author in some other matters had , ( as he has done in this ) rather follow'd the foot-steps of Authentick Writers , than his Sensible and Grave Men ( as he calls them in this Chapter ) who have misled him for the most part , into a Conceit of his own Knowledge and an ill-grounded Experience , instead of Truth , we might have superseded to extend these Remarks so far as we are obliged now to do . We will therefore go on to the Second Chapter , where he speaks thus , concerning the Island of Zealand : It is almost of a circular Figure , and contains about 180 English Miles in circumference : I cannot commend its Fertility , there being no Bread Corn growing in any part of it , except Rye , which indeed is in good quantity , and whereof most of their Bread is made , &c. It has no Rivers , nor above half a score Brooks that are able to turn a Mill , &c. About one fourth part of it is Forrest lying open for the King 's Hunting , and his Game , such as Stags , Wild Boars , Roe Buck , &c. These are such Sacred things , that no body dares touch them , tho' they find them in whole Herds destroying their Corn , to the infinite yearly damage of the poor Peasants , &c. For Sea-Ports , that most excellent one belonging to Copenhagen , must make amends for the want of them , not only in this , but many other of the Islands ; there being few others , that I know of , capable of harboring a Vessel of 200 Tuns , &c. Neither is this a sensible want , because there are no Commodities in this Island , for Exportation . I have been told , that forty years ago , ten or twelve Dutch Fly-Boats found yearly their Lading at Kiog , a pretty flourishing Town at that time , within twenty English Miles of Copenhagen , but of late they seem to be well satisfied , if the Product of the Isle maintains in this sort of Grain the Inhabitants of it : Not that the Numbers of these are increased , but Husbandry is not so much encouraged now , as when the Taxes of the poor Country People were less frequent and grievous , &c. The feeding of the Commonalty generally throughout all Denmark , is very mean , the Burgers or Citizens sustaining themselves with Rye Bread , Sale Flesh , Stock Fish , Bacon , and very bad Cheese ; insomuch that the Inspecters of our Markets in England , who use to destory or send to the Prisons all such Victuals as are not judged wholesom , would ( if they found them no better provided than at Copenhagen ) go near to empty the Markets , and leave little so either Buyer or Seller ; the Peasants live on Roots , white Meats , and Rye Bread , feldom tasting fresh Fish , and scarce ever Flesh , unless on some extraordinary Festivals as on St. Martin's Eve , when each Family in Denmark , without fail , makes merry with a roasted Goose at Supper , Here and in all Denmark , are but two Seasons of the year , Winter and Summer ; those two other more agreeable ones of Spring and Autumn not being commonly known ; the Spring never , and the Autumn seldom , &c. The principal things of this Island , and indeed of all Denmark , are the City of Copenhagen , and the Passage of the Sound . I will begin with the City , the rather , because when I have done with that , I have little more to say of any other in the King of Denmark's Dominions , there being no other belonging to him , much better than our Town of St. Albans . Thus far our Author . This Island of Zealand containing the chief City of all Denmark , and being the place of Residence of its Kings , and consequently more frequented by Strangers , than most of the other parts of this Kingdom , we might have justly expected a more exact Account thereof , than of the rest ; which , how it has been performed , will be worth our taking notice of . The circumference of Zealand he makes to be ●80 English Miles , when I am surre I could never meet with any body whether Da●e or other Foreigner , that knew this Island , but all confirmed what I had observed as near as I could , before , that the length of this Island were about 20 Danish Leagues , and if you do reckon but a Danish League to consist of four English Miles ( as certainly they do at least ) the circumference which this Gentleman himself is pleased to make almost circular , must by computation , amount to 240 English Miles , which is 60 more than is mentioned in the Author's Description . And according to this Calculation , you must give grains of allowance for all the rest ; he cannot ( says he ) recommend its Fertility , there being no Bread Corn growing there in any part , except Rye : but he had forgot that there also grows Wheat in some parts , and Barley almost every where in abundance , as also a great quantity of Oats . He says , That there are few Ports in this and many other of these Islands capable of harbouring a Vessel of 200 Tuns ; neither that this is a sensible want , because there are no Commodities in this Island for Exportation . I must confess he has been a little more modest in this Assertion than in any other before , having added the words ( that I know of ) yet it is a wonder that his Grave and Sensible Men could not instruct him better . They must for all their Gravity have been either very ignorant , or else very negligent in not telling him , that in this very Island of Zealand , were other Cities and Ports ( not to speak in this place of those in the other Islands , which shall he mentioned in their proper places ) which could , and did harbour Ships of above 200 Tuns , and that it would be a considerable want , if these places were not in that Island ; since from Corsoer , a place well Fortified with a Castle , and lying on the West side of this Island on the great Belt over against Nyburgh in Funen , a considerable quantity of Barley is yearly Exported to Holland ; as is done likewise from Holbeck , but more especially from Calenburgh ; which being a well built place , exceeding St. Albans in every respect , and having a very good Port capable of harbouring Ships of a much greater burden than 200 Tuns , stands about fifteen or sixteen English Miles North of Corsoer . In the South part of this Island , is also a place called Nestwed , situated on a Navigable River , which extends it self much higher into the Country , ( tho' our Author has been pleased to allow none at all here ) from whence there is a considerable Trade to Lubeck . And if from Kiog , an inconsiderable place in comparison of these places we have now mentioned , but particularly remembered by this Gentleman , when he forgot the rest , there used formerly to go a few Fly-Boats to Holland , there go more now from thence to Norwegen with Malt. I will not insist now upon some of less Note , as Schelsoer and Warburg , tho' the last of these has been famous in our Age , because Charles King of Sweden in his first Expedition against Denmark , Anno 1657. did set first footing there , as he did afterwards in his second , Anno 1658. at Cursoer . When I consider with my self , that this Gentleman has not as much as made the least mention of these before-mentioned places , and how much this contradicts his Norions he has set down of this Island of Zealand , as also that not so much as any places have been named by him , lying beyond Elsinore , Cronenburgh & King , the most remote of which is within 20 English Miles of Copenhagen , it seems to be very obvious , that both his own Knowledge and that of his Grave and Sensible Teachers , did not reach much farther . And what may confirm any body in this opinion is , that he tells us a most dismal Story , of whole Herds of Stags , Wild Boars and Ro● Bucks , ( whom he calls Sacred things ) destroying the poor Peasants Corn : when it is sufficiently known , that there is scarce any Kingdom to be found , where there is not Provision made for preserving the Royal Game against the rapaciousness of the Peasants and other Vagabonds . And tho' there is a considerable quantity of Forests Royal , and Wild Beasts in this Island , yet is an effectual care taken , that they may not be destructive to the Country ; since not only every Nobleman , ( who possess almost all the Lands not belonging to the King here ) have the Priviledge of Hunting and Shooting in their own Lordships , or Territories , but also the Court by frequent Hunting , kill a great number of them , and the King keeps in every part a certain number of Huntsmen , whose Duty it is to preserve the Country from receiving damage by these wild Beasts . But leaving the wild Beasts , we must also see what he says concerning the Inhabitants of Denmark , whose feeding ( if this Gentleman is to be believed ) is very mean , and the Burgers and Citizens sustain themselves with Rye Bread , Salt Flesh , Stock Fish , Bacon , and very bad Cheese . Here you see the Fare of the Danes , and that of those who live in the Cities , for the poor Peasants fare worse . I am apt to think that this Gentleman happened to light into some Black-Smiths or other their like Mechanicks House in Copenhagen , who ( according to the Custom of these Northern Countries ) being obliged to find their Journey-Men with Victuals at their Houses , where they work , make use of such Dishes as our Author has been pleased to mention here . But if he had been acquainted in Burgers or Citizens Houses of an higher Degree , he would have met also with another sort of Victuals . It is so generally objected as a fault to the Northern Nations , that they are too Liberal and Hospitable in their Houses , and that they mind Eating and Drinking more than any thing else , that I wonder how this Gentleman could think upon it , except he takes a particular Pride to be singular , and to t●ll us Miracles , which were never seen or heard of before his Arrival in Denmark . I may say it without Vanity , that the Northern parts are very well known to me , and perhaps as well as to this Gentleman , and this I can affirm for a truh , which may easily be confirmed by hundreds in this Town , that the abovesaid Objection of the Author , is utterly contrary to the Experience of all understanding People ; since it has been always confessed by them , that they rather exceed the true bounds in this point . For nothing is more common in those parts , than to see the Table-Cloath laid thrice a day , and at every Meal to have hot Victuals , at Dinner especially you shall seldom find them without two Dishes ; among Mechanicks the most solid sort of Victuals● such as are suitable to their Constitutions and Labour are used , but the better sort of Citizens generally deny themselves not any thing that the Season affords , and are extreamly addicted to Varieties in their Diet. It is true , you may seldom meet there with such large Dishes of Meat at the Tables of the better sort , as are customary here , but they make that up in the Number ; since even in private Burgers Houses , they seldom sit down at Dinner or Snpper without two Dishes , & a Glass of Wine , which generally they are furnish'd withall in their own Houses , Taverns being not to be found in so excessive anumber there , as they are with us . When they invite their Friends , their Tables are always thrice fill'd up with variety of Victuals , & Wine is so plentiful among them , that if a Man does not feel the effects of the Feast the next day , he does not think himself well Entertained the day before . I will not undertake here to make an exact Comparison betwixt our and their Markets , since perhaps this Gentleman and his Friends have taken more pains in searching them , than ever I did ; but this is notorious enough , that in Denmark the Beef is exceeding well tasted and very fat , that Veal is proportionably good , ( tho' not so large as here ) and their Hogs-flesh to be compared to any in the World , as also Lambs-flesh and Mutton not to be despised , tho' the latter be not so common among them . Concerning their Poultry we will say nothing in this place , because we shall have occasion to speak something of this hereafter , when we come to our Author 's Remarkable History of the Green-Geese and other wild and tame Fowl. What he says concerning that there are but two Seasons in Denmark , may best be explained by comparing the North Latitude of these Countries with some of ours . The North Latitude then of Denmark being betwixt the Degrees of 54 and 58 lies parallel to all that Tract in our Island , laying betwixt the City of York and the further end of Scotland ; and the City of Copenhagen being situated under the 56 Degrees of Northern Latitude , which is correspondent to that of Edenburgh in Scotland , we may from thence conjecture , That the leaping from extremity of heat to extremity of cold , is not near so fearful as this Gentleman would make us believe , or at least it is not so in all parts of Denmark . The rest of this Chapter is taken up with the Description of Copenhagen , which being the only place this Gentleman has thought worthy of taking particular notice of , yet is described by him so superficially , that besides what he says of the Port and its situation , scarce any thing else has been mentioned of the same . This Author having already shewed himself no great admirer of Universities , I do not much admire at his not so much as naming that of Copenhagen ; but since he seem'd so fond in his Preface , of the Bodily Exercises practised in the Antient Academies , one might justly wonder why he has not mentioned that set up a few years ago at Copenhagen , which as it is greatly encouraged by his present Danish Majesty , in allowing considerable Sallaries and Priviledges to the same ; so all sorts of Exercises , ( besides Foreign Languages and Mathematicks ) are taught in great Perfection . The Change and Arsenal he has just vouchsafed to name , when it is confess'd by all that have taken a right view of the last of these two , that it is one of the finest to be met withall , and is especially much celebrated for that most wonderful Coelestial Globe , which having six foot of Diameter , was once the work of that so much renowned Danish Astronomer , Tycho Brahe ; I will only say thus much concerning Copenhagen , That as its Situation is one of the most Commodious in Europe , as to the Sea-side ; so on the Land-side , it standing upon a Flat , and containing near 9000 Houses , it is encompass'd with a pleasant and delightful Country . The Streets are broad , clean and neat , wherein are Lights kept in the Night-time , and what our Author says , That their Buildings being Cage-work , the intervals of the Timber being fill'd up with Brick , and therefore very mean , is frivolous ; it being obvious enough to any considering Person , that in a Country where Timber is very cheap , and consequently not so sparingly used as here , the Houses so built , are much exceeding for Beauty , our antient way of Plaister-work betwixt Timber , and even surpassing our modern common way of Brick-Buildings , which are so much inferior to those in the Northern parts for strength , that they generally do not stand half so long , tho' it cannot be denied , that ours for Uniformity and Contrivance , excel theirs . And before we leave this Island of Zealand , I cannot but mention also a place called Roshild , some Leagues distant from Copenhagen , formerly an Episcopal See , the Bishops whereof had the Honour of Crowning the Kings of Denmark , and the Cathedral here is famous for the Tombs of a great many Danish Kings , some whereof are very Sumptuous and Magnificent . And tho' it has been Celebrated again in our Age , for the Peace concluded there Anno 1658● betwixt the Two Northern Crowns ; and it also excels our Town of St. Albans : yet the Author has not thought fit to name it to us . And so I will have done with this Island , when I have added this , That besides a great many other Towns not mentioned , it is computed to contain near 350 Villages . The following Chapter treating of the Sound , but more especially of the Toll there at Cronenburgh , whereof the Author has given us a large History , we will pass by , as having nothing much remarkable in it , besides what is mentioned there : and come to the Fourth Chapter , where he treats of the other Islands , and Jutland . Not to insist here upon some Islands , which are left out by our Author , though they are more considerable than some that he has mentioned , we will take them in the same Order as he has set them down in the Treatise ; and thus he speaks concerning Funen : Funen is Second to Zealand , whether its bigness , or the goodness of its Soil be considered : It has plenty of Corn , Hogs , Lakes , and Woods . The chief Town of it is Odensee , a well-seated , and formerly a flourishing little City ; but at present much fallen to decay . This Island produces nothing for the Merchant to export , except some few Horses , the Inhabitants generally consuming their own Commodities , &c. This is the whole Description he has given us concerning this Island ; which being about 190 English Miles in Circumference , and containing above 250 Villages , is situated between Zealand and Jutland ; parted from the first by the great Belt , and from the latter by the little Belt : The chief Town of it was formerly Odensee , a flourishing little City , as this Gentleman says ; but yet much better than St. Albans ; though Nyburgh seems now to be the principal City in this Island : which lying opposite to Corsoer in Zealand , has a capacious and commodious Port , able to harbour a great many stout Ships , beyond the Burden of 200 Tuns ; as have also likewife Swenburgh , Kartemunde , Voburgh , Middelfare , and other considerable Ports here ; from whence good store of Barley is transported into Holland , and a great quantity of Oxen into other Parts : from whence may appear the Vanity of this Author's Assertion in the Second Chapter concerning the Danish Ports , and what he has been willing to perswade us here , That this Island produces nothing for the Merchant to export . The rest of the Islands mentioned by our Author , being of less Consequence ●han the rest , seem not to require any Remarks , unless what may be said as to their Situation , Laland , Falster , and Mo●●en , lying close together , South of Zealand , and only are parted from that Island ●y a very narrow Streight , called Grone●ound : Laland being the biggest of the Three , is also the most fruitful ; the ●hief Town whereof is Naskaw , pretty ●ell fortified , and famous for the long ●esistance it made against the Swedes , ●nno 1659. Monen being but about Thirty English Miles in Circumference , ●id also defend it self better in the same ●ear against the Swedes , than any of the ●igger Islands . Falster lying South West ●om Monen , is celebrated for its Plenty , ●●t more especially for the chief place of ●●e Island , called Nicoping , the great●t , and best built of any place in Den●ark . In Langland the principal Town Rudcoping : Alsen is famous for the ●wo Castles of Norburgh and Sunder●rgh , which have given Titles to Two ●ukes of the same Name ; and the lat●r for holding out against the Attacks of Wrangel , the Swedish General ; so that he was thereby obliged to quit the whole Island . But Amack , says the Author , deserves particularly to be ●● membred : This Island joins closely ●● the City of Copenhagen , from which it●● only separated by a small Arm of the S● which is pass'd over by a Draw-bridge and exceeds in fruitfulness any spot of Ground in Denmark . This Land we●● given many Years ago to several Families of North Hollanders , who were plant●● there to make Butter and Cheese for ●● Court , &c. This Island being the lea●● of all that lie scattered in the Sea , ne●● Zealand , as having but Fifteen or S●teen English Miles in Compass , may w● be called the Store-house of Copenhage● since it furnishes its Markets abundant●● not only with all sorts of good Meat , b● also with Butter , Cheese , Hares , D● mestick Fowls , and all sorts of Kitche● Herbs , and Salleting . There are in● several Villages , and Three or Four P● rish Churches ; One of which is only ●● the Possession of the North Holland●● granted to them above 150 Years ag● by Christiern II. King of Denmark : T●●● other part of the Island being inhabit●● by the Danes , I wonder how our A●thor could fall into this mistake , That this Land was given to the North Hollanders , without so much as mentioning the Danes , who possess'd the greatest part of it , and that in the very sight of Copenhagen . And so taking our leave of these Islands , we must also take into consideration what our Author has told us concerning Jutland ; which though it be a Peninsula , yet he has began to treat of it here in the same Chapter with the Islands . But let us hear his Words : Jutland , part of the ancient Cimbrica Chersonesus , is the biggest part of the Kingdom of Denmark , and may amount to about Two Thirds of the whole . It is divided into Four Stiffts-Ampts , or principal Governments . This is a plentiful Country , abounding more especially in Cat●le : It wants good Sea-Ports towards the Ocean ; notwithstanding which , the Hollanders transport yearly great quantities of ●●ean Cows and Oxen from hence , to their more fertile Soil , &c. The Horse and Swine of this Country are excellen● , and in great quantities . It affords Corn in sufficient quantity for the use of its own People , &c. In short , it is the best Country the King of Denmark is Master of , ●●nd appears to be least declining , because most remote from Copenhagen . Procul ●● Jove , procul à fulmine . Jutland being at this time divided into to North and South Jutland , the Author has given us his Description of the North part of it in this Chapter , reserving the South Part for the next following . North Jutland then is divided into Four Principal Dioceses , or Governments , viz. Alburg , Wiburg , Arhusen , and Ripen , so denominated from the Capital Cities of each Government . And here one might , not without good Reason enquire , why this Gentleman has not vouchsafed to add something more concerning these Part● which he himself calls the biggest of t●● Kingdom of Denmark , and are indeed the most considerable ; since under th● Diocese of Ripen alone , there is reck●●ed to be near 300 Parishes , Seven walled Towns , and Ten Royal Cities : But I am apt to believe , he was unwilling to contradict himself in what he had said in the Second Chapter , That there were no places in Denmark much better than our Town of St. Albans ; neither ●● Sea-Ports capable of harbouring Ships ●● above 200 Tun , except Copenhagen . It will not therefore be amiss to say ●● little of each of these places ; fro● whence may appear how miserably this Gentleman has been mis-led by his grave and sensible Men. And to begin first with Aalburg , which lying most North , is the chief and largest place of this Government , ( unto which it has given the same Name ) approaching in bigness to Copenhagen it self . It has a good Port capable of containing Ships of a much greater Burthen than 200 Tuns , seated on the South-side of a very large Bay , called Limfort . This Bay extends it self all along a great part of the Peninsule , and comprehends within its compass a good large Island , called Mors. The second District or Government lying next to this , Southward , is called Wiburg . The Capital place whereof is of the same Name , situated on a small River , which runs Northward into the above named Bay of Limfort . It is an Episcopal See , and though but an Inland place , the River being scarce navigable ; yet near as big as Aalburg : South of this lies the Government of Aalhuis , likewise so named from its principal City . This place is situated to the South-East of Wiburg , a few Miles above the lesser Belt on the Sea-side , having as commodious a Port as Aalburg , and coming very near to it in bigness . Opposite to this , viz. on the West-side of the Peninsule near 60 English Miles distant is Rinkoping , a most famous Sea-port on the German Ocean . This with some other convenient Ports lying on the West-side of this Peninsule , do contradict manifestly what this Gentleman has been pleased to tell us in this Chapter , that it wants good Sea-ports towards the Ocean , as the above-mentioned Cities do shew the Vanity of what he pretended to perswade us in the second Chapter , concerning the want of Sea-ports in Denmark , and that no place here were better than our Town of St. Albans . The fourth and last of these Northern Dioceses , is called Ripen , it is the largest of these four ; its Capital City is called likewise Ripen , being an Episcopal See , situated on the West-side of the Peninsule , near the German Ocean , being defended by a well fortified Castle . Among other Towns here is a place called Fredericks Ode , deserves to be taken particular notice of . This though well fortified to the Land side , and provided with Pallisado's near the Sea-side ; yet was surprized Anno 1657. by the Swe●sh General Wrangel , who , with his Men in the Night-time , beating down the Pallisado's , and passing through the Waters , took it by storm ; where above 2000 were slain , and 2000 taken Prisoners , besides Officers , and a great store of Ammunition and Plunder . A few Miles from this place is also a good Sea-port called Colding , with a strongly fortified Castle called Arnsburg , where is paid the Toll for the Horses and Oxen , which pass this way for Germany in great Quantities ; so that it is a manifest Errour in our Author , when he says , that only lean Cows and Oxen are transported from this Peninsule to Holland ; since besides these a prodigious Number of fat Oxen , very good Horses , and the best Hogs are sent from hence by Land into Germany , and a considerable Quantity of Corn and Fish , is from the above-mentioned Ports transported into Holland , and other adjacent Countries . The reason this Gentleman has been pleased to give , why Jutland appears least declining , because most remote from Copenhagen , as it favours a little of Malice , so it may perhaps take with some inconsidering Persons . But to the more judicious it will be evident enough ; that , if this point of its appearing least declining should be granted ; which however it is not , since near Copenhagen , the Country appears in as good a Condition as here ; yet the difference arises chiefly from thence , what our Author had said a little before , That this is a plentiful Country , abounding more especially with Cattle ; to which I will add , that it has also convenient Ports , and abounds with more Commodities for Exportation . And that this is the true Cause of its appearing least declining , may be gathered out of the Authors own Words in this very Chapter ; where he says , The Land is more fertile near the Seac●oasts , the Inland being full of Heaths , Lakes and Woods : and truly in these places , Jutland makes no better appearance than Zealand . I could also assign this for one reason among others , that the Peasants in general here , being not Vassals to the Nobility as they are in Zealand , might contribute much to this Appearance ; but as the first is most evident , so I think it may convince all unbyass'd and judicious Persons , how impartial this Gentleman has been in his pretended Account of Denmark . In the V. Chapter , which he entitles , Of the rest of the King of Denmark's Territories ; he begins with the Dútchy of Sleswick thus : The Dutchy of Sleswick is in general a very good Country ; It s convenient Situations between two Seas , the Ocean and the Baltick , rendring it considerable for Trade ; although the natural Commodities fit for Exportation , are in no great Quantity . Some Cor● , Cattle , Horses and Wood for firing , it affords to its Neighbours , over and above a sufficient store of each for its own Inhabitants . It is divided between the King and the Duke of Holstein . The principal Town , which gives name to the Dutchy , belongs to the Duke of Holstein , who resides near it in his Pallace of Gottorp , &c. This is all that this Gentleman has thought fit to afford us concerning the Dutchy of Sleswick ; which being the South-part of Jutland , comprehends a large and fruitful Tract of ground , adorned with a great many fair Cities , and commodious Sea ports ; whereas he hath taken up more with the Description of the Resident place of the Duke of Holstein Gottorp ; which as it does not belong to the King of Denmark's Dominions ; so it is much inferiour ( though else a very fine Seat ) to some of the King of Denmark's , which either are not mentioned at all by the Author , or else represented much less advantageous . It must needs be a great Wonder to any Body that knows these Countries , how he should make a Digression to describe the Residence of the Duke of Holstein Gottorp , and neglect to remember here a goodly Town , called Hadersleben , situated in the same Dukedom near the Baltick , and beautified with the fair Castle of Hansburg , begun to be built by John the Eldest Son of Christiern I , and finished by Frederick II. this present King● of Denmark's great Grandfather . Not to mention here Apenrade and Tondern ; the first whereof lies on the Baltick , as the Second is situated near the German Ocean ; certainly the Town of Flensbourgh with its Castle , might have deserved to be remembred as well as Gottorp , except he was afraid of contradicting what he said before concerning the want of Harbours in Denmark , which were capable of harbouring a Ship of 200 Tuns ; it being notorious that this place situated on a Bay of the Baltick Sea , called Hever Bay , has so deep and commodious a Port , that it not only receives Ships of a far greater Burthen ; but also the same lye up close to the Houses almost every where , as they do at Wapping , and other adjacent parts of the Thames . It would , I think , not have been amiss to have described here , that Tract of Ground , which lying betwixt Sleswick and Flensburgh , goes to this Day by the Name of Anglen ; and the Inhabitants of it are called Engel Saxen ; who being esteemed the Remnants of one of those three Nations , that setled here , this Kingdom has particularly derived its Name from them . The River Eyder also , which divides the Dukedoms of Sleswick , and Holstein , ought not to have been forgot , since it was the ancient Boundary betwixt the Saxons and Danes . And since this Gentleman is so strangely taken in the next Chapter with the ancient Goths , I cannot devise why he should not have remembred a piece of Work of their Posterity extant in this Country , somewhat resembling that ancient Roman Work in our Island , called Picts-wall . This is a long Trench and Wall which was built about the Year 809 , in the Times of the Emperour Charles the Great , by Gotricus , then King of Denmark , to hinder the Incursions of the Saxons . The Tract of this Work is easily to be seen yet in a great many places within a few Miles South of Sleswick , and is by the Inhabitants called Danewark to this Day , and reported , that it did reach from the one Sea to the other . These matters , as also a great many others , having a near relation to our ancient times , the Author did either think not worth mentioning ; or else those grave Men who instructed him , were not so sensible as he describes them in his first Chapter . But it is time also to see what he says concerning Holstein , these are among others his Words . The Country , ( meaning Holstein ) is very fruitful and pleasant , excellently well seated for Trade , lying between the two Seas , and having the advantage of the Neighbourhood of the River Elbe , and of Hamburgh , &c. Stormar and Ditmarsh , he says , lie the nearest to the River Elbe , and are for the most part low and rich Countries ; the soil being fat , and in many places resembling Holland , as well in its fertility , as manner of improvement , &c. This is all the Account the Author gives us of Holstein , ( besides what he says of its being divided into several Branches ) which Country , considering the ancientness and number of its Nobility , the variety and fertility of Ground , number and consequence of its Cities and Towns , would have deserved also a more particular Description : But since he has told us in the First Chapter , That he did include in this Account the Dutchy of Sleswick , as part of Denmark , but not the Dutchy of Holstein ; because the former was a F●ef of that Crown , the latter of the Empire ; and our Remarks being limited by the Account he has given of Denmark , we will only add , That Holstein being divided into Four Principal Parts , viz. Ditmarsen , Holstein , properly so called , Stormar , and Wageren , the Author has not mentioned the last of all , though that famous City of Lubeck lies in the same , as that of Hamburg is situated in Stormaren ; each of which would deserve a particular Description , if the Nature and Bounds of these Remarks would permit us to undertake it . What he has said concerning the Country of Oldenburgh , is not much to be said to , only to remember , that it is not only that sort of Cream-coloured . Coach-Horses he speaks of , that abound there ; but that there is also in that Country so excellent a breed of all sorts of Horses , introduced some Years ago by Anthony Gunter , the last Count of Oldenburgh , that I much question , whether the like , both in number and quality● can be found in Europe in so small a spot of Ground . Concerning Norway , the Author having given a pretty regular account , we will say no more of it , but that it is not destitute of Corn ; since Tellemarch , Hemarch , and Gouldbrands Daal , afford considerable Quantities of Corn. The like is also to be found about Druntheim ; and when I have once more put him in mind that the City of Bergen in Norway is one of those which are much better than our Town of St. Albans , and is capable of harbouring Ships of a much greater Burthen than 200 Tuns : I will take my leave of him as far as he describes the Territories of Denmark ; and go on to the following Chapters , where he treats of the Form of Government , and other Matters . Yet , before I conclude , I cannot but mention here , that as , out of what has been said in these Remarks upon the foregoing Chapters , it is evident● that Denmark is generally a fertile Country , abounding in Corn , and pasture grounds for the feeding of Oxen , and Horses , of both which kind prodigious quantities are sent yearly into Germany and other parts ; that their Forrests and Woods feed innumerable Herds of Swine of the best kind , so I cannot sufficiently admire with what confidence this Gentleman can conclude this Chapter with these words ; producing ( meaning D●nmark in general ) but few Commodities for the Merchant . But it is time to supersede to say any thing farther of this point , and to see what he says in the VI. Chapter , concerning their Form of Government , his words are these , The Antient Form of Government ●ere , was the same which the Goths and Vandals Established in most , if not all parts of Europe , whither they carried their Conquests , and which in England is retained to this day for the most part . 'T is said of the Romans , that those Provinces which they Conquered , were amply recompenced for the loss of their Liberty , by being duced from their Barbarity to Civility ; by the introduction of Arts , Learning , Commerce & Politness . I know not whether this way of arguing have not more of Pomp than Truth in it ; but with much greater reason may it be said , that all Europe was beholding to these People for introducing or restoring a Constitution of Government far excelling all others , that we know of in the World. 'T is to the Antient Inhabitants of these Countries , with other Neighbouring Provinces , that we owe the original of Parliaments , formerly so common , but lost within this last Age , in all Kingdoms , but those of Poland , Great Britain , and Ireland . And in the Preface he speaks to the same purpose ; which we will consider in this place , because it explains what he has said just now . These are his words , All Europe was in a manner a free Country till very lately , in so much that the Europeans were , and still are distinguished in the Eastern parts of the World , by the name of Franks In the beginning small Territories or Congregations of People , chose Valiant and Wise Men to be their Captains or Judges , and as often depased them upon mismanagement These ●● Captains doing their Duty well and faithfully ) were the Originals of all our Kings and Princes , which at first , and for a long time , were every where Elective . According to their own Warlike temper , or that of the People which they Governed , they ( upon the score of Revenge , Ambition , or being overthrowing with multitudes at home ) encroached upon their Neighbours , till from petty Principalities , their Countries waxed to mighty Kingdoms . Spain alone consisting of twelve or thirteen till 'tother day , and one part of our Island of no less than seven : Each of these was at first , made through an Union of many petty Lordships . Italy from several small Commonwealths was at length swallowed up by the Emperors , Popes , Kings of Spain , Dukes of Florence , and other lesser Tyrants . Yet 't is to be remarked , that the Antient States of Europe is best preserved in Italy , even to this day , notwithstanding the Encroachments which have been there made on the Peoples Liberties ; of which one reason may be , that the Republicks which are more in Number and Quality in that spot of ground , than in all Europe besides , keep their Ecclesiasticks within their due bounds , and make use of that Natural Wit which Providence and a happy Climate has given them , to curb those , who if they had Power , would curb all the World. Every one ought to know how great the Rights of the People were very lately in the Elective Kingdoms of Sweeden and Denmark ; how Germany was freer than any other part of Europe , till at length 't was Lorded by Captains which in process of time grew Princes and Electors , and by Bishops with Temporal Authority , who may thank Charles the Great , ( a bigotted Prince ) for the double Sword of Flesh and Spirit . In this Passage , the Author pretends to give us an Account of the Origine , Growth , and Alterations of Government , he pretends give us a short History of the Goths , Vandals , Germans , Spaniards , Italians ; nay , even English , Sweeds , Danes and Poles , and all this in a few Pages , which great Authors before in whole Volumes , have scarce been able to effect to the purpose : But that which is most pleasant , is , that he having entangled himself among his Antient Goths and Vandals , and their most admirable Constitutions , has not given himself leisure to look rightly into our latter times , else he could scarce have fallen into such a Paradox as to affirm , That in Italy the Republicks are more in Number & Quality , than in all Europe besides . When I did read these words to some Gentlemen , who had Travelled in those as well as other parts of Europe , and were come to pass a little time in the Country , they did cry out aloud , risum teneatis amici ; and I remember that a certain Myn Heer , who seem'd to be well vers'd in those Countries , could not forbear saying , according to his Native blunt way , That surely this Gentleman must not have seen much of Europe , or else have slept by day , and never Travell'd but by night ; since if he had but walk'd through the streets of Amsterdam in the day time , and considered with what vast Charges that City had been built , the stupendiousness and vastness of its Fortifications , which together with a large Mote all Brick'd round , comprehended above 1000 Acres of Ground , the Magnificence and Regularity of the Houses and Garden ; in and about that City ; as also that prodigious number of Shipping of all sorts , which was obvious enough to every Body's Eye , he might from thence have taken an occasion to inquire better into the Power and Wealth of this Commonwealth , before he had made this Assertion concerning his Italian Republicks . He ought , said the Amsterdamer ( for so I understood afterwards he was ) have cast his Eyes upon the two Jews Synagogues at Amsterdam , whereof one is far exceeding , not only those at Rome and Venice , but also all the rest in Europe ; he ought to have look'd upon that famous Stadthuyse there , with the large Magazin of Arms by it ; upon those most excellent Statues a top of it , especially that of Atlas bearing upon his Shoulders the Globe which holds 30 Barrels of Water : He ought to have view'd the extraordinariness of the Globes Coelestial and Terrestial , laid in the Floor of the Great Hall , together with the rest of the Rarities of Pictures , Carved Works and Marble Statues there : He ought to have made an exact Observation concerning the great Number and Splendor of their Alms Houses in this City , which being like Princes Palaces , maintain 20000 Poor per diem ; as also the Multitude , Largeness , and Magnificense of their Bridges and Channels , which are to be found in every street , and fac'd every where with Brick and Square Stone-work , and other innumerable advantages which this City enjoys , and are all acquired with vast Charges and great Industry ; and then he would easily have been able to find out , that if Venice boasts of its Channels which divide , and Bridges which unite their City ; if Genova is proud of her Magnificent Buildings , Amsterdam surpasses the first , and is not behind hand with the latter in either kind ; But , said he , if this Author have made a due enquiry and have been instructed , that Amsterdam is the Magazeen of Europe for Corn and Spices , the latter of which the Venetians formerly brought by Land through AEgypt , that it has a inconceivable store of all manner of Provisions for War , and more store of saw'd and prepar'd Timber for Shipping , than can be found in any one Nation besides in the World ; how it has the vastest Magazeens of Marbles whereof Versails it self has been built ; how it is the Emperor's Staple of Quick-silver , and that from hence , not only Spain , but also almost whole Europe and the Indias are furnished ; if he had been duly informed , what vast quantities of Wines , Brandies , Hemp , Pitch and Tar are to be found here , besides the prodigious Stores for Shipping which are laid up in the Admiralty and East-India Houses , and are almost incredible to be related ; how great a share Amsterdam bears in the Charges of such a War as the United Provinces now wage with the rest of the Confedrates against France ; and how at last the Bank of Amsterdam is the most considerable in Europe , and the World , and so much surpassing both these of Venice and Genoua ( the only two Commonwealths now in Italy , worth mentioning ) that these of Amsterdam writes more in one day , than these of Venice and Genoua together do in two : He might from thence have easily been convinced concerning the Vanity of his Supposition . The whole Company cou'd not forbear smiling at the eagerness , wherein this Gentleman had represented the advantages of his Native place , when it was objected to him by one , who particularly well seem'd to understand the Italian Commonwealths : That it was scarce to be deny'd , but that Amsterdam alone , for Wealth and Trade , did surpass all the Commonwealths in Italy , yet that he had not consider'd what large Possessions the Venetians had on the Terra firma , and in the Morea , besides what belongs to them in Candia and Dalmatia , and what a considerable Tract of Ground were in the Possession of the Genueses , all along the Sea side about that City , to all which Amsterdam could not pretend to , as having very small Territories belonging to it . The Amsterdammer was a little startled at this unexpected Objection , but quickly recollecting himself , he answer'd , That the Wealth of Amsterdam was such as to be able to purchase the Territories of all the Italian Commonwealths whatsoever . And said he , since this may seem a hard saying in the Opinion of some , who have not been so inquisitive in this matter , I will shew you another Common-wealth within the Commonwealth of the United Provinces , and whose chief strength is lodged within the City of Amsterdam , which easily may be proved to exceed all the Commonwealths of Italy together , in Trade , Strength , and extent of its Territories , and this is the East India Company in Holland . This is easie to be believed by these who will consider , said he , what vast and rich Possessions this Company has in the Island of Java , where in the Capital City called Batava , Built and Fortified after the manner of Amsterdam , the General of the Indies lives like a Prince attended with his Horse and Foot-Guards , and assisted by his Councellors ; what a vast Trade it has in Japan , China , the Isles of Sumatra and Bengala , in the two latter of which the Company has also here Lodges and vast Store-Houses , as he has likewise on the Coast of Malabar , and Cormandel , and in the Countries of the Great Mogul and King of Galcanda . How in the Molucca and Banda Islands she is almost become Master of all , as in the rich Island of Zealon , she has all the plain Country under her Jurisdiction , having obliged the Emperor to live in the Mountains , while she is possessed of Colomba and other Garisons there . These places being maintained by 30000 Men and 200 great Ships , whereof 50 are Capital ones , which are in constant Pay of the Commonwealths , of the East Indias and Transport yearly such prodigious Riches from those parts into the six Chambers of Amsterdam , Zealand , Delph , Roterdam , Horne , and Enckhuysen , from whence they are dispersed again through whole Europe ; I will , said the Gentleman , leave it to the Judgment of Understanding Men in this matter , whether all the Common-wealths of Italy put together , can produce any thing like it . All the Company was much delighted to hear with what dexterity this Gentleman pleaded the Cause of his Native Country , unto whom I replied , That since it was obvious enough that the Strength and Power of all the Republicks that are now adays in Italy , was in no ways to be compared with Holland ; I could not but be of Opinion , that what our Author had said concerning the Quality of these Republicks , was meant concerning their Policy , and , when the Amsterdammer , interrupting me , answered , That , tho' he saw me willing to help , as the saying was , A lame Dog over the Stile , yet if I would but look upon the Author's passage where the words , more in Number and Quality were joyned together , I might easily find what his meaning were , and that one was as extravagant as the other . For , said he , what is more evident to any judicious Traveller , than the great difference there is betwixt the number of Republicks in Italy and betwixt the rest of Europe . Not to speak of the seven United Provinces , which are each of them a separate Commonwealth , but joyned by a mutual Confederacy ; are not the Switz Cantons and other Commonwealths sufficiently known to out-number all the Republicks in Italy , and to possess great Territories ? What Traveller can be so ignorant as not to have heard or seen , that considerable number of Commonwealths , which are remaining to this day in Germany only , is Venice , Genoua , Lucca , and one or two more not worth mentioning , equal in number to all these . And if we should add that Bologna which retains somlething of its Antient Freedom under the Jurisdiction of the Pope ; and that of Vinzenza under the Government of the Venetians ; nay , even the three small Leagues of the Grisons , laying on the utmost Borders of Italy , all these will not amount to the number alone of the Commonwealths now in being in Germany . This may be easily computed if we remember but the chiefest of them ; as Hamborough , Bremen , Lubeck , Embden , Frankford , on the Mayn , Cologne , Worms , Ratisbon , Augsburgh , Eger , Nurenburg , Ulm , Oppenheimb , Nordlinger , and the greatest part of the two Circles of Suabia , and Franconia , besides others ; and considering that Hamborough Nurenburg , Collen , Frankford and Bremen , come very near in bigness even to the best Commonwealth in Italy ; that the Bank of Hamborough comes next to those of Venice and Genoua , and surpasses either of them in Trade and Shipping ; that Bremen and others come very to them in Trade now ; and what great Territorie some of them possess ; it is evident enough that if our Author , instead of Europe , had but said Germany , yet it would have been taken for a Rodomontado by all Travellers , especially those who have made a due comparison betwixt the Frontier Places and Garisons of the Venetians , and the vast Fortifications and considerable Forces . which are maintained by these abovementioned Commonwealths in Germany . But at last , said the Dutchmen , supposing I should be willing , according to your opinion , to apply the Author's word Quality to the Policy of the Common-wealths of Italy , in comparison of all the rest in Europe , who is so ignorant , as not to know that a great many of them enjoy a much greater share of Liberty ( as being democratical ) than any of his Italian Republicks ; and tho' some of the Swiz Cantons have modell'd their Government some what according to the Venetians ; yet some in Germany , & especially the Seven United Provinces , tho' Aristocratical do enjoy a so much higher Degree of Liberty before the Venetian Subjects , generally speaking , that if in those parts the Countryman should be a Vassal to his Baron or Lord , the Gentlemen should be squeez'd continually , and oppress'd by one Podesta or another ; and in general , the Nobility again in constant fear of an Inquisition , they would not like to change theirs with the Venetians ; and I believe that all our Author's Rhetorick would not be sufficient to perswade them ; but that their new way of living free were much to be preferred before his antient Gothick way of Governing . But it is time to break off this Dialogue , and to consider what our Author further says concerning the antient Goths and Vandals , whom he makes the Fundators of that sort of Government in Europe , as is now , for the most part retained in England , and says , That we owe the Originals of Parliaments to them . I know not whether this Assertion have not more pomp than truth in it , ( to make use of his own words , which he has given us concerning the Romans ) since , if we look rightly into the Matter , the Government of these Nations when they at first extended their Conquests over Spain , Africa and Italy , as the Franks did over France , and the Saxons over England , being wholly adapted to Military Enterprizes ; there was , it 's true , commonly a General chosen by the Army , and the Heads of the same were admitted to all Debates ; yet was it in no ways to be compared with what of latter years has been called a Parliament , If we peruse what the antient Authors have left us concerning their way of Government at home we may conjecture what it was abroad . Considering then the most antient way or custom of these People ( which were Germans ) It is manifest enough , That they were divided in a great number of Commonwealths , whereof each had one whom they called sometimes a King , sometimes a Duke ; These being again subdivided in Petty Governments a had their Heads , to whom they paid some sort of Respect at pleasure . At home Matters of no great Concerns were debated , and adjusted by the Chief or Heads b but those of moment the whole Body of the People consulted about , and determined even as far as Capital Matters went. As one of these Common-wealths was rarely in a Condition to undertake any foreign War ; so the same was always begun with the joynt Consent of such as intended to engage themselves in the same ; when a General ( without regard to his Nobility sometimes ) c was chosen , who with the Advice of the Heads of those several Commonwealths , that were partakers of the Troubles and Dangers of the War was fain to act rather precariously than with Authority . And considering that Cities , nay , even Villages were unknown to them d that they changed their Habitations as often as they found an opportunity , or dislik'd the former ; that their Fences were hor , rible Forests , and impassable Mountains and inaccessible Moores ; what wonder if their Custom of Governing ( for Laws they had none ) were according their wild Inclinations , and Savage Habitations . But to deduce the Orginals of Parliaments , used in the best regulated , Governments of Europe from the Barbarous and Irregular Conventions of a Savage People ; when we may have them from better Hands , I must confess , is a way that savours a little to much of a conceit of unknown Antiquity . I see no reason why wemight not with the same Right , or perhaps more affirm that the Cosarcks upon the Frontiers of Poland ; the Rascians in Bosnia , and Morlacks in Dalmatia have their Parliaments , since it is certain they are as free as ever the Germans were , and have their way of consulting together under their Heads as well , and that more orderly than those had in antient times . Nevertheless it can scarce be denied , but that Spain and France , which were the first places whither those barbarous Nations extended their Conquests , have been very Instrumental in first shewing to the other Nations in Europe the Parliamentary way . These two Nations being a great deal sooner and more known to the Romans than the Germans , we have receiv'd a more perfect and authentick Account concerning them ; And as they were sooner and better Civiliz'd than the Germans in those Times , so their Government was more regular , and coming a great deal nearer to these most excellent Conventions , afterwards called Parliaments . The Spaniards were , it 's true , divided into a great many Commonwealths , or separate Governments ; but these were more Aristocratical than Democratical , having sometimes their petty Kings , Princes or Senate ; and as they had a great many well fortified Cities , Towns and Sea-ports ; so had the most Civilized Provinces their Capital Cities , where the Prince that governed the rest , together with their Principals did reside , and had a great , though limited Power over them . Of this is a very remarkable Instance related by Livy : from whence may be conjectured in how great a Veneration the Name and Authority of Kings was among these People , when they would have proclaimed Scipio a King ; which he refusing , says the Historian , they were surprised how he could refuse the highest Degree of Dignity , which all the rest of Mortals were so covetous of . The ancient Gauls , adjoining on one side to Spain , as they were not unacquainted with the Spaniards , serving sometimes there under the Carthaginians , sometimes under the Romans , and having even extended their Conquest thither , as may be seen by the Celtiberians , who came out of France into Spain ; so they had questionless a great part of their Policy from thence , it being evident that they had their Kings , Princes , Senate and Nobility , who did Command over such several distinct . Commonwealths , as they were divided into : And as they , according to the Method of the Spaniards , had their well regulated Councils , consisting of their principal Men , so they had their fortified Towns , where their Kings , Princes and Magistrates generally resided , who had a Power much beyond what was usual then in Germany , nay , even of Life and Death , and were not depending on the Popularicy , but some of them according to their Laws and Constitutions , were Hereditary : How much more polish'd these People were than the Germans , and how much more regular their Councils ; Caesar has a left us a notable Instance concerning the Helvetians in his Commentaries ; Where he tells us , That after the Defeat of the Helvetians , there was a Register found written in the Grecian Tongue in their Camp , wherein was contained a most exact Account of the Names and Number of such , as according to the Agreement of the Grand Council of the several Helvetian Commonwealths , were come to settle themselves in those parts of France , where they were defeated by Caesar. b And much to the same purpose he speaks afterwards concerning those People in France , which were then called Belgae , and inhabited those parts of the Netherlands , Normandy and Picardy , which are opposite to our shoar , though at the same time he reckons them the least civiliz'd of all the French. Any body that will take the pains duly to compare what Caesar , Livy and Tacitus have left behind them concerning the ancient Spaniards , French and Germans , will soon be convinc'd , how far the well regulated Policy of the two former in their Cities and Councils exceeded those confused Meetings of the Germans , without Order or Command ; and which of these may justly claim that Prerogative of having been the Original of these Conventions of the States since called Parliaments . What some object , that these Nations being subdu'd by the Romans , had before the Germans came thither , lost together with their Liberty , their ancient Constitutions of Government , is very insignificant ; Since it may easily be proved , that , as all of them did not lose their Liberty , so they retain'd their Constitutions . Who can be ignorant that a great many Commonwealths , both in Spain and France , were not Conquer'd by the Romans ; but were receiv'd as Allies , and proved very instrumental in subduing the rest ? c And yet among these also that were subdu'd , it was a common Custom among the Romans to let them enjoy their Laws , and even to confirm their Kings and Princes . Caesar call'd the French that inhabited the Neighbouring Provinces of the Rhine , the Allies of the Romans ; and said that France , according to the Decree of the Senate , ought to enjoy its Liberty and Laws d . And when he afterwards returned the second time out of Britanny : and had occasion to lay his Army into Winter quarters among the Belgas or Armoricans , subdu'd by him before , he call'd a general Council together of these several Common-wealths , where he intended to divide his Forces into Winter quarters : e And that some of these Common-wealths retain'd their Liberty and Constitutions about 150 Years after Caesar's time ; Tacitus has left as a particular Observation concerning some of them , that lived near the Rhine . It would be too tedious to relate all that the Ancients have left behind them in their Monuments concerning this Point ; out of what has been said , I think , it may easily be seen , that , as the Constitution of Government among the ancient Spaniards and French , ( being composed out of their Kings , the Nobility and principal Men of the Cities , ) did come a great deal nearer to the Parliamentary way of consulting in latter Times , than the irregular Proceedings of the Germans in those times ; So those that will throughly peruse the ancient Histories , will be sufficiently convinc'd , that the same Form of Government was never extinguish'd in all parts of those Kingdoms , but preserved even till the time , when the Goths , Vandals , Suevians , Franks , and others , setled themselves in those parts ; So that it may be said , that we owe the first Rudiments of Governing by consent of the Estates to those Countries , which were Conquered afterwards by the Germans , but that the same should have been establish'd by them , when they were so many hundred Years before in use there , is , what scarce any body , who is not prepossessed with the conceit of a Gothick and tumultuous sort of Goverment , will assert . And here , if we should enquire into the Originals of Princes and Kings , ( which our Author pretends to have done in a few Lines ) at several Times and Places , we should be obliged to go much beyond the design of these Remarks , since to understanding Men it is apparent enough , that if the Author 's whole Book , had been employed upon that Point only , it would not have been sufficient so much as to touch the chief Heads of so ample a Subject . I will only say , that I cannot sufficiently admire , why this Gentleman is so mightily taken with these Times , when Spain and England were divided , the first into thirteen , and the latter into seven or more peculiar Governments , considering that they were perhaps the worst of Times ever these Countries saw ; neither could any lasting Peace be setled , till instead of the same , one Head had the Management of the whole Body . But before we leave this Subject , we must say something concerning Germany and Sweden : For every one ought to know , says he , how great the Rights of the People were very lately in the Elective Kingdoms of Sweden and Denmark : If every one ought to know , he might have said a little more of it , since else few will know it for him . What clear a Notion this Gentleman has concerning Elective Kingdoms , will better appear hereafter , when we shall have occasion to treat upon the Question , Whither the Kingdom of Denmark has been Hereditary or Elective ; But as for the Rights of the People in Sweden , why they should so much vary from the same , that they were lately , he would have done well to have explained a little . I am not ignorant , that the Wings of the Nobility , that composed formerly the Senate there , have been considerably clipt , and that about fifteen or sixteen Years ago , when that Kingdom during the Minority of this present King , was partly through Mismanagement , partly through the War with the Empire and Denmark , miserably exhausted ; the Estates then , finding themselves not in a Capacity to restore matters without extraordinary Subsidies , which could not easily be levied upon the Subjects , did then advise the King , to oblige such of his Subjects as had by the Profuseness of some of his Predecessors , or other means , acquired to themselves vast Estates and other Advantages belonging to the Crown , to restore the same , which was executed accordingly ; some of the chiefest profering the same voluntarily , the rest being obliged to follow their Example . As by these means the King was enabled to restore the decayed State of the Militia and Army ; so it is not to be denied , but that his Revenues were greatly encreased , as well as his Power ; yet is from hence not necessarily to be concluded , that the Rights of the People are lost , since the four Estates of the Nobility , Clergy , Citizens and Peasants , have thereby not surrendred any thing of their Native Rights , tho perhaps some particular Persons have felt the smart of it . Germany was freer than any other part of Europe , says our Author , but he ought to have remembred that this was in those days when every body being his own Master , there , they liv'd more like the Tartars do now , than like any of the rest of the Europeans ; And if they had continued in that so much admired State of Liberty , I am apt to believe Germany would not have come into that flourishing Condition it has been in since . If it was for my purpose here to enlarge me self upon this matter , I could shew easie enough , that these , whom our Author calls Captains , Princes , Electors , Bishops , &c. were the first Restorers of the Liberty of Germany ; that they were the Founders of its Greatness , and Upholders of the same after this Country was Conquered by Charles the Great . I could shew him , that there were the Bishops in Germany before the times of Charles the Great , and that those instituted by him , for all their double Sword of Flesh and Spirit , have not been armed sufficiently so to subdue the Germans , but that in the most parts the ancient Liberty has been preserv'd under their Jurisdiction , and some have been able to find ways to free themselves quite from it . And thus much I will only say in the Vindication of Charles the Great ; As he has laid the Foundation of what Germany is now ( whom our Author makes bold to call bigotted ) that as able Headpieces as this Gentleman , and these some what better versed in the German Constitutions than he can pretend to , have so greatly approved of the Methods that that Great Emperor took in uniting so vast a Country both in Laws and Religion , that his vain and confident Assertions will prove ridiculous to all , who have had any true insight into the Affairs of Germany . I must add something more concerning Poland , which he says , is the only Kingdom besides this Island and Ireland , where Parliaments are not lost , to shew what sort of Parliament is to be found there , that so every body may be able to judge how far the Polish Parliaments do differ from the English , both in their Proceedings and fundamental Constitutions . It is therefore to be known , that there are but two sorts of People ( besides the King ) in Poland , that can justly be said to have a Share in the Government , viz. the Clergy and Nobility ; The Citizens and Peasants being totally excluded from the same , and being for the most part subjected either to the Clergy or the Nobility , the fewest to the King. And though the Cities in the Regal Prussia enjoy a greater share of Freedom , as having their own Constitutions , and sending their Deputies to the Dyet ; yet is their Number so inconsiderable , in comparison of the rest , that it scarce comes into Consideration . The King 's chief Advantage is , That he has a considerable Revenue allow'd him , and has the choosing of all the Officers , both Civil and Military ; but the Great Officers , especially those who by their Places are Members of the Senate of the Kingdom , as also all the Senators , have their Offices granted them ad Vitam ; so that when once put in Possession of the same , they have not any Dependance further from the King. The two Archbishops , and other Bishops , as they owe their Promotion chiefly to the Pope , ( though they are nominated by the King ) and are exempted from the King's Jurisdiction ; so they having vast Possessions , which depend only from them , have therefore a great , if not the greatest Sway in the Senate of the Kingdom . But both the Spiritual Lords , as also the rest of the Nobles who compose the Senate , having the Places of the best Profit in their Possession , and maintaining in their Palaces a great many of the poorer sort of Nobility , become thereby so powerful , that it may justly be said , that these are the chief Governours of the Realm , since the King cannot do any Publick Matter of Moment without them , as being by their Constitution his constant Advisers and Directors ; the Deputies of the Provinces ( who are chosen by the Nobility ) being only called together when Matters of the highest Moment are to be consulted , or concluded . These were , in former Times , never to meet , but in case of agreeing to a new Tax , resolved before-hand in the Senate ; but within these Hundred Years , or thereabouts , their Power is so much increased , that they claim a Right to be consulted with in all Publick Matters of great Moment . The Senate of the Kingdom , which is the constant Council of the King , the Members whereof , as I have said , are constituted by the King ad Vitam , consists first of the two Archbishops of the Kingdom , of whom the Archbishop of Guiesen is Primate of Poland , having the Power of Administring the Kingdom in Absence or in case of the Death of the King : After these are the Bishops , and some Abbots , Thirty Four Governours of Provinces called Palatines , Eighty Three Governours of Castles , or Deputy-Lieutenants of the Palatines called Castellans , and Ten of the Great Officers of State , who are in all computed to amount to near an Hundred and Fifty in Number . And are always chosen out of the Nobility ; The Clergy among these , though the least in Number , yet having more Possessions than both the King and Nobility , and in no ways depending on them , has the greatest Sway ; and the two Chancellors and Vicechancellors also a great Power of Signing and Dispatching Things without the King's consent , and refusing also his Orders , if they do not think convenient to obey them , Three of these Four being generally Ecclesiasticks . When with their Advice , the King has resolved to call together the Dyet , he orders a Convention of all the Nobility to be had in every particular Diocese or Government , at a certain Time and customary Place ; where being convened , the Palatine , Castellans , and other Senators , having explained to them the Reasons why the King intended to call a Dyet , and what Time the same was to be held , the Nobility of each Diocese , after Prayers finish'd , choose their Deputies ; to whom they give Instructions concerning the Propositions made to them by the Senators , though sometimes they also allow them a larger Authority , which however expires with one and the same Dyet , which is not to last above Six Weeks , and seldom continued much longer . These particular Conventions being over , there are two more Conventions to be held , which they call General Conventions , one whereof is always in Great Poland , the other in Little Poland ; in which two Places , all the Deputies , and such of the Nobility as are pleased to come , being again Convened at a certain Time , they there confer together concerning the Propositions made by the King , and what Instructions they have received thereupon from their several Provinces . Thus prepared they come to the Dyet , where the Senate being seated in a Theatre , the Deputies and Clerks standing by , the Chancellor or Vice-Chancellor proposes in the Name of the King such Matters as they are to consult upon . This done , the Archbishops and Bishops , and so all the rest of the Senate , having given their Votes , the Deputies ask Leave from the King to withdraw , and to consult concerning the Propositions made to them . Their Consultation being over , they repair again to the Senate ; and having given their Opinion concerning the Business in Agitation , they also propose such Matters as they think fit to be consulted about : Which Matters being agreed unto by common Consent of the Senate and Deputies , the King gives his Consent last of all ; which done , it has the Force of a Decree of the Dyet . But if one of the Deputies makes his Protestation against any Thing , as done in Prejudice of the Liberties and Prerogatives of the Nobility , or the Constitutions of the Kingdom , the whole Proceeding becomes thereby void , and of no Force . From hence may be collected , what Difference there is betwixt the Dyets in Poland and our Meeting of Parliaments , as well in their Fundamental Constitutions , as Manner of Proceedings . And if we consider how all the Cities and Commons in Poland ( except the City of Cracaw , and a few more in Prussia ) are excluded not only from the Dyet , but also all Places of Note , nay that even in the most of them the Magistracy and whole Corporations are depending on either the Clergy or Nobility ; and what prodigious Prerogatives● they have acquired to themselves ; as by Example , That a Noble-man Killing a Commoner , shall pay but a small Fine ; but if a Commoner Kills a Noble-man , it shall be Capital : That a Malefactor being a Noble-man , and taken in the Fact , shall not be judged by the Magistrates of that City or Corporation where he is taken : That the Bishops , as well as other Noble-men , have their Strong Castles , Garrison'd by themselves ; and a great many the like , of dangerous Consequence : These , I say , duely considered by an English-man , will , I am apt to believe , put him very much out of Conceit of Polish Parliaments ; and both the King , as also the Cities , Corporations , and Commons of England , will have but little Reason to thank this Gentleman for his comparing the same with ours ; especially since he might have found out other Countries , and that nearer at hand , where the Meeting of the Estates come a great deal nearer to our Parliaments . But leaving to our Author the Advantages of his Ancient Gothick and New Polish Parliaments , we must go on , to see what he says in this same Chapter concerning the Form of Government in Denmark in particular . These are his Words : Denmark therefore was , till within these Thirty Two Years , govern'd by a King chosen by the People of all sorts , ( even the Boors had their Voices ; ) which King Waldemar the Third acknowledged in that memorable Answer of his to the Pope's Nuncio , who pretended to a great Power over him : Naturam habemus à Deo , regnum à subditis , Divitias à parentibus , Religionem à Romana Ecclesia ; quam si nobis invides , renuntiamus per praesentes . The Estates of the Realm being convened to that Intent , were to Elect for their Prince such a Person as to them appeared Personable , Valiant , Just , Merciful , Affable , a Maintainer of the Laws , a Lover of the People , Prudent , and adorn'd with all other Vertues fit for Government , and requisite for the great Trust reposed in him ; yet with due Regard had to the Family of the preceding Kings . If within that Line they found a Person thus qualified , or esteem'd to be so , they thought it but a piece of just Gratitude to prefer him before any other to this high Dignity , and were pleased , when they had reason to choose the Eldest Son of their former King , rather than any of the Younger ; as well , because they had regard to Priority of Birth , when all other Vertues were equal , as because the Greatness of his Paternal Estate might put him above the Reach of Temptations to be Covetous or Dishonest , and enable him , in some degree , to support the Dignity of his Office. But , after such a Choice , if they found themselves mistaken , and that they had advanced a Cruel , Vicious , Tyrannical , Covetous , or Wasteful Person , they frequently Deposed him , oftentimes Banished , sometimes Destroyed him , and this either Formally , by making him Answer before the Representative Body of the People ; Or if by ill Practices , such as making of Parties , Levying of Souldiers , contracting of Alliances to support himself in Opposition to the Peoples Rights , he was grown too Powerful to be legally Contended with , they dispatched him without any more Ceremony the best way they could , and Elected presently a better Man in his Room ; sometimes the next of Kin to him , sometimes the Valiant Man that had exposed himself so far as to undertake the Expulsion , or the Killing of the Tyrant ; at other times a Private Person of Good Reputation , who possibly least dream't of such an Advancement . Frequent meetings of the Estates , was a part of the very Fundamental Constitution : In those meetings all matters relating to Good Government were Transacted : Good Laws were Enacted , all Affairs belonging to Peace or War , Alliances , disposal of great Offices , Contracts of Marriages for the Royal Family , &c. were debated , &c. This was the Ancient Form of Goverment in this Kingdom , which continued with very little variation ( excepting that the Power of the Nobles encreased too much ) till about 32 years ago , when at one instant the whole Face of Affairs was changed , &c. It is easie for any considering Person to guess the Consequences of this , which are Frequent and Arbitrary Taxes , and commonly very Excessive ones , even in times of Peace ; little regard being had to the occasion of them : So that the value of Estates in most parts of the Kingdom is fallen three fourths . And it is worse near the Capital City , under the Eye and Hand of the Government , than in Remoter Provinces ; Poverty in the Gentry , which ●ecessarily causes extremities of misery in the Peasants , Partiality in the distribution of Justice , when Favorites are concerned , with many other mischiefs , which shall be hereafter more particularly mentioned ; being the constant Effects of Arbitrary Rule in this and all other Countries wherein it has prevailed . This Description or Form of Government it is likely the Author has given us in imitation of some old Fashion Romance or other , for I am sure out of History he can bring none that were ever like it ; I must confess that I could scarce Read without some Indignation , how he had abused in a most unanswerable manner , the Laudable Ancient Constitutions of the Danes , not only , but also by so doing had taken an Opportunity to put his Fictitious Suppositions ; the conceits of his own Brains or some States Mountebanks Chimerical Notions for Truth upon the English Nation . What he says concerning the Election of their Princes , How the Eldest were preferred before the Younger out of Courtesie , if they were equal in Vertues , as also their Adhering to a Line being at pleasure , might be taken for a vulgar mistake , such as does arise from the neglect of true History : The Qualifications , which he says , were required in their Princes , might be look'd upon , as an Effect of a Poetical fancy ; But what he tells of frequently Deposing and Banishing , nay even Destroying their Kings , either Formally or without Ceremony , by some Valiant Hand , who for his Meritorious Act of Killing or Expelling the Tyrant , used to Succeed in the Kingdom : Is so much against the Practice of the Ancient Danes described in True History , that these Extravagancies cannot be look'd upon by Judicious Persons , otherwise than self-invented Notions , fitted to the Humour of some self-conceited Politicians ; but always esteemed by the more Understanding sort , as most pernicious to Human Society . To make this appear the better , what if we should endeavour to show that the Ancient Government of the Danes was so far from Adhering to such Barbarous Practices , or choosing their Kings by Courtesie , that the Laws of Succession were so Sacred with them , that that Kingdom ought rather to be called Hereditary ( if any one ever was , in this Gentleman's Opinion , to be esteemed as such in Europe ) than Elective . Not to mention here the times before Charles the Great , the History of those Countries before that time being infected with many Fabulous Relations , we will begin with the Year 804 P. C. N. When Gotricus Brother to his Predecessor , Sigifrid being declared King of Denmark , left that Crown to his Son Olaus , from whom it always descended in the same Line to the next Heir , till after the Death of Margaret Queen of Denmark , Sweden and Norway , which was about the Year 1414. Thus the Crown of Denmark having been in a perpetual Lineal Succession of one Family for above 600 Years , and the said Margaret having no Issue , she had in her Life time Crowned Eric VIII . her Sisters Son , who having left Denmark , and resigned the Crown , after an Anarchy of Six Years , in his Place , was Constituted Christopher III. Eric's Sister's Son , who 's Mother was also Niece to the above named Queen Margaret . This Christopher dying without Heirs , as did also his Sister before him ; the most Ancient Race of the Danish Kings was then extinguished about the Year 1448. Only that there was left Adolph VIII . Duke of Sleswick , and Count of Holstein , being Son to a Nephew of Woldemar IV. to whom the Crown of Denmark being offered by the States , he refused the same as having no Children . The Crown being thus fallen into the Hands of the States , yet were they so Religious in observing their Ancient Right of Succession , that they chose Christian Count of Oldenburg for their King , as being Son of Hedwig Sister of Adolph , Duke of Sleswick , and consequently being Related to the Family of the Ancient Danish Kings ; his Son John Succeeding him , Constituted with consent of the States , his Son Christian II. King of Denmark , who was afterwards Declared by the States , ( who had now acquired a greater power ) incapable of the Crown , as having Reigned very Tyrannically over them ; and in his stead Frederick I. Brother of John King of Denmark , and Uncle to Christiern , was made their King. And I think it is a remarkable Instance , that even at that time the States of Denmark did not esteem it belonging to themselves to alter the Succession of the Crown , when they did not only choose Frederick I. who was Son of John King of Denmark , but also afterwards , in a publick Convention of the said Estates , they did promise to John , Son to the banished King Christiern , the Restitution of his Fathers Kingdoms , not only , but also the immediate Succession after the Death of Frederick I. But John the Son of Christiern II. dying about the same time , when Frederick I. dyed , the Crown came to his Son Christiern III. whom in a direct Line have Succeeded Frederick II. Christiern IV. Frederick III. and Christiern V. the present King of Denmark . Out of these Heads , which I have thought fit to mention here , it may be evident , whether the Succession of Denmark was precarious , as this Author has taken a great deal of pains to perswade us . And whether this long and constant Succession in one Family , were Anciently depending from a free choice or not , will be worth our enquiring into . a Canute Surnamed the Hardy , 1044. having no Issue , had by Compact Resigned the Crown of Denmark , after his death , to Magnus King of Norwegan , who by force of Arms taking Possession of the same , was opposed by Sueno , Canute's Sister Son , till Magnus after a Reign of Eight Years , coming to dye of a fall from his Horse : He was declared King of Denmark , tho' in no ways beloved of the Danish Nobility , as having Waged continually War against them in the time of Magnus ; yet being the only one that was left of the Ancient Race of the Danish Kings , was received as King of Denmark . b Afterwards when in the Year 1250. Abel had caused his Brother Eric V. King of Denmark to be murthered , tho' the States abominated the Fact , yet Eric having left no Children , and he being the Eldest among the Brothers that were left , was made King of Denmark , being Preferred before his Younger Brother Christopher , who Reigned after him . How the States did promise the Crown to John the deposed Christiern II's . Son , after the death of Frederick I. has been said before : and how in our Age the States of this Kingdom , set Frederick III. the present King of Denmark , Father upon the Throne in spite of a Faction that were for Advancing his Younger Brother , begotten of another Mother and the Second Wife of Christiern the IV. to the Royal Dignity , cannot be out of the Memory of such as are acquainted with the Transactions of these Countries . Besides , these undeniable Examples there are also obvious amongst the Historians Testimonies sufficient to convince any Body that is not prepossess'd with a vain conceit of his own opinion , That the Succession was not Anciently depending from the will of the States , but that their Kings had , and did claim a Right to the same for themselves and their Heirs , both Males and Females . When after the death of Waldemar , the States declared Olaus Haquin and Margarets , ( King and Queen of Norway ) Son King of Denmark c the Danish Historiographer gives this among others for a Reason , because he was from his Mothers side the next to the Kingdom . And in the same Book he has given us an Extract d out of the Records , wherein the said Margaret Mother to this Olaus , and Daughter of King Waldemar is called Queen of Norway and Sweden , and the true Heiress of Denmark . That noted Historian Crantius speaks much to the same purpose , both of Olaus and his Mother Margaret . He says , that the two Kingdoms of Denmark are Hereditary to Olaus , and that after the Decease of him , there being no Male Heirs left , all was fall'n to Queen Margaret . d The same Author calls Siwald the First , Heir and Successor to his Father King Ungrin , in the Kingdom of Denmark ; and speaks much to the same purpose of Broderick , Son of Yarmerick King of Denmark , And truly the Name of Heir of Denmark is so frequent in the ancient Histories of Denmark , especially before the Times of Charles the Great , that it would be infinite to mention them here , since even in latter Times the same has not been out of date there . Meursius does not only call Christiern Son to Christiern Heir of that Kingdom , but also bestows the same Title upon John the Son of the deposed Christiern the II. And here I cannot but insert the Reasons , which were alledged by the States of Denmark , among others in their Proclamation , for the declaring Frederick I. King of Denmark , after they had renounced all Obedience to Christiern II. ; Their Reasons are these , Because he was the Heir of Norway , and had his Off-spring out of the most glorious Family of the Danish Kings ; That He was born a Kings ( Christiern I's ) Son , and that therefore this Honour did belong to him in his own Right before any other Prince , and that he ought to have a Portion or Patrimonial Share out of his Fatherly Kingdom . From hence I think may be easily understood , that the States of Denmark , even in latter Times , ( did not assume to themselves the free disposal of the Crown , and that the Succession was not precarious , and as our Author would have it , according to good Behaviour . This will appear more clear to us if we consider , that the same Right of Succession has not only in former , but also latter Times , ever since the Oldenburg Family has sway'd the Scepter in that Kingdom , been deprived , not only to the next Male Heirs , though Minors , but also to the Females and their Off-spring . Of the Female Succession we have Two Instances since the Oldenburg Family came to the Crown . The first is , That it was agreed by Marriage Contract betwixt Christiern II. and Isabel , Sister to the Emperor Charles V. That if they should leave no Male-Heirs behind them , the eldest Daughter should suceed in the Throne of Denmark . And when afterwards the same Isabella followed her Husband in his Exile , after he was deposed , the States did not only recall her , but also promis'd her Obedience ; nay , they did declare by a publick Proclamation , That if she would return to the Kingdom , they would acknowledge her for their Queen and Sovereign Lady . Which Proffer however , though never so advantageous , she refused to accept of . Of the Female Succession the Danish ancient History furnishes us with a remarkable Example in Margaret , Daughter to King Waldemar IV. who being married to Haquin King of Norway , after the Decease of her Husband and Son Olaus , succeeded them in both the Kingdoms of Denmark and Norway , and reigned for about Thirty Years , about the Year 1400. And of several Kings of Denmark , who came to that Crown by Right of the Female Succession , there are several Examples in their Histories . Sueno III. about the Year 1155 succeeded Canute IV. he being born from Margaret , the Sister of Canute , surnamed The Great , and not much beloved by the Danes , as having to his Father one Ulpho , an Englishman ; yet being the only One that was left of the Royal Family , was therefore declared King of Denmark : So was Olaus , Son to Haqui●● , and Margaret , King and Queen of Norway , declared King of Denmark ; because from his Mother's side , he came from the Race of the Danish Kings , she being Daughter to Waldemar IV. King of Denmark . This was about the Year 1340. And not long after , viz. about the Year 1417. Eric , the same Margaret's Sister's Son , succeeded here in the Kingdom upon the same Pretensions , having been by her recieved as a Consort in the Danish Empire before . As for the Succession of the next Heirs of the Royal Family in their Minority , several Instances also may be found in the ancient Histories of Denmark , as well as these of latter times . Eric , about the Year 855. succeeded his Father Siward in the Kingdom of Denmark , being a very Child ; from whence he was surnamed Barn ; which in the Danish Tongue signifies a Child . Waldemar I. being constituted King of Denmark about the Year 1157. when he was scarce nine Years of Age , is another instance in this kind . Eric VII . also Son of King Christopher I. and Olaus Son of Queen Margaret , were both declared and crowned Kings of Denmark , before they were come to the Age of Eleven ; the first about the Year 1260. the second about the Year 1340. And Eric , Queen Margaret's Sister's Son , was by her made Consort in the Government , when he was a Child . Neither has the Succession and Declaration of the next Heirs , though Minors , ceased since the Oldenburg Family had the Government of this Kingdom . Christiern I. had his Son John declared King in his Life time , when he was about the Age of Twelve : Likewise had King John his Son Christiern declared his Successor when he was not above Six Years of Age. And Christiern IV. was at the Age of Seven declared Successor to his Father , King Frederick , then living ; and having received Homage from the States , actually succeeded him after his Death before he was quite Eleven . Out of the History of the continual Succession of the next Heirs , belonging to the Royal Family of Denmark , both Males and Females , and that also in their Minority , it will be no difficult matter to judge , how great the Rights were of the Danish Royal Family in the Succession of the Crown ; but when I shall have demonstrated that they also had a right of adopting not only , but also by Testament to appoint their Successor , and even dividing the Kingdom among their Heirs , it will then , I think , be evident , that scarce ever any Kings in these very Kingdoms , which have been esteemed ways heredittry , could pretend to a greater prerogative . An Example of Adoption for the Danish Crown , we have in the often before mentioned Queen Margaret ; who after the Death of her Son Olaus , being without Heirs , did not only constitute Eric her Sisters Son her Consort and Successor in the Danish Empire ; but also to make his Title the more firm , did adopt him ; and he was as such , receive● after her Death by the Estates of Denmark . An Example of disposing of th● Crown , by Testament , Albert Krant● that Ancient and Celebrated Historian has given us in the Danish King Haldan , who left by his last Will the Kingdom to Unguin , which being confirmed by the Estates , is mentioned by this Author as an Act without a Precedent in Denmark at that time . As for the Division of the Kingdom of Denmark , there are several Examples extant in their Histories . Canute I. sirnamed the great , being King of England , Denmark and Norway , divided in his Life-time , about the Year 1030 , the three Kingdoms , without consulting the Estates , between his three Sons , giving to the Eldest Harald , England ; to Canute , Denmark ; and Norway to Sueno . And having the two Crowns of England and Norway in his Possession by right of Conquest ; yet he used the same Power in appointing his Successor in the Kingdom of Denmark . The second Instance of dividing the Kingdom , is in the Reign of Waldemar , about the Year 1170 , Who having called together the Estates at Samso● , he had his Son Waldemar crowned King of Denmark . After which another Son being born to him , who 's Name was Eric . he declared him Duke of Sleswick , and to Canute another Son of his he assigned Laland . But Waldemar the younger , not long after his Coronation happening to die by a Mischance which he got in Hunting ; King Waldemar made a new Division among the rest of his Sons , and before he died exhorted them to Unity ; alledging that to the best of his Power , he had equitably divided the Kingdom among them . And the several Provinces so , assigned by King Waldemar , to his Son , were afterwards devolved to their Children , and Grandchildren before they were reunited into one Kingdom . There is one remarkable Instance more in the Danish History of this Kingdom being divided into three Parts , betwixt Waldemar , Canute , and Sueno . For aftere the Death of Eric sirnamed the Lamb , during the Minority of Waldemar I. who was declared King before , contended for the Crown of Denmark Sueno and Canute , the first having on his side the Zealanders , and Inhabitants of Schonen , the latter the Jutlanders ; being at last tired by the Wars , the Decision was referred to Waldemar I. who dividing the Kingdom into three Parts , assigned to himself Jutland , to Canute Zealand and Funen , and to Sueno , Schonen , Halland and Blekingen , and that all three should be called Kings . And even since that time that the Family of Oldenburg has ruled in Denmark , Christiern I , dying Anno 1482. at Copenhagen , divided the Kingdom , and that by Testament , betwixt his two Sons John and Frederick ; giving to the Eldest the Kingdoms , and to the Youngest the Dukedoms . And it is remarkable , that when afterwards both Frederick and the Holsteiners urged the Execution of Christiern I's Will , it was alledged for a reason by them , that since John the Eldest had for his share two Kingdoms , it was no more than reason that the Dukedom should come to Frederick , in recompensation of what John had obtained . Truly , if the Succession of Denmark had been precarious , Sweedland being then already faln off from Denmark , this would have been a foolish reason , since , the Dukedoms being hereditary , and very considerable in themselves , the Younger would have had much the better share . And that the said Christiern I , had a right of disposing the same among his Children , the States afterwards did confess themselves in their Proclamation , wherein having published their reasons for refusing to obey Christiern II , and receiving Frederick I. for their King , they alledged as one main reason for Frederick , that there was due unto him his patrimonial share out of his Father's Kingdom . As out of what I have related here , it will easily appear , how ill grounded our Author's Assertions are concerning the Danish Government ; so , he that will be so curious as to make a thorough search into the Danish History will be the better convinced , that the Ancient Kings enjoyed , and exercised the same Prerogatives , which are acknowledged to appertain to other hereditary Kingdoms in Europe . It is not to be denied , that in this as well as other Kingdoms , either during the Minority of some Kings , or else by the Division of the Kingdom betwixt several Heirs , and other Accidents , many Irregularities , Contests , Wars and Slaughters have happened ; but to draw these into Consequence , and to attribute the villanous Acts of exasperated Parties to the whole Government , is to overturn the whole frame of History , and at once to charge all Governments with the blackest Villanies that can be imagined , since none have been free of them : And I verily believe , if a due Comparison were made , there would be as few to be found of this Kind in the Danish History as in any in Christendom . Let but any Body , who is not byass'd by his own Opinions , look into the Reign of Woldemar I. and consider with what severity he did punish those who had laid hands on Canute his Predecessor ; How afterwards Eric VII , in his Minority , with consent of the Estates of Denmark , pursued the Murtherers of his Father , and their Adherents , and when fled into Norway , waged War with that King , partly upon that Score ; With how much reluctancy the Estates received Abel for their King , who had caused his Brother to be murthered ! and I say , let but any Body consider the Succession of these Kings , and what severities have been used in that Kingdom against such as did attempt the like ; he will questionless be convinced how little their Histories do agree with what our Author has been pleased to tell us of the Ancient Form of Government of the Danes , viz. That if they found themselves mistaken in their choice , they used sometimes to destroy him ( meaning their King ) either formally , or if he was grown too powerful , by dispatching him without any more Ceremony , the best way they could ; And to elect presently a better Man in his room , sometimes the next of Kin to him , sometimes the valiant Man that had undertaken the killing of the Tyrant , at other times a private Person , who least dreamt of it , &c. If these were not his own Inventions , he would have much obliged the Publick in only naming his Authors , out of whom he had his secret History of Denmark since the same has been never known before to the World. What he says , That all Affairs belonging to Peace or War , Alliances , Disposals of great Offices , Contracts of Marriages , &c. were debated in the Meeting of the Estates : I will not absolutely deny , but that the like instances may be given in the Danish History ; but I could also easily shew , That the most of these have been frequently debated without them ; as also that the ancient Form of Government was very much altered before the whole Face of Affairs ( as he says ) was changed about 32 Years ago : But that the first would be too long for these Animadversions ; and of the second we shall be obliged to say something hereafter upon the Chapter , How the Kingdom of Denmark became Hereditary and Absolute . In the mean time we must not let quite pass by in silence , what he tells of the Consequence of this Change , and their Effects , viz. frequent and arbitrary Taxes , and commonly very excessive ones , even in times of Peace ; little regard being had to the occasion of them : The fal●ng of the value of Estates , Poverty in the Gentry , extremity of Misery in the Peasants , &c. That the Taxes are now more frequent in Denmark than they used to be formerly in times of Peace , is what scarce any body of Sense will deny ; but that the same should be the Consequences of the late Change in Denmark , is not so easie to guess for a considering Person , as this Gentleman fancies : and I am apt to think , that those who are thoroughly acquainted with the State of Denmark will rather say , That the Author has laid the Saddle upon the wrong Horse , as the Saying is , since these Taxes are the Consequences and Effects of that so unprosperous War betwixt Denmark● and Sweden , which did end in the Year 1660. The chief Calamities of which were partly occasioned by the mismanagement and miscarriages of these Times , which preceded this Change. For who , that is not ignorant in Foreign Affairs , but knows how considerable a Loser Denmark was by this War , as Swedeland got most prodigiously , not only in Denmark but also in Germany . It is then to this encrease of the Swedes , and other neighbouring Princes , whose Territories surround Denmark , that these more frequent Taxes are to be attributed ; since he that will duly consider the antient Contest betwixt the Northern Crowns ; what great Power and Strength Swedeland has acquired to it self within these Fifty Years ; and how the Swedish Territories joyn to the King of Denmark's in Norway ; how they are only parted in Denmark by that narrow Streight , called the Sound ; as the Dukedoms of Bremen and Verden are only separated from Holstein by the River Elbe , may easily be convinced , That the King of Denmark , though his Territories are considerably diminished , yet is obliged to keep a much greater Army constantly on Foot than formerly , if he will not run the hazard of being suprized and put to the utmost Extremity , as his Father was in the War with the Swedes . Besides this , the House of Lunenburgh , being grown more Potent , and keeping greater Forces on Foot than they used to do formerly ; as also the Duke of Holstein Gottorp , whose Territories in a great many places are intermingled with those of Denmark , having of late Years been in the Interest of Sweden , puts the King of Demark to a vast charge , of keeping a considerable Force constantly on that side . 'T is then from the circumstances of the Affairs of Denmark , and their Neighbours that the effects of these Taxes ( now usual in Denmark ) do proceed ; which in a Kingdom less powerful than formerly , and yet forced to maintain a much greater Force both by Sea and Land , must needs now much exceed those in former Times . If the Author had not forgot what he himself had remark'd at the end of his first Chapter , concerning the Danish Dominions ; That they had this Inconveniency , that they were disjoyned and separated from each other , and therefore exposed to many dangers , and requiring a more than ordinary expence to preserve them entire , he might from thence alone , considering the State of Affairs now in Europe , have reasonably concluded , That the● Taxes levied in the Kingdom of Denmark , were rather the Consequences of their Situation now , than the Effects of the late Change ; and that therefore it could with no Justice be asserted , what he has told us here , That in imposing the same upon the Subjects , little regard was commonly had ( in Denmark now ) to the occasion of them . The Author also ought to have taken into Consideration , when he made this malicious Assertion , how this would agree with what he has endeavoured to perswade us in several Passages in this Treatise , about the Meanness of the Danish Court , and the continual want of Money there ; as also , what a great number of Fortresses he gives us an Account of ; all which being necessarily to be maintained by Garrisons , and otherwise , he might easily have found out , that these things contradict one another ; since , if it be true , that the Court has so small a share for its Use in these Taxes that are paid in Denmark , it is from thence evident , that a necessity of maintaining so considerable Forces and Fortresses , but not an Arbitrary Will , without having a regard to the Occasion , enforces the paying of greater Taxes now in Denmark than formerly . As to what he says of the Value of the Land being fallen , of the Poverty of the Gentry , and Misery of the Peasants , every body can easily guess , That in this , as in all other Matters of that Nature some Grains of Allowance must be given to this Gentleman 's Romantick Expressions , wherewith he has all along endeavoured to ensnare the ignorant sort of People into a belief of his own Suppositions . Yet is it not to be wondred at , that the value of the Estates should be less now , when so considerable Taxes are paid out of them . than they were formerly , when the Gentry , being the sole Possessors of Lands , and having the chief Sway in the Kingdom , used to be sure to exempt themselves as much as was possible . The same Reason may be given why the Gentry or Nobility in Denmark in general , do not live up to that Splendor as they did in former times ; since having in those Days all plaecs of Profit and Trust in their Hands , and paying very small Taxes , it is evident , that at this time , when to these Places others are admitted as well as they , and are also obliged to bear a proportionable share in all Taxes , their Revenues cannot be so great now as they were formerly . Of the Peasants we shall be obliged to say something hereafter : wherefore we will go to the next Chapter , which describes the manner how the Kingdom of Denmark became Hereditary and absolute . After the Conclusion of the Peace , saysthe Author , between the Two Northern Crowns , Anno 1660 , Some considerable care and time was necessary to redress the Disorders occasioned by so terrible a War. Denmark had been most violently shaken ; and although the Fury of the Tempest was over● the Agitation caused by it still continued : The Army was not yet disbanded , nor could be , for want of Money to discharge Arrears : This caused frequent Insolencies in the Soldiers , with a further Oppression of the Burghers and poor Country People , who had been in a manner already ruined by the Miseries attendingthe War , the Nobility , and Gentry , tho' Lords and Masters were full of Discontents , and the Clergy not in the condition they wished , &c. Here the Author gives us some hints rather than reasons , which induced the Estates of Denmark to make so remarkable a Change in the Government . But , since from hence does depend the understanding of the true nature of this Change , he ought , I think , to have been a little more circumstantial in this Point , if he intended to prove to us what he said in the conclusion of the last Chapter ; That it was astonishing to consider how a free and rich People should be perswaded intirely to part with their Liberties . Astonishing indeed ; But if this Gentleman , by the People does understand all the Estates of the Kingdom , as he ought to do , and has done so in other places , when he alledged that famous Law of the Romans , Salus populi supremae Lex esto , he has not hit the mark right in this assertion , since , by his own words it may be proved , that the Nobility mere Lords and Masters , and all the rest depending on them . It will not be a very difficult task , to find out by what steps the Nobility in Denmark , did acquire this Power over all the rest ; if we consider how the Nobility first clipt the Royal Prerogatives , after that Crown was transferred to the Oldenburg Family ; and more especially , after the deposing of Christiern the II. How after the Reformation the Power of the Bishops and Prelates , ( who were , chosen commonly out of the Citizens ) being fall'n together with their Revenues , the Nobility made thereby the greatest step , that could be , towards the advancing their own Power above the Citizens and Peasants not only , but also the Clergy ; who now were no more in a capacity to keep up the ballance , as they used to do formerly . The King's Prerogatives being thus brought into narrow bounds , and the Clergy's Authority and Power quite abolished , the Citizens alone were not able to resist long against those , who , sitting at the Helm , had the chief management of all affairs of moment ; and the Peasants , being most of them depending from the Nobility , by being partly their Tenants , partly their Vassals , were not in a condition of making , so much as a shew , of resistance , against the Power of their Lords and Masters . Thus the name of the four ancient Estates of Denmark , viz. the Nobility , Clergy , Citizens and Peasants remaining , the Power was effectually lodged in the first , which from time to time did encrease to that degree , that not only the whole Senate of the Kingdom , and all the great Offices of the Court were in their possession , but also they did claim a right to all the rest of any moment , and a priviledge to be consulted withall in the disposing of any Office of moment , even to be given to a Nobleman . They did claim a Prerogative , and actually exercised the same of nominating the Magistrates in the Cities , and had so eneroached upon the rest of the Estates that neither Clergyman , Citizen or Peasant could purchase any Lands ; and if by Mortgaging or other wise any Lands happened to fall into their hands , they were obliged by a yearly , publick Proclamation to proffer the same to sale to the Nobility , upon the same condition as they were possessed of it . From hence came the dependancy of the Citizens from them , and the entire subjection of the Peasants to their Will , and by possessing most all the Lands in the Kingdom , and thereby having the Rights of Patronages , in a great measure , in their own hands ; the Clergy was also , for the most part , fain to dance after their Pipe. It is easie , I think , to imagine , the natural consequence of this to have been , That they exempting themselves , as much as could be done , from Taxes , and other burdens , the same did fall more heavy upon the rest ; and these not being able alone , to provide sufficiently for the security of the Kingdom , this was one main reason , why the Kingdom was so surprized by the Swedes , and did contribute as much as any thing towards the Miseries , which these Countries endured in this War. There was another great reason yet , which , as it contributed greatly to the miseries and misfortunes this Kingdom was fain to undergo in this War ; so questionless was it partly the Occasion of the great Change afterwards made by the States . After the Death of Christiern IV. a certain Party of the Nobility were for excluding Frederick III. second Son of the said King Christiern IV. after the death of Christiern his elder brother , and for setting up Wolmar his younger Son by a second Wife , whose Sisters were married to several noble Men , which , though they could not effect , yet were ( before Frederick III. this present King of Denmark's Father was received by them as King ) the royal prerogatives more streightned than ever , and thereby the power of some of the Nobility mightily increased ; which did give occasion to a great many Dissensions in that Kingdom afterwards : And it is very remarkable , that when Charles the King of Sweden surprised the Kingdom of Denmark the second time , viz. Anno 1658. He used it for a Pretence , that he came to compose the Differences arisen betwixt the King and the Nobility . Besides this , the Commons did lay their Calamities , sustained in the late Wars , in a great measure , at the door of the Nobility ; for , that , by having excluded all the the rest even from military Employments ( so that it was a rarity to find a Commoner above the station of a Captain ) and a great many of these not having done their Duty in defending some Places of the greatest moment , they had been the cheif Occasion of these great Progresses which were made at that time by the Swedes in Denmark . There was a manifest Instance of this in the Siege of that almost impregnable Castle of Cronenburg , the most considerable Fortress of all Denmark ; as being built with incredible Charges , upon Oaken Piles fastend in the very bottom of the Sea ; which being defended by a sufficient Garrison , and abounding in ammunition and provision , under the Conduct and Command of three Governours , was surrendred to Wrangel the Swedish General meerly out of Fear ; he having , by discharging of his Cannon and other Demonstrations of Joy , deceived the Governours into a belief that Copenhagen was taken by the Swedes . The woful Experience then the Danes had had of these and such like Miscarriages were the true Cause of finding a Necessity of Changing the Constitution of their Government . With out which , they saw it was impossible to avoid the same Dangers and Calamities which they had so lately undergone . It would be too tedious to insert here other Reasons that might be alledg'd for this Change ; as also the whole Narrative of our Authors concerning the manner of this Change , wherein he has been more taken up with the Formalities than the true Causes ; yet , out of what he has said , it may appear , that he contrdicts here , what he had said before , that they were a free People ; wherefore we must insert some of them to make the Case the plainer out of the Treatise it self . Thus he says ; After some few days Session , speaking of that Session when the Change was made in Denmark , during which the Nobility , according to their usual practice , debated , how the sums of Money requisite might with greatest ease and conveniency be levied upon the Commons without the least Intention ef bearing any proportionable Share themselves , several Disputes arose , and many sharp Expressions passed between them and the Commons . The Nobility were for maintaining their ancient Prerogative of paying nothing by way of Tax , but only by voluntary Contribution ; and shewing themselves too stiff at a time when the Country was exhausted , and most of the remaining Riches lodged in their hands : They seemed to make use of this Occasion , not only to vindicate , but even to widen and enlarge their Privileges above the other two Estates , by laying Impositions on them at pleasure , which Weight they themselves woold not touch with one of their Fingers any further than as they thought fitting , On the other hand , the Clergy for their late adherence to the Interest of their Country , and the Burghers for the vigorous defence of their City thought they might justly pretend to new merit , and be considered at least as good Subjects in a State , which they themselves had so valiantly defended . They remembred the great Promises made to them when dangerous Enterprises were to be taken in hand , and how successfully they had executed them , thereby saving from a foreign Yoke not only the City of Copenhagen , but the whole Kingdom , the Royal Family , nay those very Nobles that now dealt so hardly with them : They judged it therefore reasonable that the sums of money necessary should be levied proportionably , and that the Nobility who enjoyed all the Land , should at least pay their share of the Taxes , since they had suffered less in the common Calamity as well as done less to prevent the Progress of it . These Words , I think , do not want any further Observations , since they are sufficiently explained by what I have said before concerning the Causes of this Change of Government , and mayrather serve as a Confirmation of what has been alledged there concerning this point . I wil only add , that passage ( also related by the Author ) between Otto Craeg one of the chief Senators then , and Nanson the then President of the City of Copenhagen and Speaker of the Commons . For Otto Craeg did not stick to tell the President , That the Commons neither understood nor considered the Priviledges of the Nobility , who at all times had been exempted from Taxes , nor the true Condition of themselves who were no other than Slaves , ( the Word in the Danish is Unfree ) so that their best way was to keep within their Bounds , &c. To which the President replied , That the Commons were no Slaves , nor would from thence forth called so by the Nobility , which they should soon prove to their Cost . These passages alone are convincing Arguments how Free a People the Danes were at that time , and that it is more like a Romance than a Truth , what he says , in the Conclusion of this Chapter , That the Commons have since experienced , that the little Finger of an absolute Prince can be heavier than the Loins of many Nobles . It being apparent enough , out of what has been said upon this Subject , that the Estates of Denmark were not only treated by the Nobles as Slaves , but that they also esteemed them as such ; and that things were come to that pass , that they must either be in continual Slavery to the Nobility at home , and in fear of a foreign Yoak from their Neighbours , or else strive , by a Change in the Government , to meliorate in some measure their Condition . What he says concerning the Citizens of Copenhagen ; that they have only obtained the insignificant Privilege of wearing Swords , in this his , grav● and sensible men have grossly abused him . For not to mention here , that this as well as other Priviledges were granted to them before the change of Government , to encourage them to a vigorous Defence at the time of the Siege of Copenhagen , the some were not so insignificant : For besides a great many Privileges for the benefit of Trade , a Vote was allowed them in all publick Consultations ; a Privilege was given them to purchase any Lands and Lordships whatsoever , and to enjoy them with the same Right as the Nobles : They were not to be burthened with any Impositions , but such as the Nobles did bear ; and not that , but by publick Consent : They were to be free from all Contributions or Inquarterings whatsoever in times of Peace ; and their Children were to be admitted to all Honours and publick Offices equally with Noble-Mens Children . These were no insignificant Privileges at that time , when most of the same were only challenged by the Nobility ; and since the purchasing and enjoying of Lands , as also their being capable of publick Offices and Honours , have also after the Change of the Government been communicated to the rest of the Subjects in Denmark ; and that the Nobles bear their proportionable Share in such Taxes as the Necessity of their Affairs obliges them to pay . it is evident that the Nobility have been the chief Loosers by that Change , and that the other Estates , by being very near made equal to them in a great many Respects , are Gainers and not Losers by it . I might take here an Opportunity to enlarge my self upon some Rules of Policy which were mentioned by our Authour upon this Subject in his Preface , viz. That no People in their right Wits can be supposed to confer an absolute Dominion ; That such a Donation ought to be esteemed of no greater Validity than the Gift made by a Mad-man , or a Child , from his lawful Successours . That nothing which even the representative Body of the People does , which shall afterward tend to the detriment of the Universality , can then be obligatory , &c. But that these are Matters of too nice a Nature to be transitorily treated of ; as also what might be said considering the manner of the Proceedings of the Commons of Denmark ( related by the Authour at large ) when they obliged the Nobility to concurr with them in the Change of the Government . But thus much may be said according to this Gentleman 's own Suppositions , that if even some Matters , which the representative Body of the People does , may be invalid , I see no Reason why it should not be justifiable in the Commons of Denmark to have taken an Opportunity to free themselves of these Incroachments , which were made upon them by the Nobility ; and the Matter duely weighed , will , I believe , to the most Judicious , appear not so much to be transacted like Children or Madmen , but like People in their right Wits . What he has added , That the Clergy were the only Gainers , in the Point , is , I am sure , what no man that knows Denmark can comprehend , they having not gained any thing by it , what they had not before , but what all the rest also have obtained at the same time . As to his Passive Obedience-Principle riding Triumphant , there has been so much said of it in the Preface , that it would be superfluous to repeat it here . In the next Chapter being the VIII . where he speaks concerning the Condition , Customs , and Temper of the People , he talks of such appearances of Slavery , Laziness , and idle despondency , of carelessness and insensibility , all which he has interwoven with his own Tragical Inventions , that one would rather believe the whole to be fitted for a piece of Tragedy , than History ; it would be ridiculous therefore to answer every particular Whimsical Conceit , of which this Chapter is almost as full as Hudibras ; it will suffice to hint at two or three passages , from whence may be guessed , with what candor he has related to us the rest . One instance of this is what he relates , That there is no buying or selling of Lands here , and tells it as a Miracle , That some Lands were sold to one Monsieur Taxera a rich Jew , at Hamburg , and one Monsieur Marseilles a Dutch Merchant , but that they were fain to take these Lands for Money owing to them from the King : As what concerns the first , I am apt to believe , I have it from as Grave and Sensible Men as his could be , and besides of such as were very understanding and not ignorant in this matter , who have assured me , that this Money was not owing to Texera from the King , neither had he his Lands from him , but being a very considerable Debt due to him from particulor persons in Denmark , ( whom I could name if I thought it convenient ) he took these Lands for the Payment of the same . The second , it is true , had his Lands from the King in lieu of Money owing to him , but it is also to be observed , that he having been Danish Factor at Amsterdam , and having left a very great Estate behind him , it is supposed he had got the greatest part of it by his Factorship ; so , that if he paid somewhat extraordinary for those Lands , he had questionless got so considerably by the King , that he might afford to buy it at a better rate than another would do . And truly a great many the like instances might be given in other Countries also , and if they were represented so maliciously as these have been , they would perhaps appear worse than these ; since in most Countries , there are without doubt to be found , who would take Lands , tho' at an extraordinary rate , where Money is not to be had . But , what he says in this Chapter concerning the Prodigality not only of the Gentry , but also of the Burgers and Peasants , of their expensiveness in Coaches , Retinue , Cloathes , &c. we must take a little notice of , and put him in mind of what he said before , That they lived very miserably ; but these contradictions are with him so common , that it was impossible to remember them all ; I will only add , that it is to their too free and expensive way of living , and the Sumptuousness especially of their Weddings , Christnings and Burials , that ought to be ascribed to what has been observed ; That the People in general , are not so rich here as in some other places . A great many more Observations might be made upon his malicious way of representing matters in this Chapter , of which scarce any one is related without Passion ; but we will add but one more upon what he says concerning the Peasants : In Zealand , says he , they are all as absolute Slaves as the Negroes are in Barbadoes ; neither they , nor their Posterity , to all Generations , can leave the Land , to which they belong . There is no computing there by number of Acres , but by number of Boors , who with all that belong to them , appertain to the Proprietors of the Land. Yeamontry , which is the strength of England , is a state not known or heard of in Denmark . If any of these Wretches prove to be of a diligent and improving temper , who endeavours to live a little better than his Fellows , and to that end has repaired his Farm-House , making it convenient , neat , or pleasant , it is forty to one , but he is presently transplanted from thence to a naked and uncomfortable habitation , &c. Here is the full and true account of the Peasantry in Denmark wherein he has again been most miserably deceived by his grave and sensible men , that instructed him . For that they are as aboluute slaves as the Negroes , in this as well as in the rest , he has been strangely misinformed : The Vassals then in the Islands of Zealand , Laland , Falster , and Moenen , ( for in the other parts of Denmark few of them are to be found ) are such as either they themselves , or their Fore-Fathers , have by paying a certain Fine to Landlords , purchased to themselves certain Farm-Houses and Grounds thereunto belonging , under Conditions of paying certain yearly proportions of the Product of the Land , and doing some other petty Services to the Landlord . Now it being sufficiently known to all that understand the Rights of Vassalage in this and some other Countries , that these yearly Contributions out of the Product of the Lands , and Services to be done to the Landlords , are determined by most antient Laws ; I will give any Man leave to judge , with what sincerity the Author has described to us the State of the Peasantry : He might as well say , that these in England and all their Posterities , who possess Copy-holds , cannot leave the Land which belongs to them ; since it is all the same Case , only that here we have power to sell , and transfer our Right to another , which cannot be done there , without the consent of the Landlord ; but for the rest it is rather esteemed among them a Priviledge , That they cannot be put out of a Farm at pleasure , which Tye is by the Laws of these Countries made reciprocal , betwixt the Landlord and Vassal . And this Tye is so insignificant in this Country , that you meet with frequent Examples , not only of such as for the value of three pound Sterling , buy their freedom from their Landlords , but also a great many Peasants out of Jutland , Funen and other Islands , where they are not Vassals , transplant themselves into the other parts , and by paying a Fine make themselves Vassals ; they finding it more commodious to live in that State , than with the Title of Freeman to be incontinual fear of being ruin'd by their Landlords , if they do not pay their yearly Rent . And since all these Peasants are possess'd of some Lands , less or more ; nothing can be more more vain than what he endeavours to perswade us , that there is no computing there by Acres , but by Boors . And as it is not in the Power of any Landlord to remove a Peasant from his Farm-house , without his consent , so he has no propriety in his Goods ; and a Peasant now , that has got any thing by his Industry , may purchase Lands as well as the best Nobleman . What he says , that no Yeomantry is there , is also of the same Stamp with the rest ; since in those parts of Denmark , where the Peasants are not Vassals ( as it is not in the most part of that Kingdom ) there are to this day Peasants who possess Lands by right of Inheritance , and the rest are Tenants by paying yearly Rents , as we do here in England . Another Grievance he tells us of Quartering of Souldiers ; but , if in a Country where Necessity obliges to keep a Standing Army , Souldiers should not be quartered in the houses of the Subjects , the Souldiers would be in a very bad Case ; and since no body is exempted from that burthen in Denmark , and that by paying a small matter you may keep the Inmate from your Door , and House , this is not esteemed so burthensom as it doth appear at first Sight . He says that the Tables of the better sort are well furnished with Dishes , but he does not like the Cheer : Truly it is no new thing that People used to their own Country Diet , do not like that of other Countries : Like the Kentish Esquire , who being treated in France with such Dainties as are frequent there , could not be perswaded to stay above three days , because he long'd for such Apple-Dumplings as he used to eat at his Father's House ; and yet the Cheer may be nothing the worse for it . But I perceive the chief want was in Denmark , that they had no cramm'd Capons : to this may be answer'd , that in Denmark where Corn is extraordinary cheap , the same are rather fed in the Houses out of hand as they call it ; and it is also notorious , that the same , as well in other , as this Countrey , are preferred before cramm'd Fowl , except by some that are particularly fond of a large fat London Rump . In the mean time , the Danes , to my Knowledge , loving a dainty Bit as well as any body , would have been very much obliged to this Gentleman if he would have vouehsafed to have set his Name to this Treatise , that , sometimes over a Glass of Wine and fat Capon , they might have celebrated in after Ages ( as they do with their Geese on Martin's Eve ) the Memory of him in whose days the Mystery of Cramming tame Fowl was first reveal'd and establish'd at Copenhagen . The next relation he makes of a Country woman that would not sell him Green-Geese to his Company , he gives us as an instance of their simplicity and superstition ; for a Week after she brought four to them , saying , That she had had no luck with them , since the Kite had eat Eight of them . A most remarkable History to prove the simplicity of a whole , or at least the greatest part of a Nation ; it being evident that in the most civilized Nations , some Country People are soon surprized at any thing that is new to them , and generally addicted to their little superstitious Fancies . And yet , I can affirm it , that I have eat about the beginning of June , in the King of Denmark● Territories ( though not in Copenhagen ) as delicious Green Geese at a Gentleman's Seat , as ever I eat any where else . And I remember a certain Frenchman living in these parts , who having a particular way of feeding Capons , used to sell them at 10s . Sterling a piece . But leaving these Tri●les ; we must return to other more serious Matters . The two next following Chapters containing a particular Recital of the King's Revenue , and of the Army , Fleet and Fortresses ; little can be added to it of any Moment , but only to put the Reader in mind , that if an equitable Ballance be made betwixt the said Revenue , and the Number of Land and Sea-forces ; as also of the Fortresses and their Charge : It will from thence be evident , how unjustly the Author has dealt with us , when he endeavoured to perswade us , that the Taxes in Denmark were the Effects of an absolute Government , and that little regard was had there in the occasion of them . The eleventh Chapter treat , of the Court , wherein you may meet with so many Extravagancies , that it would be endless to pretend to refute them . He make bold with the King and Royal Family ; he pretends to tell you what is commendable or not in them : As for the Ministers of State , he describes their H●mors , Capacities● and other Qualifications to a hair ; as if he ( like the Turkish-Spy ) had dived into the most obstruse Secrets of them . I know , that boldness ( like action in an Orator ) takes often-times much more with the vulgar Sort of People , than true Sense ; but when it transcends all the Rules of Decency , and Reason it self , it cannot but be odious to all , who are lovers of Moderation and Truth . This Gentleman must have a very mean Opinion of the Capacity of the English ( though questionless he has a very calm ordinary one of his own ) to perswade himself , that his vain and confident Assertions could ensnare the more judicious Sort into a belief , that a nameless Romantick Politician , who has committed so many Errors , ( and some of them very obvio●s , even to Men of indifferent parts and knowledge ) in this Treatise , ought to be taken for a proper Judge of the Qualifications and Conditions of a whole Court. What he lays concerning his Majesty , the present King of Denmark , that he neither loves , nor has a Genius for business , must needs seem the oddest Assertion that can be to those , who have seen and known , with what Activity that King appears everywhere , how seldom he is absent from his Council , when any matter of Moment is in debate , and how he in Person assists frequently in the highest Court of Justice , and there takes particular notice of the matters in Controversie . Of his Excellency Guldinlieu , he speaks much to the same purpose , as that he loves his Divertisements rather than to embark himself deep in the publick Affairs , when it is known to all who understand the Danish Court ; that , as it cannot be denied , but that this great Person understands the enjoyment of pleasures , so he never addicts himself to them , so much as to neglect the publick Business ; What he has also said of his having burnt his Fingers en● some occurrences , and that King Frederick his Father thought once of making him King of Norway , cannot be look'd upon by unbiass'd Persons , who are acquainted with the Affairs of Denmark , otherwise than an unanswerable Slander forged by his grave and sensible Men. If we should take notice of all particulars of this kind , which according to his whimsical fancies he has related of the Ministers of State , it would exceed the compass of these Remarks . One thing I cannot but hint at , which is the too much reservedness of Mons : Ehrenshild , so much ridiculed by this Gentleman , in calling him patrem difficultatum and alledging his celapeut estre , as a great Infirmity , when by all refined Politicians reservedness has been always look'd upon in a States Man , much preferable before a forward Confidence ; the first being commonly the product of a far seeing prudence with the latter , the effect of a conceited Vanity . There is another pretty Notion in this Chapter , which we must not pass by in silence , viz. That he compares the Court of Denmark rather to some of our Noblemen's in England than White-Hall ; and , that upon a Sunday an hour before Dinner ( being the rightest Court Time ) the number of such as appear in the Antichambre and Bedchambre seldom amount to above 20 or 30. I will put it to the Judgmnnt of any sensible Body , that will compute only these Officers of the Court by him named ; ( besides others , as Lords of the Bed-Chamber , Gentlemen of the Privy-Chamber ; The Queens Attendance , and others not mentioned ) the considerable Number of Superiour Officers in the Army and Fleet ; And more especially . if any one will take the pains so peruse the Proclamation of the King of Denmark , inserted by the Author , concerning Precedency of the several Officers both Civil and Military , as also what this Author ha● said before , concerning their Sumptuousness of Apparel and Equipage ; and compare all this with what he says now concerning the Court , whether it have as much as a Probability of Truth in it . Much the same Allowance must be given to what he says , concerning that most sumptuous and magnificent Palace of the K. of Denmark , called Fredericksburg , which being computed to have cost at least a Million Sterl . he says , falls short of many Noblemens Country Houses in England . It is hard , that , to verifie his Assertion , he would not name one of them ; since all that ever I could meet with , who knew Fredericksburg , and have also been in a great many Noblemen's Seats in England , do unanimously take this for a most unaccountable Rodomontado . But these Remarks having increased in bulk beyond our Intention , we will not insist upon what he says in the 12th and 14th Chapters , concerning the Inclinations of the King of Denmark towards his Neighbours , as also of his Interests in relation to other Princes , since a great deal may easily be said , but scarce any thing be determined , in matters of this nature : But in Chap. 13th , where he treats of the Differences which some years ago were betwixt Denmark and the Duke of Holstein Gottorp ; he has shown himself very partial in not mentioning the true Cause of these proceedings . One of the chiefest was ( not to mention others ) that the Duke of Holstein Gottorp , holding that part of Sleswick which he possesses as a Feef of Denmark ; notwithstanding this , having been assisting to the Swedes in the subduing of the greatest part of Denmark , at the Treaty at Roschild , 1658. had forced the K. of Denmark to declare him independent of that Crown , to maintain which he had ever since been in the Interest of Swedeland . I do not therefore see , how the King of Denmark , with Justice could be blamed to recover his Just Right . And when he saw a fair Prospect of being even with Swedeland , for what they taken from his Crown , to begin with drawing out first that Thorn which stuck so close to him , that without being freed from it , he could not have promised to himself the same Success as he afterwards had against the Swedes . In the Fifteenth Chapt. treating of the Laws and Courts of Justice , as things are indifferently well related ; so we will go on to the Sixteenth Chapter , where the State of Religion , of the Clergy , and Learning is represented ; the greatest part of this being taken up with railing against the Clergy ; upon which Point we have said enough in the Preface ; we only will only put him in mind , That Learning is not at so low an Ebb , but that lately Denmark has had its Puffendorf , a Man to be compared to the best of our Age ; and that if I had a mind to speak of the Living , I could name him some , who would be able to give other Proofs of their Learning , than our Author has done in this Treatise , though he pretends to be much beyond the common Sort : I will add but a few Words concerning what he says , That a Popish Chappel , permitted to be built at Gluckstadt , has been the first there since the Reformation ; that to my Knowledge at least twenty Years ago , not only Popish Chapels , but also of most other Religions ; as of Calvinists , Independents , Anabaptists , &c. have been erected at Altena , a place near Hamburgh , where these several Sorts of Religions are tolerated ; but no religious service allow'd them . At Fredericia also a free Exercise of Religion has been allowed a great many Years ago , which are two convincing Instances ; that this Gentleman having been deceived by his grave and sensible Men , has given us a great many things for a confessed Truth , which he had not sufficiently been instructed in . But to come to the Conclusion : The Author in this whole Book having been so abounding every where with his own Fancies , and new Model'd Opinions has been the Occasion , that these Remarks are increased beyond intention ; if every thing should have been but touched upon , there would have been matter sufficient for a very large Book ; But to have examined in particular , all his speculative Assertions , would have required whole Volumes . 'T is for this reason that I have been obliged to let a great many of less moment slip by untouched ; and as to these of more consequence , I have treated of them with as much brevity as the nature matter would permit : Since by hinting only the Heads , and referring my Reader to the true Ancient History it self . I did not question but the more curious would take an opportunity to compare the same , both with the Author's Suppositions , and the historical Account it self . What he has related of such matters as are not extant in Histories ; wherein the sacred Laws of History have obliged me to contradict his ill-grounded Relation , I will only say thus much : That as the Kingdom of Denmark is very well known to me , so I am sure I have related nothing , but what I not only very well know , but also can easily prove , by unquestionable Witnesses who are not ashamed to own their Names . And if this Gentleman's Friends , who instructed him had had a little less Gravity , but somewhat more Knowledge in these Affairs , which they pretended to understand , we might questionless have expected a more fair Account of Denmark . FINIS . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A35311-e710 Symb. CAROLI IV. Imp , Optimum est alienâ insaniâ frui . Liv. Hist Rom. lib. 44. c. 22. Dialogue betwixt Whigg and Tory. p. 258 , 260 , 261 , 262. Concilia Theologica Witten●errica Francofurt ad Moenum . Pag. 94 Vid. Georgii Dedekennii Thesaurum consilior . Theol . & jurid . Edit . per Job . Ernest. Gerhard . Jen. 1671. Hector . Gothofred . Masii Theol . D. & Prof. P. in acad. Hafn. Interesse Principum circa religionem Evangelicam ad sereniss . ac potentiss Daniae Regem . Hafniae . 1687 Formal , Exorcism , Leave this Child , thou unclean Spirit , and give place to the Holy Ghost ! 1674. 2. Supplicat . Fas non est vel publicum religionis exercitium , lege● , aut constitutiones Ecclesiasticas hactenus ibi receptas , templa , scholas , hospitalia aut eo per●inentes reditus , pensione , stipendia prioribus adimere , suorumque Sacrorum hominibus applicare , vel juris territorialis . Episcopalis , patronatus , aliove quocunque praetextu subditis ministros alterins confessionis obtrudere , ullumve aliud impedimentum aut praejudicium directe● vel indirecte alterius sacris afferre . Pac. Osnabrug . Instrument . §. 7. * Hamburgh . Perdam Babylonis homen . Grammon ● Hist. Ga● , lib. xv . An. 167● . Important Considerations writien by the Secular Priests , p. 4 Vertumnus Romanus . Jesuites Reasons unreasonable . Letters Card. d'●fs● . p. 2. lib. 7. 8. n. 162. Letter of Father Peter Walsh of the Order of St. Francis 1674. Hamborrough . Dicd . l. 1. sect 2. Cic. l. 1. Divinat . Puffendorff . de habit . relig . ad vit . civil Quam ob causam populus Judaicas salva sua religione cum alia civitate plene coalescere non potuit , unde sicut religio Judaica statue fuit coaeva , codem tempore ac volumine sancitis legibus , circa sacra & civilia . Ita & religio Judaica implicita fuit , ut illa huic superstes esse non posset . Sicut destructio templi & eversio Reip● certissimum indicium sit abolitae religionis Judaicae . Cic. de Orator . l. 1. Magno conatu magnas nugas agere . Diod. lib. 1. ● . 2. Herodot . lib. 2. Plat. in Tim. a Cic. pro L. Flacc. Tribuo Graecis literas , do multarum artium disciplinam , non adimo sermonis leporem , ingeniorum acumen , dicendi copiam : denique etiam , si quae alia sibi sumunt , non repugno : testimoniorum religionem & fidem nunquam ista natio coluit : to●iusque bujus rei , quae sit vis , quae auctoritas , quod pondus , ignorant . Ibid b Qu●m in the atro imperiti komines rerum ●●nnium rudes ignarique consederant , tum bella inutilia suscipiebant , tum sediticsos homines Reip. praeficiebant , tum optime meritos cives è civitate ejiciebant . c Cic. de Orator . lib. 1. Quantum praestiterint majores nostri prudentia caeteris gentibus , tumfacillime quisque intelliget , si cum Graecoruni Lycurgo & Dracone & Solone nostras leges conferre voluerit . Incredibile est enim , quam sit omne jus civile , praeter nostrum , inconditum ac pene ridiculum . Cic. Tuscul. quaest . l. 1. Omnia Romani aut invenere per se sapientius , quam Graeci , aut accepta ab iliis fecere meliora , quae quidem digna statuissent , in quibus elaborarent . Remp. nostri majores certe melioribus tempera●verunt & institutis & legibus quam Graect . d De orat . l. 2. Seculis multis ante Gymnasia inven●a sunt , quam in his Philosophi garrire ●●perunt . e De orat . lib. 3. Graeci aliqui doctores pervulgata praecepta decantant , quum ipsi nunquam forum , nunquam ullum judicium aspexerint . f Cic , de legib . lib. 1. Gellius , quum proconsul , expraetura in Graeciam venisset , Athenis Philosophos , qui tum erant , in locum unum convocaevit , ipsisque magnopere author fuit , ut aliquando controversiarum aliquem facerent modum ; quod si essent co-animo ut nollent aetatem in litibus conter●re , posse rem convenire , & . simul operam suam illis est pollicitus , si posset , inter eos , aliquid convenire . Cic. de sini● . l. 5. Cic. l. offic . 1. Lacedaemonios , classe ill● a rissa , aliam ptrare posse , se fugere sine de●ocere non posse . Des Cartes . a Cic. lib. 1. de Orat. Romae profecto nulla unquam vehementius , quam eloquentiae studia viguerunt . Nam posteaquam imperio omnium gentium constituto , diuturnitas pacis otium confirmavi● : nemo fere laudis cupidus adolescens , non sibi ad dicendum studio omni enitendum putavit . Ac primo quidem totius rei ignari , qui neque exercitationis ullam viam , neque aliquod praeceptum artis esse arbitrarentur , tantum , quantum ingenio & coginatione poterant , consequebantur . Post autem audicis oratoribus Graecis , cognitisque torum literis adhibitisque doctoribus , incredibili quodam dicendi studio , ●ostri homines flagraverunt . b lib. 1. offic . Quorum patres aut majores aliqua gloria praestiverunt , corum plerique in eo genere laudis student excellere ; Ut Q. Decius Publii silius , in jure civili : Pauli filius Africanus in re militari . c Pro P. Sext. Imitemur nostros Brutos , Camillos , Decios , Curios , F●bilcios , Maximos , Scipiones , Lentulos , AEmilios , innumerabilesq alios , qu : Romanam Remp. Stabiliverunt . ●●●● Philip. p. 5. Legibus ●●●●●● , cum grandiorem ●●●●●● ad consulatum Rom●●●●●uebant , adolescentiae ●●●●●●rem verebantur . d Cic. lib. 1. Offic. Carneades dicebat , eos qui Rhetores nominarentur , & qui dicendi praecepta traderent , nihil● plane tenere . Mnesarchus hos , quos nos oratores votaremas , nihil esse dicebat , nisi quosdam operarios , lingua celeri & exercitata , oratorem autem , nisi qui sapiens esset , esse neminem . O Urbem venalen . ●● si modo emptorem invenisset . Cic. Catilinar . 2. e Cic. pro leg . Manil. Quemenim poss●mus imperatorem aliquo in numero putare , cujus inexe●rcitu veneant centuriatus , atque venierint ? Quid hunc hominem magnum aut amplum cogitare de rep . qui pecuniam ex aerario deprompt●m ad bellum administrandum , a●t propter cupiditatem provinciae magistratibus diviserit , a●t propter avaritiam Romae in quaestu reliquerit ? Vestra admurmuratio facit , Quirites , ut agnoscere videamini qui haec fecerint . Ego autem neminem nomino . Quare mihi irasci nemo poterit , nisi qui ante de se voluerit confiteri . Itaque propter hanc avaritiam imperatorum quantas calamitates , quocunque ventum sit , nostri exercitus ferant , quis ignorat ? Itinera quae per hosce annos in Italia per agros atque oppida civium Romanorum imperatores fecerunt , recordamini : tum facilius statuetis , quid apud exteras nationes fieri existimetis . Utinam plures arbitramini per hosces annos militum vestrorum armis hostium urbe , an hibernis , sociorum civitates esse deletas ? Negue enim exercitum potest is continere imperator , qui seipsum non continet ; neque severus esse in judicando , qui alios in se severos esse judices non vult . a Lib. 3. dooffic . Pythius , & omnes aliud agentes , aliud simulantos , persidiimprobi , molitiosi sunt . Nullum igitur eorum factum potest esse utile , cu ● sit tot vitiis inquinatum . b Cic. lib. 2. Divinat . Vetus illud Catonis admodum scitum est , qui mirari se aiebat , quod non rideret aruspex , aruspicem cum vi diss . Rex Prusias cum apud eum Annibali exulanti pugnore placeret , negaba● se audere , quod exta prohiberent . An tu , inquit , ●● unculae vitulinae mavis quam veteri Imperatori credere ? a Err●s , mi Lucili , si existima ; nostri seculi esse vitium luxuriam & negligentiam boni moris & alia quae objicit suis quisque temporibus . Hominum suns ista non tempor●m : Nulla aetas v●cavit à culpa ; Et si aestimare licentiam cujusque seculi incipi●s , pudet dicere , nunquam ●pertius , quam coram Catione peccatum est . Cic. ad Attic. l. Ep. 1. Cato optimo animo utens & summa side , nocet incerdum Reip. Dicit enim ●anquam in Platonis politia , non tanquam in Romuli faece , sententi●●● . b Cic , lib. 2. de inven● . Dex Graecorum : Qui tyranum occiderit , Olympionicorum praemium capito , & quam voldt sibi rem à mag●stratu deposcito , & magistratus ei concedito . b Cic , lib. 2. de inven● . Dex Graecorum : Qui tyranum occiderit , Olympionicorum praemium capito , & quam voldt sibi rem à mag●stratu deposcito , & magistratus ei concedito . c Senec. Hercul Fur. Victima haud ulla amplior potest magisque opima mact●ri Jovi , quam R●n iniquus . Notes for div A35311-e8580 a Caesar. lib. 4. De Bello Galico Sueviorum Gens bellico sissima Germano●● omnium ; Iri centum pagos baber dicuntur : Ex quibus quotannis singuli miliae armatorum bellandi causae , suis ex finibus educunt . eliqui domi manent . Pro se atque illis Colunt . sed privati & separati agri apud eos nihil est : Neque longius an●o remanere uno in loco incole●dicausa , licet . Neque multum frumento , sed maxim●● partem lacte atque pecore vivunt multumque sunt in v●nationnibus . Que res & cibi genere & quotidiana exercitatione & libertate visa● ( quod a pueris nullo officio ●●● disciplina assue facti nihil o●● nino contra voluntatem faciant ) & vires alit & immani corporum magnitudine efficit . b Corn Tacit. de morib . Germ. De minoribusrebus principes consultant , de majoribus omnes , ita tamen ut ea quoque , quorum penes plebem arbitrium est , apud principes pertractentur . Illud ex libertate vitium , quod non semel nec just conveniunt , sed & alter & tertius dies cunctatione coeuntium absumitur . Ut turba placuit , considunt armati . Mox Rex vel Princeps , prout aetas cuique , prout nobilitas , ●prout decus bettorum , prout facundia est , audiuntur austoritate seadenda magis , quamjubendi potestate . Si displicuit sententia , fremit● aspernatur , sin placuit frame as asconcutiunt . Licet apud concilium accusare quoque & discrimen capitis intendere . c Ibid. ( c. ) Reges ex nobilitate , duces ex virtute sumunt . Et duces exemplo quotius , quam imperio , si prompti sint , si comspicui , si ant●aciem agant , admiratione praesunt . Caeterum neque animadvertere , neque vincire , neque verberare quidem , nisi Sacerdotibus , permissum . d ibid. Nullus Germanorum populis urbes habitari , satis notum est , ne pati quidem inter se junctas sedes . Colunt discreti ac divers● ut fons , nt campus , ut nemus , placuit . Vicos locant non in nostrum morem , connexis & cobaerentibus aedificiis . Suam qnifque domum spatiocirsumdat . Liv. Hists Rom. lib. 21. 24 , 28. Caes. lib. do bell . Hisp. Liv. Hist. Rom. Lib. 27. C. 19. Cricumfusa inde multitudo Hispanorum & ante deditorum & pridie captorum Regem eum ingenti consensu appellavi● Tum Scipo , silent to per praeconem facto , sibi maximum nomen Imperatoris esse , dixit , quo se milites sui appellassent . Regium nomen alibi magnum , Ramae intolerabile ad esse . Regalem animum in seesse ; si id in hominis ingenio amplissimum ducerent , tacitè judicarent ; Vocisusurpatione abstinerent . Sensere etiam barbari magnitudinem animi : Cujus miraculo nominis alii mortaleos stuperent , tam alto fast igio aspernantis . Dona inde Regulis principibusque Hispanor●● divisa , & ex magna copia captorum equorum trecentos . equos el●gere judibilem jussit . Caes. de bell . Gall. Lib. 1. 2. 3. Caes. bell , Gall. lib. 1. 2. a Caes. bell . Gall. lib. 1. In castris Helvetiorum tabule repertae sunt liter is Graeeis confectae & ad Caesarem perlatae , quibus in tabulis nominatim ratio confecta erat , qui numerus domo exisset eorum , qui arma ferre possent , & item separatim pueri , senes , mulieresque , &c. b Caes. lib. 2. bell . Gall. De numero corum omniase habere explorata Rhemi dicebant , propter●à quod propinquitatibus affinitatibusque conjuncti , quantam , quisque multitudinem in Belgarum communi concilio ad id bellum , pollicitus sit , cognoverint . Suessones suos esse finitimos latissimos ; feracissimosque agros possidere . Apud eos fuisse regem nostra etiam memoria Divitiacum totius Galli●e Potentissimum , qui qu●● magnae parti● harum Region●m , tum etiam Britanniae Imperium obtinuer●t● nune esse Regem Galbam : Ad hunc proter justitiam prudentiam que summani totius ●e●i● 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 voluntate doferri . c Caesar. lib. 1. bell● Gall. Orat. ad Ariovist● Multa à Caesare in cam sententiam dicta sunt , quare negotio desistere non posset , & neque suam neque Populi Rom. consuetudinem pati , ut optime meritos socios desereret ; neque se putare Galliam esse potius Ariouisti quam Populi Rom. bello superatos esse Arvernos & Rutenos à Q● Fabio Maximo , quibus Populus Rom. ignovisset , neque in provinciam redegisset , neque stipendium imposuisset . Quod si antiquissimum quodque tempus spectare oporteret , Populi Rom. justissimum esse in Gallia Imperium ; si judicium Senatus ser●ari aporteret , liberam esse debere Galliam , quam bello victam suis legibus uti vol●isset . d Caes. lib. 5. bell , Gall. Concilio Gallorum Sambrigiae peracto quod eo anno frumentum in Gallia , propter sic●itates angustius provenerat , coactus est aliter acsuperioribus annis , excrcitum in hybernis collocare , legionesque in plures Civitates distribuere , &c. Unam legionem , quam proximè trans Padum conscripserat , & Cohortes V. in Eburones , quorum pars maxima est inter Mosam & Rhenum , qui suo Imperio . Ambiorigis & Catavulci erant , misit . e Tacitus de moribus Germanor . ( e ) Ubii transgressi olim & experimento fidei super ipsam Rheni ripam collocati , ut arcerent , non ut custodir●ntur . Omnium harum gentium praecipue Bata●● non multum ex ripa , sed insulam Rheni amnis colunt . Manet honos & antiquae societatis insigne ; Nam nec tributis contemnuntur , nec publicanus atterit , &c. a Meurs . hist. Dan. part 1. lib. 3. Factus igitur Rex Sueno , quem Canuti M. nepotem Dant non amore aliquo ducti , sed necessitate coacti , quià è prosapia Regia nemo alius superesset , Regem sibi elegerunt . Pontan Rer. Dan. Hist. Lib. 5. sed Sueno ex sorore , ut indicavimus , Canuti M. genitus , solus se Magni conatibus objecit , fretus non tam amicorum praesidiis , quam sua virtute & natalibus , quibus id quod poscebat , omni ratione deberi existinabat . b Pont. Rer. Dan. lib. 7. Abelem qui parricidio meruerat ab omni non modo successionis , sed haeredii quoque ●ure excludi , Regem creant . ( 1. ) Quod nimirum frater ejus Ericus filios sibi superstites nullos reliquisset . ( 2. ) Et Abel inter fratres , qui superstites erant , natus esset maximus . ( 3. ) Quod metus alias foret , ne Slesvicensem Ducatum , quo potiebatur , a Regno separaret . Meurs . Hist. Dan. Part. 2. Lib. 2. Abelus igitur , fratre Erico per infandum scelus caeso , Regnum occupat ; quippe ille nullos liberos reliquerat : Et hic fratrum natu maximus Regno proximus censebatur , &c. Ille datis ad Senatum literis causam suam agere , & de multis fratrem accusare , tum testari , illum nullo suo scelere , verum casu , pluribus in scapham defilientibus , periisse . Haec cum reputarent proceres , Regem sibi necessarium potius quam dignum creant ipsis Kalend. Novembris . c Pontan . Rer. Dan. Histor . Libr. VIII . Olaum Hacquini Norvagiae & Margaretae filium Regem declarant , utpote qui matris aspectu non modo regni proximus esset , &c. Pont. Lib. 9. Rer. Dan. Pag. 516. Albert. Crantzius Histor. Norvag . Lib. VII . d Crantz . hist. Dan. 2. cap. XVII . Broderus filius Jarmerici quem ille destinatum supplicio priusquam interiret morte jussit revocare . Ne omnino Regnum haerede careret . d Crantz . hist. Dan. 2. cap. XVII . Broderus filius Jarmerici quem ille destinatum supplicio priusquam interiret morte jussit revocare . Ne omnino Regnum haerede careret . Meurs . Lib. 1. Chytr . Saxon. Chytr . in Saxon , ad an . 1522● Meurs . hist Dan. Part 1. lib. 3. Pontan . Rer. Dan. ●ist . lib 5. Crantz . Chron. Dan lib. 3. Pontan . Rer. Dan , Hist. lib. 1. Meurs . hist. Dan. lib. 3. Pontan . hist. Dan. lib. 5● Meurs . lib. 1. de gest . Christian II Meurs . lib. 2. de g●● . Joh. Crantz . Chron. Dan. l. 8. Pontan . lib. 9. Meurs . Hist. Dan. lib. 5. Lib. 2. c. 4. Chron. Dan. Meurs . Hist. Dan. lib. 3. Meurs . Hist. Dan. C●nt . l. 1. Pontan . l. 6 , 7 , 8. Meurs . Hist. Dan. lib. 5● Meurs de gest . Joh. Reg. l●● . Chytr . Saxon . lib. 10. Pontan . lib. 6. Pontan . lib. 7. 
A51114	----	An account of Denmark, as it was in the year 1692 Molesworth, Robert Molesworth, Viscount, 1656-1725. 1694 Approx. 353 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 145 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2003-01 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A51114 Wing M2383 ESTC R2987 12185538 ocm 12185538 55771 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A51114) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 55771) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 610:9) An account of Denmark, as it was in the year 1692 Molesworth, Robert Molesworth, Viscount, 1656-1725. The third edition corrected. [40], 246 [i.e. 248] p. Printed for Timothy Goodwin ..., London : 1694. The fifth edition (Glascow, 1745) has the authors name [Robert Molesworth]. Cf. Halkett & Laing (2nd ed.) Reproduction of original in Huntington Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. 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Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Denmark -- Description and travel. 2000-00 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2001-07 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2001-08 TCP Staff (Michigan) Sampled and proofread 2001-08 TCP Staff (Michigan) Text and markup reviewed and edited 2001-11 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion AN ACCOUNT OF Denmark , AS It was in the Year 1692. Pauci prudentiâ , honesta ab deterioribus , utilia ab noxiis discernunt ; plures aliorum eventis docentur . Tacit. lib. 4 o Ann. Vincit amor patriae — Virg. The Third Edition Corrected . LONDON : Printed for Timothy Goodwin , at the Queen's Head against St. Dunstan's Church in Fleetstreet . 1694. THE CONTENTS . CHap. 1. Of the Territories belonging to the King of Denmark , and their Situation . p. 1. Chap. 2. Of Denmark in particular , and the Island of Zealand . 6 Chap. 3. Of the Sound . 15 Chap. 4. Of the other Islands and Jutland . 25 Chap. 5. Of the rest of the King of Denmark's Countries . 29 Chap. 6. Of their Form of Government . 38 Chap. 7. The Manner how the Kingdom of Denmark became Hereditary and Absolute . 44 Chap. 8. The Condition , Customs , and Temper of the People . 68 Chap. 9. Of the Revenue . 92 Chap. 10. Of the Army , Fleet , and Fortresses . 116 Chap. 11. Of the Court. 137 Chap. 12. The Disposition and Inclinations of the King of Denmark towards his Neighbours . 173 Chap. 13. The Manner of Dispossessing and restoring the Duke of Holstein Gottorp . 184 Chap. 14. The Interests of Denmark in relation to other Princes . 201 Chap. 15. Of the Laws , Courts of Justice , &c. 212 Chap. 16. The State of Religion , of the Clergy and Learning . 228 Chap. 17. The Conclusion . 235 THE PREFACE . HEalth and Liberty are without dispute the greatest natural Blessings Mankind is capable of enjoying ; I say natural , because the contrary states are purely accidental , and arise from Nature debauched , depraved or enforced . Yet these Blessings are seldom sufficiently valued whilst enjoy'd ; like the daily advantages of the Sun and Air , they seem scarce regarded because so common , by those that are in possession of them . But as an Italian that passes a Winter in Groenland , will soon be convinc'd through his want of the kind Influences of that glorious Planet , how much Misery he endures , in comparison of those who dwell in his Native Country , so he that knows by Experience the trouble of a languishing Sickness , or the loss of his Liberty , will presently begin to have a right esteem of that which formerly he scarce thought worth his notice . This Experience is either what a Man learns by that which befalls himself , or by making Observations on the condition of other People : The first is the common guide to the generality of Mankind , who are not apt to look beyond themselves , unless with St. Thomas they feel as well as see , they will not believe . Thus in the instance of bodily Health , we find those that have been always accustom'd to it , have scarce any Notion of the Misery of the contrary state , and therefore are careless in shunning those Excesses which might bring Diseases upon them ; the sad Examples seen every day of miserable sick Debauchées , being not sufficient to deter others from lewdness . But the second sort of Experience is the Instructress of wise Men : For the Prudent will not fail to benefit themselves by the Accidents that befall others , both in their Health and Liberty , by avoiding the occasions of them : And this is one of the great Advantages of Society , that not only the Assistance , but even the Misfortunes of others , may be of use to us . Want of Liberty is a Disease in any Society or Body Politick , like want of Health in a particular Person ; and as the best way to understand the nature of any Distemper aright , is to consider it in several Patients , since the same Disease may proceed from different causes , so the disorders in Society are best perceived by observing the Nature and Effects of them in our several Neighbours : Wherefore Travel seems as necessary to one who desires to be useful to his Country , as practising upon other Mens Distempers is to make an able Physician : For although a Man may see too frequently the Misery of such as are depriv'd of Health without quitting his own Country , yet ( thanks to Providence ) he must go out of these Kingdoms who would know experimentally the want of Publick Liberty . He that Travels into a Climate infected with this Disease ( and he can find sew that are not ) does not only see , but in some measure feel the Grievances occasioned by it in the several Inconveniencies of living , in some proportion with the Natives ; so as to relish better upon his return ( which we suppose depends upon his choice ) the freedom and ease of his own home Constitution ; and may make good use of this Experience without having paid too dear for it : But a Man cannot transmigrate himself for a while into a distemper'd Body as he may Travel into an Enslaved Country , with equal facility of getting rid of each of them again . Thus 't is a great , yet rare advantage to learn rightly how to prize Health without the expence of being Sick , but one may easily and cheaply grow sensible of the true value of Liberty by Travelling into such Countries for a Season as do not enjoy it . And this can be done by no Nation in the World so commodiously as the English : The affluence of their Fortunes and Easiness in their private Affairs are evidently greater than those of other People of Europe ; so that generally speaking , none are in a condition to spend more freely , or may propose to reap greater benefit by Travel , and yet none have practised it less . In other Countries some Princes and Men of the first quality may have Purses strong enough to bear the expence , but few of the midling sort venture upon it ; and those are commonly either Military Men , who have other designs in view than the knowledge of the World ; or the Unfortunate , who chuse it as a diversion or a refuge , and who have their Heads too full of their own Miseries , to be at leisure to make their Observations on others . And besides , we often see the like Arbitrary Practices at home ( they having been always train'd up in Servitude ) does so far vitiate their Reason , as to put them out of a capacity of judging aright : for 't is not only possible , but very usual , that People may be so season'd to and hardned in Slavery , as not only to have lost the very Taste of Liberty , but even to love the contrary State : as Men over-run with the Spleen take pleasure in their Distemper . But in England there are very many Gentlemen , whose Estates will afford them either to travel in Person , or to send abroad such of their Sons for four or five Years as have the most solid Judgments , in which time they may acquire such Manners , and make such Observations as shall render them useful to their Country ; and thereby advance their private Fortunes , more than what is saved by keeping them at home would amount to . The Method which has been generally follow'd by us in sending young Gentlemen to Travel can hardly answer any of these ends : on the contrary it has hitherto been so mischievous , that 't is well travelling has been so little in fashion . We send them abroad Children , and bring them home great Boys , and the returns they make for the Expences laid out by their Parents , are suitable to their Age : That of the Languages is the very best , but the most common is an affected Foppishness , or a filthy Disease . for which they sometimes exchange their Religion : Besides , the Pageantry , Luxury , and Licentiousness of the more Arbitrary Courts have bribed them into an Opinion of that very Form of Government : Like Ideots , who part with their Bread for a glittering piece of Tinsel , they prefer gilded Slavery to coarse domestick Liberty , and exclaim against their old fashion'd Country-men , who will not reform their Constitution according to the new foreign Mode . But the Travelling recommended here is that of Men , who set out so well stock'd with the Knowledge of their own Country , as to be able to compare it with others , whereby they may both supply it where they find it wanting , and set a true value on 't where it excels : with this help such Travellers could not fail of becoming serviceable to the Publick , in contributing daily towards the bettering of our Constitution , though without doubt it be already one of the best in the World. For it were as fond to imagine we need not go abroad , and learn of others , because we have perhaps better Laws and Customs already then Forreigners , as it were not to Trade abroad , because we dwell in one of the plentifullest Parts of the World. But as our Merchants bring every day from barren Countries many useful things , which our own good one does not produce ; so if the same care were taken to supply us with exact Accounts of the Constitutions , Manners , and Condition of other Nations , we might without doubt find out many things for our purpose , which now our meer Ignorance keeps us from being sensible that we want . The Athenians , Spartans , and Romans did not think themselves too wise to follow this Method , they were at great Expence to procure the Laws of other Nations , thereby to improve their own : and we know they throve by it , since few Governments are so ill constituted , as not to have some good Customs . We find admirable Regulations in Denmark , and we read of others among the Savage Americans fit to serve for Models to the most civilized Europeans . But although the Constitution of our Government were too perfect already to receive any Improvement , yet the best Methods conducing to the peaceable Conservation of its present Form , are well worth every English Man's enquiry ; neither are these so easily to be found in this Age , which were judged so difficult , ( if not altogether impracticable ) by the greatest of Politicians in his time . 'T is true , the Wisdom of our Ancestors , or their good Fortune , has hitherto made these our Kingdoms an Exception to his general Maxim ; yet we all know how many grievous Tempests ( which as often threatned Shipwrack ) this Vessel of our Commonwealth has undergone . The perpetual Contests between the Kings and the People ( whilst those endeavour'd to acquire a greater Power than was legally due , and these to preserve or recover their just Liberties ) have been the contending Billows that have kept it afloat ; so that all we pretended to by the late Revolution ( bought with so great Expence , yet not too dearly paid for ) was to be as we were , and that every one should have his own again ; the effecting of which may be called a piece of good Luck , and that 's the best can be said of it . But must frequent Blood-lettings be indispensibly necessary to preserve our Constitution ? Is it not possible for us to render vain and untrue that Sarcasm of Forreigners , who object to us that our English Kings have either too little Power , or too much , and that therefore we must expect no settled or lasting Peace ? Shall we for ever retain the ill Character they give us of the most mutable and inconstant Nation of the World ? Which however we do not deserve , no more than England does that of Regnum Diabolorum , so common in unconsidering Forreigners Mouths ? Methinks a Method to preserve our Commonwealth in its legal State of Freedom , without the necessity of a Civil War once or twice every Age , were a benefit worth searching for , though we went to the furthest Corners of the World in quest of it . Besides the Knowledge of the present State of our Neighbour Nations ( which is best acquired by Travel ) is more incumbent on the Gentlemen of England than any others ; since they make so considerable a part of our Government in Parliament , where foreign Business comes frequently under Consideration , and at present more then ever . 'T is none of the smallest Advantages which his Majesty has procured us by his accession to the Crown , that we make a greater Figure in the World than formerly ; we have more foreign Alliances , are become the Head of more than a Protestant League , and have a right to intermeddle in the Affairs of Europe , beyond what we ever pretended to in any of the preceding Reigns : For 't is a true , though but a Melancholy Reflexion , that our late Kings half undid us , and bred us up as narrow spirited as they could , made us consider our selves as proscribed from the World ; in every sence toto divisos orbe Britannos . And indeed they had withdrawn us from the World so long till the World had almost overlooked us ; we seldom were permitted to cast an Eye farther than France or Holland , and then too we were carefully watched : But at present Matters are otherwise ; we have a Prince that has raised us to our natural Station , the Eyes of most part of the World are now upon us , and take their Measures from our Councils : We find every day occasion to inform our selves of the Strength and Interests of the several Princes of Europe . And perhaps one great reason why we live up no better to the mighty Post we are advanced to , nor maintain our Character in it with great Reputation , is because our Education has been below it , and we have been too much lock'd up at home , when we should have been acquainting our selves with the Affairs of the World abroad . We have lately bought the Experience of this Truth too dear , not to be now sensible of it . 'T is not very long ago since nothing was more generally believed ( even by Men of the best Sence ) then that the Power of England was so unquestionably establish'd at Sea , that no Force could possibly shake it , that the English Valour and Manner of Fighting was so far beyond all others , that nothing was more desirable than a French War. Should any one have been so regardless of his Reputation , as at that time to have represented the French an overmatch for the united Forces of England and Holland ; or have said that we should live to see our selves insulted on our own Coasts and our Trade indanger'd by them , that we should be in Apprehensions every Year of an Invasion and a French Conquest : such a venturesome Man must have expected to have pass'd for a very Traveller , or at best for an ill-natur'd or unthinking Person , who little consider'd what the irresistible Force of an English Arm was ; But our late Experience has reclaim'd us from these Mistakes ; our Fathers and Grandfathers told us indeed these things when they were true , when our Yeomanry and Commonalty were evey day exercised in drawing the Long-bow and handling the Brown-bill , with other Weapons then in use , wherein we excell'd all the World ; but we have liv'd upon the Credit of those Times too long , and superciliously neglected our formidable Neighbour and Enemy , whilst he was improving his Strength , and we through the Encouragement , and by design of our late Rulers were enervating our own . The Ecclesiasticks of most Religions , who are allow'd to understand and prosecute their own Interests best of any People , though they be generally Persons whose Function obliges them to a sedentary and studious Course of Life , have not omitted to draw such Advantages from Travel as conduce to their Honour and Profit . These Men , whose conversing with Books makes them know more then others , have yet found their Account in sending some of the most judicious of their Members and Fraternities to fetch home Knowledge and Experience from the remotest parts of the World. The Colledge De propaganda fide was establish'd under pretence indeed of serving Religion , but we know the Founders of it are no farther slaves to Religion than 't will be serviceable to them , neither was it so much through zeal for Conversions , as to increase their Revenues , and learn Forreign Policies in Church and State Affairs . The Jesuits have brought several Maxims , as well as Sums , from as far off as China and Japan , thereby improving their Knowledgè , so as to outwit their Friends at home , and by following their Example in this . I am sure we can run no hazard , at least of passing for Fools . These Men ( whose firm adherence to the most exquisite Tyranny is manifest by their indefatigable endeavours in behalf of the French King's Interests , as formerly of the House of Austria's , whilst it was in its heighth ) have by these Arts ingrossed to themselves the Education of the Youth in all Popish Countries . The Lutheran Priests ( who have an entire dependance on their Kings and Princes ) are intrusted with the like in those Countries which observe the Confession of Ausburg . They also send abroad some of their hopefullest young Students , several of which may be met with at Oxford , Cambridge , and Paris : The use they make of Travel being not only to improve their Knowledge in Sciences , but to learn fit Methods to please their Soveraigns at the expence of the Peoples Liberties . Now in former Ages , whilst the Ecclesiasticks were both ignorant and scandalously wicked , they were not esteemed by the Laity , and consequently had not so much power to do mischief : But since that through a Reformation of Manners , and Knowledge of the World , they have recover'd credit , and that the restored Learning of Europe is principally lodg'd among them , they have gained a much greater influence both on the Opinions and Practices of their Disciples , and promoted a pernicious Doctrine with all the success they themselves could desire . But the same Travel will afford the best Antidote for this Poyson , and teach a Gentleman , who makes right use of it , by what steps Slavery has within these last 200 Years crept upon Europe , most of the Protestant , as well as Popish Countries having in a manner quite lost the precious Jewel Liberty . This cannot be attributed to any more probable cause than the enslaving the Spirits of the People , as a preparative to that of their Bodies ; for since those Forreign Princes think it their Interest that Subjects should obey without Reserve , and all Priests , who depend upon the Prince , are for their own sakes obliged to promote what he esteems his Interest , 't is plain , the Education of Youth , on which is laid the very Foundation Stones of the publick Liberty , has been of late years committed to the sole management of such as make it their business to undermine it ; and must needs do so , unless they will be false to their Fortunes , and make the Character of Priest give place to that of true Patriot . 'T is confest that in their Schools and Universities , excellent Rules for attaining Languages and Sciences are made use of with greater success than any heretofore : Those Youths especially , who have been bred among the Jesuits , are justly remarked to excel others of equal Parts instructed elsewhere : But still this is only a training up in the knowledge of Words and Languages , whereof there is seldom any occasion , as if the Pupils were intended to be made School-masters ; whilst the weightier Matters of true Learning , whereof one has occasion every hour ; such as good Principles , Morals , the improvement of Reason , the love of Justice , the value of Liberty , the duty owing to ones Countrey and the Laws , are either quite omitted , or slightly passed over : Indeed they forget not to recommend frequently to them what they call the Queen of all Vertues , viz. Submission to Superiors , and an entire blind Obedience to Authority , without instructing them in the due measures of it , rather teaching them that 't is without all bounds : Thus the Spirits of Men are from the beginning inured to Subjection , and deprived of the right Notion of a generous and legal Freedom ; which few among them ( so hardly are the prejudices of Education shaken off ) grow sensible of , till they become of some Age and Maturity , or have unlearn'd by good Company and Travel those dangerous passive Doctrines they suck'd in at the Schools and Universities : But most have the Misfortune to carry these slavish Opinions with them to their Graves . Had these Countries , whilst they were free , committed the Government of their Youth to Philosophers instead of Priests , they had in all probability preserv'd themselves from the Yoak of Bondage to this day , whereas now they not only endure it , but approve of it likewise . — tantum relligio potuit . The Greeks and Romans instituted their Academies to quite another purpose , the whole Education of their Youth tended to make them as useful to the Society they lived in as possible . There they were train'd up to Exercise and Labour , to accustom them to an active Life : No Vice was more infamous than Sloth , nor any Man more contemptible than him that was too lazy to do all the Good he could ; the Lectures of their Philosophers served to quicken them up to this . They recommended above all things the Duty to their Countrey , the preservation of the Laws and the publick Liberty ; subservient to which they preach'd up Moral Virtues , such as Fortitude , Temperance , Justice , a contempt of Death , &c. Sometimes they made use of pious Cheats , as Elisian Fields , and an Assurance of Future Happiness , if they died in the Cause of their Countrey ; and even deceived their Hearers into Greatness : Hence proceeded all those Noble Characters wherewith their Histories are so stock'd : Hence it was that their Philosophers were deservedly look'd upon as Supports of the State , they had their dependance wholly upon it ; and as they could have no Interest distinct from it , they laid out themselves towards the advancing and promoting the good of it , insomuch that we find the very good Fortune of their Commonwealths often lasted no longer than they did . The managers of our modern Education have not been quite so publick Spirited , for it has been , as I have shewn , for the most part in the hands of Men who have a distinct Interest from the publick ; therefore 't is not to be wondred at , if like the rest of the World , they have been byassed by it , and directed their principal Designs towards the advancing their own Fortunes . Good Learning as well as Travel is a great Antidote against the Plague of Tyranny . The Books that are left us of the Ancients ( from whence , as from Fountains , we draw all that we are now Masters of ) are full of Doctrines , Sentences , and Examples exhorting to the Conservation or Recovery of the publick Liberty , which was once valued above Life . The Hero's there celebrated are for the most part such as had destroyed or expelled Tyrants ; and though Brutus be generally de claimed against by modern School-boys , he was then esteemed the true Pattern and Model of exact Vertue . Such was Cato of Utica , with others of like stamp . The more any person is conversant with good Books , the more shall he find the practices of these Great Men in this particular founded upon Reason , Justice , and Truth ; and unanimously approv'd of by most of the succeeding Wise-men which the World has produc'd . But instead of Books which inform the Judgment , those are commonly read in the Schools abroad , wherein an Elegancy of Latin and Greek Style is more sought after than the matter contained in them : So that such as treat a little boldly of publick Liberty occur to the reading of few , and those grown Men , rather through Chance or their Curiosity , than the recommendation of their Instructors . 'T was not to learn Forreign Languages that the Graecian and Roman Youths went for so long together to the Academies and Lectures of their Philosophers . 'T was not then , as now with us , when the Character of a Scholar is to be Skilled in Words ; when one who is well versed in the dark Terms and Subtilties of the Schools passes for a profound Philosopher , by which we seem so far to have perverted the Notion of Learning , that a Man may be reputed a most extraordinary Scholar , and at the same time be the most useless Thing in the World ; much less was it to learn their own Mother Tongues , the Greek and Latin , which we hunt after so eagerly for many Years together , ( not as being the Vehicles of good Sence , but as if they had some intrinsick Virtue . ) 'T was to learn how and when to speak pertinently , how to act like a Man to subdue the Passions , to be publick Spirited , to despise Death , Torments , and Reproach , Riches and the Smiles of Princes , as well as their Frowns , if they stood between them and their Duty . This manner of Education produced Men of another stamp than appears now upon the Theatre of the World ; such as we are scarce worthy to mention , and must never hope to imitate , till the like manner of Institution grows again into Reputation ; which in Enslaved Countries 'tis never likely to do , as long as the Ecclesiasticks , who have an opposite Interest , keep not only the Education of Youth , but the Consciences of old Men in their Hands . To serve by-ends , and because Priests thought they should find their own account in it , they calculated those unintelligible Doctrines of Passive Obedience and Jus Divinum ; that the People ought to pay an absolute Obedience to a limited Government ; fall down and worship the work of their own Hands , as if it dropt from Heaven ; together with other as profitable Doctrines , which no doubt many are by this time ashamed of , tho' they think it below them to condescend so far as to confess themselves to have been in the wrong . For this Notion of Jus Divinum of Kings and Princes was never known in these Northern Parts of the World till these latter Ages of Slavery : Even in the Eastern Countries , though they adore their Kings as Gods , yet they never fancied they received their Right to Reign immediately from Heaven . The single Example in Scripture so much insisted on , viz. the Reign of Saul over the Jews , and Samuel's Description of what a King would be , not what he lawfully might be ; proves either nothing at all , or the contrary to what some would have it ; for besides that there are many Relations of Fact in the Old Testament , not condemned there , which it would not be only inconvenient , but sinful for us to imitate : Whoever peruses the whole Story of Saul and his Successor , will therein find more substantial Arguments against the Jus Divinum and Non-Resistance , than for it : But we shall leave this , both as being too large an Argument for the compass of a Preface , and as being already fully handled by more able Pens . All Europe was in a manner a free Country till very lately insomuch that the Europaeans were , and still are , distinguish'd in the Eastern Parts of the World by the name of Franks . In the beginning small Territories , or Congregations of People , chose valiant and wise Men to be their Captains or Judges , and as often Deposed them upon Mis-management . These Captains ( doing their Duty well and faithfully ) were the Originals of all our Kings and Princes , which at first , and for a long time were every where Elective . According to their own Warlike Temper , or that of the People which they govern'd , they ( upon the Score of Revenge , Ambition , or being overthronged with Multitudes at home ) encroached upon their Neighbours ; till from petty Principalities their Countries waxed to mighty Kingdoms . Spain alone consisting of twelve or thirteen till t'other day , and one part of our Island of no less than seven : Each of these was at first made through an Union of many petty Lordships . Italy from several small Commonwealths was at length swallowed up by the Emperors , Popes , Kings of Spain , Dukes of Florence , and other lesser Tyrants . Yet 't is to be remark'd that the ancient State of Europe is best preserved in Italy even to this day , notwithstanding the Encroachments which have been there made on the Peoples Liberties ; of which one Reason may be , that the Republicks , which are more in number and quality in that Spot of Ground than in all Europe besides , keep their Ecclesiasticks within their due bounds , and make use of that natural Wit which Providence and a happy Climate has given them , to curb those , who if they had Power would curb all the World. Every one ought to know how great the Rights of the People were very lately in the Elective Kingdoms of Sweden and Denmark ; how Germany was freer than any other part of Europe , till at length 't was Lorded by Captains , which ( in process of time grew Princes and Electors ) and by Bishops with Temporal Authority , who may thank Charles the Great ( a very bigotted Prince ) for their double Sword of Flesh and Spirit . If it be objected , that Princes have acquired a Right to be absolute and arbitrary where the Subjects have given up their Liberties , there are some in the World who venture to answer , That no People in their right Wits , ( that is ) not guided by Fear or Tumult , can be supposed to confer an absolute Dominion , or to give away the Freedom of themselves and their Posterity for all Generations ; that such a Donation ought to be esteemed of no greater validity than the Gift of an Estate by a Child or a Mad-man from his lawful Successor ; that the People can no more part with their legal Liberties , then Kings can alienate their Crowns : That nothing which even the Representative Body of the People does , which shall afterwards tend to the detriment of the Universality can then be obligatory , because many things good and profitable at the time of making those Laws may be the quite contrary afterwards , and as soon as any Law grows apparently mischievous to the whole Body that made it , or their Successors , it ought by them to be repealed , and would certainly be so in Countries where frequent free Assemblies of the States are in use . That if these Assemblies be hindred , or corrupted by sinister Practices , the obliging quality of such a Law determines of it self through its own nature , it being supposed that the true Representatives of the People would have annull'd it , had they been permitted to meet and act freely : That the Acts of one general Parliament , though a free one , are not perpetually obliging , since that as well as particular Persons is liable to mistakes ; but the Acts of an eternal Succession of Parliaments , who make , confirm , change , or repeal Laws at their pleasure . These are hard Sayings in the Opinion of many ; but thus much we are sure of , whoever goes about to destroy or diminish the Right of the People in the disposal of the Crown , at the same time subverts their Majesty's Title to it : 'T is therefore seasonable now or never to assert both ; notwithstanding the prevarication of those who dare act under and receive benefit by this Revolution which they contributed nothing to , but which the People through God's Assistance procured for themselves ; yet will not dive into the Merits of the Cause , nor own the Lawfulness of the Fact ; but either cautiously avoid the Argument , or if it comes cross their way , mumble it as tenderly as the Ass did the Thistle , which caused the Philosopher to laugh , who never did it in his Life but that once ; so this manner of Behaviour would move both the Laughter and Indignation of all understanding Persons , Lovers of their Countries legal Liberties , for none are forced to fall under greater Absurdities , or to make more terrible Blunders in Divinity , Politicks , and good Sence , than such as would fain reconcile present Interest to their old beloved Maxims — res est ridicula & nimis jocosa ; Catull. But Heaven be praised , the Nation is almost freed from the gross Error of that slavish Doctrine , in spite of the Endeavours of such as would keep it alive , like hot Embers cover'd over with Ashes , ready to be blown up again into a flame upon the first occasion . In Russia and Muscovy the Government is as Tyrannical as in any of the more Eastern Monarchies , the Priests there have very much contributed both to make and keep it so . To the end that the People may be kept in the requisite Temper of Obedience , none are permitted to Travel upon pain of Death , except such as have special License , which are exceeding few ; neither are any Gentlemen of those Countries to be met with abroad , but publick Ministers and their Retinue : The Cause of this severe Prohibition is , least such Travellers should see the Liberty of other Nations , and be tempted to covet the like for themselves at home , which might occasion Innovations in the State. The same reason which induces Tyrants to prohibit Travelling , should encourage the People of free Countries to practice it , in order to learn the Methods of preserving that which once lost is very difficultly recover'd ; for Tyranny usually steals upon a State by degrees , and is ( as a wise Man said ) like a hectick Fever , which at first is easie to be cured , but hardly can be known ; after 't is throughly known it becomes almost incurable . Now travel best of all other Methods discovers ( at least expence ) the Symptoms of this pernicious Disease , as well as its dismal Effects when grown to a head ; and 't is certainly of greater Importance to understand how to preserve a sound Constitution , than how to repair a crazed one , though this also be a beneficial piece of Knowledge . In our own Universities , which are without controversie the best in the World , whether we consider their Revenues , their Buildings , or their Learning , there are travelling Fellowships establish'd ; which in a Country where the Clergy's Interest is not distinct from that of the Laity , is so far from being prejudicial to the legal Liberties of the People , that it tends to the Conservation of them ; for such worthy Men as are employ'd abroad , may bring home generous Notions of Liberty , and make admirable Remarks on the contrary State ; which being inculcated from the Pulpit , and enforced by the learned Arguments of able Divines , must needs overthrow those servile Opinions , which of late have been too much back'd by God's Authority , almost to the ruin of a Free People . I do not hereby mean to reflect on the Order which generally has the government of our Youth ; we have had the Experience of many among them who have given proof of a freer Education and useful Learning : And without question the chief Posts of the Gown of both kinds were never better fill'd than at present . I only lament the ill Contrivance of their Constitution , for while Interest draws one way , and Honesty another , when a Man may make his Fortune by forgetting his Duty to his Country , but shall always stick at Mark while he serves it ; 't is scarcely to be hoped Men should hold out against such Temptations , unless they be more gifted with Honesty than the generality of Mankind are . And since they continue still upon the same bottom , it must be expected the same , or other as mischievous Doctrines will every day be broach'd : whereas if they were once set upon the same foot the Philosophers of old were , if Honesty and the Duty to their Country were made their private Interest , and the way to thrive ; we should soon see them shift hands , and the Spirit of those Philosophers revive again in them . The Constitution of our Universities , as to Learning , seems as unfortunately regulated as it is to Politicks . We receive the directions of our Studies there , from Statutes made by those who understood nothing of the Matter , who had a quite different Notion and Taste of Learning from what the World has at present : It seems as ridiculous to take Patterns for the gentile Learning of this Age from the old fashion'd Learning of the Times wherein the University Statutes were compiled , as it would be for one who would appear well dress'd at Court , to make his Cloaths after the Mode in Henry the VIII's day : But 't is of infinitely worse consequence ; for the Prejudices and wrong Notions , the stiffness and positiveness in Opinion , the litigiousness and wrangling , all which the old Philosophy breeds , besides the narrow Spiritedness , and not enduring of Contradiction , which are generally contracted by a Monastick Life , require a great deal of time to get rid of , and until they be filed off by Conversation in the World abroad , a Man's Learning does but render him more useless and unfit for Society . I dare appeal to common Experience , whether those excellent Men that of late Years have been preferred in our Church ( then which Set of Divines England scarce ever knew a better ) be not for the most part such as have been very conversant with the World ; and if they have not all travell'd out of this Kingdom , have at least spent the best part of their days in this Epitom of the World , the City of London , where they have learnt Christian Liberty as well as other Christian Vertues . The great difference between these and others of narrow Opiniastre Tempers caus'd by their Monk-like Education is discernable by every Body , and puts it out of all doubt , that such who have seen most , of what Profession soever they be , prove the most honest and virtuous Men , and fittest for Humane Society : these embrace better Notions relating to the Publick , weigh Opinions before they adhere to them , have a larger Stock of Charity , a clearer Manner of distinguishing between Just and Unjust , understand better the Laws of our own Land , as well as the Priviledges and Frailties of Human Nature ; And all this in a degree far excelling the most zealous learned religious Person who has been brought up in his Cell , and is therefore what we call a Bigot , stiff in an Opinion , meerly because he has been used to it , and is ashamed to be thought capable of being deceived . Lawyers , whose manner of Breeding is much abroad in the World , and who are used to promiscuous Conversation , have been observed in most places to be great Favourers of Liberty , because their knowledge of ancient Practice , and the just Title which the People have to their Priviledges ( which they meet with every where in their course of Reading ) makes them less scrupulous of committing what some Divines miscal a Sin in those that endeavour to preserve or recover them ; the Oversights of some few Gentlemen of this honourable Profession are therefore the less excusable ; for I must confess , among other things , that Motto , A Deo Rex , à Rege Lex — wherein the Divine Right of the impious Will of a Tyrant is as strongly asserted as could be in the compass of a Ring , has occasioned frequent Reflections , not much in favour of those that made use of it . Thus I have touch'd upon the Manner of Education necessary to the beginning and finishing a Gentleman , who is to be useful to his Country , which I suppose ought to be the principal end of it . And I can't but believe , if in our Schools our Youth were bred up to understand the Meaning of the Authors they are made to read , as well as the Syntax of the Words . If there were as much care taken to inculcate the good Maxims , and recommend the noble Characters the old Historians are so full of , as there is to hammer into their Heads the true Grammar of them , and the fineness of the Phrase : If in our Universities a proportionable Care were taken to furnish them with noble and generous Learning : If after this they were duly informed in the Laws and Affairs of their own Country , trained up in good Conversation and useful Knowledge at home , and then sent abroad when their Heads began to be well settled , when the heat of Youth was worn off , and their Judgments ripe enough to make Observation : I say , I cannot but believe that with this manner of Institution a very moderate Understanding might do wonders , and the coming home fully instructed in the Constitutions of other Governments , would make a Man but the more resolute to maintain his own . For the advantage of a free Government above its contrary needs no other help to make it appear , then only to be exposed to a considerate View with it : The difference may be seen written in the very Faces of the several People , as well as in their manner of Living ; and when we find nothing but Misery in the fruitfullest Countries subject to Arbitrary Power , but always a Face of plenty and Chearfulness in Countries naturally unfruitful , which have preserv'd their Liberties , there is no further room left for Argument , and one cannot be long in determining which is most eligible . This Observation is so obvious that 't is hard for any that Travels not to make it ; therefore 't is a sufficient reason why all our Gentry should go abroad . An English Man should be shewn the Misery of the enslaved Parts of the World , to make him in Love with the Happiness of his own Country ; as the Spartans exposed their drunken Servants to their Children , to make them in love with Sobriety . But the more polish'd and delicious Countries of France , Spain , or Italy , are not the places where this Observation may be made to greatest advantage ; the Manner of Living , Goodness of the Air and Diet , the Magnificence of the Buildings , Pleasantness of the Gardens , pompous Equipage of some great Persons , dazzle the Eyes of most Travellers , and cast a disguise upon the Slavery of those Parts ; and as they render this Evil more supportable to the Natives , so they almost quite hide it from the view of a Cursory Traveller , amusing him too much from considering the Calamities which accompany so much Splendour , and so many Natural Blessings : or from reflecting how much more happy the Condition of the People would be with better usage . But in the Northern Kingdoms and Provinces there appears little or nothing to divert the Mind from contemplating Slavery in its own Colours , without any of its Ornaments . And since , for that reason , few of our Gentlemen find temptation enough to Travel into those Parts , and we have hardly any tolerable Relation of them extant , though we have frequent occasions of being concerned with them , I thought it might be of use to publish the following Account of Denmark , which I took care to be informed of upon the place with the greatest Exactness possible , and have related fairly and impartially , which may save the Curious the labour and expence of that Voyage . That Kingdom has often had the Misfortune to be govern'd by French Counsels . At the time when Mr. Algernoon Sydney was Ambassador at that Court , Monsieur Terlon , the French Ambassador , had the Confidence to tear out of the Book of Motto's in the King's Library , this Verse , which Mr. Sydney ( according to the liberty allowed to all noble Strangers ) had written in it : — manus haec inimica tyrannis Ense petit placidam sub libertate quietem . — though Monsieur Terlon understood not a word of Latin , he was told by others the Meaning of that Sentence , which he considered as a Libel upon the French Government , and upon such as was then a setting up in Denmark by French Assistance , or Example . To conclude ; A considering English Traveller will find by experience , that at present nothing is so generally studied by the Sovereign Princes of the World , as the Arts of War , and the keeping of their own Countries in the desired Subjection . The Arts of Peace , whereby the Encrease and Prosperity of their Subjects might be promoted , being either intirely neglected or faintly prosecuted ; he will further be convinced what great reason he has to bless Providence for his being born , and continuing yet a Freeman : He will find that the securing this inestimable Blessing to himself , and transmitting it to late Posterity , is a Duty he owes to his Country ; the right performance of which does in a great measure depend upon a good Education of our Youth , and the Preservation of our Constitution upon its true and natural Basis , The Original Contract . All other Foundations being false , nonsensical , and rotten ; derogatory to the present Government , and absolutely destructive to the legal Liberties of the English Nation . Salus populi suprema lex esto . AN ACCOUNT OF Denmark , AS It was in the Year 1692. CHAP. I. Of the Territories belonging to the King of Denmark , and their Situation . IF we consider the Extent of the King of Denmark's Dominions , he may with Justice be reckoned among the greatest Princes of Europe ; but if we have regard to the importance and value of them , he may be put in Ballance with the King of Portugal , and possibly be found lighter . His Stile is King of Denmark and Norway , of the Goths and Vandals , Duke of Sleswick and Holstein , Stormar , and Ditmarsh ; Earl in Oldenburg and Delmenhorst ; all which Countries he actually possesses either in whole or in part : so that except that of the Goths and Vandals , which Title both he and the King of Sweden use , and which the Crown of Denmark has retained ever since it was Master of Sweden ( as we in England do that of France ) all the rest are substantial and not empty Titles . My design is to acquaint you with the present State of these Countries , and to offer nothing but what I have either Collected from sensible grave Persons , or what my own Knowledge and Experience has confirm'd to be Truth . Since the late Wars between that famous Captain Charles Gustavus of Sweden , and Frederic the Third , which ended in a Peace Anno 1660. Denmark has been forced to sit down with the loss of all its Territories which lay on the other side of the Baltick Sea ; Schonen , Halland , and Bleking remaining to the Swedes , notwithstanding frequent Struggles to recover them . These three ( especially Schonen ) were the best Provinces belonging to Denmark , and therefore are still looked upon with a very envious Eye by the Danes : And for this very reason 't is reported , that the Windows of Cronenburgh Castle , whose Prospect lay towards Schonen , were wall'd up , that so hateful an Object might not cause continual heart-burnings . Denmark therefore , as it is thus clipp'd , is at present bounded on all sides with the Sea , except one small Neck of Land , where it joins to Holstein ; the German Ocean washes it on the West and North-west ; the entrance into the Baltick , called the Categate on the North , and North-East ; the Baltick on the East ; and the River Eyder on the South ; which having its source very near the East Sea , takes his course Westward , and falls into the Ocean at Toningen , a strong Town of the Duke of Holstein Gottorp's : So that if a Channel were made of about three Danish Miles from that River to Kiel , 't would be a perfect Island . I include in this Account the Dutchy of Sleswick as part of Denmark , but not the Dutchy of Holstein ; because the former was a Fief of that Crown , the latter of the Empire . All Denmark therefore comprehending its Islands , as I have thus bounded it , lyes in length between the degrees of 54 gr . 45 min. and 58 gr . 15 min. North Latitude , the breadth not being proportionable ; and may at a large Computation be reckoned to amount to the bigness of two thirds of the Kingdom of Ireland . Norway , which lies North from Denmark , and is separated from it by that Sea which is usually called the Categate , is a vast and barren Countrey , full of Mountains and Firr-trees ; it reaches from 59 to 71 degrees of North Latitude ; but is very narrow in respect to its length . It is bounded on the West and North by the Ocean , on the East by Sweden and the Territories belonging to it ; on the South by the Sea lying between it and Denmark . The Sea is so deep about it , that there is no Anchorage for Ships ; and therefore its Coasts are accounted the most dangerous of any in Europe to run with in the Night , or in a Storm ; on which if you chance to be driven , there is no scaping , the Shoar being all along high Rocks , at the very foot of which one may find 200 Fathom Water . Holstein , which includes Ditmarsh and Stormar , is bounded by the Dutchy of Sleswick on the North , the Dutchy of Saxe Lawenburg on the South-East , the River Elbe on the South-West , the rest of it is washed by the Ocean and Baltick Sea. It lies between the 54th and 55th degrees of North Latitude . Oldenburg and Delmenhorst are two Counties in Germany that lye together , detached from all the rest of the King of Denmark's Countries ; the two Rivers , Elb and Weser , and the Dutchy of Bremen , interposing between them and Holstein . They are bounded on the North-East by the Weser , on the West by East-Friesland and the County of Embden , on the South by part of the Bishoprick of Munster . They are a small Territory of about 35 English Miles in Diameter ; the middle of which is in the Latitude of 53 degrees and a half . The rest of the King of Denmark's Territories not mentioned in the enumeration of his Titles , are the Islands of Feroe , and Iseland in the Northern Ocean . St. Thomas , one of the Caribbe Islands in the West-Indies . A Fort upon the Coast of Guinea , call'd Christiansburg ; and another in the East-Indies , call'd Tranquebar . He has likewise a Toll at Elfleet upon the River Weser . Thus much may serve in general touching the Dominions of that King ; which have this great inconveniency , that they are mightily disjoined and separated from each other ; it being certain , that a State which is confined by many Principalities is weak , exposed to many dangers , and requires a more than ordinary Expence , as well as Prudence , to preserve it entire : And it is to this principally that the Conquests which the Swedes have gained upon them may be ascribed . CHAP. II. Of Denmark in particular , and the Island of Zealand . THIS being the most considerable , and in value four parts in five of all the Territories belonging to the Crown of Denmark , I shall give a more particular account of it than of the rest . Others , I know , have given us the Genealogies and Succession of its Kings , ancient Names , Inhabitants , Conquests , &c. my business is only to inform how it stands at this day , and to enter no further into the former History , or the Geography of the Countrey , than is necessary to the understanding the present State of it . Denmark then , properly so called , consists of many Islands in the Baltick Sea , and of that part of the Continent which is now called Jutland : The Dutchy of Sleswick , which I reckoned in the former Chapter as part of it , shall be treated of by it self , because it is divided between the King and the Duke of Holstein Gottorp ; whereas these above-mentioned are wholly the King 's . Jutland is the biggest and most fertile Countrey , but the Islands are more considerable in regard of their Situation , especially Zealand ; because Copenhagen , the Chief City of Denmark , is seated in it , and the famous passage of the Sound is bordered by its Shoar , where , on the narrowest part the Town of Elsinor stands : wherefore I shall begin with a description of them , and first of Zealand . It is almost of a Circular Figure , and contains about 180 English Miles in Circumference ; I cannot commend its Fertility , there being no Bread corn growing in any part of it except Rye , which indeed is in good quantity , and whereof most of their Bread is made . There are few Meadows in it , and yet there is no want of good Hay : Most of their Grass , which is short and sweet , grows by the sides of their Corn Fields , or in some scattered spots of Marish Grounds . It has no Rivers , nor above half a score Brooks that are able to turn a Mill ; to supply this , there is a great number of fine Lakes sufficiently stored with Fish. The Air is but indifferent , especially in and near Copenhagen ; which is occasioned by the frequent Fogs and low Situation ; yet Colds of the Lungs are very rare here ; this I attribute to the pureness of their firing , which is Beech-wood , the only sort of Timber trees which abound in this Island . About one fourth part of it is Forest , lying open for the King 's Hunting and his Game , such as Staggs , Wild-Boars , Roe-Bucks , &c. these are such Sacred things that no Body dares touch them , though they find them in whole Herds destroying their Corn , to the infinite yearly damage of the poor Peasants . The Face of the Land is pleasant in many places , abounding with little Hills , Woods and Lakes in a very agreeable diversity . For Sea-Ports , that most excellent one belonging to Copenhagen must make amends for the want of them , not only in this , but many other of the Islands ; there being few others , that I know of , capable of harbouring a Vessel of 200 Tuns . Neither is this a sensible want , because there are no Commodities in this Island for Exportation : In good years , that is , wet ones ( for the Soil being altogether Sandy , requires frequent Rains , even thus far North ) there may be some overplus of Rye ; and I have been told , that about forty years ago , ten or twelve Dutch Fly-boats found yearly their Lading at Kiog , a pretty flourishing Town at that time , within twenty English Miles of Copenhagen ; but of late they seem to be well satisfied if the Product of the Isle maintains in this sort of Grain the Inhabitants of it : Not that the numbers of these are increased , but Husbandry is not so much encouraged now as when the Taxes of the poor Countrey People were less frequent and grievous . The Cattle here are generally small and lean ; kept within doors seven or eight Months in the Year ; where their Feeding is partly Hay , partly Brewers Grains , Roots , Weeds , and such Trash as their Owners can provide for them . In Summer time their Beef is sweet and juicy ; but Weather Mutton was a rare thing till of late ; nor is it common now , they being not used to Geld their Sheep ; and therefore 't was usually eaten while it was Lamb. The feeding of the Commonalty generally throughout all Denmark is very mean ; the Burgers and Citizens sustaining themselves with Rye-bread , Salt-flesh , Stock-fish , Bacon , and very bad Cheese ; insomuch that the Inspectors of our Markets in England , who use to destroy or send to the Prisons all such Victuals as are not judged wholsom , would ( if they found them no better provided than at Copenhagen ) go near to empty the Markets , and leave little to either Buyer or Seller . The Peasants live on Roots , white Meats , and Rye-bread ; seldom tasting fresh Fish , and scarce ever Flesh , unless on some extraordinary Festivals , as on St. Martin's Eve , when each Family in Denmark , without sail , makes merry with a rosted Goose at Supper . Here , and in all Denmark , are but two Seasons of the Year , Winter and Summer ; those two other more agreeable ones of Spring and Autumn not being commonly known ; the Spring never , and the Autumn seldom ; you immediately leap from extremity of Heat to extremity of Cold ; and so on the contrary , when Winter is over , from Cold to Heat . During the three Months of June , July , and August , the Heat is much more intense than in England , and very sultry in the Nights , but 't is a gloomy Heat , and People generally perceive some interposition of thick Vapours between them and the Sun. In Copenhagen , during these three Months , they are constantly troubled with the Plague of Flies , which they endeavour to destroy by a poysoned Water ; upon the laying of which in their Kitchins and Chambers , I have seen whole Bushels of dead Flies swept together in one Room . The Baltick Sea near this City is very ill stored with good Fish ; neither did I ever know any Sea-Town of that Consequence worse served with it : Whether it be that the Sea wants its requisite saltness , ( being rather to be esteemed brackish than salt ) or that the People are not industrious enough to take them ; but I rather believe the former . The principal things of this Island , and indeed of all Denmark , are the City of Copenhagen , and the Passage of the Sound . I will begin with the City , the rather because when I have done with that I have little more to say of any other in the King of Denmark's Dominions ; there being no other belonging to him much better than our Town of St. Albans . Copenhagen is no ancient City , nor a very large one ; it approaches in bigness nearest to Bristol of any of our English Cities ; but it increases in Buildings every day , notwithstanding the many discouragements it lyes under . The Fortifications of it enclose a great deal more Ground than is built upon ; and many small Buildings , which upon a further increase of its Riches , will be pulled down . It s Situation for Trade is one of the best in the World , because of the excellency of its Port ; so that without doubt , were Copenhagen a free City , it would be the Mart and Staple of all the Traffick of the Baltick . This Port is inclosed by the Bulwarks of the Town , the entrance into it being so narrow , that but one Ship can pass at a time ; which entrance is every Night shut up with a strong Boom ; the Citadel on one side , and a good Block-house well furnished with Cannon on the other , Commands the Mouth of it . Within this Haven rides the Navy Royal , every Ship having his place assigned to it ; a wooden Gallery ranges round the whole Inclosure where the Fleet lies , laid over the Water in such manner , that all the Ships may be viewed near at hand as easily and commodiously as if they lay on dry Land. This Harbour is capacious enough to hold 500 Sail , where neither Wind nor Enemies can do them the least mischief . The Road without is very good and safe ; being fenced from the Sea by a large Sand Bank , on the Points of which float always a couple of Buoys to direct all Ships that come in or go out . Here are no Tides to fear ; But always a sufficient depth of Water : Sometimes indeed , according as the Winds blow in or out of the Baltick , there sets a Current ; but 't is not frequent , nor dangerous . To conclude , this Port may justly be reckoned in all respects one of the best in the whole World. The Town is strong , being situated in a flat Marish Soil , not commanded by any height ; the Air is bad by reason of the stink of the Channels which are cut through it . The Works of it are only of Earth and Sodds , yet raised according to the Rules of Modern Fortification , and in tollerable good Repair . The Buildings both in this City and elsewhere , are generally very mean , being Cage-work , and having the Intervals between the Timbers filled up with Brick . 'T is observable , that all the good Publick Buildings in it , such as the Change , Arsenal , Round-Steeple , &c. were built by King Christian the Fourth , the present King's Grandfather , and a very brave , though not a Fortunate Prince ; who did more with less Revenues than all the succeeding Princes ; the Monarchy being at that time neither Hereditary nor Absolute . He used often to say , That he knew the Purses of his Subjects would be always open for his and the Kingdoms just Occasions ; and that he had rather they were his Cash-keepers than a High-Treasurer , who might abuse him . Although the principal Decorations of this Town are owing to him , yet he either forgot or delay'd the Building of a Palace for himself and his Successors , and no Body has undertaken it since ; though certainly in no Kingdom is there greater occasion ; this King's House of Residence being for Situation , Meanness , and Inconvenience the worst in the World ; and as singular for badness as the Port is for goodness . Several of the Noblemen , as his High Excellency Guldenlieu , the great Admiral Juel , with others , being infinitely better lodged than the whole Royal Family : Yet to make amends for this , his Majesty has near him an excellent Stable of Horses ; and handsome large Gardens , with a good Garden-House , called Rosenburg , some distance from the Palace , at the other end of the Town . CHAP. III. Of the Sound . THIS Passage or Streight called the Sound , or Ore-sound , which has so great a Reputation in these Northern Parts of the World , lies between this Island of Zealand and the firm Land of Schonen . On Denmark side , where it is narrowest , stands the Town of Elsinore , and the strong Fortress of Cronenburg ; near which is a tollerable good Road for Ships . On Sweden side is the Town of Helsinburg with a demolished Castle , whereof only one old Tower remains , sufficient to hold half a dozen great Guns to repay the Salutes of Men of War which pass through . Betwixt these two do pass and repass all Vessels that Trade into the Baltick ; so that next that of Gibraltar , one may justly reckon this Streight the most important and frequented of any in Europe . The loss of Schonen , though it was considerable in regard of the largeness and fruitfulness of the Province , yet it was more so in respect to the Dominion of this great Passage ; for although the Danes , by the Treaty of Peace , have expresly retained their Title to it , and receive Toll from all Ships that pass except Swedes , yet they do not esteem the Security of that Title so firm as they would wish ; for being not Masters of the Land on both sides , they may have the Right , but not the Power to assert it upon occasion , and seem only to enjoy it at present according to their good Behaviour ; their stronger Neighbour the Swede being able to make use of the first Opportunity given him to their Prejudice . This Toll , being very considerable , and of late years occasioning many Disputes which are not yet determined , I thought it might not be amiss to set down in this place , what I have learnt of the Original and Nature of it , after having made as strict Enquiry as was possible from the most ancient , and most understanding Persons I could meet with . The most rational Account then is , That it was at first laid by the Consent of the Traders into the Baltick , who were willing to allow a small matter for each Ship that passed , towards the maintaining of Lights on certain places of that Coast , for the better direction of Sailers in dark Nights : Hereupon this Passage of the Sound became the most practised ; that other of the Great Belt being in a little time quite neglected ; as well because of the great Conveniency of those Lights to the Shipping that passed in and out of the East-Sea , as because of an Agreement made that no Ships should pass the other way , to the end that all might pay their shares ; it being unreasonable that such Ships should have the benefit of those Lights in dark or stormy Winter Nights , who avoided paying towards the maintaining of those Fires , by passing another way . Besides , if this manner of avoiding the Payment had been allowed , the Revenue would have been so insignificant , considering the small Sum which each Ship was to pay , that the Lights could not have been maintained by it ; and the Danes were not willing to be at the Charge solely for the use and benefit of their own Trading Ships , in regard they were Masters of so few as made it not worth their while ; the Lubeckers , Dantzickers , and Merchants of other Hans-Towns , being the greatest Traders at that time in the Northern Parts of Europe , by which they arrived to a great height of Power and Riches . But there being no fixed Rule or Treaty whereby to be governed with regard to the different Bulk of the Ships belonging to so many several Nations , the Danes began in process of time to grow Arbitrary , and exacted more or less Sums , according to the strength or weakness of those they had to deal with , or according to their Friendship or Discontent with those Princes and States to whom the several Ships belonged : Therefore the Emperor Charles the Fifth , to ascertain this Toll , concluded a Treaty with the King of Denmark , which was signed at Spire on the Rhine , and was in behalf of his Subjects of the Seventeen Provinces of the Low Countries , who had great Traffick in the Baltick ; and agreed that as a Toll-Custom in the Sound , every Ship of 200 Tuns and under , should pay two Rose Nobles at its Entrance or Return from the Baltick , and every Ship above 200 Tuns three Rose Nobles . This Agreement remained in force till such time as the United Provinces shook off the Spanish Yoak , and then the Danes taking the advantage of those Wars , raised their Toll to an extravagant height , the troublesome Times not affording leisure to the Dutch to mind the redressing of such a Mischief . However , about the Year 1600. they joined themselves with the City of Lubeck , in opposition to such an exorbitant Toll as was taken from both of them ; so that from thenceforth the Dutch paid more or less , according as Fortune was favourable or adverse to them , but generally little . Anno 1647. the first Treaty was made between Denmark and the United Provinces ( as Soveraigns ) for this Toll ; and they were obliged to pay a certain Sum for each Ship ; this Treaty was to last Forty years ; after the expiration of which , if in the mean time no new Treaty were made , that of Spire was to be in force . This Treaty of 1647. expired 1687. and the Danes agreed to make an interim Treaty , till such time as the many Differences between them and the Hollanders in this and other Matters could be adjusted at leisure , and concluded in a more lasting and solemn one . This interim Treaty , which was but for Four years , expired in the Year 1691. so that no new Treaty being made and finished during that time , it is evident that only the ancient Treaty of Spire remains in force , and no other . The English Treaties with Denmark are grounded on those between the Dutch and that Kingdom , and have reference to them ; with a Covenant that we shall be treated tanquam gens amicissima ; excepting always Sweden , whose Ships pay no Toll at all . So that at present both the English and Dutch have occasion for new Treaties with Denmark in this and other Affairs of Trade , unless it be agreed by all Parties that the Treaty of Spire shall for so much remain in vigour hereafter . From this short History of the Original of this Imposition it appears , how slightly grounded the King of Denmark's Title is to this Right of exacting the Toll of the Sound ; which from an easie Contribution which Merchants chose to pay for their own Convenience , and whereof the King of Denmark was only Treasurer or Trustee , to see it fairly laid out for the common use , is grown to be a heavy Imposition upon Trade , as well as a kind of servile acknowledgment of his Sovereignty of those Seas ; and is purely owing to his taking an Advantage of the Difficulties of the Hollanders during their Wars with Spain , and the Connivance of King James the First in prejudice of the English ; who favoured the Danes upon account of his Marriage to a Daughter of that Crown ; upon whose two Examples all the lesser States were forced to submit . Nor can it be conceived how it could be otherwise brought about ; since it is very well known , that the Passage of the Sound is not the only one to the Baltick Sea , there being two others called the Greater and Lesser Belts ; and that of the Greater Belt so commodious and large , that during the late Wars the whole Dutch Fleet chose to pass through it , and continue in it for four or five Months together ; and the Danish Strength at Sea never appeared yet so formidable as to be able to oblige the English and Dutch to choose , which Passage it pleased : Besides , the breadth of the Sound in the narrowest part is four English Miles over ; and every where of a sufficient depth ; so that his Castles could not Command the Channel when he was Master of both sides ; much less now that he has but one . So that it is plain , this pretended Sovereignty is very precarious , being partly founded on a Breach of Trust , as well as the Carelesness of some of the Princes concerned in it , to the great Injury of Trade : And the Spaniards may , with as much right , lay claim to the Sovereignty of the Streights of Gibralter , where there is but one Passage ; or the Swede , who is now Master of one of the Castles on the Sound , demand another Toll of all Ships , since both are better able to support their Claims . For the further clearing of this Point , and to shew how it agrees with the Account I have already given , I have thought fit to insert in this place the Copy of a Letter from a very understanding Person , March 31. 1691. SIR , THE Duties or Customs in the Sound were of old times no more than a Rose Noble for each Ship , Loading included ; but within these hundred Years , some say since King James of Scotland came to the Crown of England , and winked at it , the Kings of Denmark having the Lands on both sides the Passage , began to impose Taxes on the Merchandize , and raise higher those which were formerly on the Ships ; which the Lubeckers , who were then powerful , refused to pay . Anno 1640. the King caused a Book of Rates to be printed , whereof I have one , according to which a Ship of 100 Lasts , or 200 Tuns , ( which is the same thing , ) did pay as followeth : For 100 Last of Salt to the East 300 Rix Dollars ; for the Ship and petty Charges on the Salt 34 Rix Dollars , 24 Stivers ; and for 100 Last of Rye from the East 150 R. D. for Ship and petty Charges , as above , 34 R. D. 24 Stivers . So that the Charges of a Ship of this Burden , with its Lading forward and backward was 519 Rix Dollars . Hereupon the Hollanders made an Alliance with the Swedes , who Anno 1643. by the way of Germany invaded Denmark , and the Dutch lent them Ships ; then the King Prints another Book of Rates more favourable , demanding for 100 Last of Spanish Salt 100 Rix Dollars , for 100 Last of Rye 75 R. D. Ships Charges in and out , as above , 69 R. D. the whole amounting to 244 R. D. But this was neither done time enough , nor the Rates lowered enough . The Hollanders , by their Treaty with Denmark of 1646. or thereabouts , brought them thus , The 100 Last of Salt to 50 Rix Dollars , 100 Last of Rye to 50 R. D. Ships , and other petty Charges , nothing : in all for each Ship 100 Rix Dollars . And by reason of this untimely heightning of their Customs it is , that the Kings of Denmark have lost so many Territories to the Swedes . But to Answer your Demand more fully , it was in those days , that is , about the Year 1640. that the Customs of the OreSound yielded per Ann. from 240000 Rix Dollars to 300000 R. D. But since 1645. they have not at any time render'd above 150000 R. D. nor ever so much , except in time of War with the Swedes , when all did pay without Exemption . During the last War , I remember it yielded but 143000 Rix Dollars ; but before that War , and since ( the Swedish Ships freeing all Goods that are carried in them , and the Swedish Goods in Forreign Ships being also free by Treaty ) it has not yielded above 80000 Rix Dollars per Annum ; and the last Year past it did not reach to full 70000 Rix Dollars . The Court of Denmark is not to be blamed therefore for being wonderful jealous of any Infraction of this their pretended Sovereignty , as People are most careful and suspicious in behalf of an Estate wherein their Title is weak , it being so much the Interest not only of the English and Dutch , but also of the Swede , to have it set right , both to encourage Trade to his own Country , and to lessen the Revenue of his Neighbour ; neither can it be said , that the English and Dutch did ever intirely yield the Point ; for though they agreed to pay a small Toll on Merchandize , yet no manner of searching or stopping is to be allowed , or has ever been . The Danes are now obliged to take the Master of the Vessel 's word for the quality and quantity of the Lading ; and thought it prudence never to press this Point further , least we should grow angry , and make too narrow an Inspection both into their Original Right , and into their Ability to maintain it : For whilst we and the Dutch are content to pay this Toll , all the other petty Princes and States do it without Murmur , but if we once broke the Chain , they would shake off their part of it likewise . CHAP. IV. Of the other Islands , and Jutland . THE most considerable Islands next to that of Zealand , are , Funen or Fionia , Laland , Langland , Falstria , Mune , Samsoe , Arroe , Bornholm , and Amack ; there are besides many other small ones of less note . Funen is second to Zealand , whether its bigness or the goodness of its Soil be considered ; it has plenty of Corn , Hogs , Lakes , and Woods ; the chief Town of it is Odensee , a well-seated , and formerly a flourishing little City , but at present much fallen to decay . This Island produces nothing for the Merchant to export , except some few Horses , the Inhabitants usually consuming their own Commodities . This is a principal Government , called a Stifts Ampt. The present Governour is Mr. Winterfelt . Laland is a small , but plentiful Island , producing all sorts of Corn in abundance , and particularly Wheat , wherewith it supplies the City of Copenhagen , and all other parts of Denmark , where it is a rarity . The Hollanders buy yearly , and ship off great quantities of Corn from hence . This likewise is a Stifts Ampt , having several of the lesser Islands under its Jurisdiction . The Governour of it is Mr. Geugh , who formerly had a Publick Character , and resided a long time in England . Falstria , Langland , and Mune are fertile Islands ; the two first Export yearly some Corn. Arroe and Alsen abound in Annis-seeds , which are much used to season their Meat , and mix with their Bread. Bornholm , Samsoe , with the other Islands , nourish Cattle , and afford Corn for the use of the Inhabitants . But Amack deserves to be particularly remembred ; this little Island joyns close to the City of Copenhagen , from which 't is only separated by a small Arm of the Sea , which is passed over by a Draw-bridge , and exceeds in fruitfulness any spot of Ground in Denmark . This Land was given many Years ago to several Families of North Hollanders , who were planted there to make Butter and Cheese for the Court ; the Descendants of whom retain to this day the Habit , Language , and Customs of their Predecessors , together with their Cleanliness and Industry ; neither will they mix with the Danes , but intermarry with each other . They had formerly extraordinary Priviledges granted to them , whereof some continue to this time , but others are retrenched ; and by degrees it is to be feared they will be treated like the other Subjects . This Island of Amaek , through the Industry of these laborious People , is as it were the Kitchen-Garden of Copenhagen , and supplies its Markets plentifully with all sorts of Roots and Herbs ; besides Butter , Milk , great quantities of Corn , and some Hay ; whatever it produces being the best in its kind that is to be found in the whole Kingdom . Jutland , part of the ancient Cimbrica Chersonesus , is the biggest part of the Kingdom of Denmark , and may amount to about two thirds of the whole . It is divided into four Stifts Ampts , or principal Governments . The present Governours are , the Count de Frize , the upper Mareschal Speckhan , Monsieur Edmund Schele , now Envoy Extraordinary to his Majesty from the King of Denmark , &c. This is a plentiful Country , abounding more especially in Cattle ; it wants good Sea-Ports towards the Ocean , notwithstanding which the Hollanders transport yearly great quantities of lean Cows and Oxen from hence to their more fertile Soil , where in a short time they grow so prodigiously fat , through better feeding , in the rich Grounds of Holland , that a vast Profit is made by this Traffick . The Horses and Swine of this Country are excellent , and in great numbers . It affords Corn in sufficient quantity for the use of its own People . The Land is more Fertile near the Sea-Coasts ; the Inland being full of Heaths , Lakes , and Woods . In short , it is the best Country the King of Denmark is Master of , and appears to be least declining , because most remote from Copenhagen . — Procul à Jove , Procul à Fulmine . It being observed , that in limited Monarchies and Commonwealths , a Neighbourhood to the Seat of the Government , is advantageous to the Subjects , whilst the distant Provinces are less thriving , and more liable to Oppression : but in Arbitrary and Tyrannical Kingdoms the quite contrary happens . CHAP. V. Of the rest of the King of Denmark's Countries . THE Dutchy of Sleswick is in general a very good Country ; its convenient Situation between two Seas , the Ocean and the Baltick , rendring it considerable for Trade , although the natural Commodities , fit for Exportation , are in no great quantity . Some Corn , Cattle , Horses , and Wood for Firing it affords to its Neighbours , over and above a sufficient store of each for its own Inhabitants . It is divided between the King and the Duke of Holstein . The principal Town which gives Name to the Dutchy , belongs to the Duke of Holstein , who resides near it in his Palace of Gottorp , one of the most delicious Seats that is to be seen in all the Northern Parts of Europe ; nothing can be more Pleasant and Romantick than the Situation of this Castle . It stands in an Island , surrounded by a large Lake made by the River Sley , whose rising Banks are clothed with fine Woods , the Waters clear and full of Fish , carry Vessels of small Burden to and from the Baltick Sea , into which it empties it self . The Gardens are large , with great Cost and Art cut out of the diclivity of a Hill on the other side the Lake , and are as well dissposed and laid out with Fountains , Parterres , Walks , and Water-works as many of the most famous Villa's in Italy . A noble large Park , or rather Forest , full of Deer , Wild-boars , and all sorts of Game , joyns close to this Garden , cut through with pleasant Walks and Ridings . This Residence of the Duke of Holstein suffered much during the Misfortunes of its Master ; many of the Improvements being not only suffer'd to run to ruine and decay , but industriously and as some say , by order , pull'd down and destroyed ; which at present , since the Re-establishment of the Duke , are repairing and restoring to their former Splendour . Among several other things of value , none had better luck than an admirable Library , being a choice Collection of Books which many Dukes of Holstein had of a long time been gathering ; this escaped , and in the Year 1692. I saw it with the rest of the Rarities of this place in a good Condition , and tending to a better . Holstein is divided among several of the Branches of that Family , all whose Descendants call themselves Dukes of Holstein ; and according to the German Custom , ( as well younger Brothers as elder ) assume the Title and Quality of Princes : only the chief and estated Men of these several Branches are distinguished by the Additional Title of the Place of their Residence ; as the Duke of Holstein Ploen , Holstein Sunderburg , Holstein , Norburg , &c. the Cadets of each , contenting themselves with the bare Title of Princes , till they come to be Proprietors of Land ; whose Denomination they may add to that of Duke . But the King of Denmark , ( who is likewise Duke of Holstein ) and the Duke of Holstein Gottorp , are possessed of the greatest part of it , and both hold it as a Fief of the Empire . Here , as well as in Sleswick , the Jurisdictions and Interests of these two Princes are very much intermixed ; so that the People scarce know whose Subjects to reckon themselves , since they often swear Allegiance , and pay Tribute to both . In some Towns and Balliages both the King and Duke elect the Yearly Magistrates , and divide the Revenue ; in others they do this by turns : So that upon any Quarrel or Difference between these two Princes , the poor People are strangely divided , and in a most miserable Condition ; their Inclination leading them to the Duke's Interest , who being the weaker , finds it his Advantage to use them better ; but their fear causing them to appear for the King as the stronger , though more Arbitrary . This Country is very fruitful and pleasant ; excellently well seated for Trade , lying between the two Seas , and having the advantage of the Neighbourhood of the River Elbe , and of Hamburg ; which being a free City , and consequently a rich one , imparts a large share of its Blessings to the Territories of those Princes which lie any thing near it . This is apparent enough in the visible Prosperity of such Lands and People as are within a Day 's Journey or more of that City , above such as lie remote from its Influence . The Inhabitants of Holstein use to brag that it resembles England in its variety of Hills , Meadows , Woods , Rivers , and Corn-fields ; as also that we are beholding to them and their Neighbourhood for our Original ; the People of those Parts called Angles , having planted , and at the same time given the Name of Anglia to our Island . The Danes , when they travel abroad , choose to call themselves Holsteiners , thinking it more honourable to be born within the Confines of the Empire , than otherwise . Stormar and Ditmarsh lie the nearest to the River Elbe , and are for the most part low and rich Countries , the Soil being fat , and in most places resembling Holland , as well in its Fertility as manner of Improvement . These Countries enjoy also the benfit of having Hamburg and the River near them , with the additional Advantage of the Ocean ; though it sometimes proves too troublesome a Neighbour , and overflows great part of their lower Grounds , notwithstanding the Banks and Digues that are raised to keep it out . 'T is to be noted as a great natural defect , that the King of Denmark has not in all his Dominions one Navigable River for Vessels of any considerable Burden ( for I do not count the River Eyder as such ) unless we reckon the Elbe , which is rather to be esteemed one of the Confines and Boundaries of his Territories , than any way belonging to him ; yet he has often , and does even to this day , endeavour to set up and establish a Toll at Glucstadt , being not without hopes , that taking the advantage of the Necessity of the Empire , during this expensive War , he may engage it to consent to this Toll against all other Considerations : But the Neighbouring Princes , the English and Dutch , and above all the City of Hamburg , will hardly be brought over to comply with an Innovation so prejudicial to their Trade and Interests . Oldenburg for the most part is a flat Marish Country ; much exposed to the Inundations of the Ocean ; the Banks which should keep it in its due Bounds , not being maintained in good repair . It abounds in Cattle , and has a good Breed of Horses , which are much sought after for Coaches , by reason of their Colour , which is a yellowish Cream Colour . They are generally wall-ey'd , and tender-hoof'd , not able to last long , or endure hard labour . The Town of Oldenburg is but a very indifferent one , and its Castle much out of Repair . Upon the Death of the late Prince Anthony , this County came to be annexed to the Crown of Denmark . Delmenhorst is a more rising Ground , and pretty well wooded . Both these lye together , and the Inhabitants are used the more gently , by reason of their distance from his other Territories . Of Norway little can be said ; but that it is divided into two great Provinces , the Southern and Northern ; whereof one small County , called Yempterland , formerly belonging to the King of Denmark , is now in the Possession of the Swedes . His High Excellency Guldenlieu ( which is the Title usually given him by the Danes ) is Vice-Roy , or as they call him Stadt holder of the whole . It is sub-divided into four Stifts Ampts , or Principal Governments ; Viz. Dronthem , Bergen , Christiania , and Larwick . The Governours are young Guldenlieu , natural Son to the present King , and Monsieur Stocfleet late Envoy extraordinary from Denmark to Sweden , & c.. It is a very barren Country , affording neither Corn nor Cattle sufficient for the subsistance of its Inhabitants , although they be not numerous in proportion to its vast extent . There are Silver Mines in it , but whether the working of them turns to account is a question . The Commodities which it yields fit for Exportation are Timber of all kinds , especially Firr , Stockfish , Masts for Ships , and Iron ; of these it has a tolerable store ; most of which the English and Dutch purchase yearly with ready Money : And herein Norway exceeds the other Dominions of the King of Denmark , that it affords Commodities for Exportation , which none of the rest do in any quantity . The Inhabitants are a hardy , laborious , and honest sort of People ; they are esteemed by others , and esteem themselves much superiour to the Danes , whom they call upbraidingly Jutes . Island and Feroe are miserable Islands in the North Ocean ; Corn will scarce grow in either of them , but they have good stocks of Cattle . No Trade is permitted them but with the Danes ; the Inhabitants are great Players at Chess . It were worth some curious Mans enquiry how such a studious and difficult Game should get thus far Northward , and become so generally used . The King of Denmark's Factories in the East and West-Indies , and in Guinea are esteemed of very little worth and consideration ; yet I have seen several East-India Ships return home to Copenhagen well laden with the Merchandize of those Countries ; and there is an East-India Company lately set up , whereof most of the Men of Quality are Members and Adventurers : But whether the Lading of those Ships I mentioned were the lawful Product of Trade , or acquired by other means , will in time be worth the inquiry of those Kingdoms and States whose Interest it is to preserve in the Indians and Persians a good Opinion of the honesty and fair dealing of the Europeans . And thus I have said as much as I think requisite touching the Situation , Extent , and Qualities of the Lands and Dominions belonging to the King of Denmark , which amounts in general to this , that they are very large , disjoined , and intermixt , producing but a moderate Plenty of Necessaries for the Inhabitants , but few Commodities for the Merchant , and no Manufactures , if we except a little Iron . Whether these Defects in Countries well situated and indifferent fertile be altogether natural or partly accidental , will better appear when I treat of the Form of the Government , and the present Condition , Customs , and Manners of the Natives ; but because these last do in a manner depend upon , and are influenced by the former , I shall choose to begin with it . CHAP. VI. Of their Form of Government . THE Ancient Form of Government here was the same which the Goths and Vandals established in most , if not all , Parts of Europe , whither they carried their Conquests , and which in England is retained to this day for the most part . 'T is said of the Romans , That those Provinces which they Conquer'd were amply recompenced , for the loss of their Liberty , by being reduced from their Barbarity to Civility ; by the Introduction of Arts , Learning , Commerce , and Politeness . I know not whether this manner of Arguing hath not more of Pomp than Truth in it ; but with much greater reason may it be said that all Europe was beholding to these People for introducing or restoring a Constitution of Government far excelling all others that we know of in the World. 'T is to the ancient Inhabitants of these Countries , with other neighbouring Provinces , that we owe the Original of Parliaments , formerly so common , but lost within this last Age in all Kingdoms but those of Poland , Great Britain , and Ireland . Denmark therefore was till within these Two and Thirty years governed by a King chosen by the People of all sorts , even the Boors had their Voices , which King Waldemar the Third acknowledged in that memorable answer of his to the Popes Nuncio , who pretended to a great power over him . Naturam habemus à Deo , regnum à subditis , Divitias à parentibus , Religionem à Romana Ecclesia ; quam si nobis invides , renuntiamus per praesentes . The Estates of the Realm being convened to that intent , were to Elect for their Prince such a Person as to them appeared Personable , Valiant , Just , Merciful , Affable , a Maintainer of the Laws , a Lover of the People , Prudent , and Adorned with all other Vertues fit for Government , and requisite for the great Trust reposed in him ; yet with due regard had to the Family of the preceding Kings . If within that Line they found a Person thus qualified , or esteemed to be so , they thought it but a piece of just Gratitude to prefer him before any other to this high Dignity , and were pleased when they had reason to choose the Eldest Son of their former King , rather than any of the younger , as well because they had regard to Priority of Birth , when all other Vertues were equal , as because the greatness of his Paternal Estate might put him above the reach of Temptations to be covetous or dishonest , and inable him in some degree to support the Dignity of his Office. But if after such a Choice they found themselves mistaken , and that they had advanced a Cruel , Vitious , Tyrannical , Covetous , or Wasteful Person , they frequently Deposed him , oftentimes Banished , sometimes Destroyed him ; and this either formally , by making him Answer before the Representative Body of the People ; or if by ill Practices , such as making of Parties , levying of Soldiers , contracting of Alliances to support himself in opposition to the Peoples Rights , he was grown too powerful to be legally contended with , they dispatched him without any more Ceremony the best way they could , and Elected presently a better Man in his room ; sometimes the next of Kin to him , sometimes the Valiant Man that had exposed himself so far as to undertake the Expulsion or the killing of the Tyrant ; at other times a private Person of a good Reputation , who possibly least dreamt of such an Advancement . Frequent Meetings of the Estates was a part of the very Fundamental Constitution : In those Meetings all Matters relating to good Government were transacted ; good Laws were enacted , all Affairs belonging to Peace or War , Alliances , disposal of great Offices , Contracts of Marriages for the Royal Family , &c. were debated . The imposing of Taxes , or demanding of Benevolences was purely accidental ; no constant Tribute being ever paid , nor any Money levied on the People , unless either to maintain a necessary War with the advice and consent of the Nation , or now and then by way of Free-gift , to help to raise a Daughters Portion : the King 's ordinary Revenue at that time consisting only in the Rents of his Lands and Demesnes , in his Herds of Cattle , Forests , Services of Tenants in manuring and cultivating his Grounds , &c. Customs upon Merchandize being an Imposition of late crept into this part of the World ; so that he lived like one of our Modern Noblemen , upon the Revenues of his own Estate , and eat not through the Sweat of his Subjects Brows . His business was to see a due and impartial Administration of Justice executed according to the Laws ; nay , often to sit and do it himself ; to be watchful and vigilant for the welfare of his People , to Command in Person their Armies in time of War , to encourage Industry , Religion , Arts and Learning ; and it was his Interest , as well as Duty , to keep fair with his Nobility and Gentry , and to be careful of the Plenty and Prosperity of his Commons . This was the Ancient Form of Government in this Kingdom , which continued with very little variation ( excepting that the Power of the Nobles encreased too much ) till about Two and Thirty years ago , when at one instant the whole Face of Affairs was changed : So that the Kings have ever since been , and at present are , Absolute and Arbitrary ; not the least remnant of Liberty remaining to the Subject ; all Meetings of the Estates in Parliament intirely abolished , nay , the very Name of Estates and Liberty quite forgotten , as if there never had been any such thing ; the very first and principal Article in the present Danish Law being , That the King has the Priviledge reserved to himself to explain the Law , nay , to alter and change it as he shall find good . It is easie for any considering Person to guess the Consequences of this , which are , frequent and arbitrary Taxes , and commonly very excessive ones , even in Times of Peace ; little regard being had to the Occasion of them : So that the value of Estates in most parts of the Kingdom is fallen three Fourths . And it is worse near the Capital City under the Eye and Hand of the Government , than in remoter Provinces : Poverty in the Gentry , which necessarily causes extremity of Misery in the Peasants , Partiality in the distribution of Justice when Favourites are concerned ; with many other Mischiefs which shall be hereafter more particularly mentioned ; being the constant Effects of Arbitrary Rule in this and all other Countries wherein it has prevailed . And because it is astonishing to consider how a free and rich People ( for so they were formerly ) should be perswaded intirely to part with their Liberties , I thought it very proper to give an account by what steps so great a Change and Revolution was brought about : The Particulars of which I have received not only from Eye-witnesses , but also from some of the principal Promoters and Actors in it . CHAP. VII . The Manner how the Kingdom of Denmark became Hereditary and Absolute . AFTER the Conclusion of the Peace between the two Northern Crowns Anno 1660. some considerable care and time was necessary to redress the Disorders occasioned by so terrible a War. Denmark had been most violently shaken ; and although the Fury of the Tempest was over , the Agitation caused by it still continued : The Army was not yet disbanded , nor could be for want of Money to discharge its Arrears ; this caused frequent Insolencies in the Soldiers , with a further Oppression of the Burgers and poor Country People , who had been in a manner already ruined by the Miseries attending the War. The Nobility , though Lords and Masters , were full of Discontents , and the Clergy not in the condition they wished . To redress all which Grievances , and reduce Affairs into some Order , by procuring Money for the Payment and Disbanding of the Army , the King thought fit to appoint a Meeting of the Three Estates at Copenhagen , viz the Nobility , Commonalty , and Clergy ; which accordingly followed about the beginning of October : After some few days Session ( during which the Nobility , according to their usual practice debated how the Sums of Money requisite might with greatest ease and conveniency be levied upon the Commons , without the least , intention of bearing any proportionable share themselves . ) Several Disputes arose , and many sharp Expressions passed between them and the Commons ; on the one hand the Nobility were for maintaining their ancient Prerogative of paying nothing by way of Tax , but only by voluntary Contribution ; and shewed themselves too stiff at a time when the Country was exhausted , and most of the remaining Riches lodged in their hands : They seemed to make use of this Occasion , not only to vindicate , but even to widen and enlarge their Priviledges above the other two Estates , by laying Impositions on them at pleasure , which weight they themselves would not touch with one of their Fingers any further , than as they thought fitting . On the other hand , the Clergy● for their late adherance to the interest of their Country , and the Burgers for the vigorous Defence of their City , thought they might justly pretend to new Merit , and be considered at least as good Subjects in a State , which they themselves had so valiantly defended . They remembred the great Promises made them when dangerous Enterprises were to be taken in hand , and how successfully they had executed them ; thereby saving from a Forreign Yoak , not only the City of Copenhagen , but the whole Kingdom , the Royal Family , nay those very Nobles that now dealt so hardly with them : They judged it therefore reasonable , that the Sums of Money necessary should be levied proportionably , and that the Nobility who enjoyed all the Lands , should at least pay their share of the Taxes , since they had suffered less in the common Calamity , as well as done less to prevent the progress of it . This manner of arguing was very displeasing to the Nobles , and begat much Heat and many bitter Replies on both sides : At length a principal Senator called Otto Craeg , stood up , and in great Anger told the President of the City , That the Commons neither understood nor considered the Priviledges of the Nobility , who at all times had been exempted from Taxes , nor the true Condition of themselves , who were no other than Slaves ; [ the word in the Danish is unfree ] so that their best way was to keep within their own Bounds , and acquiesce in such Measures as ancient Practice had warranted , and which they were resolved to maintain . This word Slaves put all the Burgers and Clergy in disorder , causing a loud Murmur in the Hall ; which Nanson the President of the City of Copenhagen , and Speaker of the House of Commons , perceiving , and finding a fit occasion of putting in practice a Design before concerted ( though but weakly ) between him and the Bishop ; in great Choler rose out of his Seat , and swore an Oath , That the Commons were no Slaves , nor would from thenceforth be called so by the Nobility , which they should soon prove to their cost : And thereupon breaking up the Assembly in disorder , and departing out of the Hall , was followed by all the Clergy and Burgers ; the Nobles being left alone to consult among themselves at their leisure , after a little while adjourned to a private House near the Court. In the mean time the Commons , being provoked to the highest degree , and resolving to put their Threats in Execution , marched processionally by Couples , a Clergy-man and a Commoner , from the great Hall or Parliament-House to the Brewers-Hall , which was the convenientest place they could pitch upon to sit apart from the Nobles , the Bishop of Copenhagen , and the President of the City leading them : It was there thought necessary to consider speedily of the most effectual Means to suppress the intolerable Pride of the Nobility , and how to mend their own Condition : After many Debates they concluded , That they should immediately wait upon the King , and offer him their Votes and Assistance to be absolute Monarch of the Realm , as also that the Crown should descend by inheritance to his Family , which hitherto had gone by Election . They promised themselves the King would have so great Obligations to them for this piece of Service , that he would grant and confirm such Priviledges , as should put them above the degree of Slaves . They knew he had hitherto been curbed by the Nobility to a great Measure ; and now saw their own force , being able ( since they had Arms in their Hands , and the concurrence of the Soldiers ) to perform what they undertook : At the worst , they supposed they should only change many Masters for one , and could better bear hardships from a King than from inferiour Persons : Or if their Case were not better'd , at least they thought it some comfort to have more Company in it ; besides the satisfaction of Revenge on those that had hitherto not only used them ill , but insulted over them so lately . They knew the King , and had seen him bear with an admirable Patience and Constancy all his Calamities ; were perswaded that he was a Valiant Prince , who had often exposed his Person for the sake of the Publick , and therefore thought they could never do enough to shew their Gratitude ; which is the usual Temper of the People upon any benefit received from their Prince . Scarce was this proposed but it was agreed to ; and nothing but the unseasonableness of the time , ( it being now near night ) deferred the immediate Execution of it ; but all the necessary Measures were taken against next Morning . The Clergy had a further drift in this Change of Government ; for having been hitherto kept under by the Nobility , they forecasted to have no other Superior but the King , whose new Authority they engaged to maintain by the influence they had on the Consciences of the People ; expecting with reason the like Favour and Protection from the King , together with an encrease of their Power ; since he was in a great measure obliged to them for his own ; and the benefits were likely to be mutual for the future , the one having the force , the other the tye of Religion in their Possession . Which Contract subsists to this very day , to the great advantage of both sides . The Court all this while was not ignorant of what passed ; there wanted no Spies nor Messengers to give notice of the Discontents of the Commons , Hannibal Seestede , a cunning Man , was prime Minister ; and the Bishop or Superintendent Swan , with Nanson the Speaker of the House of Commons , were his Creatures : These had formerly in secret laid with him the Design , which was now upon the point of disclosing , though their hopes were hardly raised so high , as to promise themselves such mighty Success . The whole Night passed in Brigues and Messages , the Commons anger was to be kept up to the requisite height , and the Resolution they had taken the Night before not to be suffer'd to cool , but persisted in betimes next Morning . The Queen , a Woman of Intrigue and high Spirit , wrought strongly in it by all manner of ways , whilst the King , either through doubt of the Event , or sense of the Dishonesty and Crime of the Action , in procuring after such a manner the absolute Dominion of a free Country , could hardly be brought to comply with it . He declared that indeed he should be pleased the Soveraignty were entailed on his Family , provided it were done by Universal Consent ; but to become Absolute and Arbitrary , was neither his desire , nor did he think it for the benefit of the Kingdom ; that he was satisfied he should not make ill use of such an unlimited Authority ; but no body knew what Successors he might have ; that it was therefore dangerous both for them to give , and for him to receive such a Power as might be abused in future times to the utter ruin of the Nation . But these Reflections , whether they were real , or only pretences , whether caused by the Piety or Weakness of the King , were soon over-ruled by the more Ambitious and Masculine Spirit of the Queen , who desired him to sit still , and see how she and her Emissaries would work for him ; told him , That the Plot was well laid , and had begun to operate prosperously ; that he must not obstruct his own and his Families good Fortune ; and in fine , so far prevailed on him , that he seemed with fear to consent to , and permit that which most think he very much desired : Having however by this shew of unwillingness , left open to himself a door of Reconciliation with his People , in case the business did not succeed . All this while the Nobles either had none , or but small intimation of the Designs of the Commons , they had been used so long to slight and tyrannize over them , that they were not now sensible of any impending danger from thence , contemning their Threats as well as their Persons , and imagining they would have repented next day , and complied with all that should be demanded of them ; but the Plot was deeper laid than they supposed ; for not only the prime Minister , but some other Members of their own Body , who had Employments depending on the Court , were engaged in it . This inadvertency , with the want of requisite Courage upon occasion , brought upon them the Mischief on a sudden ; so that except two or three who were more than ordinary doubtful of what might happen , and slipt out of Town that Night , the rest were altogether fearless of danger , till the very instant that the Evil was remediless . Schack the Governour of the Town had been gained by the Court to favour the Design , which he performed effectually , though not with so servile an intention as others ; for when the King , upon the first news of the Resolution of the Commons , did often openly promise that he would in Gratitude and Recompence declare them all Free as soon as it lay in his power , by the Gift they were about to make him ; and the People were willing to trust the King's goodness , and to depend on the performance of this Promise , encouraged thereunto by the Clergy , who alledged it a thing unbeseeming and dishonourable to require any other Security from the King than his bare Word ; yet Schack urged vehemently that the Commons should insist to have this Promise under the King's Hand , and make themselves sure of the Reward for so considerable a Present as they were going to make , whilst they had so fair an opportunity in their hands . But all his Instances were in vain ; they were in the giving humour , and resolved to do it generously , trusting the King for the performance of his Word : A thing which they have since often , though too late repented of . Next Morning the Nobles met in the Council-House , and the other two Estates in the Brewers-Hall ; the Resolution of the Commons could not be kept so secret , but by this time some warm rumours of it had reached the Nobility ; but scarce had they leisure to consider what was fittest to be done on that occasion , when they were informed that the Commons were marching towards them : For the Bishop and the President had so well performed their Parts , and urged the necessity of speedily executing what had been resolved the day before , that all time was judged lost which was not employed in putting it in practice ; they immediately agreed to go to the Council-House , and there propound to the Nobility their design , desiring their Concurrence in such a necessary Work for the welfare of the Kingdom . They marched through the Streets with great Gravity , and Silence , by Couples , as before , whilst the Mobb by repeated Shouts applauded what they were going to do . And thus they came to the House where the Nobles were assembled , who had scarce warning sufficient to receive them . The President Nanson made a short Harangue , setting forth that they had considered the state of the Nation , and that they found the only Remedy for the many Disorders which afflicted it , was to make the Crown Hereditary , and to give more Power to the King than hitherto he had enjoyed ; that this Resolution was already taken by the Commons and Clergy , in which if the Nobility should think fitting to concur , they were ready to accompany them to the King , and make him a tender of an Hereditary and Soveraign Dominion ; if not , that they were going themselves , and the matter should be done without them : That a speedy Resolution was necessary , for they had already sent word to the Court of their coming , and his Majesty expected them in the Hall of his Palace ; therefore desired to be informed in few words what they resolved to do . The suddenness of such a Proposition , and briskness in the manner of its delivery , caused a general astonishment in the Nobles ; one might have seen those who but the day before carried it so proudly , in an instant fall to an excess of Complacency , and betray their Fear by their Speeches and Countenances , as they formerly had done their Arrogance . The Mischief no sooner appeared to them , but they saw it was unavoidable ; there was no leisure allowed them to consult ; and to deny their compliance , or even to delay it , was dangerous . To give up at once their beloved Power , and submit their Necks to a heavy Yoak , was an intolerable Grievance : But they saw they were no longer the Masters ; the Commons were armed , the Army and Clergy against them ; and they found now too late , that that which the day before they had considered only as the Effort of an unconstant giddy Multitude , was guided by wiser Heads , and supported by Encouragements from Court ; nay possibly by some of their own Body : They suspected each other , and no Man knew whether his next Neighbour was not in the Plot against the Publick Liberty . It is easie to imagine what distracted thoughts afflicted them on a sudden ; they were altogether unprepared for such a dismal stroke : But some Answer must be given , and that speedily . Such a one as they had a mind to give , they durst not ; for they were assembled in a Fortified Town , remote from their several Countries and Interests ( where they had governed like so many Princes ) in the power of those who could , and certainly would be revenged in case they proved refractory . The best way therefore was to seem to approve of what they could not hinder . They answer that the Proposition made to them by the Commons was not displeasing , but the manner of it wanted the requisite Formalities ; that previous deliberation was necessary to an Affair of so great moment ; that they could not but take it ill , a Resolution of such Consequence should be concluded on by the Commons without the least acquainting of the Nobility with it , who were the Chief Estate of the Realm : That they also aspired to the Honour of bearing their part in bestowing such a material Gift on the King and his Posterity , but desired that the Matter might be proceeded on with that gravity , and solemnity , which the nature of it required . That it was not fit such a weighty Transaction should have the appearance of a Tumult , and seemed forced rather than a free Choice . The Conclusion of all was , That they hoped the Commons would a little defer the putting in Execution their Design ; and in the mean time consult with them , till the Affair were done orderly , and with unanimous Approbation , as well as to mutual Advantage . This was with great vehemency by the President denied . He replied , These were Shifts only to gain time , that the Nobles might be in a Condition to frustrate the Intention of the Commons ; that the Point was already agreed , and the Resolution taken ; that they came not thither to consider , but to act ; if the Nobles would join with them , they were ready ; if not , they would do what was to be done alone ; and doubted not but his Majesty would make his use of it . During these Disputes the Nobility had privily sent some of their Body to Court to acquaint the King , that the Commons were now at their House , and had made them sudden Proposals , out of form , but such as they should rather concur with , than be averse to ; that they were ready to join with them in offering an Hereditary Crown to his Majesty , and the Heirs Males of his Family for ever ; which they hoped his Majesty would accept in good part : But desired to proceed in the usual Methods , which such weighty Affairs merited , viz. by Conferences and Deliberations , that it night appear rather an effect of their just Sentiments of his Majesty's Valour and Conduct , than the sudden Motions of a Tumultuous Assembly . The King , with a great deal of mildness , as if he had been wholly unconcerned and passive in the Case , replied ; That he was obliged to them for their Designs in favour of Him , and the Royal Family ; that he hoped what they were about would tend to the benefit of the Nation ; but that a Crown intailed only on the Heirs Males could not be so acceptable to him , as if it were given without that Limitation ; that the Government of Females had neither been a new thing at home , nor unprosperous in Neighbouring Countries : That they might consider of it , and since it was their Gift , he would not prescribe , but it could not be accepted by him unless it were more general . In the mean time the Commons grew impatient , the Answer given them was not satisfactory , and the Nobles had not yet resolved on an entire Compliance , nor were ready to accompany them , because they had not yet an account of the Success of their Members sent to sound the Mind of the Court. The Clergy and Burgers therefore , led on by their Bishop and President , proceed without them to the Palace , and were met by the prime Minister , and conducted by him to the Hall of Audience , whither after some short time the King came to them . The Bishop makes a long Speech , setting forth the Praises of his Majesty , and the Cause of their waiting on him ; concluding with an offer , in the name of themselves , the two most numerous , and if he pleased most powerful Estates , of an Hereditary and Absolute Dominion ; together with the assistance of their Hands and Purses , in case any Body should go about to obstruct so necessary and laudable a Design for the good of the Country . The King told them in short , That he thanked them ; and in case an Universal Consent established this good Desire of theirs , he would accept the Present they made him ; but that the Concurrence of the Nobles was necessary ; which he doubted not of in the least , when they had time to make the offer with the necessary Formalities : That he assured the Commons of his Royal Protection , and should not be unmindful of their Kindness , by easing them of their Grievances , and by encouraging Subjects who had behaved themselves so valiantly , and deserved so well from him . Concluding with his Advice to them to continue their Session till such time as Matters were brought to perfection , and he could receive their Gift with the Solemnity that was fitting . And thereupon dismissed them . But the Nobles were all this while in a grievous distraction ; they saw the Commons were gone to the King without them : Their Messengers brought News back that their Proposition of entailing the Crown on the Heirs Males , was not pleasing , because a greater Advantage was in prospect ; that this offer was looked upon to proceed from Persons that would not have bestowed any thing , if they could have helped it . That it was thought they pretended to merit in giving only a part , when it was not in their power to hinder the taking the whole . In this irresolution they broke up ; and since they were to meet again at Noon upon another Solemn Occasion , they resolved at that time to consider how to proceed in an Affair so delicate . Monsieur Schele a Senator , and principal Man of the Country , was that Afternoon to be buried in great Pomp ; his Body had lain some Months in State , and according to the Custom , was to be accompanied to its Interment by all the Nobility then in Town ; this being a Parliament time was chosen for the Ceremony , because the Nobles were all together , and a magnificent Dinner was prepared , as is usual on the like occasions : In the height of their Entertainment an Officer comes into the Room , and whispers some of the principal Men that the City Gates were shut , and the Keys carried to Court : For the King having been informed by the Governour , that two or three had privily slipt out of Town the Night before , and being resolved that no more should Escape out of the Net , till he had done his business , had ordered the Governour that Morning to lock the Gates , and to let no Person in or out without special Order . The Governour sent one Bill , the Town Major , to put this in Execution ; who as soon as he had done it , came to the House where they were met , and sat down at Table among the Senators . This dismal News of the Officer was presently whispered round the Company ; who immediately applied themselves to him to know what the meaning was of such an unusual Proceeding at the time of a General Convention ; They asked him what destiny was appointed them , whether they were there to be Massacred , or what else was to be done with them ? The Town-Major calmly answered , That he believed there was no Danger towards them , that such violent Measures would not be taken by so gracious a King ; though he had indeed given the Orders himself for the shutting the Gates ; and that no Body was to stir out of Town without leave ; but that this needed not disturb or hinder them from finishing the Work of the Day , and pursuing the Publick , as well as their Private Occasions . There wanted no more than this Confirmation from the Officer to overthrow all the Resolution , and Consultations of the Nobles ; the dread of losing their Lives took away all thoughts of their Liberty . They immediately dispatched Messengers both to the Court , and the Commons , to give notice of their disposition to comply with what was formerly proposed ; assuring them likewise , that they were ready to agree to all that should be asked of them . But the King , who had began and played his Game so well hitherto , determined to pursue it to the utmost , and would not suffer the Gates to be opened , till the whole Ceremony of the Inauguration was concluded , and the Homage done in due form , and therefore ordered they should stay , till in the Face of the People , and the Army , they had sworn Fealty , and divested themselves of all Right , as well as Power , to cause any Disturbance , or Alteration for the future . Three days time was requisite to prepare Matters for that fatal hour , wherein they were to make a formal Surrender of their Liberty ; the Scaffolds were raised in the place before the Castle , and adorned with Tapestry ; Orders were given for the Soldiery , and Burgers to appear in Arms under their respective Officers : And when all things were ready , on the 27th of October in the Morning , the King , Queen , and Royal Family mounted on a Theatre erected for that purpose , and being placed in Chairs of State under Canopies of Velvet , received publickly the Homage of all the Senators , Nobility , Clergy , and Commons ; which was performed kneeling . The Oath , which they were obliged to take , was in these words : I A. B. do Promise , and Declare , that I will be True , and Faithful to Your Majesty , as my most Gracious King and Lord , as also to Your Royal Family ; that I will Endeavour , and Promote Your Majesties Interest in all things , and to the best of my Power defend you from all Danger , and Harm ; and that I will faithfully serve Your Majesty as a Man of Honour , and an Hereditary Subject ought to do . So help me God , &c. This Oath they were all obliged to pronounce aloud , and some Men of Quality that were sick , or pretended to be so , were brought in Chairs . Among others one Gersdorf , a Principal Senator , who was the only Man that opened his Mouth in the behalf of their Expiring Liberties , saying , That he hoped , and trusted , that his Majesty designed nothing but the Good of his People , and not to govern them after the Turkish manner ; but wished his Majesties Successors might follow the Example , which his Majesty would undoubtedly set them , and make use of that unlimited Power for the good , and not the harm of his Subjects . Not one of the rest spoke a word , or seemed to murmur in the least at what was done ; and it is observable , that among so many Great Men , who a few days before seemed to have Spirits suitable to their Birth and Qualities , none had the Courage during those three last days , either by Remonstrance , or any other way , to oppose in any manner what was doing . And I have heard very intelligent Persons , who were at that time near the King , affirm , That had the Nobles shewed ever so little Courage in asserting their Priviledges , the King would not have pursued his Point so far as to desire an Arbitrary Dominion : For he was in continual doubt , and dread of the Event , and began to waver very much in his Resolutions ; so that their Liberties seem purely lost for want of some to appear for them . From the Theatre , those that had done Homage , went to the Council-House , where the Nobles were called over by Name ; and ordered to Subscribe the above-mentioned Declaration , which they all did . Thus this great Affair was finished , and the Kingdom of Denmark in Four Days time changed from an Estate little differing from Aristocracy , to as absolute a Monarchy as any is at present in the World. The Commons have since experienced , that the little Finger of an Absolute Prince can be heavier than the Loins of many Nobles . Theonly comfort they have left them being to see their former Oppressors in almost as miserable a Condition as themselves ; whilst all the Citizens of Copenhagen have by it obtained the insignificant Priviledge of wearing Swords : So that at this day not a Cobler , or Barber stirs abroad without a Tilter at his side , let his Purse be never so empty . The Clergy , who always make sure Bargains , were the only Gainers in this Point ; and are still much encouraged by the Court , as the Instruments that first promoted , and now keep the People in a due Temper of Slavery ; the Passive Obedience Principle riding Triumphant in this unhappy Kingdom . It was but Justice , that the Court should pay well the principal Contrivers of this great Revolution ; and therefore notwithstanding the general want of Money , Hannibal Seestede had a Present of 200000 Crowns . Swan the Superintendent , or Bishop , was made Archbishop , and had 30000 Crowns . The President or Speaker Nanson , 20000 Crowns . And to the People remained the Glory of having forged their own Chains , and the Advantage of Obeying without reserve . A happiness which I suppose no English Man will ever envy them . CHAP. VIII . The Condition , Customs , and Temper of the People . ALL these do so necessarily depend upon , and are influenced by the Nature and Change of Government , that 't is easily imagined , the present Condition of these People of all Ranks must be most deplorable ; at least it appears so to an English Man , who sees it , possibly more than to them that suffer it : For Slavery , like a sickly Constitution , grows in time so habitual , that it seems no Burden nor Disease ; it creates a kind of laziness , and idle despondency , which puts Men beyond hopes and fears : It mortifies Ambition , Emulation , and other troublesome , as well as active qualities , which Liberty and Freedom beget ; and instead of them affords only a dull kind of Pleasure of being careless and insensible . In former Times , and even till the late Alteration in the Government , the Nobility or Gentry ( for they are here the same thing ) lived in great Affluence and Prosperity ; their Country Seats were large and magnificent , their Hospitality extraordinary , because their Plenty was so too ; they lived for the most part at home , and spent their Revenues among their Neighbours and Tenants , by whom they were considered , and respected as so many petty Princes . In times of Convention of the Estates , which ordinarily happened once a year , they met their King with Retinues almost as large as his ; they frequently eat , and drank at the same Table with him , and in the debate of Publick Affairs , their Suffrages were of greatest weight , and usually carried the Point : For the Commons were willing in a great measure to be directed by them , because they much depended on them . In process of time this Excess of Power , as you have heard , made most of them grow insolent , which was the chief occasion of their fall , together with the loss of the Liberties of the whole Country . So that now they are sunk to a very low Condition , and diminish daily both in Number and Credit ; their Estates scarce paying the Taxes imposed on them : Which makes them grind the Faces of their poor Tenants to get an Overplus for their own Subsistance . Nay , I have been assured by some Gentlemen of good Repute , who formerly were Masters of great Estates , that they have offered to make an absolute Surrender to the King of large Possessions in the Island of Zealand , rather than pay the Taxes ; which offer , though pressed with earnestness , would by no means be accepted . And upon my further enquiry into the Reason of it , I have been informed , that Estates belonging to those Gentlemen , who made this offer , lying in other places , which had the good Fortune to be taxed less than the full value of the Income , were liable to pay the Taxes of any other Estate appertaining to the same Person , in case that other Estate were not able ; so that some have been seen with a great deal of joy declaring that the King had been so gracious as to take their Estates from them . Through these , and several other means , many of the ancient Families are fallen to decay ; their Country Habitations , which were like Palaces , being ruinous , they are forced to live meanly , and obscurely in some corner of them : Unless it be their good Fortune to procure an Employment , Civil or Military , at Court , which is the thing they are most Ambitious of ; it being indeed necessary to secure to their Families any tolerable Subsistance , or to afford them some shelter from the Exactions , and Injustices of the Collectors . The Civil Employments are in no great number , nor of great value ; as they seldom are in a poor Country governed by an Army ; so that few are provided for this way : The greatest part patiently enduring their Poverty at home ; where , in a short time , their Spirits , as well as their Estates , grow so mean , that you would scarce believe them to be Gentlemen , either by Discourse or Garb. Ancient Riches and Valour were the only Title to Nobility formerly in this Country ; the Nobles and Gentry being , as I said before , the same thing . None took either their Degree , or Patents of Honour from the King : But of late years to supply the want of Riches , some few Titles of Baron or Count , and nothing higher , have been given to Favourites ; who enjoy not the same Priviledges by those Titles , as our Lords in England do , but content themselves with a few Airy insignificant ones , which distingush them from the Common People ; there are not many , even of this kind of Nobility , I believe fifteen or twenty are the most ; these are such , who are most easie in their Fortunes , and are obliged ( that they may preserve them ) to keep in with the Court by all manner of ways ; as indeed all are , who have a mind to live and eat Bread. 'T is only this kind of Nobility with Titles , that have liberty to make a Will or Testament , and thereby to dispose of any Estate otherwise than as the Law has already determined , that it shall fall of course : Unless such Will be during the Life of the Testator , approved of and signed by the King ; and then it shall be of force , and valid . 'T is almost needless to mention that there is no buying , or selling of Land here ; for where an Estate is a Charge , there will be few Buyers . Neither do I remember any one Alienation of Lands for Money , during all the time I stayed in that Country , except some Estates , which the Queen purchased ; where she paid after the rate of 16000 Crowns for that which Thirty Years ago was valued at 60000 Crowns . There were indeed some Persons , who took Lands from the King in lieu of Money , which they had lent the Crown ; and among these I remember to have heard of two , Monsieur Texera a rich Jew of Hamburg , and Monsieur Marseilles , a Dutch Merchant , who was formerly established at Copenhagen . These were forced to take Lands , or Nothing , for their Debts , which amounted to some Hundred Thousands of Crowns ; yet did these Lands yield them so little Income , by reason of the Taxes imposed on them , though they were vast Tracts of fertile Ground , that they would willingly have parted with them ( as I was informed ) for one fifth part of their Principal . However , in case it should happen that one who has a mind to transplant himself to another place , could find a Purchaser for his Estate , the Law is , That one third part of such Purchase-Money shall accrue to the King ; and indeed if there were not such a severe Law against Alienations , it is possible most of the present Possessors would quit the Country the first Opportunity . The King assumes to himself the Power of disposing of all Heirs and Heiresses of any Consideration , as it is practised in France : Not that there is any Law for it , but upon pain of his Displeasure ; which here is too weighty to be born . Military Employments are mightily coveted by the Native Gentry , almost as much as the Civil ; and purely for the same reason that the Priests Office was among the Jews , viz. That they may eat a piece of Bread. For it is a sure way to find Soldiers ( as long as there are Men in a Kingdom ) to imitate the French King's practice in this particular , make the Gentry poor , and render Traffick unprofitable or dishonourable , Men of Birth must live , and one half of the Nation , by giving up themselves to Slavery , will contribute their Assistance afterwards to put Chains upon the other . Yet in Denmark the Natives are considered much less than Strangers , and are more out of the Road of Preferment , whether it be that the Court can better trust Strangers , whose Fortunes they make , than the Posterity of such whose Fortunes they have ruined : Or whether they think their very Parts and Courage to be diminished in proportion to their Estates and Liberty , ( which appears to be plainly the case of their common People ) or for what other reason ; certain it is , that all sorts of Places , Civil and Military , are filled more by Forreigners than Gentlemen of the Country : And in their disposal of Offices it is remarkable , that such as are of ordinary Birth and Fortunes , are much sooner preferred than those of contrary qualities : So that here may be found several in the most profitable and honourable Employments who have formerly been Serving-men , and such like ; and these prove the best Executors of the Will and Pleasure of Arbitrary Power , and therefore are caressed accordingly . There is one further advantage in the promotion of these kind of Men ; that after they are grown rich by Extortion , and have sucked the Blood of the Poor , when Clamours grow loud against them , the Court can with ease squeeze these Leaches , laying all the blame of its own Oppression at their Doors ; and this without the danger of causing the discontent of any of the Nobles , upon the score of Kindred or Alliance . The difficulty of procuring a comfortable Subsistence , and the little security of enjoying what shall be acquired through Industry , is a great cause of Prodigality , not only in the Gentry , whose Condition is more easie , but also in the very Burgers and Peasants : they are sensible that they live but from Hand to Mouth , and therefore as soon as they get a little Money they spend it . They live to day as the Poet advises , not knowing but what they now have may be taken from them tomorrow . And therefore expensiveness in Coaches , Retinue , Clothes , &c. is no where more common , nor more extravagant in proportion to their Income , than in this Country . Parsimony is often , not only a cause , but a sign of Riches ; the more a wealthy Man has , the more he endeavours to acquire , and to encrease his stock : But here the Courtier buys no Land , but remits his Money to the Bank of Amsterdam , or of Hamburgh ; the Gentleman spends presently on himself and his Pleasures all that he can get , for fear he should have the Reputation of being Rich , and his Money be taken from him by Taxes , before he has eaten or drank for it ; the Merchant and Burger do the like , and subsist purely upon Credit ; there being very few of this sort in the King's Dominions that can be called rich , or worth 100000 Rix Dollars . The Peasant or Boor , as soon as he gets a Rix Dollar , lays it out in Brandy with all haste , lest his Landlord , whose Slave he is , should hear of it , and take it from him . Thus — Torva leaena lupum sequitur , lupus ipse capellam . The Trading Towns and Villages , ( if we except Copenhagen , whose Scituation and Haven make it thrive a little in spight of ill usage ) are all fallen to decay . Those Burroughs which formerly lent good Sums of Money to the Prince upon extraordinary Publick Occasions , and furnished the Hollanders yearly with ten or twelve great Fly-boats Lading of Corn , being now not in a condition to raise 100 Rix Dollars , or to Lade one small Ship of Rye ; as may be instanced in Kiog , once a flourisning little Seaport-Town , twenty Miles from Copenhagen , which in King Christian the Fourth's time raised for that King's Service , in four and twenty hours time , 200000 Rix Dollars ; yet upon occasion of the last Poll Tax , I heard that the Collectors were forced to take from this and other Towns ( in lieu of Money ) old Feather beds , Bedsteads , Brass , Pewter , Wooden Chairs , &c. which they violently took from the Poor People , who were unable to pay , leaving them destitute of all manner of Necessaries for the use of Living . Some Manufactures have been endeavoured to be introduced , not so much with a design of benefiting the Publick , as private Courtiers , and great Men who were the Undertakers , and expected to profit thereby : particularly that of Silks and Drinking glasses ; but in a little time all came to nothing ; it being a very sure Rule , that Trade will not be forced in a place where real Encouragements and Advantages are not to be found , and where Property is not secured ; the very Credit of the Subject being as slender as his Riches are uncertain . If this be the Case of the Gentleman and Burger , what can be expected to be that of the poor Peasant or Boor ? In Zealand they are all as absolute Slaves as the Negroes are in Barbadoes , but with this difference , that their Fare is not so good . Neither they , nor their Posterity , to all Generations , can leave the Land to which they belong ; the Gentlemen counting their Riches by their Stocks of Boors , as here with us by our Stocks of Cattel ; and the more they have of these , the richer they are . In case of Purchase , they are sold as belonging to the Free hold , just as Timber-Trees are with us . There is no computing there by numbers of Acres , but by numbers of Boors , who , with all that belongs to them , appertain to the Proprietor of the Land. Yeomanry , which is the strength of England , is a state not known or heard of in Denmark ; but these poor Drudges , after they have laboured with all their might to raise the King's Taxes , must pay the Overplus of the Profit of the Lands , and their own Toil , to their Landlords , who are almost as poor as themselves . If any of these Wretches prove to be of a diligent and improving Temper , who endeavours to live a little better than his Fellows , and to that end has repaired his Farm-house , making it convenient , neat , or pleasant , it is forty to one but he is presently transplanted from thence to a naked and uncomfortable Habitation , to the end that his griping Landlord may get more Rent , by placing another on the Land that is thus improved : so that in some years 't is likely there will be few or no Farm-Houses , when those already built are fallen through Age or Neglect . Another Grievance is , the Quartering and paying of the Soldiers . Those that know what a vexatious thing it is ( over and above the Charge ) to be constantly plagued with insolent Inmates , who Lord it where-ever they dwell , will soon allow this to be a Mischief scarce supportable . And although this Country have a tendency to be extreamly populous , the Women being exceeding fruitful , which is sufficiently proved by the vast Swarms that in former Ages , from these Northern parts , over-ran all Europe ; yet at present it is but competently Peopled ; vexation of Spirit , ill Diet , and Poverty , being great Obstructions to Procreation . Within Man's Memory the Peasants lived very happily ; there was scarce any Family of them that was not Owner of a large piece of Plate or two , besides Silver Spoons , Gold Rings , and other odd Knacks , which they are fond of to this day , ( and whenever they have any Money , will lay it out in such-like things , because they dare not trust themselves with the keeping of Money , the inclination to spend it presently is so general ) but now it is a great rarity to find in a Boor's House any thing made of Silver ; or indeed any other Utensil of Value , unless it be Feather-Beds , whereof there are better , and in greater plenty than in any place I ever saw ; and which are made use of , not only to lye upon , but also to cover with instead of Blankets . Among all the Hardships which are imposed on these poor Peasants , that which seemed to me one of the greatest , was the Obligation they lye under to furnish the King , Royal Family , and all their Attendants , their Baggage and Furniture , with Horses , and Travelling Waggons , whensoever he makes any Progress ( which he often does either to Jutland or Holstein ) or takes any lesser Journey in Zealand ; nay , although it be only to his Country-Houses of Fredericksburg and Yagersburg . In these Cases all the Peasants that lye near the Road , or in that District , are summoned to attend with their Horses and Waggons at certain Stages , where they are to relieve each other ; and this they often do , always at their own Charges for Man's , and Horse-meat , for two or three days together , no regard being had to the Season of Harvest , ( which is the usual travelling time ) or to any other Conveniency of these poor Wretches . I have frequently seen them with hundreds of Waggons in a Company , attending the Arrival of the Court , bewailing their sad Condition ; and as soon as the King came up , and his Coaches , with those of the other Persons of Quality , were fitted with six or eight Boors Horses each , ( for they are little bigger than Calves ) then every Lacquey seizes on his Boor and Waggon , for his own proper use ; at which time , unless his Pleasure be in all things complied with , the poor trembling Peasant ( who drives on , and takes all patiently , without replying one word ) is so beaten and abused , that it has often moved my Pity and Indignation to see it . Neither is it only when the King himself travels , that the Boors are put to this trouble , but whenever he pleases to give his Warrant to any Person of Quality , or Officer , that has a Journey to make , they are obliged to this Service and Attendance . Apoplexies and the Falling-Sickness are the Epidemical Distempers here ; one shall hardly pass through the Streets of Copenhagen , without seeing one or two poor Creatures groveling on the Ground in a Fit , and foaming at the Mouth , with a Circle of Gazers and Assistants about them : I know not what to impute this to , unless to the ill Diet of the Common sort , which is generally Salt-meats , Stock-fish , and such-like . Apoplexies among the better sort , often proceed either from excessive Drinking , or from Discontent ; it being very usual here to have them die of a Slacht , as they call it , which is an Apoplexy , proceeding from Discontent and Trouble of Mind . But by way of amends for these ugly Distempers , there are few or none that are troubled with Coughs , Catarrhs , Consumptions , or such like Diseases of the Lungs ; so that in the midst of Winter in the Churches , which are very much frequented , there is no noise to interrupt the Attention due to the Preacher . I am perswaded their warm Stoves , with the Plenty and Pureness of their Firing , ( which is Beech-wood ) contributes as much to their freedom from these kinds of Maladies , as the grosness and unwholsomness of our Coals in London does to our being so universally troubled with them ; notwithstanding the ingenious Sir William Petty be of another Opinion : for in all other respects of Air and Situation , we have much the advantage of them . The Tables of the better sort are usually well furnished with Dishes , yet I cannot commend the Cheer ; because the Flesh is generally lean , and ( except the Beef and Veal ) ill tasted , especially the tame Fowl , the fatning of which is an Art not known by above two or three , who have been taught it by an English Poulterer , lately set up at Copenhenhagen . Wether Mutton is very scarce , and seldom good . Wild Ducks hardly to be eaten ; and Plovers never . Here are no wild Pheasants , Woodcocks , Rabbits , or Fallow Deer . Red Deer there are , but they are the King's Game , and not to be bought for Money . The Hares are good , and the Bacon is excellent . Now and then you meet with a Cheureuil , or small Roe Buck in the Market , but it is generally lean . Sea-fish is scarce , and not good , but the River-fish makes amends , here being the best Carp , Perch , and Craw-fish that are to be found any where . One cannot expect extraordinary Fruits thus far North ; yet the Gentry do not want such as are very tolerable , being extreamly addicted to Gardning ; and several of the Nobility being so curious , as to have Melons , Grapes , Peaches , and all sorts of Sallads very early , and in great perfection . The Butter is very good , but the Cheese stark naught . In general , their way of Cookery would hardly be pleasing to an English Man. They are much addicted to drinking ; the Liquors that are most in vogue with Persons of Condition , are Rhenish Wine , Cherry Brandy , and all sorts of French Wine . The Men are fond of them , and the fair Sex does not refuse them . The poor People , who are able to indulge themselves , do it in bad Beer , and Danish Brandy , which is made of Barley . The Gentlemen and Officers go very fine in their Dress after the French mode ; but the Ladies Winter-dress is Danish , very becoming , and convenient . The Burgers , Servants , and even Peasants , are neat and cleanly ; they love change of ordinary white Linnen , which is here made cheap ; the Women-kind employing their leisure time in Spinning . All these People have a degree of Vanity ; Pride and Poverty being often Companions to each other . Their Marriages are usually preceded by Contracts , which will last sometimes three , four , or more years , before they proceed to a publick Wedding by the Minister ; though often the young Couple grow better acquainted before these Formalities are dispatched . The Gentry give Portions with their Daughters ; but the Burgers and Peasants , if they be able , give Cloaths , some Houshold-stuff , and a great Wedding Dinner , but nothing else till they die . Sumptuous Burials and Monuments are much in request with the Nobility ; and it is usual to keep the Corps of a Person of Quality in a Vault , or the Chancel of some Church , for several Years together , till a fit opportunity to celebrate the Funeral . The poorer sort are buried in great thick Chests ; and in the Towns , there are about a dozen of common Mourners belonging to each Parish , who are obliged to carry , and attend them to their Graves . The Common People are mean spirited , not Warlike in their Tempers , as formerly ; inclined to gross Cheating , and to suspect that others have a design to cheat them ; therefore unwilling to go out of a road they have been accustomed to : insomuch that if you offer them great profit for a thing which they have not been used formerly to sell , they will refuse to part with it , as suspecting that you fee an advantage in such a Purchase , which as yet is unknown to them , but which they hope to find out . I remember one instance : Seeing great Flocks of Green Geese in the Fields near the Town , I sent to buy some , but they being never used to sell , or eat Geese , in that Country , till they are big and old ; it was not possible to perswade any body to part with one of them , though double the price of a big one were offered for each . They asked what we desired to buy them for ? What we would do with them ? &c. for they could not be perswaded , any one would be so foolish as to eat them whilst young , or little ; after a Week , an old Woman , to whom Money had been offered for a dozen , came and brought four to sell , saying , That neither she , nor her Geese , had thriven since she had refused to sell them at a good price ; for the Kite had the night before kill'd eight of her stock , and that now the remaining four were at my service . Thus the Superstition of this old Woman procured us the first Green Geese that I believe were ever eaten in Denmark ; but after that they had taken notice that we fatted , and killed them for eating , they furnisht us with them as often as desired . I would not omit this silly Story , because it gives a more lively Idea of the Temper of the Common People , than any Description I could make . In their Markets they will ask the same price for stinking Meat , as for fresh ; for lean , as for fat , if it be of a kind . And the sure way not to obtain , is to seem to value , and to ask importunately , a thing which otherwise they themselves would desire should be done . This last Remark is not peculiar to the Common People only . I do not see that they are good at imitating the Inventions of other Countries ; and for inventing themselves , I believe none here , since the famous Tycho Brahe , ever pretended to it . Few or no Books are written , but what some of the Clergy compose of Religion . Not so much as a Song , or a Tune , was made , during three Years that I stayed there . Their Seasons of Jollity are very rare , and since the fatal Opera about four years ago , wherein many hundred Persons were burnt together in the old Queen's House , they content themselves with running at the Goose on Shrove-Tuesdays , and taking their pleasure upon Sledds in the Winter , well wrapped up in Wooll or Furr . A Divertisement much in request in this Court , and among all kinds of People . Perhaps it will be thought too nice here to remark , That no body presumes to go in a Sledd , till the King and Court has begun ; That the King passes over a new Bridge the first . And that the Clocks of Copenhagen strike the hours after the Court Clock . 'T is a difficult matter for Strangers to find conveniences of Lodging or Eating in Denmark ; even in Copenhagen are few or no Lodgings to be Lett in private Houses ; and in the Taverns one must be content to Eat and Drink in a publick Room , into which any other Company may enter , and do the like at another Table ; unless one pretends to higher matters than ordinary . The Language is very ungrateful , and not unlike the Irish in its whining complaining Tone . The King , great Men , Gentry , and many Burghers , make use of the High-Dutch in their ordinary Discourse , and of French to Strangers . I have heard several in high Employment , boast that they could not speak Danish . Yet very many of the Monosyllables in this Tongue are the same with the English ; and without doubt we owe the Original of them to the Danes , and have retained them ever since they were Masters of our Country . CHAP. IX . Of the Revenue . THE Revenue of the King of Denmark arises from three Heads : First , The Taxes and Impositions of his own Subjects : Secondly , Customs paid by Foreigners : Thirdly , Rents of his own Estate , Crown Lands , and Confiscations . Each of these shall be treated of apart . The Taxes paid by his own Subjects , are in some Cases fixed , and constant , in others arbitrary . When I distinguish between these two , it is not meant that the King's Power is limited in any wise ; but only that he chooses , in some Taxes , to follow Rules and Measures established by himself , in all others he varies often . Of the first sort are , First , The Customs , or Toll , for Import and Export : Secondly , The Excise , commonly called the Consumption ; which is upon Tobacco , Wine , Salt , Grain , &c. and all Eatables and Drinkables brought into any Town of the King of Denmark's Dominions to be spent . These are the great Taxes , and the last is severe enough . There are besides , of this kind , smaller Taxes ; as that 3 dly upon Marriages , where every couple Marrying , pay so much for the Licence , according to their quality ; this is pretty high , and comes in some Cases to a good number of Rix Dollars for a Licence . 4 thly , A Tax for marked Paper , whereon all Bonds , and Contracts , Copies of Judicial Proceedings , Grants , Passports , &c. must be written , otherwise they are invalid . And this is an uneasie Tax ; there being of this kind of Paper , which amounts to several Rix Dollars a Sheet . Fisthly , Taxes for Brewing , Grinding , and other things , which shall be hereafter spoken of . But these , and such like , are certain ; that is to say , every one knows how much he is to pay , according to an Ordonnance at present in force ; which however may be altered as the King pleases . Of the second sort are Impositions upon Land ; which is reckoned , not by Acres , but Farms ; viz. so much for every proportion of Land that will bear the sowing of a Tun of hard Corn. Wheat and Rye are called hard Corn , and according to the Fertility of the Land , Seasonableness of the Year , Ability of the Landlord , each Farm is taxed higher or lower ; but seldom too low . Secondly , Poll-money , which is sometimes raised twice in a year , and is imposed according to the Substance of the Person taxed ; which is guessed at , not fixed , as in other places , where all of a Rank pay equally . Thirdly , Fortification-Tax , or Money raised for , or upon pretence of making Fortifications for the Defence of the Kingdom , &c. Fourthly , Marriage-Tax , when a Daughter of Denmark is to be disposed of ; whose Portion commonly is but 100000 Crowns : but under this Name , occasion is taken to raise more . Fifthly , Trade-money , wherein every Trades man is taxed for the liberty of exercising his Trade , according to the Gain which it is computed he makes by it : and he is moreover obliged to quarter Soldiers . Sixthly , Ground-Rent for all Houses in Copenhagen , or any other Towns in Denmark ; which are taxed by the King , when he pleases , according to the goodness of the House , the ability of the Possessor , or the greatness of the Sum he intends to levy at that time . In Holstein and Sleswick the Lands are taxed by Ploughs ; each Plough paying so much a Month. To begin with those of the first sort , whereof the Rates are known and fixed ; it would be convenient , in speaking of the Customs and Excise , to transcribe the whole Book of Rates , but I fear to be too tedious ; however not to be wanting in any thing material , and to give a taste , whereby to guess at the rest ; and measure Hercules by his Foot , some Particulars shall be set down , whereof to make a right Judgment , a due regard must be had always , not only to the Plenty and Scarcity of Money in a ●●ountry , but also to the goodness of a Commodity . For instance , when I speak of a fat Ox , it must not be imagined that we mean such as are usual in our English Markets ; but rather such as we see come from Wales or Scotland . And so of other things in the Consumption Tax . And a Rix Dollar , considering the scarcity of Money , ought to be computed to go further than three crowns with us . Import Customs .     RD . Stiv. I Ship pound of Iron Bars imported , pays 02 00 of wrought Iron 05 16 of Copper 00 32 of Wire one sort 15 00 of Wire another sort 20 00 of Pewter Vessels 15 00 of Pewter unwrought 00 18 of Lead 00 12 100 weight of Steel   00 24 one pound of Quicksilver   00 02 one Ell of Cloth of any value   00 ●● one Ell of plain Silks   00 ●● one Hat   00 3● One piece of Kersey of 20 Ells   01 08 12 pair of Worsted Stockings   01 12 50 Ells of plain Ribband   00 24 24 Ells of Ribband with Gold or silver in them ,   00 13 12 pair of Gloves   00 24 one Wastcoat knit   00 12 one other Wastcoat   01 05 one Horse   01 32 one dozen of Knives   00 33 one Last of Coals   00 15 100 of Lemons   00 08 100 pound of Capers 00 40 of Currans 01 02 of Raisins 00 32 of Cinnamon 06 00 of Confections 04 08 of Cork 03 00 of Nutmegs 04 08 of Sealing-wax 04 08   Customs or Toll . Consumption or Excise .   RD . Stiv. RD . Stiv. One Barrel of Tallow 03 00 01 16 one pound of Tobacco Leaves 00 00½ 00 03 one pound of Tobacco Rolls or Snuft 00 04 00 03 One Barrel of Barley 00 20 besides the consumption . one Barrel of Flower of all sorts 00 26 one Barrel of salt Beef 01 05 one Ream of Paper 00 05   one Barrel of Butter 03 00 00 32 one Ship-pound of Cheese 03 00 00 14 one Last of Span Salt 15 00 00 36 one Last of French Salt 08 00 00 36 one Last of Lunenburg Salt 24 00 00 36 one Hogshead of French Wine 06 32 05 00 one Hogshead of Vinegar 04 32 03 00 one Ahm of Rhenish , Canary , or other Strong Wines 08 00 06 00 one Ahm of French or Rhenish Brandy . 10 32 03 16 one Hogshead of Sider 04 32 02 16 one Barrel of salt Herrings 01 32 00 04 of salt Salmon 01 32 00 12 of Beer 02 00 00 32 Feathers one Lispound 02 12 00 02   Excise or Consumption .   RD . Stiv. An Ox brought into any Town pays at the Gate 01 16 But into Copenhagen 02 00 One Calf into Copenhagen 00 16 elsewhere 00 08 A Sheep , Swine , or Goat 00 06 A Chevreuil 00 32 A Pigg 00 01 A Hare 00 04 A Turky 00 03 A Goose 00 01● A pair of Pigeons 00 01● of Ducks 00 02 of Partridges 00 04 of Blackbirds or Thrushes 00 01 Twenty Eggs 00 00● Twenty dried Eeles , Breams , or the like 00 02 Twenty Pickerels dried 00 01 One Salmon 00 06 One Pail of Milk 00 02 One Barrel of salted Flesh or 01 00 Tripes which comes in by Land to Copenhagen 01 00 to other Towns 00 32 The like by Sea to Copenhagen 00 32 to other Towns 00 24 One side of smoak'd or salted Pork 00 02 One Barrel of Tongues 01 00 One Firkin of Honey 00 24 One Barrel of Beans or Pease 00 08 of Parsnips or Turnips 00 01● One Bushel of Nuts 00 02 Four Bunches of Onions 00 00● One Barrel of Hopps 00 06 One Firkin of Soap 00 12 of Mustard-seed 00 04 of Hempseed or Linseed 00 01● A Horse-load of Hay entring the Gates 00 02 A Horse-load of Charcoal 00 04 of Straw 00 02 of green Keal or Colworts 00 01 of Turf or Wood by Land 00 01 of Beech wood by Sea 00 04 of short Wood 00 02 of Birch-wood 00 01 of Bark 00 02 Planks , Oak-boards , and Firrdeals exported , pay One per Cent. per Last , according to the Ships burden .       Custom .   RD . Stiv. A Mast for a Ship of 28 Palms long , pays 30 00 of 21 Palms 11 00 of 13 Palms 01 24 Between 12 and 8 Palms per dozen 02 24 Under 5 Palms per dozen 00 12 The rest proportionably       Consumption or Excise .   RD . Stiv. One Doe-skin undressed 00 02 dressed 00 04 Ten Calves-skins 00 02 Ten Sheep-skins 00 01 One Ox-hide 00 02 Tanned 00 04 Ten Hides of English Leather 00 24 One Barrel of Rye ground for 00 16 Bread , pays to the King for the grinding ground for Brandy 00 32 One Barrel of Wheat ground for flower 00 40 of Malt for a Brewer 00 32 for a private House 01 00 of Oats for Grout 00 08 A Rix Dollar is something short of an English Crown in value ; a Stiver is more than an English Penny. 48 Stivers make a Rix Dollar . One Lispound is the same with that we call a Stone . One Ship-pound is 20 Lispound . A Danish Ell is a third less than an English , or thereabouts . There are publick Mills appointed and farmed to certain persons by the King , where all the Inhabitants of Copenhagen are bound to grind upon a Penalty , and to pay the Sums above-mentioned for grinding : it being not permitted to any private Person or Brewer to grind his own Mault , nor Baker his own Bread-corn . I need say no more of the Tax for Marriage Licences , or that for the use of mark'd Paper in Bonds and Contracts , than has been already mention'd . Those of the second sort , viz. Land-Tax , House-Tax , Poll-Money , and Fortification-Money , which are sometimes laid high , and sometimes low , can have no settled estimate made of them ; however , I shall endeavour to compute them in the summing up the total of the Revenue , according to what they have yielded of late years , which was pretty high ; and according to the utmost they can bear at present , or may probably for the future . Some years ago , since the last War with Sweden , the King caused a Valuation and a Register to be made of all the Houses in the Cities and Burroughs within his Dominions , as likewise an admeasurement of all Lands in the Country , that he might the better proportion the Taxes he should have occasion to levy . These are now applotted and raised according to the very utmost of the Peoples Abilities ; neither do I believe that in case of a War or other exigency , they could possibly bear a greater burden ; for in the Country the Gentleman and Peasant are in a manner ruined ; in the Cities and Burroughs , Houses pay yearly for Ground-Tax four per Cent. of the whole value that the Ground is rated at , if it were to be purchased ; and this is estimated by Commissioners appointed for that purpose , according to the quantity of the Ground , or the conveniency of the Station : moreover , for every hundred Rix Dollars which the Ground of any House is rated at , the Inhabitants are obliged to quarter one Souldier . Thus a Rhenish-Wine Vintner at Copenhagen , and he none of the richest , has the Ground of his House valued at 900 Rix Dollars , he consequently pays 36 Rix Dollars yearly for Ground-tax , and quarters nine Soldiers upon the account of his House , and three more upon the account of his Trade . The like proportion is observ'd towards all others , with respect to their Houses and Trades . Here is commonly one Poll-Tax at least every year ; or if it chance to miss one year , it is usually doubled the next . The lowest Assessment is according to the following proportion , vi . z a Burgher esteemed worth eight or ten thousand Rix Dollars , pays for himself four Rix Dollars , for his Wife four Rix Dollars , for every Child two Rix Dollars , for every Servant one Rix Dollar , for every Horse one Rix Dollar . An ordinary Alehouse-keeper pays for himself one Rix Dollar , for his Wife one Rix Dollar , for every Child 24 Stivers , for every Servant 16 Stivers . About two years ago there was a Poll-Tax higher than ordinary ; and at that time this proportion was observed : One of the Farmers of the Customs paid for himself 24 Rix Dollars , for his Wife 16 Rix Dollars , for her Maid two Rix Dollars , for every other Servant one Rix Dollar . A Burger esteemed worth six or eight thousand Rix Dollars paid for himself six Rix Dollars , for his Wife four Rix Dollars , for every Child two Rix Dollars , for every Servant one Rix Dollar ; and thus did others according to their several Abilities . The Fortification Schatt is a Tax with a witness : in that which was levied in the Year 91 , these were the Rules for payment . All the King's Servants paid 20 per Cent. of their yearly Salaries . All the Officers of the Army , beginning with Captains , and so upwards , 30 per Cent. of their Pay. ( These used to be freed from former Taxes of this kind . ) The Nobility and Gentry paid in proportion to their Rank and Estate . The highest , as Count Guldenlieu , &c. from seven hundred to one thousand Rix Dollars each . Burgers were taxed according to their supposed Abilities ; the richer sort from one hundred to four hundred Rix Dollars , each ; the middle sort of Merchants worth six or eight thousand Rix Dollars paid forty Rix Dollars ; an Apothecary sixty eight Rix Dollars ; a Vintner fifty five Rix Dollars ; ordinary Burgers eight or ten Rix Dollars each : the poorer sort one or two Rix Dollars , and so forth . This sort of Tax has been accounted equal with another called the Kriegs Sture , imposed at the beginning of the War ; and that amounted to near seven hundred thousand Rix Dollars in all . But 't is most certain , the People are not now able to pay it as they were then , and consequently it will not be so much by a great deal . When the King 's only Daughter was about to be married to the present Elector of Saxony , a Marriage-Tax was intended , and had certainly been levied in case the Marriage had gone forward : but the one , as well as the other , is now no more spoken of , though no Kingdom in Europe can boast of a more deserving Princess . I suppose by this time an English Reader has taken a Surfeit of this Account of Taxes which the Subjects of Denmark do pay ; but it ought to be a great Satisfaction to him to reflect , that through the Happiness of our Constitution , and the Prudence and Valour of our King , the People of this Nation , though enjoying ten times more natural and acquired Advantages than the Danes , which causes more than ten times their affluence ; do not for all that pay towards the carrying on the most necessary and just War , the third part in proportion to what the King of Denmark's Subjects do in time of a profound Peace : Pax servientibus gravior est quam liberis bellum . Tacit. Lib. An. 10. The second Head from whence proceeds a considerable Branch of this King's Revenue , is the Customs or Toll paid by Foreigners . These pay something more for imported Goods than the Natives and Burgers , and more Anchorage-money in the Ports . The Danes , from their own Ports to their own Ports , paying four Stivers per Last ; from Foreign Ports ten Stivers per Last , whereas Foreign Ships pay twelve Stivers . But that which is most considerable to the King , is the Toll paid by all Strangers ( except the Swedes ) that pass the Sound ; and the Customs of Norway . I have in another place given an ample Account of the Original and Progress of this Toll , together with the Copy of a Letter which makes a Computation of the present Revenue arising from thence ; so that I shall not need to repeat what I formerly said ; only in general , that it is much fallen from what it was in the time of the last War , when all that passed paid ; it came then to about 143000 Rix Dollars yearly . In the Years 1690 , and 1691 , it amounted not to much more than 65000 Rix Dollars , at which rate we may judge it likely to continue . This belongs to the King 's Privy Purse , and comes not under the Management of the Treasurer . The Revenues of Norway arise chiefly from the Tenths of Timber and Tar , of Fish and Oil , and the Customs of the same ; which being bought and exported by Foreign Merchants , the Sums that come from thence into the King's Coffers are principally owing to them . It is true , there are Silver Mines , and Iron , and one of Copper , but these are of small value . The Excise , and the other Taxes of the Natives , are the same with those of Denmark ; which these of Norway are better enabled to pay , because of their Forreign Trade ; although this also is considerably diminished since their late Quarrel with the Dutch ; who thereupon gave over their Traffick with them , and transferred it for some time to Sweden . These Differences have indeed been since adjusted , but it is a hard matter to reduce Trade throughly into the former Channel , when once it has taken another course . The Danes are of opinion , that neither the English nor Dutch can possibly want the Norway Trade for their Naval Stores : but if a right use were made of our Plantations in the West-Indies , they may chance to find themselves mistaken . It may not be amiss to mention in this place , though it be something forreign to the Matter in hand ; that just before the present War with France , the Trading Ships belonging to all the King of Denmark's Dominions , were computed to amount to about four hundred , besides little Barks that bring Wood , &c. because the number of them had been lessened almost two thirds within thirty years . But at present , since the Trade of Europe has been in a manner carried on by the Neutral Princes , it cannot otherwise be , but that the number must be considerably increased within these four years ; though as yet it comes not up to what it formerly did . To conclude with Norway , which is divided into the Southern and Northern Provinces . The whole Revenue from the first of these amounts yearly to between five and six hundred thousand Rix Dollars ; and from the last to between two and three hundred thousand Rix Dollars ; and so the Total may be communibus annis 800000 Rix Dollars . The exactest Computation that I have known made of the English , Dutch and French Trades to these Parts in Times of Peace , ran thus : Of English there passed the Sound yearly , from two hundred Vessels to three hundred ; of Dutch from one thousand to eleven hundred ; of French from ten to twelve ; and the like proportion to Norway . By which it is easily judged , that the Friendship and Trade of France ought to come in no competition with that of England and Holland ; since the King of Denmark owes so large a share of his best Revenue to these last , and so little to the other . The third and least considerable Branch of the Revenue arises from the Rents of the Crown Lands , and confiscated Estates . The latter are in the King's hands , either upon account of forfeiture for Treason , and other Crimes , or by reason of Debt and Non-payment of Taxes ; and it is to be supposed these will encrease every day in proportion to the Poverty of the Country ; since , as I formerly said , many would be glad , rather to surrender their Estates to the King , than pay the Taxes imposed on them . But notwithstanding this Addition of Lands , the King is so far from being the richer , that he is the poorer for it : for upon the King 's becoming possessor of any Man's Estate , immediately the great pains and care ceases which was formerly taken to improve it , and make it yield as much as it could ; and it becomes almost desolate , either through the negligence or little encouragement of the Tenants : generally it turns to Forrest , and contributes to his Diversion , though little to his Purse ; and the Houses run to decay . So do the Royal Palaces , whereof there are a great many on the Crown Lands , few of them , except Fredericksburg , being in a Condition to be dwelt in . For which reason it is a hard matter to make a just Calculation what yearly Revenue these afford : and that which they do yield goes for the most part among the Courtiers , who have the Government of the King's Houses , the Supervisorships of his Parks , Forrests , and Farms , with the Services of his Boors , and Tenants . So that I believe we should rather over , then under reckon them , if we compute the clear yearly profit of these to amount to 200000 Rix Dollars . I endeavoured to know from an exact and understanding Person there , how much the running Cash of those Kingdoms might probably be : Whose Answer was in these Words : It is very difficult to make any rational Computation of the running Cash of these Kingdoms ; but certainly it is but very little , and not near the hundredth part of that of England : for excepting a very few , none have any Cash by them ; the Trading People , through whose hands it runs , being generally Men of no Substance , but indebted over Head and Ears to their Creditors at Amsterdam and Hamburg , it comes no sooner in , but it is paid out . Moreover , the Cash of the Nation runs yearly out , by what the Officers of the Army , who are Foreigners , can clear ; for all that they transport to other Countries : likewise by what divers of the Ministers of State can scrape together ; since it is observed , that few or none of them purchase any Lands , but place their Money in the Banks of Amsterdam and Hamburg . Furthermore , by what the over-ballance of Trade carries away ; for this Country consumes more of Foreign Commodities , than its own Product can countervail . And all this makes me believe , that there is but an inconsiderable running Cash here ; and very much of that which runs among the People is Brass-money , which is not worth any ones while to Export : Besides , the very Silver Coin has a great mixture of Brass in it . From the whole I conclude , that there is a moral Impossibility all these Taxes and Impositions should continue . The weight of them is already so great , that the Natives have reason rather to wish for , than defend their Country from an Invader ; because they have little or no Property to lose , and may probably thereby mend their Condition , when there is scarce a possibility of making it worse . There seems to be a great sence of this in the Court , and therefore an Army composed of Forreigners is depended on . Here follow the Particulars of the Revenue .   Rix Dollars . Toll of the Sound 65000 All the rest of the Toll of Denmark farmed at 165000 The Consumption or Excise of Copenhagen , farmed at 140000 The Consumption of the rest of Denmark 140000 Smaller Taxes in Denmark 100000 Poll-Tax , Fortification-Tax , Ground-Rents , Hardcorn-Tax 1000000 All the Revenue of Norway 700000 King's Estate , Crown-Lands , &c. 200000 Iseland farmed for 27000 Oldenburg and Delmenhorst 80000 Toll upon the Weser 5000 Feroe , Greenland , &c. 0 Rix Dollars 2622000 It must be observed , that the Poll-Tax , and the Fortification-Tax , are never both raised the same year ; so that there must be deducted out of that Sum about 400000 Rix Dollars in lieu of one of those Taxes ; and then the Sum total of the whole Revenue of the King of Denmark will amount every year to about two Millions two hundred twenty two thousand Rix Dollars . CHAP. X. Of the Army , Fleet , and Fortresses . HAving done with the Revenue , I come in the next place to shew how those Sums are expended : And it is certain , that the levying of them is not more grievous to the Subject than the Reason for which they are levied , viz. the Maintenance of a great standing Army : so that the People are Contributors to their own Misery ; and their Purses are drain'd in order to their Slavery . Thus the King of France makes the rich Towns he takes be at the Charge of building Cittadels to keep themselves in awe : and it is that Master of the Art of Reigning , as his Flatterers call him , that has instructed the Court of Denmark , as well as the other Princes and States of Europe , the pernicious Secret of making one part of the People , both the Bridle and Scourge of the other ; which in time must needs end in a general Desolation . The King of Denmark has been but too apt a Pupil to such a Master , and has endeavoured even to exceed his Original ; which he finds to his cost at this day , in raising more Men than his Country can maintain . Souldiers are , through I know not what mistaken Policy , esteemed the Riches of the Northern Kings , and other German Princes ; for when they make an estimate of each others Wealth , it is not by the usual and ancient manner of Computation , the Fertility or Extent of the Territory , the Traffick , Industry , Number , or Riches of the People ; but by so many Horse and Foot. For the subsistance of which they are forced , after they have eaten up their own Subjects , to make use of a hundred cruel and unjust Shifts , to the Ruin of their Neighbours . And when they cannot accomplish such a destructive Project in the manner they wish , then they are constrained to foment Quarrels between more potent Princes , that they may have the opportunity of selling to one or other those Forces which themselves cannot possibly maintain : so that at present Soldiers are grown to be as saleable Ware , as Sheep or Oxen , and are as little concern'd when they are sold ; for provided the Officers be rendred content by the Purchaser , in having liberty to plunder the laborious and honest Country People in their Marches , and a fat Winter-quarter , with Permission to defraud their own Men of their Pay : the common Soldier goes with no more sence than a Beast to the Slaughter ; having no such Sentiment , as Love of Honour , Country , Religion , Liberty , or any thing more than meer fear of being hanged for a Deserter . But this mischievous Custom of Princes esteeming Soldiers the only true Riches , was first begun and established by the French King , and is grown general by his Care to cultivate this Opinion in the Minds of the German Princes , whose poor Countries he foresees will be soon ruined by such a practice . This he principally aims at , and it has brought Matters to such a pass , that War and Destruction are grown absolutely necessary . For as all Men that lay up Wealth never think they have enough ; so these that consider Soldiers as the only Riclies , never cease enlarging their Number , till they are necessitated for their Subsistance , either to come to Blows with their Neighbours , or to create Animosities between other ; wherein they have found the knack of being employed , and receiving Pay without interessing themselves in the Quarrel . Where this will end , God Almighty knows , and can only prevent the apparent Mischiefs threatned by it , viz. the universal Misery and Depopulation of Europe . For since this Practice is grown so general , none of these Kings or Princes , though endowed with a more peaceable Spirit and better Judgment than the rest , dares lead the Dance , and disarm , for fear of his Armed Neighbours , whose Necessities make them wait only for an opportunity to fall upon him that is worst provided to make Resistance : And this is none of the least Calamities which the French Tyranny has forced upon the World , having reduced all the Princes and Commonwealths of it to this hard choice ; either to submit themselves to an intolerable Foreign Yoak , or maintain Vipers at home to gnaw their own Bowels . But the Consequences of these unjust Practices have been more pernicious to Denmark , than to the French King that set the Example ; the Toad may emulate the Ox , and swell , but he shall sooner burst , than equal him . The one goes on in a course of prosperous Tyranny ; but the other through an ill Calculation of his own Strength , which is no way proportionable to his Ambition , never hitherto throve in any of his Attempts upon his Neighbours . Hamburg is yet a Free City , and the Duke of Holstein restored to his Possessions ; whilst Schonen , Halland , Bleking , and Yempterland remain in the Possession of the Swedes ; who in taking up Arms for their own Defence , have had the Fortune to revenge the Injury . And the Danes are constrained to acquiesce in the Loss of those their best Provinces , without any rational hopes of ever recovering them . A List of the Horse and Foot in the Service of the King of Denmark , which belonged particularly to Denmark , Holstein , and Oldenburg . HORSE Men. REgiment of Danish Guards , consisting of six Troops , 75 Men in each Troop , Lieutenant General Pless Collonel , with Officers of all sorts 500 Regiment of Holstein Guards , consisting of nine Troops , each fifty with the Officers , Collonel Bass 450 Col. Berensdorf s Regiment , nine Troops 450 Col. John Rantzaw nine Troops 450 Col. Rave nine Troops 450 Col. Swanwedle nine Troops 450 Col. Bassum nine Troops 450 Col. Nemerson nine Troops 450 Col. Hulst nine Troops 450 Col. Sturk nine Troops 450 Col. Otto Rantzaw nine Troops 450 Col. Gam nine Troops 450 Total 5450 DRAGOONS . Men. Baron Lyondale Collonel 500 Col. Bee 500 Col. Habercas 500 Total 1500 FOOT . Regiment of Guards , Duke of Wirtemberg Collonel 1400 Queen's Regiment , Col. Passaw 1200 Prince Royal's Regiment , Col. Crage 1200 Prince George's Regiment , Count Alefeldt 1100 Prince Christian's Regiment , Brig . Elemberg 1000 Zealand Regiment , Col Tramp 1200 Funen Regiment , Col. Browne 1100 Lieutenant General Schack's Regiment 1800 Lamsdorf's Regiment 1200 Regiment of Curlanders , Col. Pottcamer 1000 Marine Regiment , Col. Gersdorf 1000 Oldenburg Regiment , Col. Bieulo 2000 Total 15200 Note , That by virtue of a Treaty concluded with the Emperor , there were sent lately into Hungary part of the fore-named Troops under the Command of Col. Rantzaw ; Viz. One Battalion of Lieutenant-General Schack's Regiment . One Battalion of Col. Pottcamer's Regiment . One Regiment of Horse taken from the former Collonel , and given to one Collonel Wyer . Collonel Bee's Regiment of Dragoons , which may be deducted from the Sum Total at the end . Men. Fuzeliers , Canoniers , and Bombardiers in Denmark , Norway , Holstein , &c. 1800 Sum Total of the Foot besides Officers 17000 A List of the Forces in Norway . One Regiment of Horse consisting of 9 Troops , Commanded by Col. Rechle 456 One Regiment of Dragoons , Commanded by Col. Marshal 800 FOOT . Bergen Regiment , Col. Ed. Ken 1200 Aggerhuy's Regiment , Col. Housman 1000 Smaland Regiment , Brigadier Tritstaw 1000 Upland Regiment , Col. Brockenhuysen 1000 Westland Regiment , Col. Arnauld 1100 Drontheim Regiment , Col. Schults 1200 A Marine Regiment 600 Two new raised Regiments , one Commanded by Col. Bunenberg , the other by — 2000 Two free Companies as Drontheim 200 9300 Reserves 5000 These Reserves are such as receive no Pay in time of Peace , but are like our Militia , only they have Clothes given them once in two years ; and are obliged to meet and Exercise every Sunday , if the Weather be fair . So that the King of Denmark's Land-Forces , consisting of Horse and Dragoons in Denmark , Holstein , &c. 6950 Foot in the same 17000 Horse and Dragoons in Norway 1256 Foot in Norway , including the Reserves 14300 In all are 39506 But if you exclude the Reserves , with about 2500 men that were sent to Hungary , the Sum total will amount to ( besides Officers of the Foot ) 32006 A great Regiment of Foot before the Battalions were drawn out of them for the King of England's Service , consisted of Nineteen Companies , and so it will be again when these Forces return to Denmark . In the Guards were a great many more . The charge of one of these great Regiments of Foot amounts to 90000 Rix Dollars a Year , thus ;       R.D. St. 1 Captain's pay per Month 20 00 2 Lieutenants , 11 Rix Dollars each 22 00 3 Serjeants pay 4 R.D. bread 32 st . to each in all 18 32 1 Fourier     3 Corporals pay and bread , 3 R. D. 32 Stivers each 11 00 2 Carpenters     10 Gefreiders 3 R.D. 8 St. each 44 16 2 Drummers     88 Common Soldiers 2 R.D. 32 Stivers each 234 32       350 32 For nineteen Companies 6662 32 The Granadiers have half a Rix Dollar per Man more 54 24 This is per Month 6717 08 And per Year 80606 00 Each Captain hath per Month for recruiting , 8 R.D. which for 19 Companies in 12 Months amounts to 1824 00 The Collonel hath more then his Captain 's pay per Month 30 R.D. R.D. Stiv. 2 Lieut. Collonels per Month more 40 2 Majors per Month more 20 & in a year 1680 00 And to a Regiment are 5 Ensigns 50 per Month 140         Total 84110 00 The Remainder of the 90 thousand Rix Dollars runs up for the other Officers , Auditor , Quartermaster , Surgeon , Powder , Shot , and other necessary Expences . The Common Soldier receives but 17 Stivers a week ; the rest goes for Bread , Quarters , and Cloaths , which they have once in three years from head to foot ; and in the midst of those three years , Shooes , Stockins , Breeches , Shirt , and Cravat . 'T is permitted to the Common Soldiers to work where they are quartered ; but then during this permission , their Officers receive all the benefit of their pay . The Foot , both Officers and Soldiers , are for the most part Strangers of all Countries , whom Choice or Fortune brings thither ; Germans , Poles , Courlanders , Dutch , Swedes , Scotch , Irish , and now and then an English Seaman , whom they make drunk after a long Voyage , and inveigle him by fair Promises , in that humour , to take some of the King's Money . The Natives are , through their dispirited temper , thought very improper to make Soldiers ; and besides , the Landlords , whose Slaves they are , can hinder them from entring into the King's Service , and can remand them , if any should offer so to do ; as has been frequently practised by them , to avoid Misery at home , and to exchange one Slavery for another . The Officers of the Horse receive no more Pay in time of Peace , than those of the Foot. The Troopers , who are generally Natives , and none of the best Soldiers , are maintained every one by his Peasant , who is bound to give him and his Horse , Meat , Drink , House-room , &c besides to the value of six shillings sterling a Month ; half of which Money goes to his Collonel towards his mounting . The Dragoons are in somewhat a better condition , because they are not obliged to keep Horses , but in time of War ; besides , in Holstein they have larger Pay than in Denmark . In Norway the Forces cost but little , in comparison of what they do elsewhere ; for besides the Pay of the Officers , and the Clothing of the Soldiers , not much Money is expended ; each single Soldier having Free Quarter amongst the Boors . It is to be noted , that the Officers of this Army are , for the most part , fourteen or eighteen Months in Arrear of Pay ; so that the best part of their Maintenance is out of the Common Soldiers Subsistence Money . The Names of the General Officers . Lieutenant-Generals . Count Wedel Mareschal . Count Guldenlieu Viceroy of Norway . Duke of Wirtemberg . Commandant Schack . Monsieur Plessen of the Horse . Monsieur Dumeny . Major-Generals . Monsieur De Cormaillon . Monsieur Maspack of the Horse . Master of the Ordnance is Coll. Monk. Thus much shall suffice for the Land. I come now to speak of the Sea-Forces . The Names of the Admirals , are Admiral General Monsieur Juel . Vice-Admiral Bielk . Vice-Admiral Spaan . Vice-Admiral Gedde . Rere-Admiral Hoppe . Rere-Admiral Van Stucken . There are in Copenhagen 3000 Seamen kept in constant Pay , who go not to Sea unless in time of War , but have a certain small allowance of Money , with a constant weekly provision of Salt Flesh , Stock-fish , Meal , Grout , &c. given them out of the Publick Store-Houses , for the maintenance of themselves , and Families . They have moreover several Streets of small Houses , like Baraques , built regularly for them , by King Christian the Fourth , in one of the Out-skirts of Copenhagen within the Works ; where they live Rent-free , and where they leave their Wives and Children when they go to Sea. Their business in time of Peace is to work on the Holm ; which is a large Yard with Docks in it , to build Shipping , over-against the King's Palace in Copenhagen . Here they are employed by turns in all laborious Works belonging to Ships , Guns , Anchors , Cables , drawing of Timber , &c. and so painful is this Toil esteemed , that Criminals of the highest kind are usually condemned to work on this Holm for a certain number of years , or during life , according to the nature of the Offence . Once a year generaly , to find exercise for these , some of the Men of War are rigged and equipped with their Guns , &c. and drawn out of Port to fail up and down , between that and Elsignor , for three or four Weeks , or longer , according as the good Weather lasts . The pay of these Mariners in Money is but 8 Rix Dollars yearly for each ; and as small as it is , it 's so ill discharged , that they mutined several times , of late years , for want of it , and even besieged the King in his Palace , till some signal Severity towards the principal Mutiniers quelled them . There is usually a year and a halfs Arrears owing to them , and often more ; which is the better born , because of their weekly Allowance in Provision ; although that be very scanty , especially to such as have many Children to feed . The best Seamen belonging to the King of Denmark are the Norwegians ; but most of these are in the Service of the Dutch , and have their Families established in Holland ; from whence it is scarce likely they will ever return home , unless the Dutch use them worse , or the Danes better than hitherto they have done ; for the Danish Sea-provision is generally very bad . All the Officers of the Fleet are in constant Pay , as well in time of Peace as War , which makes them less given to plunder , than those who make use of the short time they are in Commission to enrich themselves as fast as they can . A List of the King of Denmark's Fleet. Ships . Guns . Men Christianus Quintus 100 650 Prince Frederick 84 600 Elephant 84 600 Three Crowns 84 600 Norway Lion 84 600 Prince George 82 600 Cour Prince 82 590 Mercurius 76 510 Mars 76 500 Three Lions 70 490 Drake 70 490 Charlotta Amelia 68 480 Anna Sophia 66 470 Swan 66 470 Christianus Quartus 64 430 Fredericus Tertius 56 400 Guldenlieu 56 390 Christiania 58 390 Oldenburg 56 360 Lintworm 49 330 Sleswick 42 300 Fero 54 380 Angel 52 300 Delmenhorst 50 300 Swedish Falcon 48 250 Neptune 46 220 Sword-fish 44 210 Tumbler 42 200 Hummer 34 160 Danish Meremaid 30 140 Dragon 28 140 White Falkon 26 120 Small Ships and Snaws . The Tygar . New Elephant , a Yacht . Phoenix Galley , a Bomb-boat . Minden . Pacan . Little Elephant , a Yacht . Swermer . The Ape . No Fire-Ships . In all 32 Ships . 1927 Guns . 12670 Men. This Fleet was never set to Sea thus equipped ; but this is the Computation the Danes make of their Sea-Forces ; and thus much they say in case of necessity they are able to perform . Some of the biggest of these Ships draw more Water by five or six Foot at the Stern than at the Head , which denotes they are broken-backt ; they are all generally lower Masted than ours , and seem more unweildy . I believe them more proper for the Baltick than the Ocean ; if we except some few of the Cruisers , and other Ships which Convoy their Merchant-men to France , Spain and Portugal . Fortresses belonging to the King of Denmark . ON Bornholm , a Fertile Island in the Baltick Sea , nearest to Sweden of any of this King's Dominions , are two Fastnesses ; one an ancient Castle , the other a Cittadel , according to the Modern manner of Fortification , which commands the best Road in the Island called Roena . It was finished in the Year 1689. and has good Bastions and Out-works . Christian's Oye , about seven English Miles North-west from Bornholm , being a number of little Islands which enclose a safe Harbour for thirty Sail ; the largest Isle , in form of a Cressent , is well fortified . In the Island Mûne at Stege , a small Town , is an ancient Castle of little Defence , where there is a Garison . In Laland , all that looks like strength , is the Town of Naxkew , and an old Castle called Allholm ; but they are of no great Defence . In Zealand , first , the Town of Copenhagen is well fortified , but the Works are only Earth . Secondly , The Castle of Cronenberg near Elsignor , which is now near finishing , and is faced with Brick . It is an irregular , but good Fortification . Thirdly , Corsoer , a small Earthen Fortress over against Funen . In Funen , the Town of Nyburg is pretty well fortified towards the Sea ; but towards the Land the Works are out of repair . In Holstein there is , first , Glucstadt , a well fortified Town upon the River Elb , which because of its Neighbourhood to Hamburg is kept in a good condition . Secondly , Cremp , a Town within three English Miles of the former , near the River Stoer , in no extraordinary repair . Thirdly , Hitlar Scance on an Island , twelve English Miles from Hamburg . Fourthly , Rendsburg , on the Borders between Holstein and Sleswick , and on the River Eyder ; this Place is now enlarging , the Bulwarks and Outwarks are facing with Brick ; it will be a Royal Fortification , and is the most considerable Place the King of Denmark has , both for Strength and Situation . Fifthly , Christian 's Prize , or Frederick's Ort , ( for it has two Names ) situated at the entrance of the Haven of the City of Kiel on the Baltick . It is commanded by a Hill one hundred and twelve Roods North from it . In Jutland , first Fredericia , a very well fortified Town , being a Pass over the Little Belt. Secondly , Hall , a small Fortress on the North-side the Entrance of the River that leads to Alburg . Thirdly , at Flatstrand , twenty English Miles South of the Scagen Point , is a Schance and a small Fort for the Defence of the Haven . To the Souhward of the North Cape of Lapland is a Fort of six Bastions , called Wardhuys . And in Norway there is , first , Drontheim , guarded to the Sea by a strong Castle , called Monkholm , ( where Monsieur Griffenfelt is at present kept close Prisoner ) and to the Land by a strong Cittadel . Secondly , Bergen , a very strong Place towards the Sea , and environed with high Mountains , which make it inaccessible by Land ; 't was here the Dutch East-India Ships sheltered themselves , when the English Fleet , under the Command of the Earl of Sandwich , attacked them unsuccessfully . The Danes had passed their word , that they would deliver them up ; but some seasonable Presents which the Hollanders made at Court , prevailed so far , as to make them break it ; which occasioned the Hollanders Safety , and our Disgrace . Fourthly , Christiania , the Capital of Norway ; it has a strong Cittadel . Fifthly , Larwick , a slight Fortification . Sixthly , Frederickstadt , a place which has good Works , but built on a bad Foundation . Seventhly , Wingar Castle , a Pass on the Borders of Norway . Eighthly , Frederick's-hall , a place well fortified , but much commanded by a Hill one hundred Rood from it . Ninthly , a Fort at Fleckero , near the Town of Christiansandt . In the East-Indies the King has a small Fortress called Tranquebar , on the Coast of Coromandel : In Guiney another called Christiansburg ; and a third in the Island of St. Thomas in the West-Indies , which commands the only good Port in all those Parts , wherein Ships take shelter during the Season of the Hurricanes . One may easily judge that such an Army and Fleet , which so many Fortresses , cannot be maintained as they ought , without a very great Purse . The former Chapter gives a just account of the Revenue ; and the Military Expences may be guessed at by this : There is over and above all these , the Charge of the Civil List , the maintenance of the Court , King's Children , Publick Ministers , &c. Whether the Income bears proportion to all these Expenses , and would be sufficient without the assistance of Foreign Money , is left to the determination of such as are skill'd in Calculating . CHAP. XI . Of the Court. UNDER this Head I comprehend the King , Queen , Royal Family , Ministers of State , Knights of the Order of the Elephant , and of Dannebrug , with other principal Officers belonging to the Court. The present King of Denmark , Christian the Fifth , is but of a moderate stature , rather lean than corpulent , yet well proportioned , and strongly built ; his Complexion is Sanguin , he wears a black Perriwig ; the Lines of the lower part of his Face are not unlike those of King Charles the Second ; his Constitution has been very robust , capable to endure , and loving to undergo all manner of fatigue ; until that within these few years , having had some fits of the Gout , he thought it better to dispense with Exercises which might disturb his Ease ; especially there being less need in time of Peace of his taking such pains as he easily could , and yet would do , were there occasion . He began the six and fortieth year of his Age the fifteenth of April 1692. His Habit is usually modest , but gentile ; he seldom appears at Court times with either Hat or Gloves , though always ( after the German fashion ) with a good Sword girt close to his side . As to his qualities , he is a Prince of singular affability and good nature ; temperate if you consider the humour of that Countrey ; being neither luxurious in his Meat or Drink , and of late years very seldom making any Debauch . His Amours have not been many , and in those he has continued very constant . He is Religious as a Prince ought to be , without doting on his Clergy , tho they seem to adore him ; in his own temper a lover of Justice and Moderation ; but often over-ruled by those about him , to whom he leaves the whole management of Affairs ; because he neither loves , nor has a Genius for business . He speaks little , unless to his Ministers , and immediate Servants ; yet he gives all opportunity and encouragement to others to entertain him ; as it were emboldening them by a gracious Smile , and advancing towards them . He is Master of three Languages besides his own , the High and Low Dutch , and the French , using them with great ease upon occasion . He was not bred up to any sort of Learning , yet takes a particular delight in Geography ; and is never better pleased than when an exact Chart of any Countrey , or Delineation of any Fortress is brought to him : his Genius for the War inclining him to love Fortification . He is of a clear undoubted Personal Courage , as has been often demonstrated in the late Wars with Sweden : but eases himself of the greatest part of the Conduct , which he leaves to his Generals , not relying on his own Judgment either in occasions of Action or Negotiations ; though 't is probable the greatness of his Courage in the one , and the sincerity of his Intentions in the other , would produce better effects , did he trust himself more , and others less . In fine , he is a very mild , and gracious Prince , beloved rather than reverenced by his People ; who are sensible that the present Form of Government , concurring with a King of a severe temper , would be altogether intolerable . His Motto under his Arms and Cypher is , Pietate & Justitia ; and his Subjects do really believe the preservation of these to be his true Inclinations ; and that all hardships that fall upon them , have their rise from the Ministry . Therefore they complain of his permitting , rather than his acting , and attribute all the Evils they endure , to the easiness of his Temper , and unhappiness of their present Constitution ; which is not redressed by any Advantages derived from his Education . The Queen , Charlotta Amelia , is a Princess that deserves to be mentioned with all honour , even tho she were not of that high Quality . She is fair , and well shap'd ; her Complexion being a mixture of Flegmatick and Sanguin ; and altho she be in the forty first year of her Age , continues still handsome ; her Carriage is very engaging , affable , and free ; her great Accomplishments secure to her the Hearts of her Subjects , notwithstanding her differing from them in Religion , and stop the mouths of the bigotted Lutherans , which would be apt enough to exclaim against her , did not a most unreproachable Life set her above Malice . They have made several Attempts to wound the Calvinist Religion through her sides ; but she has hitherto frustrated them all , and preserved not only her self , but the little French Protestand Church ( lately founded in Copenhagen by her Bounty , and subsisting through her Protection ) from all the Assaults made against it by Persons in Power . And this she does the more effectually , through a prudent compliance with the King in matters indifferent , going frequently with him to the Lutheran Service and Sermons : thereby not only shewing the charitable and good Opinion she has of the Publick established Worship , but getting a greater freedom of going every Afternoon to hear the French Ministers in her own Church . She is the common Refuge of distressed People , who never fail of their account in approaching her . Neither is Access to her difficult ; she often prevents those that have need , and does good before she be sought unto . In short , she is Sister to the present Landgrave of Hesse Cassel ; worthy of such a Brother , and the illustrious Stock from whence she proceeds . The King of Denmark has five Children ; four Princes and one Princess . Prince Frederick the eldest , who is also called the Prince Royal , is about twenty years old ; it were to be wished his Education had been more conformable to his quality ; for his former Governor being somewhat pedantick , had infused a little stiffness and formality into the Pupil , which People that judge by outward Appearances , are apt to misconstrue Pride ; but doubtless his Travels have reformed that ill habit . Prince Christian , the second Son , is about eighteen years of Age , of a more lively and affable temper than his elder Brother , as well as taller , and of a more robust Constitution ; much addicted to Hunting , and riding the great Horse ; he longs for nothing more than to see and shew himself to the World. Prince Charles , the third Son , is about nine years old , and Prince William , the Fourth , about six . The former is a very forward hopeful Youth ; the latter does not yet stir out of the Nursery , so that no Judgment can be made of him . The Princess — is about sixteen , a very beautiful sweet tempered and well-educated Lady ; she was contracted to the present Elector of Saxony her own Cosin Germain ; but the Match was afterwards broken off . The King has besides these , two Natural Sons by Mrs. Mote , a Citizen's Daughter of Copenhagen , whom he had made Countess of Samsoe ( an Island which he has given to her ) the sends her moreover , as it is confidently reported 1000 Rix Dollars every Saturday Night . The young Gentlemen , her Sons , are very handsome and hopeful . The eldest is in the Service of France , where he has a Regiment of Horse , and is called young Guldenlieu , to distinguish him from the Elder , who is Viceroy of Norway ; the King gives him the Revenue of the Post-Office . This Appellation of Guldenlieu is appropriated to the Bastard Sons of the Kings ; I know not whether it began with the present Viceroy of Norway , or not ; but it is likely to continue hereafter , and a young Guldenlieu will become as necessary an Ornament to the Court , as an Heir of the Crown . The second of the King's Sons , by the Countess of Samsoe , is designed for the Sea ; and to that end has been sent several Voyages in a Man of War under the Direction of a trusty Person , in order to fit him to be one day Admiral-General . His high Excellency , Court Guldenlieu , Viceroy of Norway , and Natural Brother to the King , will be more properly mentioned here , as one of the Royal Family , than when we come to speak of the Ministers ; for tho he be one of them , yet he cares not to embark himself deep in the Publick Affairs , having formerly , in some Occurrences , burnt his Fingers ; he thinks it wisdom rather to enjoy his Divertisements , and the favour of the King , which he now firmly possesses . His Father , King Frederick , loved him so well , that he once thought of making him King of Norway ; which has been remembred to his prejudice , and obliges him to carry himself with great care , under a Government so Arbitrary as this is . He is about fifty six years of Age , has been one of the handsomest , and continues one of the finest Gentlemen that Denmark has produced : having to his Natural Accomplishments , added all the advantages of Travel , and Knowledge of the World. He is a Man of Pleasure , and understands it in all its Refinements ; his Palace , his Gardens , his Entertainment , manner of accosting , &c. excelling by many degrees any thing that can be found elsewhere in that Kingdom . He was formerly Ambassador Extraordinary from King Frederick his Father to King Charles the Second , who shewed such a particular esteem for him , that he made him the Partner of his Pleasures . And this is returned by so deep a sense of that King's Kindness , that he scarce ever mentions his Name without great concern . He speaks a little English , and is very obliging to any Person that belongs to this Countrey , in gratitude for the great Civilities he received here . The King of Denmark's Court , as to Pomp and Magnificence , can hardly be called a Royal one ; the Luxury and Extravagance of the more Southern Courts of Europe having not reached thus far North , no more than their Riches . It is true indeed , since their good correspondence with France , their Manners are somewhat refined above what they formerly were ; they affect French Modes , French Servants , and French Officers in the Army ; whereof they have one Lieutenant General , and one Major General , who have quitted France for fighting Duels there . And this is either really true , or at least the pretence of such as seek Service in Foreign Countries on purpose to do the business of France , whose interest they always cultivate industriously , tho they seem never so much in disgrace with their Prince . In this Court no Ensigns of Majesty appear ; let the occasion be never so solemn , except such as are Military , all those which a standing Army can afford , such as Horse and Foot Guards , Trabands , which answer our Beef-eaters , Kettle-Drums , and Trumpets , &c. are there is perfection , and used every day as much as in a Camp : but Badges of Peace , viz. Sword of State , Heralds , Maces , Chancellor's Purse , &c. are not known . The King sits down to Dinner with his Queen , Children , Relations , prime Ministers , and General Officers of the Army , till the round Table be filled , The Court Mareschal invites whom he thinks fit to eat with the King , speaking sometimes to one , sometimes to another , till all have had their turns in that honour . A Page in Livery says Grace before and after Meat , for no Chaplain appears either here , or in any other of the Protestant Courts abroad , but in the Pulpit . There is a plentiful Table ; but the Meat dressed after their own manner . The King 's particular Diet every day , is a Loin of roasted Veal , and his Drink Rhenish-Wine ; whereof a silver Beakerfull stands at every one's Plate , which generally serves for the whole Meal . The Attendants are one or two Gentlemen , and the rest Livery Servants . No Ceremony of the Knee is used to the King. The Kettle Drums and Trumpets , which are ranged in a large place before the Palace , proclaim aloud the very Minute when he sits down to Table . Sunday is his Fasting day , and by his Example , is so to many of the Courtiers . Court times , wherein those that have business , may most easily have Audience , are an hour before Dinner constantly , and sometimes before Supper . At such times the King's Children , Domestick and Foreign Ministers , Officers of the Army , and Houshold , appear in the Antichamber and Bedchamber : these compose the Court , and seldom amount to above the number of twenty or thirty . Few or no Gentlemen , that have not Employments , are seen at Court , or in Copenhagen , for Reasons formerly given . The Officers of the Houshold are , The Marshal , who regulates the Affairs of the Family , and gives the King notice when Dinner or Supper is ready . The Comptroller of the Kitchen , who places the Dishes of Meat upon the Table , and is likewise Master of the Ordnance . The Master of the Horse , who looks after the King's Stables , and Studs of Mares , whereof the King has very many , and very good , especially those of one Breed particular to him , which are light Iron-Grey , with black Heads , Tails , and Mains . But one forms a nearer Idea of the Grandeur and Revenue belonging to these several Offices , by imagining them like the same in the Families of some of our English Noblemen , rather than of those belonging to Whitehall . The Master of the Ceremonies is obliged by his Employment to be a constant Attender at Court. But the principal Favourite of the King is Monsieur Knute , a Mecklenburger , and only Gentleman of the Bedchamber . He has been bred up all along with the King , as his Confident and Companion in his Pleasures ; is a civil well-natur'd Gentleman , speaks no Language but his own , and loves least of all the French ; meddles rarely with publick business , yet when he undertakes any thing with the King , seldom fails of Success . There are several Grooms of the Bedchamber subordinate to him . And the Queen has many Gentlemen , Sons of Persons of the best Quality , which are Attendants upon her , and eight Maids of Honour . The King's Ministers are , first , Monsieur de Guldenlieu , who has the precedence at the Council-Board , and in all other Commissions where he is employed with the rest ; but business , as I intimated before , being not his Talent , or at least not his Choice , it is rather out of respect to his quality , than otherwise , that he is reckoned among them . Secondly , Count Raventlau , Great Master of the Game , which is the Employment of greatest Profit in the King's Gift , after the Viceroyship of Norway : he is a Native of Holstein , and is lookt upon as Prime Minister ; therefore all Foreign Ministers address themselves to him . He takes it not ill to be stiled so ; tho he seems upon some occasions modestly to decline it . He is very affable civil , and of easy access ; a Man of Pleasure , and an admirer of the fair Sex , as well as Monsieur de Galdenlieu : his Parts and Learning are of a moderate size ; tho of late , through a more diligent application to business he be much improved ; so that he seems to fill worthily enough the Post wherein his Master has placed him . He is about Three and forty years of Age , his Complexion fair , and his Constitution robust ; his Inclinations were but indifferent towards the French ( as being convinced that the low Ebb of his Country's Prosperity , and his Master's Honour , were in a great measure owing to their Counsels and Practices ) till within this year or two , that private Interest has reconciled him to that Court : the benefit of the French Traffick , during this War ( wherein he is deeply concerned , as well by several Ships of his own , as by giving Protection to others that manage that Trade ) has made him think that it is his Master's Advantage , as well as his , to keep firm Friendship with France . On the other hand , the English obstructing that Traffick , by taking and confiscating several Ships wherein he was concerned , seem to have quite lost his favour . Yet after all , 't is believed , if he could procure the same , or equivalent Advantages for himself and his Master , his Inclinations would more willingly lead him to accept of them from England than France ; but the unhappy Circumstances of this present Conjuncture do render that matter scarce possible . Thirdly , Baron Juel , younger Brother to the Admiral General , and a Dane by Birth , about sixty years old ; he is very corpulent , and of a flegmatick Complexion ; more easy in his Fortunes than any about Court , which is in part owing to his remarkable parcimonious temper . The Danes look on him as one of the cunningest men among them , who under the disguise of a seeming Simplicity covers a great deal of Craft . His words are very few and smooth , and his behaviour Civil . It is thought that he sees with regret the Misery his Countrey is reduced to , as being one of the Stock of old Nobility , who have suffered by the change of the Constitution : yet his Advice cannot be wanted , where there is such a scarcity of good Heads ; and therefore he is employed in all difficult Affairs , which he manages with great dexterity and success . Fourthly , Monsieur Ehrenschild , a German by birth , and formerly Secretary to Monsieur Terlon the French Ambassador at this Court , which makes him French in his Inclinations to this day . The King enobled him , and gave him the Name of Ehrenschild , instead of that of Beerman , by which he was formerly known . He is about 65 years old , of a weakly constitution , and therefore most commonly resides at Hamburg , under pretence that the Air is necessary for his Health ; but in reality to manage the King's Affairs with that Town ; wherein is constantly maintained a Faction , which must have Life kept in it by the Residence of a Minister of Quality . Moreover , that City being conveniently seated for the Correspondence with all Germany , from whence a nearer inspection may be made into the proceedings of the neighbouring Princes , as well as the management of the French Traffick during this War ; it is thought necessary to keep an able Man there : this Monsieur Ehrenschild has been bred a Scholar after the German way , and is well skill'd in negotiating ; wherein he has been constantly employed since he first entered into business . He is esteemed a Cunning man , but has no great reputation of Integrity ; he affects to find out difficulties , and is excellently skill'd in prolonging a business . The Foreign Ministers call him by the Name of Fater difficultatum , and say that he has a peculiar knack in finding nodum in scirpo . Therefore they care not for Treating with him , because he values Argumentation , and seeks Sophisms rather than Truth , or the Decision of the Matter . You can never bring him to say such a thing is , thought it be as clear as the Sun ; but cela peut estre : thereby leaving always a Hole open to creep out at . He hoards up all his Money , or puts it in the Banks of Hamburg and Amsterdam , having small prospect of a future happy establishment for his Family in Denmark . And this is the common Maxim of all the most intelligent Heads in that Kingdom , as appears by their making few or no Purchases . Fifthly , Monsieur Plessen , a Gentleman of Mecklenburg , and formerly the Manager of Prince George's Revenue in Denmark . He is now the Ober-Rent Master , or Comptroller of the Finances , in the room of Monsieur Branat , lately removed from that Employment . The State of the Finances and Expences were very much embroiled , and the King some Millions of Crowns in Debt when he undertook the difficult Task of setting things right ; which it is generally thought he will accomplish as far as they are capable : and 't was high time to set seriously about redressing Affairs , for the King's Credit both at Hamburg , and every where else , was in a manner absolutely lost , through the ill Payment of all Assignments . He is about Six and forty years old , of a Melancholy Complexion , and weakly Constitution ; is esteemed to have a good Judgment , and to understand the World ; tho his Distempers make him sometimes particular in his Humour . He speaks four or five Languages , and English among the rest . His Inclinations seem to be rather English than French ; as well on the account of his Dependance on Prince George , as because he is convinced 't is more the Interest of his Master to be well with England and Holland , than with France . He appears to be disinteressed , and is very easy in his Fortunes , which consist most in ready Money . In short , he is a Man of Business , and seems to be more dowright in his manner of dealing than many of the rest . These Five compose the King 's whole Privy Council . Four of them are constantly at Court , and the fifth at Hamburg ; by the weekly Advices of whom the others do for the most part regulate all their Deliberations . The King in this Council determines all Affairs ; deliberates of Peace or War , of Alliances , and other Treaties ; of Taxes , Fortifications , Trade , &c. without the intervention of any other Person , unless it be the Secretaries of State ; who are yet esteemed here rather as Ministerial Officers and Assistants , than principal Counsellors . There are four of these Secretaries that are not Secretaries of State , in the sense that ours in England are , that is to say , Prime Ministers ; but carry the Pen , and have the management of the business relating to their several Provinces ; the first is the Secretary for the Affairs of Denmark , and is at present Monsieur The second for the Affairs of Norway , is Monsieur Mote , Brother to the King's Mistress the Countess of Samsoe . The third for Foreign Affairs , is Monsieur Jessen ; and the fourth , who is Secretary at War , is Monsieur Harboe . When any thing which concerns the Province of any of these is debated at Council , the Secretary it belongs to is to be present ; but Monsieur Jessen never misses , because there is always business relating to Foreign Affairs ; and the usual times of the sitting of the Council being after the Posts come in , his Employment is to read all the Letters , and to make Remarks on them . This renders his Office more considerable than that of the other Secretaries , and makes him enter into the Secrets of the Cabinet , which pass for the most part through his sole management . He has also liberty to speak his Sentiments ; and because he has been bred a Latin Scholar , that , as well as his Employment , entitles him to the penning of all Treaties with Foreign Ministers . Therefore he is constantly one of the Commissioners appointed to treat with them ; and to whom they are to have recourse almost as necessarily as to the Prime Minister , who suffers himself to be in a great measure guided by this Secretary . He is about forty , of a civil behaviour and humility , even to affectation ; speaks four or five Languages very well , and very much ; whereby he sometimes gives advantages to those that have business with him . He has but a moderate reputation for Sincerity , or Parts ; yet so much used to the Road of Publick Affairs , that he cannot be wanted , because they have no fitter Man to put in his place . He is Son-in-Law to Monsieur Ehrenschild , by whom he is much governed , and of the same Inclinations as to France . This Affinity is a great support to his Fortune , as long as that old Gentleman lives ; and his diligence in his Employment , ( if there were nothing else ) will secure to him his Post and his Princes Favour ; provided always that he keep fair with the Prime Minister , ( as at present he does ) and act in concert with him . The ordinary Diversions of the Court are Progresses , which are made once a year at least , to Sleswick , or Holstein , either to make a review of some Troops , or to see the Fortifications at Rendsburg ; besides smaller Journies to Laland , and elsewhere , up and down the Countrey . These are of no Expence to the Treasury , because the travelling Wagons and Horses are found by the Boors , who are also to pay their Personal Attendance , and be ready for all necessary Services . During five or six Weeks every Summer , the Court removes to Jagersburg , a small Hunting-House , situated upon a little Lake within four English Miles of Copenhagen , and not far from the Sea : and for five or six Weeks more it resides at Fredericksburg , the chief Countrey Palace of the Kings of Denmark , about twenty English Miles from Copenhagen , began by Christian the Fourth , and finished by this King's Father , Frederick the Third : this is that House which the Danes boast so much of , and tell wonders of the quantity of Money it cost in building . It is seated in the midst of a Lake , the Foundations of it being laid in the Water , which probably occasioned the greatest part of the Expence ; you pass into it over several Draw Bridges . This watry Situation is so moist and cold a Countrey , cannot be approved by the Critical in Seats , especially when the rising Grounds about this Lake ( which are clothed with fine Woods ) afforded much better places both for health and prospect : but it is the humour of all this Kingdom , to build in the midst of Lakes ; which I suppose was at first practised upon the score of Security . This Palace , notwithstanding the great cost they talk of , is far from being magnificent , or well contrived ; for the Rooms are low , the Apartments ill disposed , the fine Chappel much too long in proportion to its breadth , and has a Gallery over it , which has one of the worst contrived Entrances that can be imagined . In fine , it falls far short of many of our Noblemens Countrey-Houses in England ; yet is esteemed by the Danes as a None-such . There is indeed a fine Park about it , well filled with Red Deer ; having large Ponds , high Trees in great quantity , a good Bathing-House , and other Countrey Embellishments ; so that it is by far to be preferred to all the rest of the King's Houses , which except these two last mentioned , are for the most part out of repair : that of the Fortress of Cronenburg near Flsignor , and of Coldingen in Jutland , with others , being scarce habitable even during one Fortnight in the Summer Quarter . At Fredericksburg the Court spends most of its time in Stag-hunting , for there are few Fallow-Deer in Denmark ; during which Sport the King allows great freedom to his Domesticks and Ministers , who commonly do all accompany him whereever he goes ; insomuch that he seems to lay aside all Majesty , and the Formalities of it for that Season ; they eat and drink together , the latter sometimes to Excess , after a hard days hunting ; when as soon as Dinner is done , they adjourn to the Wine-Cellar . About five or six in the Afternoon the Hunting-Assizes are solemnly held in the great Court before the Palace , the Stag is drawn into the midst of it by the Huntsmen , who are all cloathed in Red , having their great Brass Hunting-horns about their Necks ; and 't is there broken up with great Ceremony , whilst the Hounds attend with much Noise and Impatience . One that is likeliest to give a good Gratuity to the Huntsmen , is invited to take Essay , and presented with the Deer's foot . Then Proclamation is made , if any can inform the King ( who is both Supreme Judge and Executioner ) of any Transgression against the known Laws of Hunting that day committed , let him stand forth and accuse ; the accused is generally found guilty ; and then two of the Gentlemen lead him to the Stag , and make him kneel down between the Horns , turning down his Head with his Buttocks up , and remove the Skirts of his Coat , which might intercept the blows ; then comes his Majesty , and with a small long Wand gives the Offender some Lashes on his Posteriors , whilst in the mean time the Huntsmen with their Brass Horns , and the Dogs with their loud Openings , proclaim the King's Justice , and the Criminal's Punishment . The whole Scene affording Diversion to the Queen , Ladies , and other Spectators , who are always assisting , and stand in a Circle about the Place of Execution . This is as often repeated as there happen to be Delinquents ; who as soon as the Chastisement is over , rise up and make their Obeisance , — proudly boasting Of their magnificent Rib-roasting . After all is done , the Hounds are permitted to fall to , and eat the Deer . At another season Swan-hunting is the Royal Pastime ; the wild Swans haunt a certain small Island not far from Copenhagen , and breed there ; about the time that the Young ones are near as big as the Old , before their Feathers are grown long enough to fly , the King with the Queen , Ladies , and others of the Court , go to the killing of them ; the Foreign Ministers are usually invited to take part in this sport : every Person of Condition has a Pinnace allotted to him , and when they come near the haunt , they surround the place , and inclose a great multitude of young Swans , which they destroy with Guns till they have killed some thousands . What is killed by the whole Company is brought to the Court , which challenges the Feathers and Down of these Birds , the Flesh of them being good for nothing . On Shrove-Tuesdays the King , Queen , Royal Family , Home and Foreign Ministers , and all the other Persons above-mentioned , that usually compose the Court , cloath themselves in the habit of the North-Holland Boors , with great Trunk-hose , short Doublets , and large blue Thrum-Caps ; the Ladies in blue Petticoats , and odd Head-dresses , &c. Thus accoutred they get up in their Wagons , a Man before and a Woman behind , which they drive themselves , and go to a Countrey Village called Amak , about three English miles from Town ; there they dance to Bagpipes , and squeaking Fiddles , and have a Countrey Dinner , which they eat out of Earthen and Wooden Platters , with wooden Spoons , &c. and having passed the day in these Divertisements , where all are equal , and little regard had to Majesty , or other Quality : at Night they drive in like manner home again ; and are entertained at a Comedy and Magnificent Supper by the Viceroy Guldenlieu , spending the Remainder of the Night in Dancing in the same Habits , which they putnot off all that day . Every Winter , as soon as the Snow is firm enough to bear , the Danes take great delight in going in Sleds . The King and Court first giving the Example , and making several Tours about the Town in great Pomp , with Kettle-Drums and Trumpets ; the Horses which draw the Sleds being richly adorned with Trappings , and Harness full of small Bells , to give warning to such as stand in the way . After the Court has been abroad , the Burgers and others trot about the Streets all night , wrapt up in their Fur Gowns , with each his Female in the Sled with him ; and this they esteem a great and pleasant Pastime . In travelling to Fredericksburg , Yugersburg , and many other places from Copenhagen , there are two Highways ; one the common Road , which is usually bad ; the other the King's High-way , very fair and even , peculiar to the Court , and such as it has a mind to favour in bestowing on them a Key to open the several Gates that are upon it . In this Chapter of the Court , it will not be improper to take notice that there are in Denmark two Orders of Knighthood , viz. that of the Elephant , and that of Dannebrug ; the former is very honourable , and the Companions of it are of the highest Quality , or extraordinary Merit . Their Badge is an Elephant with a Castle on its back , set with Diamonds , and hung on a watered Sky-coloured Ribband , worn as the George is in England . The later is the honorary Reward of inferior Gentlemen or Noblemen : their Badge is a white Ribband with red Edges , worn over the contrary shoulder with a small Cross of Diamonds hung to it , and an Embroidery on the Breast of their Coats like a Star , in which is the Motto , Pi●tate & Justitia . They say that the Order of the Elephant was instituted about Two hundred and ten years ago by King Christian the First , at the Wedding of his Son. A List of the present Companions of it follows . The King Sovereign of the Order . PRince Royal. Prince Christian. Prince Charles . Prince George . The King of Sweden . Elector of Brandenburg . Elector of Saxony . Viceroy Guldenlieu . Duke of Holstein . Duke of Holstein his Brother . Landgrave of Hesse . Count Rantzaw of Bredenberg . Duke of Holstein Plôen . Duke of Holstein Norburg . Duke of Holstein Brieg . Landgrave of Hesse Hombourg . Markgrave of Anspach . Markgrave of Baden Durlach . Duke of Ostfrize . Duke of Saxe Cobourg . Prince Frederick of Saxe . Duke of Wirtemberg . The Mareschal Count Wedell . Count Reventlau . Count Alefeldt . General Admiral Juel . Baron Juel . Justin Hoeg under Viceroy of Norway . Godtske van Buckvalt , a Gentleman of Holstein . Monsieur de Ginkle , Earl of Athlone . They pretend that the Order of Dannebrug is more Ancient , and recount many Fables of its Original , viz. That one King Dan saw a white Cross with red Edges , descend from Heaven , and thereupon instituted the Order , and gave it this compound Name , from Dan and Brug , which signifies Painting . The Knights of this Order are almost as common here , as Baronets with us , and therefore I omit their Names . The following Ordonnance for Rank and Precedency was published in Danish and French , Anno 1680. But most of the Offices therein marked are now vacant . ORDONNANCE Pur les RANGS DU Royaume de Dannemarck . I. LES Enfans Naturels des Rois. II. 1. * Le Grand Chancelier . 2. * Le Grand Tresorier dit Schatzmeister . 3. * Le Grand Connétable de Norwegue . 4. * Le General Maréchal de Camp. 5. Le General Admiral . 6. Les Comtes qui sont Conseillers Privez . 7. Les Chevaliers de l' Elephant qui sont Conseillers Privez , ou qui tienent méme rang avec eux . 8. * Les autres Connétables . 9. Le Vice-Chancelier . 10. * Le Vice-Tresorier . 11. Les Vice-Connétables . 12. Les autres Conseillers Privez . III. 1. * Le Grand Maistre de l'Artillerie . 2. * Le Grand Maréchal Lieutenant . 3. Le General Admiral Lieutenant . 4. Les Generaux de Cavalerie , & d'Infanterie . 5. Les Generaux Lieutenans de Cavalerie & d'Infanterie . IV. 1. Les Comtes qui sont fais Comtes ou Naturalisez par le Roy. 2. Les Barons qui sont fais Barons ou Naturalisés par le Roy. Et en suite les Chevaliers de D'Hannebroug ou Cordons Blancs . V. 1. * Le Grand Maréchal de la Cour. 2. * Le Premier Secretaire Privé , & de Etat . 3. Le Premier Gentilhomme de la Chambre . 4. Le Grand Maistres des Ecuries . 5. Le Grand Veneur . 6. * Le Grand Echanson . VI. 1. Les Conseillers d'Etat . 2. Les Conseillers de la Justice . 3. Les Commandeurs des Diocezes , & le Tresorier . VII . 1. Les Generaux Maiors , les Admiraux , le General Commissaire de l'Armée , les Colonels des Gardes du Corps ou Trabans . 2. Les Brigadiers . 3. Le Maréchal de la Cour. VIII . 1. Les Conseillers de la Chancellerie . Les Envoyez Extraordinaires du Roy , & le Maistre des Ceremonies . 2. Les Conseillers de la Chambre des Comptes , le Procureur General . 3. Les Conseillers de Guerre . 4. Les Conseillers de l'Admirauté . 5. Les Conseillers de Commerce . IX . 1. Le sur Intendant de Séelande . 2. Le Confesseur du Roy. 3. Le Recteur de l'Accademie l'année qu'il est Recteur , le President de la Ville de Copen . X. 1. Les Colonels des Regimens des Gardes à Cheval , & à Pied , les Vice-Admiraux , les Colonels de l'Artillerie . 2. Les autres Colonels de Cavalerie ou d'Infanterie . 3. Les Lieutenans Colonels des Gardes du Corps ou Trabans , & apres eux les Bailliffs . XI . 1. Les Gentilshommes de la Chambre du Roy , & de la Reine . 2. Le Maistre de l'Ecurie . 3. Le Veneur du Roy. 4. Le Secretaire de la Chambre du Roy. 5. Le Secretaire de la Milice . 6. Le Grand Payeur . XII . 1. Les assesseurs de la haute Justice ; les Conseillers d'Assistance en Norwegue , & les sur Intendans des autres Provinces . 2. Les Juges Provinciaux . XIII . 1. Les Generaux Auditeurs , les Maistres Generaux des quartiers . 2. Les Lieutenans Colonels , Scoutbynachts , & Maiors des Gardes du Corps a Trabans . XIV . 1. Les Assesseurs de la Chancelerie , & de la Justice de la Cour de Norwegue . 2. Les Assesseurs du Consistoire , les Bourgmeisters de Copenhague , & le Medicin du Roy. 3. Les Assesseurs de la Chambre des Comptes , & aprés eux les Commissaires des Provinces . 4. Les Assesseurs du College de Guerre . 5. Les Assesseurs du College de l'Admirauté . 6. Les Assesseurs du College du Commerce . XV. Les Maistres de Cuisine , les Gentilshommes de la Cour , les Generaux Adjutans , les Maiors , les Capitains des Gardes a Cheval , les Capitaines Commandeurs des Vaisseaux . XVI . 1. Les Secretaires de la Chancellerie , & de la Justice . 2. Le Secretaire de la Chambre des Comptes . 3. Le Secretaire du College de Guerre . 4. Le Secretaire de l'Admirauté . 5. Le Secretaire du Commerce . Ilya à observer que quand plusiers charges sont nommées ensemble . Et qu'elles ne sont pas distinguées de quelque numero à part . Ils prendront le rang entre eux selon qu'ils sont premiers en charge . Les Ministres du Roy qui possedent quelques charges qui ne sont pas nommées dans cette Ordonnance retiendront même rang , qu'ils ont eu Jusques icy , & Ceux à qui le Roy a déja donné ou donnera le Rang deConseiller Privé jouiront du même Rang que s'ils l'Etoint effectivement . Ceux qui possedent effectivement quelques charges auront le Rang avant ceux qui en ont seulement le titre , & ne font point de fonction . Ceux que le Roy dispense de ne plus exercer leur charges , retiendront pourtant le même Rang qu'ils avoient eu exercant leurs charges , & si quelqu'un prand une autre charge de moindre Rang que sa premiere n'étoit , il retiendra pourtant le Rang de la premiere . Les Femmes se regleront ainsi qu'apres les Comtesses suivront les Gouvernantes , & Demoiselles de la Chambre , & de la Cour pendant qu'elles sont en service , aprez elles les Femmes de Conseillers Privez & qui tiennent Rang avec eux , ensuite les Baronesses & autres Femmes selon la Condition de leurs maris tant de leur vivant qu'aprez leur mort , pendant quelles demeurent veufves . La Noblesse qui n'a point de charge , & les Capitaines de Cavalerie & d'Infanterie , & autres Persones Ecclesiastiques & Seculiers tiendront le pas entre eux comme ils ont fait auparavant . Surquoy tous auront a se Régler souspeine de la perte de la faveur Royale . Et si quelqu'n contre toute Esperance se trouve de propre Authorité qui face quelque chose contre cette Ordonnance , payera tout aussitost qu'il sera Convaincu d'un tel Crime l'amande de mille Reicsthalers . Et outre sera poursuive par le General fiscal du Roy , comme violateur des Ordres Royaux fait à Copenhag le 31 Decembre 1680. CHAP. XII . The Disposition and Inclinations of the King of Denmark towards his Neighbours . THE Kingdoms and States which border upon the King of Denmark , are towards the North and Northeast , the Territories belonging to Sweden ; towards the South , the Duke of Holstein's part of Sleswick and Holstein , the City of Hamburg , and the Dutchy of Bremen . Towards the West and Southwest , England , and Scotland ; which are separated from them by the main Ocean . Towards the South-east the Dukedoms of Saxe Lawenburg , of Mecklenburg and of Lunenburg . The Dominions of Brandenburgh , &c. lye also this way not far distant from them . Between the King of Denmark , and most of these Neighbours , it may be said in general , that there always is a reciprocal Jealousy and Distrust , which often breaks out into open Hostilities ; with those nearer more frequently , with the remoter more seldom , according as the occasions of quarrel or revenge do happen . The interposition of a vast Ocean has hitherto kept the Danes in pretty good terms with England and Scotland , and the Trade they have with those Kingdoms is very considerable to them ; their Maritime Forces are in no measure sufficient to cope with us and others concern'd , otherwise they have had a good mind to challenge the sole right of the Groenland Whale-fishing ; as pretending that Countrey to be a discovery of theirs , and therefore to belong to them . Since the present Wars with France , and our strict Union with the Hollanders , they have shown themselves extreme jealous of our Greatness at Sea , fearing lest we should ingross and command the whole Trade of the World ; and therefore have favoured France on all occasions , as much as they durst , furnishing it with Naval Stores , and other Commodities which it wants . And for this reason ( notwithstanding their scarcity of Money ) they will hardly be persuaded either to lend or sell any more Forces to the Confederates . Neither is it to be doubted , but that as well to keep the balance of the Sea Power even , as to secure the liberty of their Commerce , which brings them in great Gains , they will leave no Stone unturned to do us a Mischief , in order to humble us to such a degree as may put them out of fears , that we shall give law to the Ocean . To this end they have entred into stricter Alliances with Sweden of late , for a mutual Vindication of open Commerce , than the natural Animosities between those Northern Crowns did seem to admit of ; but the present apparent necessity of restraining within Bounds our growing united Power at Sea , works more prevalently with them both , than the ancient hatred which they retain for each other ; and which may break out again , as soon as they are out of fear of us . For Sweden is the most powerful , most dreaded , and nearest Neighbour of Denmark ; the Territories of that King lye as it were at the Gates of Copenhagen , the Capital City , and may be seen from the very Bedchamber of this King , ever since the Danes lost three of their best Provinces on the other side the Baltick ; so that as well the Resentment of past Injuries , as the dread of future Mischiefs from the greatness of Sweden on the one side ; the consciousness of being violent possessors of anothers Right , the certainty of their being hated and envied for those Acquisitions , the fear of losing them in case Denmark grow powerful on the other , are unsurmountable Obstacles to any firm Friendship between these two Crowns . The ancient Quarrel , like a Wound ill healed , is but skinned over , and festers at the bottom , altho our equally disobliging them in the interruption of their Traffick , has made a greater step towards their mutual Reconciliation , than was thought to be practicable . But whenever we please to caress the one at the expence of the other , this seeming Knot will discover the weakness of its contexture , and probably dissolve of it self . Neither is the Alliance by the King of Sweden's having married the other's Sister , of any moment towards a good Correspondence , but rather the contrary . The King of Sweden , tho a very virtuous Prince , shews coldness and indifference enough ( upon this account , as it is thought ) towards his Queen , who is a very accomplished Princess ; and either has , or thinks he has reason to avoid a further Matrimonial Tye with the Dane : therefore he chose rather to Contract his only Daughter with the young Prince of Holstein Gottorp , whose Estates are in a manner wasted and ruined , than with the Prince Royal of Denmark ; for having but one Son , in case of whose death this Daughter would be Heiress of his Crown , he thinks it not prudence to leave it to so near a hazard and probability , that the Dane may be one day Master of both Kingdoms . Upon the Foundation of this mutual Jealousy , are built the Friendships and Enmities which each of them ( but especially Denmark ) have with most of their other Neighbours , and the rest of the German Princes . And upon this account it is principally that the Animosity is so great between this Crown and the Princes of Lunenburg ; with whom , on the contrary , the Swede has always kept a good Correspondence , that upon occasion of any Attack made on his Territories in the Circle of Lower Saxony , or in Pomerania , ( which are looked upon by the rest of the German Princes with an evil Eye ) he may secure to himself the Assistance of that powerful Family against the Dane or Brandenburger ; therefore the neighbourhood of the Lunenburg Princes will always be grievous to , and suspected by Denmark , which will obstruct by all means it can , the Accessions either of Territories or Honours to that Family . So that it is not to be supposed that the Dane will quietly sit down with the Duke of Zell's thrusting himself into the possession of the Dutchy of Saxe Lawenburg , which borders immediately upon Holstein ; nor with the determination of the Imperial Diet in favour of the Ninth Electorate conferred on the Duke of Hannover . On the other hand it is thought that the Swede , in order to the further curbing of Denmark , will uphold the Lunenburg Family in its Acquisitions ; in the matter of the Electorate openly and above-board ; in the other of Saxe Lawenburg secretly , because of the invalidity of the Title of that Family to that Dutchy ; which seems to be no longer good than it can be maintained by force or connivance . The Princes of Lunenburg have also hitherto seconded the Swedes Intentions , in being the Guardians of Hamburg , upon which City the King of Denmark casts a longing Look , and has made frequent Attempts . His pretensions to it as part of his Dutchy of Holstein , are none of the weakest , but his Arms and Councils in order to the Reduction of it under his Power , have been unsuccessful . He encourages his new Town of Altena ( which is built close under its Walls ) as a Rival , and which one day may be a curb to it . And in truth , this rich City has great reason to be jealous of such a Neighbour , whose chiefest Ambition is to destroy its Liberty , and render himself its Master . But the Duke of Zell ( whose Territories lye next ) has always some Forces posted near enough to prevent the King of Denmark's Designs upon it ; therefore this City pays a great deal of respect to those Princes , whom it looks on as its best Protectors . With the other German Princes it keeps also as good a Correspondence as possible ; and they on their part shew an affection to the Liberty of that City , the Reduction of which , under the Power of the Danes , would be extremely inconvenient to them , as well upon the score of the Trade of great part of Germany , whereof it is the Seat and Principal Mart by its convenient Situation on the River Elb ; as upon the score of the great Addition such a Conquest would make to the Power of the Danes ; who are usually ill Neighbours when they are weak , but would be insupportable were their Force proportionable to their Inclinations . Nor would the Brandenburgers wish that this City , or the Town of Lubeck , should have any Master , but would endeavour to their utmost to frustrate Attempts upon them , and yet the Elector of Brandenburg is esteemed the firmest Ally the King of Denmark has ; for their common interest to prevent the Greatness of the Swedes , ( whereof they are equally jealous and fearful ) unites these two Princes stronger than any tye of Blood could do . The Ducal Prussia , and that part of Pomerania which belongs to Brandenburg , lies open to the Swedes ; and the least transport of Forces from Sweden to Germany side of the Baltick gives a terrible Alarm to all the Neighbours . They cannot forget the strange Successes of Gustavus Adolphus , nor the Encroachments of Sweden in the late Wars ; neither can they be otherwise persuaded , but that there is always impending danger of the like Attempts from the same Nation , abounding in Soldiers , and ruled by a frugal , diligent , and active young King. So that , as I said before , their common danger makes them strangely concur in this design of keeping the Swede within his due Bounds , altho in other matters some disagreement may happen between them ; as may be more particularly instanced in the Affair of St. Thomas's Island , and in the Brandenburgers endeavours to force the Dane to a Restitution of the Duke of Holstein Gotorp to his Countrey ; which was so happily accomplished by his Majesty of Great Britain , the very first year of his Exaltation to the Throne . The Duke of Holstein Gotorp ( whom I have purposely mentioned last of those Princes that confine with Denmark , that I may have an opportunity to speak more amply concerning his Case ) is nearly related to the King of Denmark , both by Consanguinity and Affinity . They are of the same Family of Oldenburg ; the Ancestor of the present Duke refused the Kingdom of Denmark , in favour of the Ancestor of the King ; whom he recommended to the Peoples Election . This Duke is married to the King's Sister , by whom he has Issue a very hopeful Prince ; his Territories are intermixt both in Sleswick and Holstein with the King 's , but much to his disquiet and inconvenience ; for Ambition knows no bounds , especially when joined with Power sufficient to oppress a weak Opponent . The King thought it for his Interest ( and that is esteemed reason enough with most Princes ) to be Master of the whole Countrey ; which the Duke being sensible of , and convinced that the first convenient opportunity would be taken to dispossess him , to secure himself , cultivated as strong a Friendship as he could with the King of Sweden his Brother in-Law , and one who upon many accounts was bound to hinder the Greatness of the Danes . Yet this Confederacy reached no farther , nor was ever intended to be made use of by the Duke otherwise than as a Defensive Guard , the Reputation whereof might possibly shelter him from Oppression . For the Duke was of himself much too weak to oppose the King , and the Succours of the Swede too far distant to frustrate a sudden Attempt , to which he lay constantly exposed . But in regard that at long run this Alliance would stand him in greatest stead ( as he has found by Experience ) it was always most carefully cherished and maintained on the Duke's part , and no less on the King 's , who did , and ever will think it of great advantage to him to uphold the Duke of Holstein in his lawful Rights ; and no less detrimental to his Enemy ; this Duke being the severest Thorn in the Foot of the King of Denmark , and the greatest Mortification to him that can possibly be imagined ; who now of a near Kinsman and Brother , by his ill usage has made an utter Enemy , that ( notwithstanding the present Composure of Differences ) can neither trust him , nor be trusted by him . For the better understanding of which it will not be amiss in another Chapter to give a short account of the Proceedings in that whole Matter . CHAP. XIII . The manner of dispossessing , and restoring the Duke of Holstein Gottorp . THE Affairs between the King and Duke being on the terms above-mentioned , that is to say , Ambition and Reason of State guiding the Designs of one Party , Fear and Weakness of the other , Hatred and Distrust of both ; there seemed to be wanting nothing but a fair Opportunity to put in practice what had been long projected by the Danes , which at length happened in the year 1675. Among other Differences which remained to be adjusted between the King and Duke , the Succession to the Counties of Oldenburg and Lelmenhorst was the greatest ; this was at length left to the determination of the Imperial Court ; but whilst it was under debate there , several meetings between the Ministers of Denmark and those of Gottorp were appointed , in order to an amicable composure of this and all other Quarrels ; which Meetings were principally sought after by the King , with all the seeming desires of Amity , and Appearances of Friendship imaginable , the better to lull the Duke into Security , and a Persuasion of the Sincerity of his Intentions . Sometimes an Equivalent for the sole possession of those Counties was proposed and hearkened to , and the whole Matter seemed to want nothing but fair drawing up , and the Ratification . At other times fresh Disputes arose touching the Taxes of the Dukedoms of Sleswick and Holstein , whereof the King challenged the greater part to himself , in proportion to the share of Forces which he maintained for Defence of the Countrey . On the other side , the Duke insisted on it , that the Taxes ought equally to be divided ; and if the King kept up more Troops than were necessary , that did not any way prejudice his right to an equal share of the Revenues , especially since the King's undertakings were managed neither with any previous Communication with , or consent of the Duke ; nor were agreed unto by the States of the Dukedom , both which by ancient Treaties ought to have been done . But this Ball was either kept up , or let fall , according to the Circumstances of Affairs abroad , which the Danes had a watchful Eye upon , at the same time that they treated with the Duke . For the Swedes having taken the part of France against the Empire , were at this time engaged in a War with the Elector of Brandenburg . And the Danes who had long since resolved to break with Sweden , thought no time so proper as this to revenge their ancient Quarrel , and to regain their lost Provinces . But looking upon the Duke of Holstein as a Friend to Sweden , and a main Obstacle to their Intentions , they durst not march their Army out of the Countrey , till they had so ordered Matters as to apprehend no danger from him . A deep Dissimulation was necessary to the carrying on this Design upon the Swedes and House of Gottorp ; and was made use of with so much Address , that the Swedish Ambassador , who was then residing at Copenhagen , and negotiating a Marriage for the King his Master with the Daughter of Denmark , was caressed in an extraordinary manner , and treated with the greatest Demonstrations of Friendship possible : And at the same time the Prime Minister of Denmark wrote most obligingly to the Duke 's Resident then at Hamburg , That he was ready to meet him half way , and would join endeavours with him to adjust all Differences , and establish a firm Correspondence between their Masters , which he said he desired above all things . He added moreover , that when willing Minds met together about the Composure of Differences , a few hours would put an end to that which had been transacting many years ; and therefore conjured him to meet him . The King also did often declare himself to this purpose to the Duke's Ministers , That he would acknowledge , as a great Obligation conferred on him , the furthering an Accommodation between him and the Duke . 'T is the Custom of the King of Denmark to make once a Year a Voyage into Holstein , where he assembles and takes a review of his Troops . This is done not only upon the score of Diversion , and to see that the Forces be in good Condition ; but also to use the neighbouring Princes and Hamburgh to such a practice ; that when they see it performed several years without any ill Consequence , or Attempts upon them , they may take the less Umbrage , and be less upon their Guard , whenever he should have any real Design . About this time the King was beginning such a Journey , in order to put his Projects in Execution ; and to lull the Duke into a deeper Security , writes to him very kind Letters , desiring him not to be concerned at it , since he had no other end in it than formerly in the like Voyages , unless it were to put a final determination to all Differences between them to their mutual satisfaction . The Duke was so pleased by these Assurances under the King's Hand , that he went in Person to meet his Majesty , accompanied by his Brother the Bishop of Lubeck , and many others of the Nobility ; and afterwards treated him very splendidly at a House of his upon the Road near his Residence of Gottorp ; the King then caressing him , and desiring him earnestly to come and see him at Rendsburg ( a fortified Town about fourteen English miles from thence ) near which the Rendezvous of the Troops was appointed . Towards the conclusion of this Feast several large Healths were drank to the future good Agreement , with so much appearing Sincerity , that the good Duke thought he had no reason to doubt the reality of it ; but ordered his Chief Minister to wait upon the King and his Ministers at Rendsburg ; where they so far accommodated all Matters , that the whole Affair was supposed near its Conclusion . Upon this the Duke sends three of his chief Counsellors , impowered by a special Commission , to treat and conclude at Rendsburg ; with whom three of the King's Council met , and conferred . The business of the Conference was principally about the Exchange of other Lands for the Counties of Oldenburg and Delmenhorst ; but in it the King's Commissioners took occasion to renew the Debate about the division of the Taxes , whereof , as I have said before , the King challenged the greater part : This did a little surprize and displease the Duke's Commissioners , who thought it forreign to the matter in hand , and would not hearken to Proposals of that nature . At the very same time , and during this Conference , the King 's Prime Minister wrote to the Duke's , That he thought it necessary for both Princes , that the Duke of Gottorp would please to come to Rendsburg to the King , who was ready to conclude a Treaty ; because the Presence of so near a Relation would contribute more than any thing else to a Friendly Composure of all these matters . And the Duke , as well upon the account of the former Invitation , as upon this fresh one , withal to shew his forwardness towards a Peace , resolves upon the Visit ; first sending a Gentleman to acquaint the King with his intention , and desiring his permission to come and wait upon him . The King's Answer was , That he should be heartily welcome , and his Chief Minister also , whom he desired to bring along with him . Thus the Duke being fully persuaded that all was meant honourably , on the 25 th . of June began his Journey , accompanied by his Minister and other Nobility , and arrived at Rendsburg ; where he was welcomed by a discharge of all the Cannon of that Fortress , and other demonstrations of Joy. The next day , being the 26th . of June 1675. a fatal one to that unfortunate Prince and his Family , an Express arrives with Letters of the great Defeat given the Swedes by the Brandenburgers at Fehr Berlin : this was what the Danes wished and waited for ; but could scarce promise themselves it should succeed so fully according to their expectations , or nick the time so justly as it did . They thought Heaven it self concurred with their Intentions ; and not to be wanting on their parts , immediately give orders to shut the Town Gates , to call a Council of War , to send their Soldiers up and down , and seize all the Duke's Towns and Fortresses . These Orders were as suddenly executed : the Duke's Troop of Guards were disarmed , himself confined a Prisoner to his Apartment ; his Dinner , which he thought to have eaten with the King , was brought in to him by Officers and Soldiers , who watched him so narrowly that he could not stir ; the poor Duke exclaiming in the mean while , and complaining that he was ill used ; that he was a Sovereign Prince of the Empire , independant of any other Power ; that he was a near Kinsman , a Brother-in-Law , nay , an invited Guest of the Kings ; that all the Laws of Justice , of Blood , of Friendship and Hospitality were violated by this Action , wherein the King had broken his Parol , and the Sanctuary of his own House . But all this was in vain ; the Duke had no Remedy prescribed to him , but Patience ; the Blow which was begun , must be followed , and more Evils must succeed that which had already happened . For the Duke being thus seized , his Ministers were presently sent for , and told , That now there was an end of all Treating , that the King was Master , and would act as such : To which purpose he would take possession of the Duke 's whole Country , and put Garrisons into all the strong Places which he thought proper to secure to himself , because he had an intention to lead his Army elsewhere against the Swedes ; that the Inclinations of the House of Gottorp were always malevolent towards the King , and by him considered as such ; however if the Duke would fairly and freely renounce his Right to the Lands in question , the King might , at the Duke's request , be prevailed upon to give him an hundred and fifty thousand Rix Dollers at Copenhagen for it . Notwithstanding the Extremity the Duke was reduced to , he could not be brought to consent to such a severe Condition ; but offered , since Matters could be no better , that the King without prejudice to his Right , should have the Taxes so much contested , in the manner he desired ; that his Majesty should put one half of the Garrison into the strong Town of Tonningen , provided that all therein did take the Oaths of Allegiance to both Princes , till such time as the Exigencies of Affairs would permit the entire Restoration of it to its former Master : That if the King would dispose of his Countrey solely , the Duke must yield to force , but hoped his Right should be reserved entire , and desired that his Residence and Habitation of Gottorp , which was neither by Nature nor Art strong enough to be formidable , might be left free to him : Lastly , That the King would grant him and his liberty to dispose of themselves as they thought fit . The Danes Answer was , That these Offers and Demands were no other than Trifles ; That the King would proceed to the Execution of his own Will and Pleasure by Force and Arms ; that neither the Duke , nor any of his , should ever be restored to their Liberty till he had signed an Instrument there ready drawn up , to order the Commander of Tonningen to Surrender it to the King ; which the Duke at last , through despair of his Life , was forced to consent to ; and accordingly that Fortress , with all its Cannon and Stores , was delivered up to the Officer sent by the King for that purpose . Things being brought to this pass , the Duke was removed to his own House at Gottorp . His Dutchess , who had been all this while at Copenhagen , and as it was thought consented to all the Injustices acted against her Husband and Family , was restored to him ; but he was in effect a Prisoner still ; for Guards were placed at all the Avenues , every day some new severe Conditions were proposed to him , and Articles offered him which he was forced to sign : one of which was a Renunciation of his Supream and Independent Right over the Dukedom of Sleswick . Being at last quite tired with so many Violences , not knowing where they might end , he began to think of his Escape : so that one day taking the Advantage of his Dutchesses being sent for again by her Mother , the Queen Dowager of Denmark , he pretended to accompany her part of the way ; and by the means of some trusty Servants , had re-lays of Horses placed in convenient stations . After a few hours travelling with her , he took his leave of her , and pretending to hunt , set Spurs to his Horse , and rid away as fast as he could towards Hamburg . The Allarm was presently given of the Duke's flight , and many Horsemen were dispatched after him , which he being aware of , took not the direct Road , but went about by Kiel ; so that , after a narrow escape , he arrived safely where he designed . This mightily vexed the King , who used all means to get him out of that City , because Hamburg being so populous a Town , the fame of the Barbarity exercised against him flew from thence all over Europe . But the Duke had been taught by former Misfortunes not to trust his Enemy ; and as soon as he got to Hamburg , solemnly protested against the validity of all that he had been constrained to agree to , whilst he was in Durance ; yet withal declared , That he was as ready as ever to come to an amicable Composure of Differences with the King , to prevent the ruin of his Subjects , and other Mischiefs ; provided the King would redress some of the greatest Grievances . This Proposition was so little regarded , that instead of hearkning to it , the King ordered the Fortress of Toningen to be demolished , the Dukedom of Sleswick to be sequestred , the Magistrates and People to be absolved from their Allegiance to the Duke , and obliged to an Oath of Fidelity to the King ; all the Revenues of the Duke to be brought into his Treasury ; Garisons to be continued in the Duke's Forts and Mansion-house , and unless the Duke came to accept of the King's terms in relation to that Fief , that it should for ever be annexed to the Crown of Denmark . For the more speedy publication of these new Orders , Proclamations were made and affixed to that effect in all the Towns of the Dukedom . The Duke on his part publishing others in opposition to this Usurpation , together with a Solemn Protestation against all that had been done ; concluding with a Command to the States of the Dukedom , and the rest of his Subjects , to continue firm in their Loyalty and Obedience to their Natural Prince . But the King , who was resolved no longer to keep any Measures with him , nor to preserve that Countrey in any tolerable condition which he knew not how long he might enjoy , exacted vast Contributions from the poor Subjects , to the value of many Millions of Gold , and to the ruin of as flourishing a Province as any in the Circle of Lower Saxony ; thereby disabling the Duke's Subjects from contributing any thing towards the Subsistence of their Master ; who continued all this while at Hamburg in a state little befitting his high Quality ; whilst he sent his Son abroad to raise the Compassion , and implore the Assistance of all all the Neighbouring German Princes ; on which Errand I had the Fortune to meet him at the Courts of Hannover and Wolfembuttel . He made also strong Application to the Crown of England , as Guarantee of the Northern Peace , and caused a full Representation of his disconsolate Condition to be printed in English , which contains at large most of the Particulars above-mentioned ; but all in vain : the Duke continued a Sufferer notwithstanding his many Appeals to those who ought to have interessed themselves in his behalf : until such time as the King of Sweden began in earnest to take his Cause in hand . This King having at last brought the Affairs of his own Kingdom into such a Posture as permitted him to resent the Injuries done to his near Relation , threatned the Dane with a War in case he delayed Restitution ; and to this effect , in the Year 1689. set a Fleet to Sea , with intention to second his Threats by Blows ; which he might the better then do , because the chief Support of the Danes in their Injustice , ( the French King ) was at that time attacked by the Forces of the Confederates ; and England , by the Accession of his present Majesty to that Crown , was become a principal Party in so just a War. So that France was likely to have its Hands full at home . Besides , his Majesty of Great Brittain being become Guarantee of the Northern Peace , thought himself obliged in honour to maintain it ; and in order to that end , gave such Instructions to his Envoy Extraordinary , then going to the Danish Court , as might induce it to comply with Justice , and prevent that Effusion of Blood which was threatned . These Remonstrances had their due weight with the King of Denmark ; who at last yielded to the necessity of his Circumstances , and to the Solicitations of the Elector of Brandenburg , who pressed among the rest the Restoration of the Duke , and had sent his Ministers to the Congress for the Accommodation , to propose a Project to that end ; not so much out of kindness to the Family of Gottorp , as for fear the Swedish Arms should by any just occasion be brought over the Baltick ; the event of which might be fatal to all the Neighbourhood , and to the Brandenburgers in particular . Thus the Danes , with reluctancy , consented at last to give up what they had unjustly detained above thirteen years from its right Owner , after having raised vast Sums of Money from the Countrey : for the Duke's part of the Dutchy of Sleswick only , had about 28000 Ploughs in it , each of which were taxed to pay four Crowns a Month : besides innumerable other Extortions , which filled the Purses of the Ministers of Denmark , who shared the Revenues among them . The Swedish and Danish Fleets had been about a Fortnight at Sea , but no Action had happened between them . After the Accommodation was published , and the Duke restored , ( yet without any reparation of Damages past ) the two Fleets returned to their several Ports , and the Duke to his Habitation of Gottorp , which he found in a desolate Condition , compared to what he left it in . The Dutch had a principal Hand in the Conclusion of this Agreement , by the means of Myn Heer Heemskirk their Minister ; and his Majesty of Great Britain a large share of the Glory of redressing a Wrong , which through so many years possession pleaded a kind of Prescription to warrant it ; the very first half year of his Reign vindicating the Honour of the Crown of England , which was engaged as Guarrantee ; and securing the Peace of the North , in order to the procuring the Assistance of one , or both of those Princes , towards the humbling the common Enemy . This he effectually did ; for the Danes immediately afterwards , sent by Treaty seven thousand Soldiers , which are yet in his Majesty's Pay ; and the Swedes remain at liberty to continue such of their Troops in the Dutch Service as formerly were stipulated for , and which ( had a War broken out ) they might have been forced to recall . CHAP. XIV . The Interests of Denmark in relation to other Princes . IN treating of the Interests of the King of Denmark in relation to other Princes or States which do not confine upon his Dominions , and of his Affections towards them , it will not be necessary to observe strictly the order and rank which those Princes hold in the World , I shall therefore take them as they come indifferently . With the Emperor the King of Denmark is obliged to keep always a good outward Correspondence , he being himself a Prince of the Empire , as Duke of Holstein ; and the Emperour having it often in his Power to do him several Kindnesses or Dis-kindnesses . The King has a great desire to establish a Toll at Glucstadt upon the River Elb ; and although the Emperour's consent would not absolutely secure the business for him , there being many other Princes , together with all those who are concerned in the Trade of Hamburg that would obstruct it : yet it would strike a great stroke , and must always be a necessary Preliminary . He keeps therefore very fair with his Imperial Majesty , and when pressed by the Ministers , sends ( for valuable considerations ) some Troops to serve in Hungary against the Turks ; notwithstanding which he is inwardly troubled at the Power of the House of Austria , and the Increase of its Dominions ; being jealous , as most of the other German Princes are , that the Greatness of that Family may one day turn to the detriment of the Liberty of Germany : and therefore is not displeased at the Successes of the French , or of the Turks . He has been heard to complain of the neglect which the Imperial Court shows of him , and its partiality for the Swedes ; this occasioned the Emperour's sending a Minister lately to Reside at Copenhagen , as well as at Stockholm ; since which he seems to be better satisfied . But at the bottom it is to be supposed , that the Dane is no true Friend of the Emperour's ; because he thinks his Imperial Majesty favours some Interests opposite to his , in conniving at the Lunenburgers forcible possession of the Dukedom of Saxe-Lawenburg , and bestowing the Electoral Dignity on that Family ; the confirmation of which the King of Denmark opposes with all his Power . With Poland the King of Denmark has at present little occasion either of Friendship or Enmity ; there being but small Correspondence between them ; yet he will rather chuse to keep that Crown his Friend , than otherwise ; because it may one day stand him in stead against the Swedes : And for this reason it is that the Elector of Brandenburg , whose Interest in that particular is much the same with Denmark's , maintains a good Correspondence , and Entertains a constant Minister at Warsaw . Besides , the Port of Dantzick is convenient for all that Trade in the Baltick , and the Danes bring Corn , as well as other Merchandize from thence . They keep likewise good Amity with the other Hans Towns. The King is upon fair terms with the Duke of Courland , who has permitted him to raise Men in his Countrey , the Commander of which , one Poteamer , is Brother to that Duke's prime Minister ; and the Soldiers are the best able to live hardily , and to endure Fatigue of any in the World. It is the Interest of Denmark to be well with the Dutch above all other Princes in Europe , because of the great Revenue it receives from their Traffick , and the Toll which they pay in the Sound : Because also in case of a quarrel with Sweden , or any other extremity , the King of Denmark is certain of the Assistance of the Hollanders ; which is always sufficient and ready to protect him , as has been experienced in the former Wars between the Northern Crowns : for the Dutch will never suffer the Balance of the North to lean too much to one side , their Interest in the Trade of the Baltick being so considerable ; but will take care to assist the weaker with proportionable Succours ; which the conveniency of their Situation , and their Naval Force permits them to do with greater ease than any other . Notwithstanding all which Considerations , there are frequent Occasions of Quarrel between the Dutch and Danes ; and the Friendship which the latter have for the former ( especially since this War with France , and the Convention made with England for the Interruption of all Commerce with that Kingdom ) is very weak and unstable ; for besides that an Absolute Monarchy , for other Reasons , can never throughly love a Republick , the Danes are envious at the great Trade of the Dutch ; and count it a Disparagement that Merchants , as they call them , should have it in their Power to give Law to a Crowned Head. However , at the bottom , Denmark would not be pleased that Holland should sink under the Force of its Enemies , but would use its best Endeavours to prevent it , though possibly not before Matters were reduced to so great an Extremity , as it might be beyond the Ability of the Danes to afford a timely Remedy . The King of Denmark loves the Alliance of France , and keeps a stricter Correspondence with that Crown than with any other ; though it be most certain that the Maxims which he has learnt from thence , and the Practices which followed those Maxims , have been the principal Occasion of that Kingdom 's present ill condition . But the King of France by fair Words , large Promises , and a little Money seasonably bestowed , has had the knack to amuse this Court , and to make it act as he pleases ; notwithstanding the many Affronts , the ill Successes , and the universal Misery which through his means have attended it . The Emissaries of France are thick sown here ; nothing pleases that is not according to the French Pattern , either in Dress , Military Discipline , or Politicks : and it is certain that a fitter could not be followed by any Arbitrary Prince , provided a due regard were had to the force and strength to perform in proportion to the Design undertaken . But the want of this Consideration has been fatal to Denmark ; France had told this King , that Soldiers are the only true Riches of Princes , and this has made him raise more than he knows what to do with , unless he disturb his Neighbours ; which generally he does for the Interests of France , though at last it turns to his loss . So that Denmark resembles in this point a Monster that is all Head and no Body , all Soldiers and no Subjects ; and whenever a General Peace comes to be established in Europe , which shall set open Foreign Trade , and consequently spoil all the Advantages that his Country enjoys at present , I cannot see what will become of the Publick Affairs here ; for the Soldiers when disbanded , being most of them Strangers , will return to their respective Homes ; and the Revenues of these Kingdoms must sink extreamly through the want of People , and their Poverty . It seems therefore no less than madness for the least and poorest Kingdom of Europe to think of emulating with Success the richest , greatest , and the most populous , and to take its Measures from thence ; as if there were no difference between King and King : So have I heard that the little Republick of St. Marino in Italy , which consists but of one small Town with the Mountain it stands upon , and is scarce taken notice of by Travellers , takes occasion to write to the Republick of Venice sometimes , and to stile it Our Sister , with as much Gravity and Pride , as if it equalled the other in Power . But the vanity of these poor Italians proceeds no farther than words , which does them no harm . But the true Reasons which renders it the Interest of Denmark to keep well with France ( and they are no weak ones ) are first , because they look upon that Crown as the sole Ballance against the Grandeur of the Emperour , and the House of Austria , whose Power , as I said before , is looked on by all the Princes of Germany with a very jealous Eye ; the late Addition of the Crown of Hungary to it , with its other Conquests on that side from the Turks , the probability of the Spanish Dominions falling to some active Branch of it , and the remembrance what havock the Emperour Charles the Fifth , and his Successor , made among the German Princes , when possess'd of the like Advantages , makes the Danes as well as the others , reflect seriously upon what may happen hereafter , should France be reduced to too low an ebb : A second reason is , because they know no other Naval Force able to contest the intire Dominion of the Seas with the English and Dutch ; and they are willing to keep the dispute about that Dominion undetermin'd between the French and us , that no Laws may be laid upon Traffick , but that they may reap their share of the Trade of the World ; which they think would be but small , should that Point be once finally decided to our Advantage . A third Reason and the most forcible is , the Subsidies which the King of Denmark draws from time to time from France : a little ready money among a necessitous People , carrying irresistable Charms with it ; And this has been the drift of the French Policy in advising that King to a greater Charge than he was able to bear , under pretence that they consulted his Honour and Grandeur , whereas they only consulted their own ends ; being sure , after they had rendred him and his Countrey Poor , that they could buy him when they pleased . Yet whenever the French Treasure shall come so far to be exhausted , that a fairer bidder appears ; this piece of Policy will not only fail the French , but turn to their disadvantage . With the Kings of Spain and Portugal the Dane is in a state of indifferency . Their Dominions are so far asunder , and the business so little which they have with each other , that there happen few or no occasions , either of a Quarrel or Friendship between them . Yet the Danes have some small Trade for Salt and Wine with each of these Princes Subjects ; and during this War make some benefit of their Neutrality , by transporting in their Ships the Effects of French , English , and Dutch from one Port to another . They have indeed some Pretensions on the Spaniard for Arrears of Subsidies owing to them ever since the Danes took the part of the Confederates against France in the former War ; but they despair of obtaining them , unless some unforeseen Accident put them in a way of getting that Debt , the Accompts of which have hardly ever been adjusted between them . With the late Elector of Saxony the King of Denmark kept a very good correspondence ; the Elector having married one of the King's Sisters , that Affinity produced as amicable effects as could be desired ; insomuch that it begat a Resolution of a nearer Union of the two Families in a Match between the present Elector ( then Prince ) and the King 's only Daughter ; this proceeded as far as a formal Contract , and the usual Marriage presents were Solemnly exchanged in order to Consummation ; when on a sudden the old Elector died last year , as he was leading an Army towards the Rhine against the French , for the common cause of Europe ; the Death of this Prince , among other Alterations , produced this , that his Successor the present Elector being thereby become at his own disposal , and having been formerly very much in love with another Lady , who is the present Electress ; refused to compleat his Marriage with the Daughter of Denmark , and sent back the Presents which were given at the time of the Contract . This Action of his highly disgusted the King , Queen , and the whole Danish Court ; however , there was no Remedy but patience ; the Elector was too remote to fear any Effects of the Danes displeasure , and resolved to pursue his own Inclinations in the choice of a Wife , let the World say and do what it would . Accordingly he presently courted and married where he fancied ; leaving the Danes to digest this Affront as well as they could ; which they will scarce forget this great while . So that it is to be supposed the ancient Knot between the King and the Electoral Family of Saxe is hereby very much loosened ; yet not so far as to proceed to any open Breach , the Elector's Excuses for this Action having been received and acccepted of as some sort of satisfaction . With the Bishop of Munster , the King of Denmark lives in good Amity , by reason of his Neighbourhood to the Counties of Oldenburg and Delmenhorst ; and for the most part has a Minister residing in that Court. The like Friendship is between him and the other Princes of Germany ; particularly with the Landtgrave of Hesse Cassel , who is Brother to his Queen , and extreamly beloved by her . The King of Denmark has one Brother , viz. Prince George , born 1653. and married to her Royal Highness the Princess Ann , Sister to her Majesty of England : And four Sisters , viz. Anna Sophia , the Widow of the late Elector of Saxony . Frederica Emilia , the Wife of the Duke of Holstein . Guillimetta Ernestina , Widow of the Palatine of the Rhine . Ulrica Eleonora Sabina , the Queen of Sweden . CHAP. XV. Of the Laws , Courts of Justice , &c. SOME Naturalists observe , that there is no Plant or Insect , how venomous or mean soever , but is good for something towards the use of man if rightly applied : in like manner it may be said , That several useful Lessons may be learnt , conducing to the benefit of Mankind , from this Account of Denmark , provided things be taken by the right handle . Hitherto we have indeed met with many things in it to be avoided , and little deserving imitation : but being now to speak of the Danish Laws , I must needs begin with this good Character of them in general , That for justice , Brevity , and perspicuity , they exceed all that I know in the World. They are grounded upon Equity , and are all contained in one Quarto Volume , written in the Language of the Country , with so much plainness , that no Man , who can write and read , is so ignorant , but he may presently understand his own Case , and plead it too if he pleases , without the Assistance of Counsel or Attorney . Here is none of that Chicane to be found which destroys and raises so many great Estates in England ; a very few Advocates do the business of all the Litigious Persons in these Kingdoms . Neither are their Fees arbitrary or exorbitant ; no Suit of what importance soever hangs in suspence longer than one Year and a Month : since a Man may go through all the Courts , and have Execution done within that time , unless he be wanting to himself . It may be replied to this , That the scarcity of Money may be the principal occasion of few Law-Suits and Lawyers . It is not denied , and perhaps a right sence of this was the first cause of so good a Regulation of Justice : for since the King was resolved to empty the Pockets of his Subjects , it was not for his advantage to permit others to do it , and share the Gains with him . However , thus much may with certainty be averred , That the like Regulation would not only agree with , but consummate the happiness of a rich Country ; and this Instance of Denmark makes it evident that such a Regulation is practicable . But to return to our purpose . In Denmark , in the ordinary Proceedings between Man and Man , there are three Courts , every one of which has power to give a definitive Sentence , and must either Acquit or Condemn . Yet there lies an Appeal from the lower to the higher ; and if the inferior Judge has wilfully varied from the positive Law , the Party wronged has Damages given him , both from the Judge and his Adversary . Here is no removal of Actions from one Court to another , where the Parties may begin all again ; but by way of ordinary procedure from the lower to the higher . The three Courts are these , first , In Cities and Towns the Byfoghts Court , to which in the Country does answer the Herredsfougds Court. Secondly , From thence lyes an Appeal to the Landstag or general head Court for the Province . Thirdly , From thence to the Court called the Highright in Copenhagen , where the King himself sometimes sits in Person , and it is always composed of the prime Nobility of the Kingdom . The Judges in the two former Courts are constituted indeed by the King's Letters Patents durante beneplacito ; but are punishable for any misdemeanors committed , and condemned to make Reparation to the Party injured for any Injustice by them done . The City of Copenhagen has this particular Privilege , that the Sentences past in the Byfoghts Court , instead of passing through the Provincial Court , are tried by the Burgomaster and Common Council , and so proceed to the highest Court ; which resembles so far our High Court of Chancery , that if any matter happen so fall in debate , for the decision of which there is not a positive Article to be found in the Law ( which rarely happens ) it is there determined by the King , or by the others present , who are as it were the Keepers of the King's Conscience : and all this were very well , were it not that the first Article of the Law reserves to the King the Privilege of explaining or altering it at his pleasure . In Matters relating to the Revenue , the Rent-Chamber in Denmark resembles our Court of Exchequer : which has also a Paymaster General belonging to it ; and sometimes there is a Court composed of some Members of this Rent-Chamber , the Admiralty , and the Colledge of Commerce ; before which lyes the Appeals of Merchants whose Goodshappen to be seiz'd for not having paid the King's Duties . The Sentences passed in the inferiour Courts are sometimes biassed and partial ; but not often , for fear of the highest Court , where great regard is had to Justice ; insomuch that I knew a Judge , who very hardly escaped being fined for a Sentence passed against an English Merchant ; which Sentence was presently reversed . Indeed , whilst Monsieur Griffinfeldt and Monsieur Wibbe were Chancellors , there were mutterings , that the High Court Sentences were not altogether up to the rigour of the Law ; but this is very rare now , unless when a Courtier or Favourite is interessed in such a Sentence ; in which case , or in matters wherein the King is concerned , you are to expect little Justice , especially if it relate to Money . The Salaries of the Judges are but small ; they are paid out of the Exchequer , and do not consist in Fees. The Byfogd may have about one hundred Rix Dollars yearly ; and he pays himself out of the Fines of Delinquents . In the Country the Herredfogds have each of them the Rent that is due to the King for a Farm that stands rated at ten Tuns of Hard-corn ; he has besides from the Plaintiff and Defendant for the Sentence he passes , ten Stivers from each . And the Byfogd or Judge in Cities and Towns , double as much . Moreover , the contesting Parties are bound to pay the Clerk so much a sheet for the Paper , in which is set down at large the whole proceeding , and the Allegations of each Party , whether they be Verbal or by Libel , and at the close of all the Sentence it self . At the Byfogds Court , and the Landstag , the Judge inserts the Law , and adds the Reasons upon which his Judgment is founded ; but in the High Right no Reason is given at all , or but very seldom . And that no Clerk may have it in his power to pick any Man's Pocket by filling up many Sheets of Paper , there are Limits set , beyond which no man is obliged to pay . Every one may plead his own Cause that pleases ; however , it is the King's Order that the Magistrates take care to have one or more Advocates ( such as they approve of ) who are to plead for the Poor , and for such as cannot plead for themselves : upon the whole matter , the Charges of the Law are very easie ; since a complaint may go through the three Courts for fifty Rix Dollars , which is less then twelve pound Sterling ; unless the Sum in question be very great , and more than ordinary Evidences to be written on Sealed Paper . These Laws are so equitable and expeditious , that they are extreamly commended by Merchants and Strangers , who have occasion to have recourse to them . Neither is the smalness of the Expence any Encouragement to those that love going to Law ; for the Laws themselves provide effectually against this Mischief , and take away the very Root of Litigiousness : being so plain and clear , that a troublesome Person never finds his Account in promoting vexatious Suits , but meets with all the Disappoiutments one would wish him . In Criminal Matters a great Severity of Justice is practised . You never hear of any Person guilty of the Crime of Treason against the King ; the Government has rivetted it self so fast upon the Bottom it now stands , that no Body offers to wag so much as the Tongue against it . There are no Clippers or Coiners , no Robbers upon the High-way , nor House-breakers ; which conveniency of Arbitrary Goverment , among the multitude of Mischiefs attending it , I have likewise observed in France ; perhaps because those Princes , who are entire Masters of their Subjects Purses at pleasure , take more effectual care of them as of their own , and therefore use such means that none shall plunder or cheat their People , for the same reason that Folks kill Vermin in Dove-Houses , viz. that they may make the greater profit themselves . The most usual Capital Crimes are Manslaughter and Stealing : Execution is done upon Offenders by beheading them with a Sword at one stroke very dexterously ; the Headsman , tho infamous by his place , so that no Body will come into his Company , yet is commonly rich , having other advantagious Employments that no Body else dares undertake , viz. the emptying all the Necessary Houses , the removing all dead Dogs and Horses out of Houses and Stables , or from before Doors ; for no Danish Servant will upon any terms set a hand to either of these Works , and the Executioner has his own Rates for these base Offices , which he performs by his under Servant , called the Racker . The Advocates are not bred as with us in England in Publick Societies , such as Inns of Court or Chancery ; neither take they any degrees of Barrister , Serjeant , or the like ; but may take up the Calling as they please , according to their Inclinations or Abilities . There are besides the three ordinary Courts before mentioned , Commissioners of the Admiralty , which they call the Admiralty-Court ; wherein Affairs relating to the Sea are determined , such as Prizes , Wrecks , Disputes with Privateers , and the like . There is likewise a Chancellary , which consists of a number of Clerks , who write and issue all the King's Orders , give out Citations , transcribe Papers , make the Latin Projects of Treaties with Foreign Courts , according to the Directions they receive . In short , they are as it were under-Secretaries , and were formerly subject to the Government of one whom they called a Chancellor ; but since Monsieur Wibbe's death , that Employment has not been filled : neither does it resemble our Place of Chancellor in England . The Clerks of this Office have some small Salary from the King , and have moreover so much for every Citation to the High Court , and so much for every Order they issue , which they divide among them . In Copenhagen there is a Publick Officer appointed , called the Polity Master , whose business is to keep good Orders in Affairs relating to the City ; he is to see that the Merchants sell warrantable Merchandize , that they do not interfere in one anothers Trades ; and to compose Differences on that account among them ; that the Publick Buildings , Draw-bridges , and Canals be kept in repair ; that the Streets be paved , cleansed , and free of the Incumbrances of Bulks and other Inconveniencies . That no prohibited Goods be brought in ; that there be always plenty of Bread-Corn , and sold at a moderate Price ; that the requisite Assistance in case of Fire be at hand . And indeed the Orders taken in this matter are very good ; for there are select Companies appointed to watch and extinguish the Fire , no others daring to approach within a certain distance , lest under pretence of bringing help , they take the occasion to plunder . The Chimney-sweepers are bound to keep a Register of all Chimneys they sweep , that in case of any ill Accident , those by whose neglect or covetousness it happens , may be answerable for it . No Torches or Flambeaux are allowed to be carried in the Streets , by reason of the great quantities of Firr , Timber , and the constant high Winds which are here ; instead of which all Persons , even the Court it self , make use of large round Lanthorns , carried at the end of long sticks . The PolityMaster regulates also the price of Travelling in their open Waggons , and punishes such as exact more than the established rate , if they be complained of ; also such as travel in the King 's particular Highway without permission ; and such as make use of Guns and Fowling-Pieces , and bring in Venison , Fowl , and Hares by stealth , or in times when they are prohibited to be killed . He takes care also to prevent and suppress Riots and Disturbances of the Soldiers , who are not permitted to walk the Streets after the Tattoo has gone about ; and in general of all other matters relating to order , quiet , and decency . Among other good Regulations in Denmark , I look upon that of the Apothecaries to be none of the least commendable ; for no man is permitted to exercise that Trade , unless he be appointed by the Colledge of Physicians , and confirmed by the King himself . There are but two allowed to the City of Copenhagen , and one to every other considerable Town . Their Shops and Drugs are carefully visited twice or thrice a year by the Magistrates , accompanied by the Doctors of Physick ; and such Drugs as are either naught or old , are taken from them and flung away . The prices of all these Drugs are fixed , so that any Child may be sent to an Apothecaries Shop without hazard of being imposed upon ; and nothing is sold that is not exceeding good , and at very moderate Rates . They sell all for ready Money , yet keep exact Books of what they sell , to whom , and by whose Prescription : so that the great Mischief of accidental or wilful Poysoning , so frequent in other Countries , is either quite avoided ; or if practiced , easily discovered and punished . The Government in the Country is managed , by dividing it into several Districts or Governments , called Stifts Ampts , whereof there are in all seven , of these , four are in Jutland , the other three in the Islands . Each of these is again subdivided into three lesser Jurisdictions , called Ampts. The Stifts-Ampts-man , or Governor of a County is commonly one of the best Quality and Fortune in that part of the Country ; and this Charge answers to that of Lord Lieutenant of our Counties in England , or rather of Intendant in France . The Ampt-man , or under-Governor of a Hundred , or Balliage , is generally a Gentleman of lesser Fortune , who resides in the principal Town of his District , and takes care of all Matters relating to the Publick : as convenient quartering of Soldiers , providing for their March , collecting the King's Revenues , giving orders to the Peasants when employed about Publick Works , or when the King travels . All this they do themselves , or by inferiour Officers , like our Bailiffs and Constables . These Employments are for the most part given by the King during life , and are the principal Rewards of such as have well deserved : he that has served long and faithfully as a Forreign Minister , or in any other considerable Civil Post , is usually promoted upon a vacancy to be Stifts-Ampt-man of his Province ; provided his Estate and Interest there be some way correspondent . The Grooms of the King's Bed chamber , and other Officers of the Court , upon their Marriage , or retiring from Court , are gratified with an Ampt , and sent to live at home ; provided they have served long , and be in any favour . The King pays to each of these a yearly Salary out of his Treasury ; to a Stifts-Ampts man a thousand Crowns a year , to an Ampt-man four hundred Crowns . The principal Advantages they reap from these Employments , are these : First , That being more considered and favoured at Court than others , they escape better at the time of a Publick Tax , and can often find means to ease the Burthen off their own Lands by inhancing it upon others ; neither will the Court willingly give ear to Complaints against them . Secondly , They are very much honoured and feared at home , and have the Privilege to domineer over the Peasants , and other their inferiours without control , unless they do it too grosly , and beyond measure . Before I conclude this Chapter , I think it very pertinent to take notice , That in Denmark there are no Seditions , Mutinies , or Libels against the Government ; but all the People either are or appear to be Lovers of their King , notwithstanding their ill Treatment , and the hardships they groan under . And I suppose one principal Reason of this to be the Equality of the Taxes , and the manner of Taxing . It is not to be imagined by those that see it not , what a comfort it is to the Sufferers to be ill used alike ; for Poverty and Riches being only such in proportion ; provided men be treated like their Neighbours , they grumble not ; that which vexes the Oppressed in most Countries , ( especially the Common People , who are more than ordinary envious ) is to see their County , their Parish , or their House taxed more in proportion than their Neighbours : and they have reason to be discontented at this , for it brings real Poverty upon those that are over-taxed ; it does not diminish the general Stock of the Subjects Money , which would keep all Commodities and Necessaries at equal and moderate Rates ; but picks particular mens Pockets , whilst it leaves others rich and able to profit by the Necessities of the Poor . 'T is a certain sign of an ill Government where there are abundance of Laws ; but 't is no certain sign of a good one , where there are but a few , as is plain in the case of Denmark . However , this Blessing of few and good Laws , is like a Grain of Consolation to sweeten a World of Bitterness , and enables them to bear their other Hardships with more Ease and Patience . CHAP. XVI . The State of Religion , of the Clergy , and Learning , &c. WHEN the Corruptions of the Roman Church grew so intolerable to many Nations in Europe , that an Universal Reformation became necessary , Denmark , among the rest of the Northern Countries ( which had been less managed and more abused by the Priests than the Southern ) shook off that yoke , and instead of the Roman-Catholick , embraced the Doctrine and Opinions of Martin Luther . King Frederick the First , about one hundred and fifty years since , brought these in , and established them so generally in his Dominions , that at this day there is no other Religion here professed than the Lutheran , if we will except the little Reformed French Church of Copenhagen , set up by the Queen , and one Popish Chappel at Glucstadt , permitted about ten years ago to a few Popish Families in those parts ; which is the first that has been since the Reformation . This great Unity in belief in the North ( for Sweden has it as well as Denmark ) is owing to the Sincerity of those Princes that began the Reformation there : for it is likely they did it upon a pure religious account , and therefore went effectually to work in the Conversion of all their Subjects , using proper means for such a purpose ; whereas in England , and elsewhere , Reasons of State and other By-ends , had at least as great a share in it as Conviction of Conscience ; so that the business was done by halves , through the unsettledness of our Princes in their Opinions , who encouraged or connived at a dissenting Party , according as their worldly Interests led them . The vast convenience to any Prince of having all his Subjects of one Opinion , is visible in Denmark ; where there are no Factions nor Disputes about Religion , which usually have a great influence on any Government ; but all are of one Mind , as to the way of Salvation , and as to the Duty they owe their Soveraign . This cuts off occasion of Rebellion and Mutiny from many , who otherwise would desire it , and seem to have reason enough , because of the heavy pressures they lye under . As long as the Priests are entirely dependant upon the Crown , and the People absolutely governed by the Priests in Matters of Conscience , as they are here , the Prince may be as Arbitrary as he pleases , without running any risque from his Subjects : in due consideration of which benefit , the Clergy are very much favoured , and have full scope given them to be as bigotted as they please ; which indeed they are to a very great degree , having no common Charity for any that differ from them in Opinion , except the Church of England ; and to that they are very kind , often saying , That there is no Essential Difference between it and theirs , and wishing that therewere an union of them projected and perfected : wherein their Design is not so much to reduce our Ecclesiasticks to the low estate theirs are in , as to raise their own to the Splendor and Revenues of ours ; which are the principal Vertues they admire in us . They have cast off the Opinions of Rome in the Supremacy of the Pope , and other Points ; but they would retain the Grandeur belonging to that Church , and applaud us for doing both so dexterously : so that I am confident the business of Consubstantiation would make no difference , did Princes think it worth their while to promote this Union . On the other side , the Calvinist is hated by them as much as the Papist ; and the reason they give is , because he is against absolute Monarchy , and has a resisting Principle . Notwithstanding this Flattery of the Court , they are not admitted into civil Affairs , nor have any thing to do in the Government : neither are they encouraged to appear about Court , or on Publick Occasions ; the Pulpit is their Province , and it is left free to them . Here they take a vast Liberty of Reprehending not only Vices , but particular persons of the highest quality , which no body takes notice of , as long as they keep to their own Trade . The common People admire them for this boldness , and the best Subsistence of the Priests in Cities and Towns being voluntary Benevolence , they take care to cultivate the good Opinion of the Mobb , whom they keep likewise in awe by the practice of Confession before they Administer the Sacrament , which every one that receives is obliged to undergo ; and this they retain of the Romish Church , as well as Crucifixes , and other Ceremonies . There are six Superintendants in Denmark , who take it very kindly to be called Bishops , and My Lord ; viz. one in Zealand , one in Funen , and four in Jutland There are also four in Norway . These have no Temporalities , keep no Ecclesiastical Courts , have no Cathedrals , with Prebends , Canons , Deans , Subdeans , &c. But are only primi inter pares ; having the Rank above the inferiour Clergy of their Province , and the inspection into their Doctrine and Manners . The Revenue of the Bishop of Copenhagen is about Two thousand Rix Dollars yearly ; the other Bishops of Denmark have about Fifteen hundred Rix Dollars , and of Norway One thousand Rix Dollars ; they are allowed to have two or three Parishes each ; their Habit is common with that of the other Ministers , viz. A plaited black Gown , with short Sleeves , a large stiff Ruff about the Neck , and a Cap with Edges , like our Masters of Art , except that theirs is round , and the others square . Most of them understand English , and draw the very best of their Divinity , as they confess themselves , out of English Books . Many of them have studied in Oxford , who are more valued than the others ; they are very constant Preachers , and never read their Sermons , but pronounce them with a great deal of Action . Holy-days and Fast-days are observed as solemnly as Sundays ; and in Copenhagen the City Gates are close shut during Sermon time , so that no body can go in or out . The Commonalty are great frequenters of the Churches , which are kept much more decently , cleanly , and better adorned than with us : so that they look almost as gaudy as the Popish Churches . They are all great Lovers of Organs , and have many very good ones , with skilful Organists , who entertain the Congregation with Musick , during half an hour , either before or after Service . Denmark has formerly produced very Learned Men , Such as the famous Mathematician Tycho-Brahe , the Bartholines for Physick and Anatomy , Borichius , who died lately , and bequeathed a considerable Legacy to the University of Copenhagen . But at present Learning is there at a very low Ebb ; yet Latin is more commonly spoken by the Clergy than with us . The Books that come out in Print are very few , and those only some dull Treatises of Controversy against the Papists and Calvinists . The Belles Lettres , or Gentile Learning are very much strangers here , and will hardly be introduced till a greater affluence among the Gentry makes way for them . It is said that Necessity is the Mother of Invention ; which may be true in some degree , but I am sure too much Necessity depresses the Spirits , and destroys it quite ; neither is there any Invention here , or tolerable Imitation of what is brought in to them by Strangers . There is but one University , which is at Copenhagen , and that mean enough in all respects ; neither the Building nor Revenues being comparable to those of the worst of our single Colledges . The Students wear black Cloaks , and live scattered about the Town , after the manner of those in Leyden . Some of the Professors live in the House . Every year on the King's Birth day they have a kind of Act ; the King honours them with his presence , and the Rector Magnificus harangues him with a Latin Speech , full of as fulsome Flattery , as if Louis le Grand were the Monarch to be entertained , and a fawning Jesuit the Orator . At certain Periods there are a few Danish Verses sung by the ordinary singing Boys to very indifferent Musick ; and so the Farce ends . There was in this King's Father's time an University at Sora , a Town very pleasantly situated about Forty miles from the City , where the Lodgings and Conveniencies for studying much exceeded those of Copenhagen : But the King had occasion for the Revennes ; so that now it is desolate , and in its stead only a small Grammar-shool erected . The Provisions for the Poor are very inconsiderable ; formerly there was a pretty store of Hospitals scatter'd up and down the Country , but at present the Revenues of most of these are diverted to other uses , and those not Publick ones . To conclude ; I never knew any Country where the Minds of the People were more of one calibre and pitch than here ; you shall meet with none of extraordinary Parts or Qualifications , or excellent in particular Studies and Trades ; you see no Enthusiasts , Mad-men , Natural Fools , or fanciful Folks ; but a certain equality of Understanding reigns among them : every one keeps the ordinary beaten road of sense , which in this Country is neitherthe fairest nor the foulest , without deviating to the right or left ; yet I will add this one Remark to their praise , that the Common People do generally write and read . The CONCLUSION . IT has been a great Mistake among us , That the Popish Religion is the only one , of all the Christian Sects , proper to introduce and establish Slavery in a Nation , insomuch that Popery and Slavery have been thought inseparable : not to derogate from the merit of the Roman-Catholick Perswasion , which has been the Darling of so many Monarchs upon that account ; I shall make bold to say that other Religions , and particularly the Lutheran , has succeeded as effectually in this Design as ever Popery did . ' T is confest indeed that Popery would certainly introduce Slavery , but 't is denied that the last cannot come in without the assistance of the former ; and whoever takes the pains to visit the Protestant Countries abroad , who have lost their Liberty even since they changed their Religion for a better , will be convinced that it is not Popery as such , but the Doctrine of a blind Obedience in what Religion soever it be found , that is the destruction of the Liberty , and consequently of all the Happiness of any Nation . Nay , I am Perswaded that many are satisfied the late King James's Attempts to bring in Popery was the principal thing which rescued our Liberties from being entirely swallowed up ; there seeming in his Reign , through the Interest and Dishonesty of some , the Dissoluteness , Laziness , and Ignorance of others , to have been ( in many mens Opinions ) a general tendency towards Slavery , which would scarcely have been vigorously enough opposed , had he left the business of Religion untouched ; and if once introduced , it had been maintained more effectually than in the days of Popery ; I say more effectually , because the dependance which the Romish Clergy and Monks have on the Church of Rome , causes often a clashing of Interests , and derogates from that intire Obedience the Subjects owe to the Prince , which is preached up by that Church , as often as the Sovereign acts according to their direction , and down again whenever he displeases them ; whereof we have had frequent Examples in this Kingdom of England , where there have been Bishops and Abbots in the days of Popery , as zealous Assertors of the Liberties of the People , as any Lay-men could be , whether out of a true Principle , or not , I will not determine ; but Occasions have been taken by them to raise Tumults and Wars , and in the Scuffle the Liberties of the People ( of which both King and Church-men strove who should be the Masters ) have escaped untouched : but in Denmark , as well as other Protestant Countries of the North , through the entire and sole dependance of the Clergy upon the Prince , without the interfering of the Authority of any Spiritual Superior , such as that of the Pope among the Romanists : through their Principles and Doctrine , which are those of unlimited Obedience ; through the Authority they have with the Common People , &c slavery seems to be more absolutely established than it is in France ; as in effect it is more practised ; for that King's Subjects are better treated ; there is a Name of a Parliament at Paris , and other great Towns , tho they meet for no other end , but to verify the King's Edicts ; there is a formal Demand made of a Benevolence , or Don Gratuit in some Provinces , which probably they have not the power to deny ; there is an encouragement of Trade , Manufactures , Learning , &c. all tending to the good of the People . Besides , we see by experience , that that King often has great quarrels with the Court of Rome , which whensoever his power is reduced to a lower ebb , that his Clergy are not over-awed by it , may produce such Divisions and Disturbances as possibly some Sparks of the People's Liberty may again proceed from the collision of two such hard Rocks : but in the Countries I have Spoken of , there is no hope of any Such resource ; all is swallowed up in the King ; Temporals and Spirituals , Soul , Body , Estate , and Conscience ; the Army and the Priests are two sure Cards : the Prince that has one of them on his side , can hardly fail ; but he that has both depending on him , need fear nothing from his own Subjects , let him use them never so ill . Much has been spoken and written by several Authors of the rigor of the Turkish Government , let us consider some particulars of it by way of comparison . The Turks are the Conquerors of the Christians in the Countries they have over-run , and have a sort of barbarous Right to use them ill ; yet they never persecute them upon account of Conscience ; they suffer them for the most part to inhabit and cultivate their own Lands without disturbance , paying only a Caratch yearly for Tribute ; which as I have been informed by a Minister of his Imperial Majesty's , amounted in Hungary , Sclavonia , Servia , and Bosnia , only to about ten Dollars for an ordinary Family in time of Peace , and during a War nothing . It is true , the Propriety of all Lands in Turky is in the Grand Signior ; but whether it be not better to be only a Farmer at an easie Rent , than to have the Name of a Proprietor prietor without a comfortable Subsistence , and in effect to be Master of Nothing , I leave the Reader to judge . The forcing away Children from the poor Christian Parents , is accounted a great hardship , though it be for the worldly Profit and Advancement of those Children ; bating the point of Religion , it is a far less Mischief to deprive Parents of their Sons and Daughters , in order to maintain them well , than to leave a heavy Charge upon their Hands , after having taken away the possibility of Nourishing and Educating them . The Sun , Soil , Climate , and Situation , with other Natural Advantages of the Grand Signior's Dominions , as to Profit and Pleasure , are infinitely beyond those of other Northern Countries that we are acquainted with . In Turky the Harbours are always open , except some few places in the Black Sea ; whereas here they are frozen up three or four Months in the Year . There the Fruits , Flesh , Corn and Herbs , have double the Virtue and Nourishment they have here ; the Wine there is good and plentiful , and the very Water wholsome and pleasant ; here the first is scarce , and the last very bad . In a word , in some Christian Countries of Europe , there seems to be most of the Mischiefs of a Turkish Government in an infinitely worse Climate : Besides , we are to consider , that the Turks themselves , who are Lords and Masters , live well and pleasantly , and it is their conquered Slaves whom they use in the manner above-mentioned . If it be enquired , Whether Matters are like to last at the same rate they are now at in Denmark ? Though nothing be more fallacious than a Judgment made of the future , I shall not omit speaking a few words in answer . Many reasons might persuade one to think , that the Government upon the bottom it stands cannot last long . As in the first place , that natural Love of Liberty , which resided formerly in the Northern Nations more eminently than in other Parts of the World. What can be expected less from the Descendants of the ancient Goths and Vandals , who propagated and establish'd Liberty in so many other Countries , than to shake a heavy Yoak off themselves , which their Forefathers were not able to bear ? especially since this Yoak is so extraordinary grievous , that the Chains which the Neighbouring Countries wear , are but Ornamental ones , if compared with theirs . Secondly , The freshness and newness of this Alteration of their Condition . It being no more than thirty two years since it happened ; and many remaining yet alive , who remember the days of Liberty , and in their private Discourses with their Friends and Children make Comparison between the past and present times , and condole with them the loss of so great a Blessing ; it might seem that the Opinion of the present Government 's not being sufficiently rooted , nor having gained Authority by length of time to settle , should encourage those that find themselves grieved , to think of Methods tending to a Change. Thirdly , The Neighbourhood of the Swedes , who have still their Eye upon Denmark , and long to be sole Monarchs of the North , and Masters of the Baltick-Sea . Now the Burden being so great as it is , one would think the Natives , in hopes of Ease , would rather wish for , than defend their Countrey from an Invader ; because they have little or no Property to lose , and imagine there is scarce a possibility of changing for the worse . Fourthly , The numerousness of the Royal Family . There being four Princes , it will be rare if Concord be maintained among them all , especially since the younger are like to be but meanly provided for : so that frequent Occasions may be taken from Quarrels and Disputes ( which possibly in future times may arise among them ) of doing something in favour of Liberty . These Reasons might cause one to make a Judgment , that the Danish Government could not long subsist as it is . But on the other hand , there are no less weighty ones which would induce to believe the contrary : For , first , the ancient Love of Liberty seems to be quite extinct in the North ; and in its place to have succeeded the conveniencies of a dull Obedience . A miserable Life which jogs on at the same heavy rate , has a mixture of Melancholy Ease with it , which is preferred before those sudden Accidents , and brisk Traverses of Fortune which Commotions would occasion ; especially by a People naturally of an unactive Body and heavy Spirit , depressed by their Misfortunes , which are now group up with them , and become their familiar Companions . In the second place , the Newness of the Alteration of the Government seems to have little or no influence at present upon the People : for the King has taken such care by reducing Ancient and Rich Families to a low Estate , by raising new ones , by making all the People poor in Spirit , as well as Purse ; that thirty two years has had an effect conducing to his purpose , as much as three hundred could have done : Insomuch that I verily believe , the Danes do now really love Servitude ; and like the Cappadocians of old , could not make use of Liberty if it were offered them ; but would throw it away if they had it , and resume their Chains . Possibly they would wish them less weighty , but Chains they could not live without . If there be one or two among so many thousands who are of contrary Sentiments , they dare not so much as mutter them to their own Children , nor would be heard with patience if . they did . Thirdly , The Unity of Religion , and the Opinions , together with the Authority of the Priests , seems to have cut away the root of Sedition , from whence Alterations might proceed . Fourthly , A standing Army composed for the most part of Foreigners , who have no value for the Natives , nor any concern for their welfare . The Court seems to have had this in its eye , when it raised and maintained such an Army , but in process of time the Army is become the People ; that is to say , the only thing worth the King's Care and Affection ; and the People nothing , so that no Designs , tending to a Revolution , are to be feared from them . Fifthly , The Swedes treat their own Subjects at such a rate as gives the Danes but little Prospect of benefit by a Change ; and besides , there is such a fixed hatred between these two Nations , by reason of the Injuries they have so often given and received , that it is thought impossible that the Danes , who have been for the most part the Aggressors , as well as the sufferers , can ever forgive them . Many judicious Persons do think however , that the Swede would find means to overcome these Difficulties , did not the Discontents he has rais'd at home , make War dangerous to him , and the interest of almost all the other Princes of Europe concur in the Preservation of the Danes , under the Domination of their own King , by obstructing any further Accession of Power and Territories to the Swedes . And this is certainly such a Bar as cannot be leaped over , so that little of Alteration seems to be expected in Denmark from hence . Lastly , Those Jealousies which use to reign in the Families of Princes , are not so common nor fatal in Germany as elsewhere : The King of Denmark is a German Prince himself , and 't is likely will find such Means of preferring his younger Sons , as may content them , either by breeding them up to the War ( which is the most ordinary way ) or by assigning them Appanages in convenient Places not liable to dispute ; besides , it is no rare thing in Germany to see Princes satisfied with very moderate Revenues . So that the commonness of the thing takes away the Discontent which might arise in high-born Spirits , by reason of the lowness of their Fortunes ; and if any Wars be in Europe , thither they all run to get Bread , and Reputation . What else should we do for a Stock of Generals in such Havock as the present Wars make of them ? therefore nothing of Intestine Commotions seems to be reasonably expected from hence , that shall alter the Form of Government ; and from all these Reasons it may be concluded , That the present State is fix'd and durable , and that the People with great difficulty may perhaps change their Masters , but never their Condition . FINIS . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A51114-e820 Cunctas Nationes & Urbes populus aut primores aut singuli regunt ; delecta exhis , & constituta Reipublicae sorma laudari facilius quam evenire , vel fi evenit haud diuturna esse potest . Tacit. lib. 4. Annal. Notes for div A51114-e3720 The Exportation of Oak-Timber is forbidden . Furono veramente tutti i Re da principio Capi e non Re , di Republiche e non di regni : ma poi il lungo uso ha fatto che i popoli si siano disposti all habito dell ' intiera ubbidienza , come apunte suole assuefarsi una pianta e un corpo humano a vivere , in terreno e sotto clima diverso dal suo naturale . Card. Bentivoglio . Relatione delle Provincie Unite di Flandra , lib. 3. This was once known in England , when the Lord Dane or Danish Soldier , quartered in the English Yeoman's House , and domineer'd to purpose . Whence came the Nick-name of Lazy Loydane . Raised most in Norway . Note , that these 7 Regiments were greater before that Battalions were taken out of each of them which were sold to his Majesty , and now serve under the Duke of Wirtemberg's Command in Flanders . Hudib . England . Sweden . Quae apud concordes vincula caritatis , i●citamenta irarum apud infensos erant . Tacit. Duke of Lunenburg . Hamburg . Brandenburg . Duke of Holstein . The Emperor . Poland . Duke of Courland . Holland . France . Spain and Portugal . Saxony . Bishop of Munster Tacitus ; Corruptissima Republica plurimae leges .