Denmark vindicated being an answer to a late treatise called An account of Denmark, as it was in the year 1692, sent from a gentleman in the country, to his friend in London. Crull, J. (Jodocus), d. 1713? 1694 Approx. 300 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 116 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2003-01 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A35311 Wing C7426 ESTC R16639 12256049 ocm 12256049 57496 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A35311) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 57496) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 888:7) Denmark vindicated being an answer to a late treatise called An account of Denmark, as it was in the year 1692, sent from a gentleman in the country, to his friend in London. Crull, J. (Jodocus), d. 1713? [14], 216, [1] p. Printed for Tho. Newborough ... and Ed. Mory ..., London : 1694. Reproduction of original in Huntington Library. Attributed Jodocus Crull. cf. BM. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. 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Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Molesworth, Robert Molesworth, -- Viscount, 1656-1725. -- Account of Denmark as it was in the year 1692. Denmark -- History -- Early works to 1800. 2000-00 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2001-08 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2001-09 TCP Staff (Michigan) Sampled and proofread 2001-11 TCP Staff (Michigan) Text and markup reviewed and edited 2001-12 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion Denmark Uindicated : BEING AN ANSVVER To a late Treatise called , An ACCOUNT of Denmark , As it was in the Year 1692. Sent from a Gentleman in the Country , to his Friend in London . Corn. Nep. Haec praecipienda videntur lectoribus , ne alienos mores ad suos referant ; neve ea , quae ipsis leviora sunt , pari modo apud caeteros fuisse arbitrentur . Terent. Faciunt , n●● , intelligendo ut nihil intelligant . LONDON : Printed for Tho. Newborough at the Golden-Ball ; and Ed. Mory at the 3 Bibles in St. Paul's Church-yard , 1694. TO HIS ROYAL HIGHNESS The Most Illustrious PRINCE GEORGE , Only Brother to His MAJESTY , the Present King of Denmark . May it please Your Royal Highness , AS true History transmits to posterity the good and bad Counsels not only , but also the most Famous Actions of Great Men ; so Princes , and Men of the first Rank , seem more particularly concern'd in maintaining its Sacred Laws against such as prompted either by their Vanity or Malice , endeavour too frequently to pervert the same . I having undertaken in this present Treatise , to vindicate in some measure the KINGDOM of DENMARK , against a nameless Author , who , ( as much as in him lays ) has endeavoured to misrepresent the State of your R. H's Native Country , and the most antient Rights of your Royal Family in Denmark : I thought I should appear to the World to be wanting in my Duty to your R. Highness , and to deviate from that profound Veneration , which I have always paid to your R. H's most eminent Vertues of Valour , Moderation and Love of Truth ; it if I should have committed this Work to the protection of another , which I was sensible ought to implore no other , but that of your Royal Highnesses . My chief aim in this Undertaking has been to undeceive such , as being not acquainted with the true State of Denmark , might be apt to mistake fair shining appearances , for the Truth it self ; wherein , as I have soughtmore for the Satisfaction of being approved of by the most understanding sort , than the multitude ( whose applauses I never sought , nor valued . ) So , if I have been able to contribute any thing in this Matter , which may meet with the least Approbation from a PRINCE , who by his BIRTH , and exquisite KNOWLEDG of the Constitutions of his Native Country , and the Prerogatives of his Royal Ancestors , is the most unquestionable judge of this Vindication : I shall always esteem it as the greatest honour , which I could pretend to in this undertaking . Pompous words ( the common ingredient of our new-fashion'd Dedications ) being the Scorn of great Souls , ought not to be brought into your R. H's Presence . But instead of these , I will offer my fervent Prayers to Heaven for the Prosperity of your R. H. and your most illustrious Family , humbly intreating your R. H. graciously to accept of this as an unfeigned Testimony of my constant Zeal for your R. H's Service , and begging leave to call my self , Your Royal Highness's Most Humble and Devoted Servant , J. C. A LETTER FROM A GENTLEMAN in the Country , TO HIS FRIEND in LONDON . SIR , NExt to the most acceptable News of your health , nothing could at this time have been more welcome to me in my retirement , than the Book you sent me concerning the present State of Denmark ; which , as it has , with pleasure revived in me the remembrance of such Matters , as forme●ly I had observed in those Northern Countries ; so the reading of it at such intervals as were free from the usual jollities of the Christmas Holy-Days , has afforded no small variety to me , when tir'd with the diversions , this Season particularly allows us in the Country . I had some days before I received yours , heard a most advantageous Character of the said Book , from some Gentlemen , who being Fellows , if not the Heads of a State-Reforming Society in London , were come , partly to pass the Holy-Days in the Country , partly to communicate to their Friends here , the Results of their grave Debates in their several London Clubs , and had among other State Censuring Pamphlets ( as I understood ) recommended this Treatise as a singular piece , fit to improve the Knowledge of all such as desired to be instructed in State Affairs . The Truth is , knowing these Gentlemen to be of a Society , the Members whereof I know not by what antient Title , which they deduce even from the times of the Romans , claim a prerogative of Censuring not only foreign States , but also our own in particular , as often as Matters do not fully answer the ends of their wise Consultations : I had a more than common Curiosity , to peruse a Treatise , which they seemed to be so fond of , even to admiration . But , as soon as I found the Title Page not only without the Author's Name ( which seems so requisite to give an Authority to Historical Treatises , that I do not see how any body can challenge a belief from his judicious Reader without it ) but also the Printer's omitted ; the work seem'd to me at the very first sight , to carry with it a shrewd suspicion , if not of downright falshood , at least of an unanswerable partiality . And to speak freely , when immediately after in the Preface , so disproportionable both to the nature and ●igness of the Treatise , there appeared to me every where the foot-steps of a conceited Home-breeding , and every Leaf almost stuft up with the Praise of This , and the Diminution and Undervaluing of other Countries , confirmed with far fetch'd Arguments , devised on purpose rather to amuse and ensnare , than impartially to instruct the Reader● I did conclude , that our unknown Author's inten●ion was to give us a Novel , such as the Turkish Spy , or the like ( wherein of late years some have taken a priviledge to intermingle Truth with their own Inventions , accommodating the whole more to their own Fancies , or else to the Humors of such as they seek to please , than to the sacred Laws of History ) but not a true and impartial Account of the present State of Denmark . When soon after my Curiosity did lead me to make a true comparison betwixt the most remarkable passages related in this Treatise , and such Matters as either my memory or observations , which I had made some years ago , when conversant in those Countries , as also the correspondence of my Friends from thence had furnished me withal ; I was sufficiently convinced , that in the most concerns of Moment our Author had endeavoured , by an affected Stile , rather to adapt the whole to his Conceits in the Preface , than the Preface to the Work. The gross and unaccountable Comparison especially , made betwixt the Northern parts of the World and the Turkish Government , nay , even the preferring the latter before the others may . I think , serve , as an undeniable Argument to all unbyass'd Persons , That the Author did not intend to give us a just account of those Countries , but under a Romantick Cover of Arbitrary Power , to represent Tyranny in its worst shape to the English Nation . And as this is plainly apparent out of several passages of the said Book , so it seems to be the only excuse that can be made for these extravagancies and groundless Aspersions , so little suitable to the rules of true History , wherewith it is filled up from the beginning of the Preface , to the very conclusion . Certainly , if this Author's Intention had been to give a warrantable Account of Denmark , it would have been much more glorious and consonant to the practice of all civilized Nations , to have imitated the frankness and integrity of the antient Romans , whom he seems so much to admire , and more particularly , that of Tacitus in his Book , which he writ concerning the Germans in his Time. Those , who see this Author quoted , not only in the Title page , but also in several places afterwards , will scarce believe that any other , but the above mentioned Reason could induce our Author , to recede so far from the Method of an approved Historian ; and the so much applauded moderation of him , whom he himself praises as the greatest of Politicians of his Time. Neither will the difference which some pretend to have found out betwixt those Times and our Age , be a sufficient excuse for this new-invented way of writing ; since , if our Author had been more taken with an Ambition to imitate Modern than antient Writers in this kind , there are not wanting Examples among them of undeniable Sincerity and Modesty . The Memoirs of Villeroy , and the Letters of Cardinal D● Ossat have deserved such praises from the most unbyassed , and eminent Politicians , that he need not have been ashamed to tread in their footsteps . Even the Northern parts , where our Author falsly imagines all Learning to be extinguished , can furnish him with a Pattern of this Kind in their imcomparable Monzam bano , of the State of the German Empire ; according to which , if he had regulated himself , he would not have scattered such abundance of ill grounded Reflections against many Illustrious Persons , and had better deserved the Name of a true Historian . But , if nothing of Foreign Vertue could be charming enough to our Author , the living Examples either of Sir William Temple , or of the so much celebrated Dr. Burnet , now Bishop of Salisbury , in his Observations especially made , concerning his Travels , and published some years ago , ought to have excited him to deserve the same Character ; except our Author has an in born Aversion to any thing that has the least relation to the North. To conclude ; this Author seems to be a great Admirer , and to have adapted the whole Work to the Doctrine of some political Doctors among us ; who having gathered their phantastical Notions of a Platonick Government without Faults , out of such antient Philosophers , as used to fight Battels in their Studies , and with florid Speeches infuse their Conceits of Governing into their Auditors , do very industriously labour to spread their vain Opinion , to the great disadvantage of the State. And I think , the whole Work may serve as a convincing Instance , to shew the World how difficult it is to shake off such Prejudices , as are implanted in our tender Age , and have in process of time taken root with us ; so that it is manifest , that ( notwithstanding our Author's Opinion in his Preface ) Travelling too late proves sometimes as ineffectual , as going abroad too young . This being , what in general may justly be said of this Treatise , I have communicated to you with the same freedom , as I thought was becoming our Friendship , and the satisfaction I always take in contributing any thing to your Curiosity . But the particular consideration of the whole much exceeding the compass of a Letter , I have in the enclosed Papers set down such impartial animadversions , as seemed to me necessary towards the explaining of the chief points in the whole Treatise , wherein if I have added any thing to your satisfaction , it fully answers the ends of him , who , Sir , always will be Your affectionate Friend and Servant . January 16. 1693 / 4. REMARKS UPON THE PREFACE . BOOKS without their Author's Names , being like Bastards , who cannot claim the least Prerogative from their Parentage , ought questionless to challenge no other Authority but what is derived from their own Deserts . And tho' it is not to be denyed , but that sometimes the Circumstances of time and place may be a good Plea to some Authors , who have disguised themselves under fictitious Names ; or else set none at all to their judicious Pieces . Yet it must also be owned , That whenever they have transgressed the Rules of true Sincerity and Modesty , and endeavoured rather to recommend themselves to the Reader by their pompous Words , than approved Truth , they have deservedly incurred the Censures of all Judicious and Unbyassed Persons . If the Author of the Treatise , called , An Account of Denmark , had made the least Reflection ( as he ought to have done ) upon this , certainly he would not have been so much pre-possessed with the Vanity of his own Inventions , as to believe , That the same , tho' never so gaudily dress'd up with fine Words , and adorned with fair Suppositions , could be received as a Truth among the more sensible part of Mankind . But to come to the Matter it self ; Health and Liberty are , without dispute , the greatest natural Blessings Mankind is capable of enjoying , says our Author at the very beginning of his Preface . That Health and Liberty , duly considered , are Two precious Jewels , scarce sufficiently to be valued , has never been questioned in this part of the World , But since Physicians themselves do not agree in the true nature of the First , as admitting of several Degrees , and being scarce ever to be found in its due Perfection ; and the Degrees of the Second , being by all Judicious Politicians , adapted to the several Constitutions of those Countries , and Inhabitants where the same is to be exercised , our Author would have done very prudently to have have given us a more clear and satisfactory Notion of the true Nature of both . So do we see Phantastical Ladies , tho' ( according to their natural Constitution in good Health ) affect sometimes to be leaner , sometimes fatter ; sometimes to nauseate a small Pimple , or even their natural Colour ; sometimes imagining ( tho' falsely ) I know not what Indisposition in their Body ; and by Vomits , repelling Medicines , and other destructive Methods , bring upon themselves dangerous Diseases . And how often the mistaken Rules of Liberty , have proved not only troublesome , but also fatal , the Histories of all Ages do abundantly testifie . It had therefore , in my Judgment , been more suitable to the nature of an Historical Treatise , and the Circumstances also of our present Enjoyment of sufficient Liberty , under the Conduct of a Wise and Just King , to have given a true Scheme of moderate Liberty , than to represent to us at this time a Romantick Notion of the same , by fetching the Italian out of his own Country , and transferring of him into Greenland ; for these are his Words : But as an Italian that passes a Winter in Greenland , will soon be convinced how much Misery he endures , in comparison of those who dwell in his native Country ; so he that knows by Experience the Trouble of a languishing Sickness , or the loss of Liberty , &c. He need not have sent him so far , since the Highlands in Scotland would have made him sensible enough of the Difference ; and yet I have known Italians , who would not change their Habitations which they had in the Northern Parts , with the fruitful Champaign of the Ferrarese , and other the Pope's Dominions . From hence he falls abruptly upon the Two different ways of profiting , either by our own , or other Peoples Experience , and recommending the latter , ( and certainly no body who has common Sense would do otherwise ) returns quietly to his beloved Panegyrick of Liberty : Thus he says : Want of Liberty is a Disease in any Society , or Body Politick , like want of Health in any particular Person . This Passage I could not forbear smiling at , when I considered with what Caution our Author had avoided to give the least Limitation of Liberty ; tho' it is evident , that a proper Epithete would have taken away all occasion of a sinister Interpretation . Surely he that seems so well versed in the ancient Greek and Roman History , cannot but remember , that it was the immoderate Liberty of Greece , the famous Nursery of his so much admired Philosophers ; which was the chief Cause of the Ruin of so flourishing a Country . I speak this upon the Credit of one , who living in a free Common-wealth , and being the greatest Admirer and Maintainer of a lawful Liberty , is an unquestionable Judge in this Case ; I mean Cicero ; his Words are these : Graecorum totae respublicae sedentis concionis temeritate administrantur . Itaque ut hanc Graeciam , quae jam diu suis consiliis perculsae & afflicta est , omittam : Ea vetus , quae quondam opibus , imperio , gloria floruit , hoc uno malo concidit , libertate immoderat● atque licentia concionum . And that excess of Liberty is the same in the Body Politick , what excess of Blood ( tho' else the Treasure of Life ) is in a particular Person ; which if not timely taken away , causes Inflammations , Exulcerations , Phrensies , and other dangerous Diseases ; besides what is befallen the Strasburghers , by their too much nicety of Liberty , in refusing an Imperial Garrison ; those Civil Commotions and Intestine Wars which happened in our Father's Memory in the Kingdom of Poland , have been convincing Instances , and that too much Liberty is frequently the Spring of fatal Diseases in the Government . And when even to this Day we hear of their bloody Debates , where the Cimmetar often is the chief Argument in their Consultations at the Diet ; I will scarce believe , but that this may instruct any true thinking Englishmen , how much more desirable it is to enjoy an Equitable Portion of Liberty , than greedily to follow the Footsteps of such as too often transgress the Bounds of the same . Travel , says our Author , seems as necessary to one , who desires to be usefull to his Country , as practising upon other Men's Distempers , is to make an able Physician : For , though a Man may too frequently see the Misery of such , as are deprived of Health , without quitting his own Country ; yet , ( thanks to Providence ) he must go out of these Kingdoms , who would know experim●ntally the Want of publick Liberty . And since next to Providence our present happy Enjoyment of our legal Liberty , is owing to the Valour and Conduct of His Majesty ; Why then all this stir for Liberty ? Could not an impartial Account have been given of the Present State of Denmark , without a Romantick Preface fill'd up with Chimerical Notions ? Such a Piece as this would have been very excusable some Years ago , when we were in apparent Danger of losing both our Religion and Liberty ; And yet at that very time it has been observed , that those very Gentlemen who generally make the greatest Clamour for Liberty , and pretend to be the true Proselytes of the Ancient Grecians and Romans , were not the most forward of maintaining , and publickly asserting it . What concerns the Usefulness of Travelling , it was , I think , never denied among understanding Men : and if in representing the same , this Gentleman had avoided the nauseous Praises of this , and the undervaluing of other Countries , I am certain , it would have had a much better Influence upon unbyass'd Persons , than can be expected from such hyperbolical Comparisons . But let us observe his Words : And this can be done by no Nation in the World so commodiously a● the English ; The Affluence of their Fortune , and Easiness in their private Affairs are evidently greater , than those of other People of Europe , &c. And immediately after ; In other Countries some Princes and Men of the first Quality may have Purses strong enough to bear the Expence , but few of the midling Sort venture upon it , &c. This is so manifestly contradictory to the Experience of all Travellers , that I cannot sufficiently admire how our Author could pretend to put it upon us . The Panegyrick of his Native Country , might have been interpreted as a pardonable Imitation of his so much beloved Ancient Philosophers ; But certainly he , who can affirm this for a Truth , must never have travelled any where , but by a direct Sea-voyage from England to Denmark : For if he had taken the Way thither through Holland , even some of the meanest Capacities in those Countries in his Journey would have informed him to the contrary . I appeal to all in this Case , who have made any Observation iu their Travels , especially in France , and I am sure I can affirm it upon my own Experience , what a Concourse of Foreigners there used to be some Years before this War in Paris , whereof so few were in Comparison of the rest , English , that I have often been admiring at it . And I remember very well , that when my Curiosity afterwards did lead me thither a second time , I made as strict an Enquiry as possibly I could , about the Number of Foreigners in Paris , ( besides those in the Country ) where I was informed by such as in all probability were the most likely to give a true Judgment of this Matter , That they did esteem the Number of Foreigners there , to amount of late Years to betwixt sixteen and twenty Thousand ; whereof one half were supposed to be Germans . I have often afterwards heard the same confirmed since , by such as came from thence : and , as I have seen my self ; the most of those live up to the Port of Gentlemen in a Place , where every thing is very dear to Strangers ; we must either conclude , that all those were either Princes , or Men of the first Quality , or that he had his Supposition , That few of the midling Sort venture at travelling , from no Authentick Hand . And though this be more conspicuous in France , aud especially in Paris ; yet the same may evidently enough also be observed in other Countries , as in England , Italy , Holland , and the most Parts of Germany . I have been in the latter of those Countries conversant for a good many Years , and at several times ; and as I always took no small delight in the Gravity of the German Tongue , so I was very careful in making the most exact Observations I possibly could ; and I must needs acknowledge , that scarce any Nation in the World bestows more Labour , and Money upon the Breeding , and thoroughly qualifying their Male-Children , than the Germans . Not to speak now of the first Degrees of Education ( because I shall say more of that by and by ) they reckon Travelling so necessary and requisite towards the accomplishing of a Gentleman , that those who have not had the Opportunity of seeing other Countries but their own , must be of Eminent Quality , if they are preferred to any Place of Moment . They used formerly to send their Sons especially into Italy , but the Reservedness of the Italians being not found so convenient towards the obtaining the Ends of Travelling , the frankness of the French , and the Necessity there was , in the most Courts of Germany , to be nearer acquainted with the French Tongue and Affairs , have drawn the Germans more into France of late Years , than into any other part of the World ; though I verily believe , That if a true Account could be made of Foreigners travelling in Italy and Holland , nay , even in this Country , ( not Merchants ) it would be found that near one Half of them are out of that Country . I appeal to such English as have been in Holland , and especially at Leiden , whether this Assertion be not manifestly true there , and those that have duly observed , what great Numbers of Foreigners , pass only from the Northern parts ( so much despised by our Author ) by the way of Hamborough to Amsterdam , and from thence over Brussels to Paris , will , I believe , scarce question what I said before , concerning the Number of Foreigners in France . I very well remember , that during the time of some Years , I was at Leiden , I have often with great delight observed , how they used to come thither from the most remote Parts , as Prussia , Courland , Livonia , Sweden and Denmark , ( though most of those Countries have their own Universities ) and with great Expence endeavour to correct the Remnants of their home-breeding so common and mischievous to most Countries . If our Author had followed their laudable Example , and made his own Observations , instead of writing by hear-say ( as he needs must have done ) he would not so easily have undertaken to assert such a notorious Untruth . As that in other Countries , perhaps Princes and Men of the first Quality , but few of the midling Sort ( for want of Means ) venture upon it . He that will believe this , must be very little acquainted with the Affluence of the Fortunes of the Venetians , Genueses and Florentines , and the Dutch are so near us , that no body , but who is purblind may see the Effects of their Wealth . And though is is not to be denied , but that the German Nobility , by that Civil War which lasted twenty Years , and was not ended till with the Peace of Munster , and by other foreign Wars since , has been miserably afflicted in their Fortunes : Yet the Patricians and Inhabitants of so great a Number of large and populous Cities , as are to be found on the most famous Rivers , the Rhine , Danube , Elbe , Weser , and others , have fared much better , and the Damages sustained have been sooner repaired in that Country , than in most others , by the great Plenty there is of every thing . Even the Pomp and Multitude of their Courts , and numerousness of their Armies , for which the Germans have been blamed long since , are the constant Nurseries of a great many Noble Families , who raise themselves great Estates , and put out generally their ready Money in the neighbouring great Cities , from whence the Citizens draw as great Advantage in their Trade ; and the Nobility is thereby enabled in time of Want , either to uphold or to restore the Grandeur of their Families . I know my self , that about twenty Years ago , a certain Minister of State to the Duke of Holstein Gottorp , ( who is none of the most Potent in those Parts ) was esteemed to leave in real and personal Estate to the Value of 500000 l. viz. to three Sons , who have laid the Foundation to so many Rich and Noble Families . Notwithstanding all this , we may without detracting from other Countries say , That the English in general enjoy as great Conveniencies for travelling , as any Nation whatsoever . Our Situation in the Middle of the most flourishing and civilized Nations of Europe , and the continual Correspondence we have by our Trade in those parts , is , ( besides the Affluence of our Fortunes ) no small Encouragement to an English Traveller . But the Goodness of our Money , which exceeds much the currant Money of a great many other Nations , is an Advantage which a great many Foreigners who live remote from us , and are obliged to lose by their Bills from 20 to 30 per cent . would be very glad of . But that we may not travel beyond out reach , let us see what he farther says concerning Travelling . The Method which has been generally followed by us , in sending young Gentlemen to travel , can hardly answer any of these Ends , &c. We send them abroad Children , and bring them home great Boys ; and the Returns they make for the Expences laid out by their Parents , are suitable to their Age , &c. Bu● the Travelling here recommended is that of Men , who set out so well stock'd with the knowledge of their own Country , as to be able to compare it with others , &c. Here Here our Author pretends to instruct us how to travel with Profit ; but in such general Terms , that I am sure he that does not know it without it , will scarcely ever learn it from those Rules . He would have done very well to have explained what he meant by Children , great Boys , and Men , since the first are the most improper for travelling , and very seldom either in this or other Countries sent abroad ; and with the latter , if over-grown with Home-Education , it proves very often near as ineffectual as the first . But tho' I cannot well guess what he means by his great Boys ; if he understands those of a middle Age , betwixt Childhood and Manhood , I think they are the most fit to answer in general the Ends of Travelling . The practice of those Countries beyond Sea , where Travelling is most in fashion , has sufficiently confirmed , That the Age of Twenty , or thereabouts , is the most suitable for the first sending abroad of young People , it being the Age when young Men , first well instructed at home in the Principles of such several Professions as they intend to apply themselves to , may well prepared , and yet not too much pre-possessed with the knowledge of the Constitution and Manners of their own Country , gradually improve themselves by Travelling . This Rule I have observed to be generally followed in Europe , and especially in Germany ; where , as they travel most , so they may serve as a Pattern to such as intend to travel with any Benefit . After they have well instructed their Children in publick Schools , ( which are to be found in every City there , ) in the Latin Tongue , and Principles of Philosophy , till coming to the Age of 18. or 19. Years , they commonly send them to some neighbouring University , as well to be further instructed in several Sciences , and in such Profession as they intend to embrace ; as also to begin to improve themselves in bodily Exercises , as Fencing , Dancing , Riding the Great Horse , and in Foreign Languages , especially the French , and Italian Tongues . Thus prepared , they leave Germany , and for the most part making some stay , either in the several Universities of the United Provinces , at Leiden , Utrecht , or Groningen ; or else in the chiefest Cities , they endeavour to perfect their Knowledge of such several things as they were instructed in before . From hence the common Road used to be to France ; ( some taking a small Turn into England , ) where having staid a considerable time , sufficient fully to accomplish themselves in the said Tongue , and in such Exercises as are taught there in great Perfection , they either go straitways from thence ; or else passing thro' Italy , return into Germany ; and taking in their way the chiefest Courts of the Empire , are then , if they have not wilfully neglected themselves , esteemed duly qualified to make a true Comparison betwixt the Excellencies and Deficiencies of their own and other Countries . So that all we pretended to , says the Author , by the late Revolution , bought with so great Expences , ( yet not too dearly paid for ) was to be as we were , and that every one should have his own again ; the effecting of which may be called a piece of good Luck ; and that is the best can be said of it . That in our late happy Revolution , Providence seemed to have a particular Share , is what every body that loves his Country , and this Government , does willingly own : But that at the best , it should only be a piece of good Luck , I am to learn yet . As I am well assured that the most sensible Men agree in this Point , That Providence in our Days acts by Human Means , and not by Miracles ; That what is commonly called good Luck , is generally the Product of such Counsels and Designs , as are often not so evident to vulgar Eyes : So I cannot sufficiently admire , that this Gentleman , who has taken upon him the Office of a Censor of Foreign , and a Reformer of these Nations , should either be ignorant , or so soon forgetful of the unparallelled Valour , and uncommon Wisdom of his present Majesty , which was so apparent to all Europe , that I think he might have with Justice , and a due Respect , mentioned it here . Truly , if by his Majesty's particular Wisdom , those extraordinary Preparations , as were requisite for such an Enterprise , had not been carried on with that Vigour and Silence , in a Country where it seemed most difficult to be effected , that even the quick-sighted French were deceived ; if by his indefatigable Care , the number of such Forces as were designed for this Expedition , had not been timely supplied by the German Auxiliaries : If at last by his incomparable Valour and Constancy , he had not surmounted the very Obstacles of a far advanced Season , contrary Winds , and Tempests , which would have with-held any Body but Him : I believe we would before now have been in despair of good Luck in that kind ; and our Gentleman would have had no great Encouragement for such a Preface . And it is Riddle to me , since every body has his own again , and enjoys it under the Legal Government of a Wise and Brave King , with the Assistance of the great Council of the Nation , why some among us should be so busie to vent their State-reforming Speculations , except they labour on purpose to entail upon us that Sarcasm which our Author mentions , of the most inconstant Nation in the World. These are his Words : But must frequent Blood-letting be indispensibly necessary to preserve our Constitution ? Is it not possible for us to render vain and untrue , that Sarcasm of Foreigners , who object to us , That our English Kings have either too much Power , or too little , and that therefore we must expect no settled or lasting Peace ? Shall we for ever retain the ill Character they give us , of the most mutable and inconstant Nation of the World , which however we do not deserve , no more than England does that of Regnum Diabolorum , so common in unconsidering Foreigners Mouths . Methinks a Method to preserve our Common-wealth in its legal State of Freedom , without the necessity of a Civil War once or twice every Age , were a benefit worth searching for , tho' we went to the furthest Corners of the World in quest of it . No Question that such a Method would not only be worth sear●hing for , but also the most desireable thing in the World● But what Method may be the most proper to effect it is the Difficulty . This I am sure , the Methods which some of our Tavern or Coffee-house Politicians have taken of late , will not answer the Ends of such a Settlement . As I frequently converse among Foreigners , so it has often vexed me to the Soul , to hear what Judgment they will make of our Transactions here ; not but that I often have found it too true : yet it could not but grieve me , that the whole Nation should bear the blame of a certain Gang of People among us , who being infected with the Vanity of their own Conceits , ( like to those afflicted with the Yellow Jaundice , to whom Objects are represented under the same Colour as their Eyes are infected withal ) spread their corrupted Opinions abroad , to the great Dishonour and Detriment of the whole Nation . The Character of Regnum Diabolorum I have very seldom heard , and never , except from such as were very unconsidering indeed ; but as for that of inconstant and most mutable ; I must confess , it is common among Foreigners , even of the best Sence . And for the Love of God , what milder Construction can any Body make of the Behaviour of such , as , pretending to be the Champions of our Government , revive ( in their Pamphlets ) the almost forgotten Names of Whig and Tory , on purpose to renew at the same time those Jealousies , which within these few Years had brought this Nation to the very Brink of Destruction . How can we expect , but that not only Foreigners , but also all understanding Men among us , should look upon such as worse than inconstant , and mutable , who can so soon forget the past Dangers , and neglect their present Happiness ? Lucius AEmilius , the Roman Consul , could not forbear in a publick Speech which he made to the Romans , when going to the Macedonian War against Perse●s , to reproach them with the Liberty they took of leading Armies into the Field , and censuring the Actions of their Generals over their Liquors at Rome ; and what wonder is it , if it seems the most surprizing thing in the World to Foreigners , when they see some petty State-reformers among us in their Pamphlets to take upon them , and challenge an Authority in gross terms , and with bitter Reflections , to censure not only the Actions of Ministers of State , but also of His Majesty himself , and the Parliament also , sometimes , if every thing does not exactly agree with their conceited Rules of governing ; and that at a time when both King , and the grand Council of the Nation are mutually labouring for the Repose , and Happiness of those Kingdoms . I would ask any body of common Sense , if one , who has perhaps from others only learned the Rules of Navigation , and peept a little into the Sea-cards , should pretend to instruct old Commanders of Ships ( how to steer with Advantage , how to avoid such hidden Banks as lay scattered up and down near several Coasts , and how to manage a Ship in case of Tempests : would not he deservedly be laught at by every body , and whether those , who should trust a Ship to his Management , would not be esteemed to be out of their wits ? Yet these C●amber-Politicians find their Admirers here , and are vain enough to imagine , that they could manage the Helm of our Government better than those to whom the same by our Laws is committed , and have given sufficient proof both of their Fidelity and Ability . And here I cannot forbear to insert what is related of that great General of the Carthaginians Hannibal , because it seems to agree in most of its Circumstances , with what I have said before . Hannibal in the time of his Banishment from Carthage , came to Ephesus , where at that time was a Famous Philosopher Phormio , much admired , especially by the Ephesians . Among other diversions wherewith they entertained Hannibal , they would by all means invite him to hear their so much beloved Philosopher . Hannibal at last over-perswaded by the Ephesians , went to be entertained with his Discourse , where the Philosopher with abundance of Rhetorick , begun to make a long and tedious Sermon of Military Affairs , and the Duty of a General , to the great content of the Ephesians . The Oration at last being ended , Hannibal was asked by them , what he thought of their Philosopher , to whom he replied very freely , that he had in his Life-time seen a great many old Dottrels , but had never met with one that was so raving-mad as this old Fellow ; which Answer coming from so great a Man , it 's said , put them a little out of Countenance , but not out of conceit of their Doctor . But to return to our Author● who , having attributed our not travelling of late Years to the management of the two last Reigns , says further thus : 'T is not very long ago , since nothing was more generally believed ( even by Men of the best Sense ) than that the Power of England was so unquestionably established at Sea , that no force could possibly shake it . That the English Valour and Manner of fighting was so far beyond all others , that nothing was more desirable , than a French War. Should any one have been so regardless of his Reputation , as at that time to have represented the French an over-match for the united Forces of England , and Holland , or have said , that we should live to see our selves insulted on our own Coasts , and our Trades endangered by them ; That we should be in apprehension every Year of an Invasion , and French Conquest : Such a venturesome Man must have expected to have pass'd for a very Travellour , or at least for an ill-natur'd or unthinking Person , who little considered what the irresistible Force of an English Arm was ; but our late Experience has reclaimed us from these Mistakes . It were to be wish'd , that our late Experience , though never so dearly bought , had qui●e rooted out so vulgar an Errour among us , which had almost proved fatal to these Kingdoms . But the ignorance of foreign Affairs , the fondness of our own irresistible Strength , and the want of duly comparing the same with that of our Enemies , seems not by late Experience it self quite extinguish'd among some , who fancy themselves no small Politicians . How many are to be found to this Day , who vainly boast , that we are not so near concerned in this War , as the rest of the Allies ; that the Sea is a sufficient Bulwark against any Attempts from France upon us ; nay that upon all occasions we are able alone to beat the French by Sea and Land , without the Assistance of our Allies . This vain Belief of our own Strength , was the Trap which the French twenty Years ago , when first they began to bid fair for the universal Monarchy , knew how to make good use of , to catch us withall at their own time . I remember very well , that coming some time before the Peace at Nimuegen , out of France : and having had an opportunity to pass along the Rhine , and afterwards through Flanders , where the Seat of the War then lay : I at my Return hither , would often relate to my Friends what I thought , and had as an Eye witness , observed concerning the Strength of France ; who , ( tho' else no Favourers of the Court at that time ) were so far from making any reflection upon that matter , that they rather look'd upon it as a false Notion , and the vain Effect of Travelling ; so deeply had this flattering Fancy taken root among the Generality of our Nation here . At those times it must be confess'd , this Opinion might be perhaps excusable , but I cannot see , under what Colour some , who have seen so formidable a French Fleet a few Years ago in our Chanel , and the Armies of France out number us almost every where last Year , can pretend to scatter their Pamphlets at this time , full of vain Suppositions of this Nature . But we must return to our Author , who by the Example of the Ecclesiasticks , encourages us to Travelling in these words . The Jesuits have brought several Maxims , as well as Summs of Money from as far off as China , or Japan , thereby improving their Knowledge , &c. These Men , ( whose firm Adherence to the most exquisite Tyranny is manifest , by their indefatigable Endeavours , in behalf of the French King's Interests , as formerly of the House of Austria , whilst it was in its Height ) have by these Arts ingrossed to themselves , the Education of the Youth , in all Popish Countries . The Lutheran Priests ( who have an entire Dependance on their Kings and Princes ) are entrusted with the like , in those Countries , which observe the Confession of Ausburg . They also send abroad some of their hopefullest young Students , several of which may be met with at Oxford , Cambridge and Paris : The use they make of Travel , being not only to improve their Knowledge in Sciences , but to learn fit Methods to please their Sovereigns , at the Expence of the Peoples Liberties , &c. And a little further : But the same Travel will afford the best Antidote against this Poyson , and teach a Gentleman , who makes right use of it , by what S●eps slavery has within these last 200 Years crept upon Europe ; most of the Protestant , as well as Popish Countries , having in a manner quite lost the precious Jewel , Liberty . This cannot be attributed to any more probable Cause , than the enslaving the Spirits of the People , as a Preparative to that of their Bodies . For since these Princes think it their Interest , that Subjects should obey without Reserve , and all Priests who depend upon the Prince , are , for their own sakes , obliged to promote what he esteems his own Interest , 't is plain , the Education of Youth , on which is laid the very Foundation Stone of publick Liberty , has been of late Years committed to the sole management of such as make it their business to undermine it ; and must needs do so , unless they will be false to their Fortunes , and make the Character of Priest give place to that of true Patriot , &c. Indeed they do not forget to recommend to them frequently , what they call the Queen of all Vertues , viz. Submission to Superiors , and an entire blind Obedience to Authority , without instructing them in the due measures of it ; rather teaching them , that 't is without all Bounds . And in the Conclusion of the Treatise he hath these Words , which we will insert here , because they are of the same Stamp . It has been a great Mistake among us , That the Popish Religion is the only one of all the Christian Sects , proper to introduce and establish Slavery in a Nation ; in so much that Popery and Slavery have been thought inseparable . Not to derogate from the Merit of the Roman Catholick Perswasion , which has been the Darling of so many Monarchs upon that Account , I shall make bold to say , That other Religions , and particularly the Lutheran , has succeeded as effectually in this Design as ever Popery did . 'T is confess'd indeed , That Popery would certainly introduce Slavery ; but it is denyed , That the last cannot come in without the assistance of the former , &c. In Denmark , as well as other Protestant Countries in the North , through the entire and sole dependance of the Clergy upon the Prince , without the interfering of the Authority of any Spiritual Superiour , such as that of the Pope among the Romanists , through their Principles and Doctrines , which are those of unlimited Obedience ; through the Authority they have with the common People , Slavery seems to be more absolutely established than it is in France , as in effect it is more practised ; for that King's Subjects are better treated . And a little after : But in the Countries I have spoken of , all is swallowed up in the King , Temporals and Spirituals , Soul , Body , Estate , and Conscience : The Army and the Priests are Two sure Cards ; the Prince that has one of them at his side can hardly fail ; but he that has both depending on him , need fear nothing from his own Subjects , let him use them never so ill . Here is a general Charge against the whole Body of the Clergy ( except the Calvinists and their Proselytes , because the English have their Share by and by ) concerning the Miseries that have befallen Europe these Two hundred Years : These ( he says ) by the abuse they make of Travelling , corrupt the Youth , of whom they have sole Management ; these , by their entire dependance they have from their Princes ; and , by their Doctrine and Principles , sow the Seeds of Slavery among the People . Thus runs the Stream of our Author's Eloquence . But what if we should endeavour to stop the Current ? What if the Doctrine of the Roman Catholicks , and especially the Principles of the Jesuites , should prove rather dangerous than advantageous to absolute Monarchy ? If we should prove , that the entire and sole dependance of the Lutheran Priests from their Princes , is a Chimera of his own ? That they neither have in general , the Education of their Youth ; neither that their Principles and Doctrine are for a blind unlimited Obedience : That as it is against the Interest of the Ecclesiasticks in those Parts where that Religion flourishes , to suppress the Liberties , and undermine the Welfare of the People , so it is absolutely false , That Spirituals and Temporals are swallowed up by their Help or Connivence : And if this Foundation falls , will not his Doctrine seem to be built upon a very slippery or sandy Ground ? This Gentleman must surely have been very little acquainted with the History of the Reformation in those Parts , and the Constitutions of the Empire ; as also how often the Protestant Religion there , together with the Government , hath been asserted by Arms against the Emperor , and all other Aggressors , with the Approbation of the Lutherans , both Priests and Lawyers . If this had not been convincing enough to our Author , he would have done well to have look'd a little into their and Writings before he undertook to put Books such Falsities upon the world . But since this Gentleman has taken upon him the Authority of a Judge , let us see by what Laws he hath condemned the poor Lutherans . And since it is certain that he ought to condemn them by none but their own , we must look a little back into their Monuments , to see how they do agree with our Author's Assertion . It is evident , that at the beginning of the Reformation , Luther and his Associates , had all the Reason in the World to be cautious in the Doctrine of Obedience , as well to avoid the Slanders and Reproaches of the Roman Catholicks ; but espeeially not to open a Gare to the Licentiousness of some , who they foresaw would take an opportunity to abolish , together with their Religion , the very Constitution and Order of Government . And the several Sects of Fanaticks , but more especially that cruel Rebellion in Germany , ( commonly called , The Peasants War ) were evident Proofs , that their fore-sight had not been ill grounded . But let us but cast but one Eye upon some of their Writings , and we may easily see , that they savour not so much of blind and unlimited Obedience , as our Author would make us believe . And to begin with the Sentiments of those very Divines who lived partly at the same time , partly succeeded in the same place where Luther had begun the Reformation , and ever since have been very strictly adhering to his Doctrine . The Councils of the Divines at Wirtemberg , from the time of the Reformation , till the Year 1664. ( when they were reprinted ) and dedicated to the present King of Denmark's Father , after that Crown was become Hereditary , ) and also to the then Electoral Prince of Saxony , will doubtless be accepted of by all unbyass'd Persons , as a Rule whereby to judge of the Limits the Lutherans have set to Obedience . I have therefore thought convenient to translate some Passages relating to this Point , out of the High German Tongue , and to insert them as a Pattern of the Lutherans Doctrine of Obedience . Upon a Question put , Whether Magistrates are obliged to defend themselves and their Subjects against an unlawful Force , against Princes of an equal Degree , and against the Emperour , especially in point of Religion ; Martin Luther , Justus Jonas , Martin Bucer , and Philip Melancthon , with joint Consent , did answer : That it was an unquestionable Truth , which ought to be confess'd at the last Minute , even till Death ; that it is not only permitted , but also truly and strictly commanded , that all in Authority owe to God Almighty this Service , to repel all Violence from themselves , and defend their Subjects against such , as either intended to impose Idolatry , or a false Religion upon them , or pretended to exercise an illegal Power over them . And , as the Gospel doth confirm ( say they ) the Authority of Magistrates ; so it does no less confirm the Laws of Nature , and Constitutions of Governments . There is no question , every Father is obliged to the utmost of his Power to preserve his Wife , and Children from publick Murther , and there is no difference betwixt a common Murtherer and the Emperour , if he , out of the way of his Office , notoriously exercises an illegal Power ; because open violence takes away all obligation betwixt the Subject , and the superiour Magistrate , jure naturae So it is the same case if a Superiour Magistrate forces his Subjects to Blasphemy , and Idolatry : so did Constantine wage War with Licinius , because he would not desist from his Tyranny , though he exercised the same in his own Territories , All this , as we have said , is without question just , and according to the Rules of Christianity , which we ought to profess at all times of Danger , and Death it self . Yet is this not to be understood , but in the defensive Part. And immediately after , in the Considerations and Instructions concerning what resistance is permitted ; Martin Luther , Justus Jonas , John Bugenhagen , Nicolas Ambsdorff , and Philip Melancthon , say thus : Concerning this Article , there have been frequent and hard Disputes among us , but this day we are agreed ; That , the Gospel being a Doctrine of the Eternal Spiritual Kingdom which is in the Heart , does not reject the outward Form of Government , but rather confirms , and praises the same : From whence does follow , That the Gospel does not forbid any natural and just Defence , such as is suitable either to the Laws of Nature , or Constitutions of a Government , &c. From whence it is evident , that every Magistrate is obliged to defend his Subjects against others of the same Degree , or any private Person . But here arises another question , Viz. What is the Duty of a Prince against his Superiour Lord , as the Emperour , in such a Case ? To which we give the same Answer : Because the Gospel confirms Temporal Governments ; therefore every Prince ought to behave himself towards his Superiour Lord , or the Emperour , according to the natural Right , and temporal Constitutions of the Government . If the Emperour is not a proper Judge , and yet will , as pendente appellatione , undertake to punish ; such his violent Attempt is , injuria notoria . Now is by a natural Constitution of Governments , Self-defence , and Resistance against injuriam notoriam is allowable . Wherefore if the Emperor should act violently , pendente appellatione , concerning Matters of Religion , or the Peace promised ; he is to be esteemed as a private Person , and the injuria undertaken against the Right of the Appeal , and the promised Peace , is a publick and notoria injuria . But what if the Appeal is pass'd the Council ? What if Judgment is given according to the imperial Laws , and we are cast ? Can we then with a safe Conscience openly resist our Supreme Lord ? Answer , After we have in a decent , and Christian like manner declared , that we are willing this Matter should be examined and adjusted , and have clearly proved the Foundations upon which we have built our Doctrine ; and yet the Council goes on in its illegal way of proceeding , contrary to the very Foundation of natural Equity , and the Ordinances set down in the Scripture , viz. That not the contrary Side , but the whole Christian Church is the sole Judge , all the Proceedings are void ; and as it is not to be esteemed a Council , so the Appeal remains in its due Force . And whatsoever is violently undertaken , by virtue of such Proceedings , is in truth a publick Violence , and notoria injuria . And suppose , the Pope should seem not to be so violent in his Proceedings , yet by virtue of his Sentences , endeavour to establish Idolatry , and commit publick Injuries ; we believe that it is the Prince's Right to oppose , and defend themselves against the same . And to clear this point the better , it will , I think , not be amiss to insert here also the Answer , which was given by Martin Luther , Justus Jonas , Philip Melanc thon , George Spalatin , and other Divines , to the Instructions of the Lawyers at Wittenbergh , concerning Resistance . These are their words : A Paper has been delivered to us , out of which we see , what the Opinion is of the Doctors in the Law concerning the question : In what cases it is allowable to resist the Magistracy . Now because these cases are determin'd by the Doctors , and others skill'd in the Laws ; and we certainly are at this time under such Circumstances , as will allow us ( as they prove ) to resist our Superiour Powers ; and we having always taught , that temporal Rights should remain in their due Force and Vigour , we cannot contradict it out of the Scripture , but that we may defend our selves , if it were against the Emperour's own Person or whoever else should act under his Authority . And because we are a● present in great danger , which seem● to encrease every Day , whereby may happen a sudden Necessity of Resistance ; it will not be amiss not only for our Laws , but also for Conscience sake , to prepare and arm our selves against any Attempts , which may be made upon us ; as it seems very likely that according to all Circumstances the like may easily befall us . For what we have hitherto taught concerning not resisting the higher Powers ; we were not sufficiently instructed , that the Laws did allow it , to whom we also have always taught , that Obedience ought to be given . And when afterwards the Protestant Princes clearly apprehended an Invasion from the Roman Catholick Party , and especially from the Emperour Charles the V● Martin Luther , John Bugenhagen , Caspa● Cruciges , George Major , and Philip M●lancthon , did not only approve the Protestant League made at Smalkald , but also the four last , Anno 1546 , gave concerning the War against the Emperour , this following Answer : When we are once certain that the Emperour intends to attack the States , by reason of their Religion , there is no doubt , the States have a Right to defend themselves , and their Adherents , &c. Such a Defence is the same , as if you defended your self against so many Murtherers , whether they be headed by the Emperour or any body else ; because the Act is a publick Tyranny , and notoria violentia . And what we may expect from the Spaniards , Italians , and Burgundians ; the Country of Juliers , can and may serve us as an Example . Wherefore every Inhabitant ought to venture his Life to resist such Tyranny . And in this case it is also true , that the Prevention it self is just and allowable , provided we are certain , the Emperor has resolved to invade the States . I could have translated a great many more the like Cases ; but as the rest have all follow'd the Footsteps of those above-named Divines , who were the first and chiefest in the Work of Reformation ; so I thought these sufficient to show , how far different the Principles and Doctrine of the Lutherans , were from a blind and unlimited Obedience , wherewith our Author so boldly charges them . But that it may not be objected that our Age has perhaps altered the Opinion of the Lutheran Divines ; I will , ( besides what may be seen in the above-mentioned Book ) give you the Opinion of one of the most famous Lutheran Divines of our Age , Dr. John Gerhard , in his own Words : Distinguunt , says he , Politici Scriptores ( 1 ) inter Principes Majestatis integrae & potestatis absolutae , qui absolutum Imperium in subditos obtinent , nec tenentur certis quibusdam pactis , conventis vel legibus regni fundamentalibus , expressa promissione obstricti ; & inter Principes potestatis limitatae , & pactis , conventis inter ipsos & proceres regni initis circumscriptae , cui distinctioni respondet ea , quae statuitur inter subditos meros & mixtos , ( 2 ) inter offensionem & defensionem . Principibus , quorum potestas est limitata , ab illis , qui non sunt mere subditi , ab ordinibus scilicet regni , resisti , ac violentiam eorum armata manu repelli posse disputant , id quod sequentibus confirmari posset argumentis . 1. A Magistratus officio : Magistratui incumbit , subditos contra injustam oppressionem tueri , ut superius fuit demonstratum . Jam vero ordines regni in regno electivo , ad quod non nisi certis conditionibus caput est evectum , sunt loco Magistratus . Non enim sunt mere subditi , sed partem potestatis in electione summi capitis sibi reservarunt . 2. A Juris naturalis praescripto . Defensio sui omni jure Divino , scilicet naturali & civili est concessa ; Ergo licet ordinibus regni contra injustam oppressionem se & subditos defendere . 3. Ex mutuae obligationis modo . Ex contractibus nascitur mutua & reciproca obligatio . Jam vero inter Principem potestatis restrictae , & Ordines regni electivi talis contractus fuit initus , ut Princeps in leges regni fundamentales prius juraverit , antequam Ordines , regni nomine , omnium subditorum fidem ipsi darent . Quod si ergo Princeps ab hoc contractu discedit , Ordines regni ab obedientiae promissione ipso jure absolvuntur . 4. Ex axiomate Theologico , quod Evangelium non aboleat politias . Jam vero ad statuta & jura politica hoc ipsum pertinet , quod Ordines regni vi contractus initi , Magistratui libere electo , & contra promissionem & sidem datam agenti resistere possint . Vid. Lutherum Tom. 7. Germanic . Jenensi . Fol. 389. 5. A paritatis judicio . Sicut principes aberrantes ministri Ecclesiae verbo possunt arguere , consiliarii sanis consiliis in viam eos revocare : Sic ordines Regni , quibus datus est à Deo gladius , vi armata ipsius conatibus possunt resistere . 6. Ex probatorum exemplorum testimonio , 2 Reg. 11. Jojadas deponit Athaliam , 1 Maccab. 2. & seqq . Judas & reliqui Maccabaei resistunt Antiocho . Constantinus oppugnavit Licinium , collegam in imperic , Christianos● persequentem . B. Lutherus in Scripto ad pastorem Tom. 7. Germ. Jnenesi , fol. 386. addit duo alia exempla , quod populus restiterit Sauli Jonathanem interficere cupienti , I Sam. 14. quodque Ahicam & alii principes Israelitici restiterint Regi Jojakim Jeremiam ad internecionem quaerenti . 7. Ex consequente absurdo . Si ordinibus Regni denegaretur potestas contra injustam violentiam se ac suos desendendi , consequens foret , non esse discrimen inter Principes , qui absolutam & integram obtitinent potestatem , & inter eos , quorum potestas est limitata & circumscripta , nec esse discrimen inter mere subditos , & eos , qui sunt in partem potestatis recepti , ac quibus cura boni publici ex parte adhuc incumbit , promissionem illam quam Princeps ante evectionem ad Regnum Ordinibus praestet nullius esse momenti , cum pro arbitrio ab ea discedere , nec ad impletionem ejusdem cogi possit , electionem boni principis intuitu boni publici susceptam , in extremum Regni detrimentum vergere , cum libidini ejus nemo possit resistere . 8. Ex Theologorum & Jurisconsultorum suffragio . Lutherus , Bugenhagius , Justus Jonas , Nicolaus Ambsdorfius , Georgius Spalatinus , Philippus Melancthon , Casparus Cruciger , Georgius Major , Justus Menius , Christophorus Hoffmannus , & ●alii Theologi . Jurisconsulti Wittebergenses , Anno 31. Basilius Monnerus & alii ex Politicis , defensionem sui ordinibus Regni licitam & concessam esse censuerunt , ut constat ex Scriptis à Dom. Hortledero collectis Tom. 2. lib. 2. de causis belli Germanici . Sed gravissimae hujus quaestionis decisionem Theologorum & Jurisconsultorem Collegiis commit tendam , neque quidquam temere pronunciandum esse dicimus . Thus far concerning a limited Power : And though he seems afterwards not altogether to agree with the Opinion of such as allow Resistance in an absolute Government ; yet it is apparent enough , that his Arguments are rather intended against the Jesuitical Principles , and such as makes every body a fit Judge of the Limits of Obedience and Princely Office , than against all manner of necessary self-defence , which , among others , may be seen out of these Words : Cum satius sit à subditis hic peccari in defectu quam excessu , ac durissima quaevis ab illis tolerari , quam praetextu defensionis principem , de quo emendationis spes est de solio dejici , ideo Theologus rectius fecerit , si populum Christianum subjugo tyrannico laborantem ad poenitentiam ac patientiam hortetur , quam si vim armatam contra vindicis Dei flagella adhibendam esse doceat . Non existimo negandum , ( scribit Brentius in comment . in 1 Sam. 24. ) quin Davidi in regem divinitus electo Saulem tyrannidem exercentem tam opportune in spelunca oblatum interficere licuerit ; sed David maluit fequi , quod aedificaret , quam quod liceret impune , &c. Et postea : Quod David perpercit Sauli , magna laude dignum est , & docet , multo honestius esse & utilius , ut ad evitanda offendicula de jure nostro aliquid remittamus , quam summum jus prosequamur , &c. I could not avoid inserting those Passages here , that thereby the Judicious Reader might the better be able to judge of the Doctrine of the Lutherans concerning Obedience ; and how much the same differs from what our Author has laid to their Charge ; That both their Principles and Doctrine are for a blind and unlimited Obedience , without instructing their Auditors in the due Measures of it : And that they send some of their hopefullest young Students abroad , to learn fit Methods to please their Sovereigns at the Expence of the Peoples Liberty . It may perhaps be objected , That some of the Lutherans have tied the Subjects to a much stricter sort of Obedience towards their Sovereigns . But to this may be answered , That it is very unjust to charge a whole Body with the Opinions of a few ; besides , to those who have perused the Writings of the most zealous Lutheran Champions for Obedience to Sovereigns , it will be evident enough , that even these have put Bounds to the same , and always submitted their Judgment in this Case to the Laws and Constitutions of the Government . I could give a great many Instances of this kind ; but not to be too tedious in a matter already sufficiently proved , I will only add a few Passages out of an Author , who living at this Day in the very Resident's place of the King of Denmark ; and having dedicated his Treatise to that King himself , is generally thought to have strained this point of Obedience as high as ever any Lutheran Divine did ; from whence it may appear , whether in the North it self , Spirituals and Temporals , Soul and Body ( as our Author says ) are swallowed up in their Princes , and the Lutheran Priests have their sole and entire dependance from them . These are his Words in his Dedication to the King. Nam ut reliqua taceam , quantis laudibus efferendum illud est , quod cum non ita pridem sanctissimis , aequissimisque legibus Jus Daniae nostrae auctum esse volueris , primo loco , velut fundamentum juris & felicitatis civium Augustanam . Confessionem ponas , à qua vel latum unguem recedere nec parentibus fas sit , nec Imperanti . Facile enim , quae tua est prudentia , animadvertis ; ita Majestatis tuae causam cum gloria Dei conjunctam esse , ut , nisi salva Religione , salva atque tuta esse non possit . And p. 66. Quare nec Magistratui quidem competit illud exterius jurisdictionis Ecclesiasticae , ut vocant , exercitium : Examinare , consecrare , ordinare futuros Ecclesiae ministros . Et falsum est , per Transactionem Passaviensem vel Pacem Religionis , inter Status Romani Imperii sancitam , in Magistratum Civilem translata haec esse , aut transferri potuisse , ut nonnulli putant . Distincta sunt ordinis Ecclesiastici & politici munia , jura , officia ; & quemadmodum Sacerdotibus nihil in politicis , ita & Principibus nullum in Spiritualibus jus competit . p. 67. Quamvis enim vocare & constituere Doctores ac Ministros Ecclesiae non minus etiam ad summos imperantes spectet , quam ad reliqua Ecclesiae membra , imo potius cum quadam 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ad eos pertinere videatur , qui praecipuum Ecclesiae membrum constituunt ac utriusque tabulae legis custodes & nutritii audiun● , nihilominus tamen nec solius Magistratus est vocare Ecclesiae Ministros , exclusis reliquis statibus , neque ipsa illa vocatio divinae potestati docendi & administrandi Sacramenta , quid quam humani admiscet , ut superiorum autoritate suffulta tantum videri debeat Doctorum Ecclesiae Autoritas . And in his Animadversions ( a ) he says thus : ' De vocatione ministrorum Ecclesiae duo extrema sunt , inter quae medium tenet Orthodoxia Lutheranorum , nequid vel ambitioni clericali , vel libidini Principum indulgeatur , sed omnia ordine , decenter & juxta primitivae Ecclesiae ritum procedant . Caeterum quod jus vocandi Ecclesiae ministros attinet , divisum illud esse inter tres status , & ad totam Ecclesiam spectare , toties probarunt nostrates Theologi , ut ea opera nunc quidem supersedere possim . Disceptari etiam illud solet , anne status Ecclesiasticus , aut Oeconomicus renunciare juri suo possit , atque illud tacito quodam consensu delegare Senatui aut Magistratui Seculari . Cujus quaestionis negativam partem tuetur B. Hulsemannus . And p. 69. he gives us the Opinion of the famous Puffendorf , in his Book De habitu Religionis Christianae ad vitam civilem ; who says thus : Sed Doctores Ecclesiae ut ' tales , non sunt propriè officiales Regis sed sunt servi Christi ac ministri Ecclesiae , non Civitatis . And p. 73. he goes thus on : Male alias apud pontificios audit ministerium Lutheranorum ; eo potissimum nomine , quod omnia Jura sua ac Privilegia divina & humana Magistratui politico resignet , ab ejus nutu , imperio & voluntate totum pendeat , adeo ut nulla ipsi nisi parendi gloria relicta sit , sive in doctrina ipsa sive in legibus quicquam mutari , consultum imperantibus videatur . In quem finem exprobrare etiam nobis solent illud in Germania tritum dicterium : Cujus est Regio , illius & est Religio ; quasi ex hypothesi Lutheranae Religionis integrum sit Principi de rebus fidei pro lubitu decernere , quidquid pro varia temporum & utilitatis publicae ratione visum placitumque fuerit . Sed calumnia haec est curiae Romanae , eoque a●rocior , quod in nostris principiis , ne quidem suspicionis locum invenit . Scilicet didicere Evangelici aequa lance metiri Principum & Ecclesiae jura , nec divellere ea , quae Christus conjuncta esse voluit : Date Caesari , quae sunt Caesaris , & Deo quae Dei. Quod si forte contingat nonnunquam Magistratum jure suo in praejudicium ordinis Ecclesiastici abuti , id non magis doctrinae nostrae imputandum est , quam omnes alii abusus , scandala & vitia Protestantium , quae toto ore atque pectore detestatu Ecclesia nostra . Caeteroquin fore putandum non est , ut illisplaceat alienaeservitu tis jugum , quia tyrannide cleri in libertatem tam fortiter sese asseruerunt , vel ut aequis oculis aspiciant 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 qui 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 quondam ferre non potue runt . But in his 6. Chap. p. 166. he says plainly , That the Augsburg Confession is the Foundation of the Danish Monarchy . Hac occasione non possum satis depraedicare Juris Danici sanctimoniam , & cum vera religione intimam connexionem , quam vel primum caput statim in limine prodit his verbis . Kongen haver og eene hoyeste Magt over ald Clerisiet fra den hoyeste til den laveste , at beskikke oc anordne ald Kirke og Guds Tieniste , Moder , Sommenkomst og Forsamlinger om Religions-Sager effter Guds Ordog den Augsburgiske Confession , &c. Non potest igitur jus Daniae nostrae nisi cum vera religione perennare , & si illam tollas , Augusti diadematis gloriam potentiamque imminui necessum est . Pio igitur & prudenti consilio factum est , ut Augustana Confessio legum nostrarum constitutionem ingrederetur tanquam certissimum medium & valorem legibus conciliandi , & legislatoris summam & absolutam Majestatem sarram tectamque conservandi . Numae Pompilii tempestate ancile quoddam de coelo decidisse , Romana antiquitas fabulatur , unaque vocem editam omnium potentissimam : Erit civitas , quamdiu illud manserit . Nec dissimile responsum Trojanis de Palladio ex Oraculo Delphico datum ferunt : Ejus Civitatis futurum esse exitium ; si Palladis simulacrum , extra moenia portaretur ; quo effectum , ut cives summa cura & sollicitudine rem tanti momenti custodirent . Non hic fabulas vel oracula memoramus , sed vocem seriam omniumque prudentum confessione veram repetimus : Erit in Dania , summa & absoluta Majestas , quam diu Lurana Religio manserit . I am not ignorant that these latter words may bear a double Interpretation ; yet he that will duly compare the former Passages with the last , will easily find out the Author's meaning to be , That the Lutheran Priests , as Priests , have no entire dependance from their Magistrates , but that in Denmark the Welfare of the Monarchy is inseparable from the maintaining of Augsburgh Confession . And I admire how our Author , during his stay in Denmark , could be so overseen , as no● to enquire more strictly into this Point , before he undertook to assert a thing of that nature with so much Confidence . As for the Lutheran Priests in Germany , where that Religion chiefly flourishes , it is certain , they have in the most places , much less dependance from their Princes ; since in the most Cities and Corporations there the Rights of Patronage are either in the Magistrates , or else in the Congregation ; sometimes joyntly in the Magistrates and Elders of the Parishes . In the Country some of them perhaps belong to the Nobility , some to the Prince ; and so do some Cathedrals ; tho' a great many Ministers in these latter are chosen by the Canons ; and all their yearly Salaries , Houses , and other Benefices , are ascertained to them out of such Revenues or Lands as do properly belong and depend , not from the Prince , but the several Cathedrals and Parish-Churches . Their Perquisites , which especially in the Cities , commonly amount to more than their Salaries , and in some places are very considerable , come from Buryings , Baptizing , Confessions , Prayers in the Churches , and with the sick at their Houses , Marrying and New-years-Gifts ; all which as in those Parts they most absolutely depend on the Peoples Liberality and Inclination , being rather established by Custom than any Laws , I cannot see what Colour our Author could have for his Assertion , that , except they will resign the Character of Priest to that of true Patriot , and be false to their Fortunes , they are obliged to assist their Princes in their Arbitrary way of governing ; it being manifest , that their Vocation ( generally speaking ) and their Subsistence as Priests , depend from the People , rather than their Princes ; and they having also their Consistories where Ecclesiastical Affairs are determined according to the Constitutions of the several Countries ; and in a great many Places Prelates , as Abbots , Priors , and Deans , who are among the States in their several Countries , it is evident , that our Author 's supposed dependance , without the interfering of a Superiour , such as the Pope among the Romanists , betwixt the Lutheran Clergy and their Princes , is no● so dangerous either to the Priests or People , as our Author would fain p●rswade us , on purpose to lay all the blame upon the Clergy . To effect this the better , he tells us with a singular Confidence , That also the sole Management of the Youth is committed to the care of the Lutheran Priests in those Countries , which observe the Confession of Augsburgh ; tho , most certainly nothing is more contrary to the Truth . I will appeal to those who , as well as I , have made an enquiry into this Matter , Whether in the publick Schools of the Lutherans they have not found Schoolmasters of other Professions as well as Divines ; and tho' they are not excluded from that Function , whether they ever were preferred before others , as being Professors or Students of Divinity ? The Nobility in the Country , and Patritians in the Cities , generally have their Tutors or Domestick Preceptors , for the Education of their Children ( Boarding-Schools being rarely to be found there ; ) in the choice of whom they are generally so far from preferring Divines before others , that they seldom admit of them in that Station . And when their Children come to the Age of Travelling , or going to the Universities , it is a general Maxime among them , not to put the Tuition of their young Men into the Hands of Divines , whose Profession obliging them to a sedentary Life , and least of all others being accustomed to travel , they do not reckon these so proper Instruments for the perfecting their Sons , and obtaining the full ends of Travelling , as those of other Professions , who more frequently apply themselves to it in those Parts . I am apt to believe that our Author may be fallen partly into this Mistake , from the necessity and custom which formerly had obtained in Denmark , when the Nobility having in their Hands all Places of Profit and Trust ; and their Constitution not requiring many Lawyers , Divinity was the only Profession , out of which they were obliged to choose persons for the Education of their Youth . But besides that Matters are much altered since in Denmark , as to this Particular , it would have been but prudence to have enquir'd more strictly into this Point , as to the Customs of other Lutheran Countries , before he made it the Foundation Stone of his Doctrine of Slavery . If this Gentleman would have taken into due Consideration the Protestant League made immediately after the Reformation at Smalkald ; the ensuing War with Charles the V. the Transactions at Passaw ; That long and most cruel War which was for 30 Years together carried on in Germany , betwixt the Protestants and the Roman Catholick Party , and the Peace thereupon concluded at Munster , and Osnabrugge ; besides what not so many Years ago happened in Hungary , under the Conduct of the Counts Serini , Nadasti and Franquepani , and is to this Day continued by Teckely , ( the Heads of which League were chiefly Lutherans , and their Pretensions both for Religion and Liberty ) he could not have committed so gross an Error , as to impute an unlimited blind Obedience both in their Principles and Practices to the Lutherans . And to clear this Point the better , I cannot but relate some Passages which happened in our Memory , in the Electorate of Brandenburgh , betwixt his Electoral Highness , and some Lutheran Ministers , out of which it will easily be understood , whether the Northern parts of Germany are so much infected with blind Obedience , as this Gentleman imagines . The Business happened thus : Frederick William the present Elector of Brandenburgh's Father , being of the reformed Religion , which they call commonly the Calvinian , was for establishing an Agreement betwixt the Lutherans and Calvinists . There were at that time two Factions among the Lutherans ; The first of such , as were strictly , and with some austerity adhering to the first Rules of the Reformation , were called the Wittenburgh Faction , or sometimes Calovians , from one Dr. Calow in the said University , Professor of Divinity , who was a fierce and implacable Enemy to the Doctrines of one Dr. Calixtus , and others in the University of Helmstadt , who were for moderating and reconciling the religious differences in Germany . The former had for a considerable time , both in their Sermons and Writings , been very vehement against the Calvinists ; the later had dealt with them more mildly , for which reason they also had undergone the rigid Censures of the Wittenburgh Divines in the Country of Brandenburgh . The Calixtines therefore , and Calvinists , with the Assistance of some of the States of Brandenburgh were very desirous to bring the former to a more pliable Temper ; and the Elector being willing to establish a better Understanding , took an opportunity by his several Proclamations to order , that both Parties should abstain from injurious Words : Such as Zwinglians , Sacramentarians , Ubiquitists , Marcionites , and the like ; That they should not put any Consequences deduced out of their several Hypotheses upon one another , which either Party did deny ; And thirdly , that all Priests should be obliged to baptize the Children of such Parents , as were averse to the Exorcism , ( which the most Lutherans , together with the Sign of the Cross , use in the Baptism ) without the same . And findding some of the Lutherans in no ways complying with his Mandates ; he ordered certain Formulars to be subscribed by them , and commanded his confistorial Judges , to see that every thing were duly performed according to his Mandates . It would be too long to dispute here concerning the Merit of the Cause upon either Side ; it will be sufficient to shew , how the Lutherans behav'd themselves in this Case , which I think will fully clear them as to the Point of blind Obedience . They were then so far from obeying the Electoral Proclamations , and subscribing the Formulars , that they on the contrary , together with such of their Auditors as adhered to them , did by several Petitions under the Name of the true and pure Lutheran Churches , and their Confessors , tell the Elector , That he had quite surrendred himself like a Prisoner to his Privy Counsellors , who pretended to a religious Peace , by suppressing that of Osnabrugge , and quite abolishing their native Constitutions and Agreements . And whenever they objected to the Courtiers , that their proceedings were against the Rights of Patronage , and Contracts ; the common Answer was , that these were out of date ; Because the Eighth Commandment was not to be found in the States Catechism , but in lieu of the same , was introduced , that Principle of Machiavell , Principi licet , facere , quidquid lubet . That at the Peace made at Osnabrugge it was agreed , that no body should be permitted to alter the free Exercise of Religion , or the Laws and Constitutions that were established . Neither that under pretext of Rights of Patronage , Episcopal or Territorialor any other Pretence , Ministers should be forced upon the Subjects of another Religion , or any thing to be either directly or indirectly done , which might prove prejudicial to another Religion . They say further : That these Rules were taken out of the States Catechism , to perswade Magistrates , that as in Temporal , so in Ecclesiastical Affairs , they have alone absolute Power to determine and punish , which is an unheard of Doctrine in both Religions . That some Examples out of the Old Testament and Christian Emperors ill applied , the Prerogative of Magistrates and Rights of Patronages , were political Pretences , from whence it might be evident , that the former Proclamations were nothing else than the Tokens of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or the political Antichrist ; since in setting Magistrates above all what belongs to God , viz. his Word , Sacraments , Denominations , Church-Ceremonies , and Ministers ; the Design was to invade the Throne of Christ. And in another Petition they object to the Elector a Coin which was coined 1548 , by George Duke of Anhalt , which had on one Side this Inscription : Plus odi Conciliatores istos , quam apertos Religionis Hostes. And further say : That the Elector's Proclamations were against the Peace of the Empire , Constitutions of the Land , and Contracts made Anno 1653 , where it was concluded , that no Proclamations should be issued forth repugnant to that Contract , or contrary to both Religions . I could have inserted more of this kind , but I will only add so much , that these Petitions having been delivered to the Elector , after he had upon the Request of the Representatives of the Prelates , Earls , Nobility and Cities , abrogated the Formular proposed to the Clergy before , and explained himself very favourably as to the point of arguing in their Sermons , may serve as lively Instances , that the Lutheran Priests , though they represent Obedience as the Queen of all Vertues , endowed rather with Modesty , than armed with Dagger and Poyson , yet they have neither blinded , neither tongue-tied her . The Disturbances arisen some time ago , & continuing to this Day in a * Northern Lutheran Commonwealth , betwixt two Clergymen , who have drawn not only the rest of the Clergy , but also all the Inhabitants ( notwithstanding the Senates Authority and Endeavours to the contrary ) into two Parties , are so notorious , that those alone sufficiently contradict our Author's Assertion concerning their blind Obedience . But it is time to leave the Lutherans , and to see why the Roman Catholick Religion has been the darling of Princes upon the Account of blind Obedience , according to this Gentleman's Opinion . Truly those that will a little consider , that pernicious Doctrine of the Roman Catholicks , of deposing , nay even murthering of Princes ; the many Instances of this kind , which have verified their Principles in this point ; the Bulls of Bonifacius VIII , Innocent III , Clement V , and other Popes , who have asserted the same as a legal Power , will , I believe , easily be convinced that an Arbitrary Prince , who understands his own Interest , has but little reason to make those his darlings , who think it not only lawful , but also meritorious to cut his Throat , when not submitting himself to their Rules . And how can any Prince who affects an Arbitrary Power , suppose himself absolute Master of his Subjects , as long as there are in his Dominions those , and that in great Numbers , who being potent both by their vast Possessions , and the Influence they have over the rest , acknowledge another Head , besides himself , and profess openly that both in Spirituals and Temporals they owe more Obedience to the Pope than the Prince ? It would be supervacuous to prove this , it being , besides the Bulls of Gregory IX , Innocent IV , Gregory VII , and a great many others , so abundantly certified by Histories , and their practices in all Ages ; that no body who has any insight in History , can be ignorant of it . I know some will object to this , that these have been the Practices in former Ages among the Roman Catholicks , when Simplicity was more predominant ; but that since the Reformation the Jesuits have known so to mitigate this point , as that nothing is to be fear'd from thence , which seems to be also our Author's Opinion ; when he says , that the firm Adherency to Tyranny is manifest in the Jesuits , by their adhering now to the French interest , as they did formerly to the House of Austria . That the Jesuits who are the Supporters of the above-mentioned Doctrine so destructive to all Governments , should have in the least receded from the same , is as vain to imagine , as that the same do now less adhere to the House of Austria , than formerly . It is not to be denied , some of that Gang have had cunning enough to insinuate themselves into the most secret Affairs of the French King ; but what is that towards their having shaken off off their old Principles of Self-Interest , and maintaining the Pope's Prerogative ; or their adhering now more to France . than the House of Austria ? Their seeming Compliance , is by all understanding People in France it self , look'd upon as an effect of their Fear , rather than good Inclination towards that Kingdom : For they having seen , that the French Kings have maintained their Authority with a high Hand against the Pope , and the restless Endeavors of their Fraternity , they have of late according to their wonted Custom , changed their Tune for fear of losing all . That famous Inscription of Lewis XII , that notable Advice of Cardinal Richlieu , of setting up a Patriarch in France , and the vigorous Opposition Innocent XI . found in the present French King against all his Attempts , has frightned these Fathers into a Complacency , which nothing but the Consideration of their own Interest could have extorted from them ; to pursue which they will at any time adhere , either to France , or to the House of Austria , to Monarchy , Aristocracy , or Democracy . And this may be evident enough to any body who will recollect their Behaviour in our Age as well as the former . Not to speak of the Villanies of Castell , Clement , and Ravaillack , who are so abominable , that they ought not to be mentioned among the Race of Mankind , and are lively Instances , how far the Roman Catholicks have laid aside their ancient King-killing Principle . The Jesuite , Santarel , in his Book which was burnt by the Hangman in France , has shewn sufficiently , That they have not changed much their former Opinion as to the Pope's Prerogative over Magistrates . And it is remarkable what is related of the Jesuites in France ; who being then asked , What their Opinion was of this Book ? whether they would oppose it ? or whether they did intend to conform themselves according to the Approbation of the same by their General at Rome ? after a great many Tergiversations , being put to give a Categorical Answer , they could not forbear saying , If they were at Rome , they should be of their General 's Opinion . And the threatning Letter from Innocent XI . to Lewis XIV . as that also to the Clergy , evidences sufficiently , that it is rather want of Power than good Will , when they seem not to act according to their former utmost Severity . That the Jesuites follow no other Dictates but such as agree with their own Interest , ( whether in a Free or Arbitrary Government ) so many of the Roman Catholicks have testified themselves that I wonder how any body can fansie them adhering to any . Was it not justly objected to Father Parsons and Campian in Queen Elizabeth's time , from the other Roman Catholicks , that the several Disturbances , and especially the Disputes about frequenting the English Churches were raised on purpose by them only for the Benefit of their Society ; and that the rest had been considerable Losers by it ? Were not , by Father Parson's Means , Seminaries for English Jesuites erected as well in France as Spain , Portugal , and the Netherlands ? Did he not treat with the Spaniards , French , Queen of Scots , the Pope , Duke of Guise , Prince Farnese , and the Earl of Derby , about the Crown of England ? so indifferent was he in the Point , that it matter'd him not who had it , provided the Jesuites might obtain their Ends. Has not a certain moderate Roman Catholick , not many Years ago , attributed the bloody Wars in Ireland , and a great many other mischievous Devices against this Government , to the Excommunications of John Baptist Rinuccini , the Pope's Nuncio , then in Ireland , and to the great Aversion the Jesuit●s and their Adherents always have shewed against the Oath of Allegiance and Supremacy ? And have we not in our Memory seen the Jesuites have an equal Interest and Adherency both to the House of Austria and France , by raising Persecutions in Hungary and France against the Protestants ? And was not the Emperour , by their Advices , brought to the very Brink of Ruin ? and do the most judicious presage any good to the French King , from having followed their Methods ? So that I am apt to believe , the most sensible Princes , though never so Arbitrary , will not be so fond of them , as to make them their Darlings upon that score . And if some Commonwealths have been cautious enough to clip a little their Wings in their Dominions : yet as the great decay of that once flourishing City and Commonwealth of Cologne on the Rhine , caused by their Devices , is an instance , that where ever they get footing , it will be prejudicial to the Government : So the Switzers can testifie , that it is next to an impossibili●y to keep them even out of Commonwealths . For though Switzerland has shewed as little Inclination to them as any Government whatsoever ; yet they having possessed themselves of one of the best places in Friburgh , they have a most noble Colledge and Chapel there . And though the Canton of Soloturn would not admit of them till within these few years , and that not but under hard Conditions ; yet out of 1000 Livres Revenue per Annum for ten of them , they are grown so rich that they are erecting a most magnificent Church and College , the building whereof is reckoned , Will amount to 50000 l. Sterl . which may convince all unbyass'd Persons , that it is not any form of Government they adhere to , but that they will flatter either Arbitrary Power or Licentiousness , according as it turns best to their own Account . But we must go further and hear what our Author has to say concerning the English Clergy . I do not hereby mean , says he , to reflect on the Order , which generally has the government of our Youth ; we have had the experience of many among them , who have given proof of a freer Education and Learning : And without question the chief posts of the Gown of both kinds were never better filled than at present . I only lament the ill contrivance of their Constitution ; for while Interest draws one way , and Honesty another , when a Man may make his Fortune by forgetting his Duty to his Country , but shall always stick at mark while he serves it ; 't is scarcely to be hoped Men should hold out against such temptations , unless they be generally gifted with more Honesty than the generality of Mankind are . And since they continue still upon the same bottom , it must be expected the same , or other as mischievous Doctrines will be broached ; whereas if they were once set upon the same foot , the Philosophers of old were , if honesty and the duty to their Country , were made their private interest , and the way to thrive , we should soon see them shift hands , and the Spirit of those Philosophers revive in them again . The Constitution of our Universities as to Learning , seems as unfortunately regulated , as it is to Politicks , &c. It seems as ridiculous to take patterns for the gentile Learning of this Age , from the old fashioned Learning of the Times , wherein the University-Statutes were compiled , as it would be for one , who would appear well dress'd at Court , to make his Cloaths after the Mode in Henry the VIII's Days , &c. Here is an Harangue upon the English Clergy , which if you explain , it is nothing else to say , but according to their Institution , if they will be honest they cannot thrive ; and that therefore no good is to be expected from them . I must confess , that among all Books that ever I saw , I never met with one , which asserted more with an excessive Confidence , and proved less . If this Gentleman's Resolution was to take upon him the Office of a Church , and State-Reformer General , it would have been but suitable to so great a Character , to have been a little more particular , as well in this as other points , and to have shewed us the true Faults of such Constitutions , with their proper Remedies ; that from thence we might have judged , whether by his Suppositions , those Rules could be introduced into the Government , which the best Head-pieces hitherto have not been able to find out . But to tell us a random Story of Interest drawing one , and Honesty another way , without explaining the point , is nothing else than audacter loqui ( not to speak worse ) and can scarce be taken by any sensible Man to have been done with a true Intention of serving the Publick ; Since it is certain that by such vain Rhetorick , neither the true Nature of the Matter will be understood , nor proper Remedies be found out . Neither can any one conceive what he means by saying , if Honesty and the Duty to their Country were made their private Interest , since it is apparent enough to all judicious Persons in that kind , that the Constitutions of the Clergy , is in all well-constituted Governments , so link'd with that of the Foundation of the whole , and in this Kingdom so inseparately annexed to our true and fundamental form of Government , that without great Danger of Ruin , both Interests cannot be separated ; We have learned this Truth by woful Experience , within some of our Memory , that as to us , it needs no further Proof . I remember , that in my Travels I did once in a certain Commonwealth see the following Inscription upon a Door of a great Church , Felix Respublica , ubi Moses & Aaronmanent Fratres ; by which as they seem'd to admire the Wisdom of the great Legislator , who put the Spiritual and Temporal Government of the Jews , into the Hands of two Brothers ; so they intimated that from the Union and Concord of both , depended in a great Measure , the Felicity of the Commonwealth . Surely , our Author , who is altogether for Antiquity , has forgot , that in the most Ancient , and so wisely regulated Government of the AEgyptians , the Priests ( who also were Philosophers ) had the chief Rank of esteem together with the Soldiers , both by the Prince and People . That besides others , his beloved Greeks and Romans followed the same Methods . The Athenians admitted their Priests , whom they called Manteis , to all their publick Counsels . The Lacedemonians gave to their Kings as a constant Assistant and Counsellour , an Augur ; and among their Elders , ( who were the Counsellours of the State ) they had likewise placed an Augur . In what respect the Colledge of Augurs were at Rome , and how it was decreed in the Senate , that constantly six of the principal Citizens Children should be sent into Hetruria ; that by learning that Sort of Divinity it might not be communicated to the common People , is so notorious , that few who have read Histories , are ignorant of it . I have not related these latter , with an Intention to put the Heathens religious Contrivances in an equal Ballance with the Jews , and Christians Church-Government ; but only to shew that even the wiser● sort of the Ancient Heathens , whom our Au●hor prefers much before us , did lay the very Founda●ion of their Government upon the Union betwixt Ecclesiastical and Temporal Governours ; and that after God Almighty had committed the Management of both to two Brothers ; he afterwards to make this Tye the more inseparable , instituted but one Temple at Jerusalem , which the whole Jewish Nation being obliged to visit , they could not alter their Government , without at the same time renouncing their Religion . What this Gentleman is pleased to tell us concerning the old Philosophers , and their Preference , is as vain as the rest , since he proves nothing of their Foundation , and will ( when we by and by treat of that point ) be as ridiculous as most of his former whimsical Assertions : He would have done well , when he compared the Old Fashion'd Learning of the Times , wherein the University-Statutes were compiled , with the Clothes made after the Mode , which was in Henry the VII● Days ; to have also remembred , ho● much that bigotted sort of Philosop●● of the Pythagoreans , who gave no other reasons for their Opinions , than ●●● dixit , and which our Author has imitted to a Hair , is out of fashion among the most sensible part of Mankind . ●● ought to have considered how little ●● table it would be both to our Times a●● Constitutions , if , according to the ●●●stom of the Ancient Academians , ●● should be obliged to hear them prat●● and contradict every Body withou● proving , or as much as asserting circumstantially their Opinions ; in which a●●● this Gentleman takes a more than ordinary Pride . And I would ask him Diogenes the Cynick should come in h● Wine-pipe rolling to Whitehall , whether he would not appear as ridiculo●● there , as one dress'd up after the Fashion which was usual in King Henry the VIII Days . And yet these are some of hi● admired Philosophers , these his inge●●ous Comparisons : is not that taking pain● for nothing ? It is not to be denied , bu● that from some foreign Universities , several matters might be taken , which would much improve ours ; as also that a gre●● deal might be added as to Universities in general ; but as I always have had a natural Aversion against that Office of Censor , so troublesome to all lovers of Liberty , and that I have received particular Obligations from one of our two Universities : I will rather leave that Province to more able Men , than be too busie and forward in mentioning the same . What also this Gentleman says , That the Lawyers have been in most places favourers of Liberty , I will not contradict positively ; because , to prove the contrary would exceed the Limits of Animadversions : though , I believe , if a proportionable Computation were made betwixt the Gown of both Kinds ; it would be found that the Lawyers , even in our latter Times , have in no ways been behind hand with the Clergy in that point . But since it would be unreasonable , that the whole Body of either kind should be charged with the opinions of a few ; and a great many of these also , partly have altered , partly laid aside the same ; I reckon it better to bury it in oblivion , than by exasperating to revive the old Animosities . But we must return to our Author , who after he has long discoursed concerning the Diseafes in the Body politick , now begins to come to his Remedies . So have seen your half-learned Youngsters in Physick , who having got together a few Aphorisms and other sayings out of Hippocrates and Galen , apply them with a very comely Countenance to all sorts of Sicknesses , and with no less Confidence promise Cure , speedy and easie , by help of their Universal never-failing Restaurative of the whole Body : which though they generally pretend to be as ancient as Hermes Trismegist ; yet is upon due enquiry commonly found to be taken out of some bragging Chymist or other of our times : But let us look upon our Author's Receipt . The Greeks and Romans , says he , instituted their Academies to quite another purpose ; the whole Education of their Youth tended to make them as useful to the Society they lived in , as possible ; There they were train'd up to Exercise and Labour ; to accustom them to an active Life : No Vice was more infamous than Sloth , nor any Man more contemptible , than him , that was too lazy to do all the good he could . The Lectures of their Philosophers served to quicken them up to this . They recommended above all things the Duty to their Country , the Preservation of their Laws and the publick Liberty ; subservient to which , they preached up Moral Vertues , such as Fortitude , Temperance , Justice , and Contempt of Death , &c. Sometimes they made use of pious Cheats , as Elysian Fields , and an Assurance of future Happiness , if they died in the Cause of their Country ; And even deceived their Hearers into Greatness ; hence proceeded all those noble Characters , wherewith their Histories are so stock'd , &c. The Managers of our modern Education , have not been quite so publick-spirited ; for it has been for the most part in the hands of Men , who have a distinct Interest from the publick , &c. Good Learning as well as Travell , is a great Antidote against the plague of Tyranny . The Books that are left us of the Ancients ( from whence , as from Fountains we draw all that we are now Masters of , ) are full of Doctrines , Sentences , and Examples , exhorting to the Conservation or Recovery of the publick Liberty , which was once valued above Life . The Hero's there celebrated are , for the most part , such as had destroyed or expelled Tyrants ; and though Brutus be generally declaimed against by modern School-boys , He was then esteemed the true Pattern and Model of exact Vertue . Such was Cato of Utica , with others of like Stamp , &c. 'T was not to learn Foreign Languages that the Greecian and Roman Youths went for so long together to the Academics and Lectures of their Philosophers ; 't was not then , as now with us , when the Character of a Scholar is , to be skill'd in Words , &c. This manner of Education produced Men of another Stamp than appears now upon the Theatre of the World , such as we are scarc● worthy to mention , and must never hope to imitate , till the like manner of Institution grows again into Reputation ; which in e●slaved Countries 'tis never likely . to do , as long as the Ecclesiasticks , who have an opposite Interest , keep not only the Education of the Youth , but the Consciences of old Men in their Hands , &c. Here is such a Panegyrick upon the ancient Greeks and Romans , that I much question whether Demosthenes and Cicero both have said so much of them . But , since our Author seems to nauseate so much all that is new , and only to admire Antiquity , it is a great wonder to me , why he did not go to the most ancient Fountain it self , from whence the Greeks , and consequently the Romans , had their best Laws and Constitutions ; I mean the Egyptians : What the Historians have related of them , as having first of all understood the Rules of governing , and kept their Laws the longest and best in ure of any other Nation , as having implanted them into their very Infants by degrees , and taken effectual care to instruct them afterwards in Philosophy and Divinity , deserves credit by all who have had any insight into those most ancient times . Besides their most admirable Institutions , the Invention of Astronomy , Arithmetick , Geometry and Physick , are unquestionably attributed to them ; their Magnificent Tombs , stupendious Obelisks , and Pyramids , their Sculptures , and whole Architecture , their Labyrinth , and prodigious Chanels , derived out of the River Nile , together with their stupendious Lake of Myris , were much surpassing any thing the Greeks or Romans ever did afterwards . Their bodily Exercises , as Horse and Foot-Races , besides those with Chariots , were surprizing things ; and , to say all , the Greeks had all from them , but they almost all from themselves . And since it is absolutely certain , that Pythagoras , Plato , Lycurgus , Solon , and the most solid Grecian Philosophers did fetch their best Knowledge from thence ; and it is even spoken to the praise of Moses himself , that he was instructed in all sorts of Wisdom of the Egyptians ; I cannot well devise what induced our Author not so much as to mention them ; except the Reason is , That their way of having Hereditary Princes , to whom they did pay ( though no Slaves ) a most profound Respect , did not agree with our Author 's Romantick Opinion of the transcendent Vertues of Brutus . And since he pretends to teach us the true Education of our Youth , the Persians would have furnish'd him with as good Patterns in their Princes Sons , as any are to be found among the Romans or Greeks , but that I suppose these were less for his purpose . We must therefore look a little into the ancient Monuments , and see whether they are the only People that , being to be preferred before all others , ought to prescribe Rules for Education and Policy . I suppose it will not be thought a new Objection to say , That the Greeks have not been so Religious in describing their own Affairs as the Romans ; wherefore we ought not to wonder , if these latter do not speak in so high Terms of them as our Author . That the Greeks made no great Account of their Faith , Cicero , who knew them , I think , at least as well as this Gentleman , has left as a most notable Remark upon them ; a nay he did not stick to say publi●kly , That they did not know truly what belonged to it ; tho' for Eloquence , Ingenuity , and other Studies , they were sufficiently to be recommended : b Their Democratical and unskilful way of governing , he reflects upon as most pernicious and destructive : c Their Laws and Constitutions he thought so much inferiour to those of the Romans , that there was no Comparison to be made betwixt them . As to their Philosophers , he calls them a Company of Pratlers d who talk'd much , and apply'd themselves to nothing . e And it is remarkable that the Philosophy of that great man , Plato , immediately after his death , was divided first into the Academians and Peripateticks ; and not long after , into as many Sects as there were little pratling School-masters or Teachers . From whence it may easily be conjectured , how useful they were to , and what Interest they had in the publick Good. f Gellius , who was sent as Pro-Consul into Greece , by calling them together at Athens , would fain have endeavoured , by his Authority and Perswasion , to put an end to their vain Disputes ; but could effect nothing ; Such great Lovers were they of the publick Good , that they did not think it worth their while to hearken to his wholsome Counsel● And if we reflect seriously upon their Transactions , it will easily be found that● what our Author tells us , of their love of Liberty and Country , Fortitude , Temperance and Justice , has abundance more Pomp than real Truth in it , That ancient Law of their drunken Meetings at Athens , aut bibe aut abi , does not shew so much Temperance ; and if the Lacedaemonians exceeded the Athenians in Sobriety , Avarice was a general Vice among them . Philip of Macedon's , ( who understood the Greeks and their Policies very well ) Saying is famous : That no Fort was strong enough to hold out against an Attack , if there were but an Opportunity to let an Ass loaden with Gold enter the same . Their continual Strifes are so well known , that it would be superfluous to pretend to enumerate them ; and though they continually did exclaim against Tyranny , yet their main endeavour was to tyrannize over one another , and effectually did it by turns , till at last Philip , and afterterwards Alexander , took away from them the means to devour one another ; and under pretenee of publick Liberty , by their cursed Ostracism , to ruin such of their Countrymen as had deserved best of them . I have not related this to derogate any thing from the Merits of a great many among them , eminent for their Doctrine , and brave Atchievements . Pythagoras , Democritus , and Plato are questionless among the Greecians , highly to be recommended for their great Industry in searching for their Doctrine● among the Egyptians , and other far distant Countries ; and their Doctrines having from thence been transferred into Italy , and afterwards into these Parts of the World , we ought to pay a due acknowledgment to those who have shewn us the way how to improve our Knowledge . But my only aim is to demonstrate the Vanity of our Romantick Author , who pretends to set them so fat above our Age , both in their Doctrine and great Deeds , that we must not as much as hope to imitate them ; and , that , if Pythagoras and Democritus were great Men , yet the Arrogancy of the first , and the latters blinding himself , thereby to divert himself from all outward Objects , and the better to speculate , savour more of a Phantastical Conceit , than Usefulness to the Publick . And what has been said of their Philosophers may also be applied to all others● who have been eminent among them ; If the Athenians , had their Aristides , Cimon , Thrasibulus , Conon , and others , famous for Justice , Military Atchievements , and love to their fatherly Country ; there were also to be found among them a Miltiades , who affected to domineer over them ; a Themistocles , who made a League with Artaxerxes against them ; an Alcibiades , who was as excellent in Vices , as celebrated in Vertues , by whose Advice the Lacedemonians straitned the Athenians . If the Lacedaemonians had their Agesilaus and Leonidas , the Thebans their Epaminondas , never sufficiently to be praised for their extraordinary Vertues ; had not the Lacedemonians also a Pausanias , famous for his Pride , Levity and Treachery ? Was not among them also a Lysander so justly accused of Crudelity , and other enormous Crimes ? Callicratidas their General , if he was celebrated for Military Vertue ; his Ambition was almost the undoing of the Lacedaemonians , and the Ruin of one of the best Fleets they ever set out . And since our Author has magnified their Philosophers so much above ours , I cannot but put him in mind of the greatest of Philosophers , who , being come forth in our Age , has in so much out-done all the Ancients , both in Metaphysical and Natural Principles , and is in no ways behind them in his Ethicks ; but especially in his incomparable Method of Reasoning , that I am to believe , if he had perused and duly considered his Philosophy , he would perhaps have been cured of his vain Conceits of the old ones . It is not my business here to determine whether he has taken some light as to his natural Principles , out of Epicurus , as some say he has● as to his Metaphysicks out of St. Augustine , and other Fathers ; this is most certain , that since his publishing the same , there has been a more solid Foundation laid towards the true understanding and advancing the most useful Sciences , than all the Golden Ages of his so much admired Philosophers have been able to produce . But let us not insist farther upon the Greeks , since we must also take a short view of the Romans : That the same have much exceeded the former in true greatness of Mind , Constancy , Love to their Country , and , before all , in Martial Discipline , Knowledge of the Laws , nay even in Eloquence ( that most beloved Art of the Greeks , ) have been equal to them , is what scarce any body , who has had a right insight into both their Histories , will deny : but that they should have committed the Education of their Youth , generally speaking , to the chief management of such Philosophers as were frequent in Greece , I am to learn yet . As the Foundation of the Roman Government was their Military Discipline , and excellent Laws and Customs ; so the same were implanted into their Youth , by the Instructions and Examples rather of their Parents , than any publick Philosophers : And though in Process of time Eloquence begun to bear a great Sway with the Romans ; a yet was it a great while before they took the pains to go and hear the Greecian Orators , but were contented with such as their Genius and Home-education furnish'd them withal . b And it is observeable that most of the Romans did excell in the same kind , wherein their Fathers or Ancestors had been remarkable : c And such as had not the Advantage of such Parentage , commonly used to chuse some great Man or another , from whom they took Directions , and whom they strove to imitate . From hence came that Custom of taking their Youths into the Senate● House , that by continual Observations of the Gravity , Constancy and Secrecy of that great Assembly , they might be instructed , not only in State-Affairs , but also excited to imitate the Examples of their several Parents . To these Methods , and not the hearing of pratling Philosophers was chiefly owing that prodigious Off-spring of so many Valiant , Wise , and Eloquent Men , who were educated by the Care of their Wise Parents , and by timely applying themselves to Business under their Tuition , became the Terrour of their Enemies . And this was doubtless one Reason why by their Annal Laws no body was admitted to the highest degree of Honour , till at a certain age , that also , as by steps , they might ascend to the same , sufficiently prepared with the Knowledge not only , but also the Practice and Management of State and Military Affairs . From this Paternal Care , and timely applying themselves to the Knowledge of their Affairs , and Martial Discipline , came these so renowned Men among them ; and these Philosophers , whom our Author would fain make us believe to be the principal Men of their Education , were only employed to teach them the Precepts , of Oratory , and such like ; d and as by the most understanding Greeks they were not much valued , so they proved very mischievous to the Romans , as they had done to the Greeks before , and will do so to all Governments , where the Art of Rhetorick is preferred before true Sense . The Roman Commonwealth thus instructed with excellent Laws , and stock'd with Great and Wise Men , yet was so over-run with all sorts of Vices , and entangled at last in the Snares of its own Citizens , that I cannot for my Life see why this Gentleman should so much prefer it before our times , since it is evident enough , that Viceswere as predominant there as they are among us ; and that if they have had Men famous for Military Atchievements , Temperance , Constancy , and other Vertues , our Age is not destitute of them . Was not Avarice as enormous among the Romans as it is among us ? The Saying of Jugurtha , who had tryed them in that kind , sufficiently verifies it . And he that doubts , whether all sorts of Vices were as much in vogue at Rome formerly , as they are in our Age , let him ( besides what their Poets and other Historians have left us ) but cast one Eye upon that Catalogue which Cicero gives us of such as were the Associates of Catiline , and belonged to his Army , and he will quickly be of the same Opinion with me . e Did not Cicero tell them publickly to their Faces , That through the Licentiousness and Avarice of the Roman Generals , more Cities were spoiled by their own Soldiers , than by the Enemies ? Had not they among them as well their Tarquin , Sulla , Catiline , Antony , and others , as their Scipio's , Regulus , Marcellus , and such like . Truly even Cicero himself , who could give such good Doctrines to others , who pretended to be behind-hand with no body for Love to his Country , Greatness of Mind , and other Vertues , who was certainly as great a Philosopher as ever the Romans had , and writ as pathetically , as any body in his Philosophical Treatises , was , without Contradiction , guilty of vain Ambition , Flattery , Dissimulation , and other Extravagancies . And though he exclaims most egregiously against the latter , especially a in his Philosophical Works ; yet those that will take the pains to compare his Orations , pro Rege Dejotaro & pro Marcello , with his Philippicks , will easily be convinced , that he had studied that Art as well , and made himself as great a Master of it as any body . Now if we look upon the Religious Institutions of the Romans , How ridiculous were they ! And though they served sometimes for a State 's Turn , yet proved they often as mischievous ; since for all the outward Pomp , b the most judicious , as well of the Romans , as also others , were sensible of the Vanity of them , and would ridicule them also upon occasion . How Cato the Elder represented the Vanity of the Augurs , and Hannibal's witty Reply to Prusias , who would not fight , because the Entrails of the Beasts did not prove favourable , is well known to those who are vers'd in Histories . Their Constitutions , Laws , and Policy , it 's true , were extraordinary ; their Counsels grave , and deeply laid ; their Constancy admirable , from whence they seldom receded ; their Military Discipline and Order of their Legions , without Comparison , much above any thing that was to be found in those times . Nevertheless the perpetual Contests betwixt the Patricians and Plebeians , and afterwards betwixt the Senate and People , caused a great many Convulsions in the State , and was at last the cause of its Alteration . After Valerius had once given an Inch to the Plebeians , in allowing the Appeal to the People , they would not be contented , till by their shameful Tumultuous Assembly in the Mount Aventine , they forced the Senate to allow them their Tribunes , who so well knew how to play their Cards , that in a little time the Plebeians were admitted to all Dignities , and by continual Strifes against the Patricians , were the occasion of the abolishing the Power of both . For when Sylla had once tryed what the Romans could bear , Pompey his Scholar was for following his Foot-steps ; but being prevented by Caesar , left that Work to be perfected by him and his Successors . Their Gravity also and Constancy was not a little shaken , when they were forced to make that shameful Peace with Porscnna , so little spoken of by the Roman Historians , and to redeem themselves from the Gauls , called the Senones , with Money . How also their Military Discipline did , by degrees , decay , and at last degenerate into such a licentiousness , that the Souldiers and Generals of their setting up became Masters of the Empire , the Histories of these Times do abundantly testify . It is then in vain for our Author to seek for his Golden Age among the Greeks and the Romans . If he had perused the 97 a Epistle of Seneca's , who questionless had an extraordinary insight into those Times , he would have lost his Appetite of railing against our Age , since it is evident to all considering Men , that if our Times be over-run with Vices ; nevertheless we are not destitute of Examples of Contempt of Death , Love to their Country , Constancy , Valour , and other most eminent Vertues . Contempt of Death is so common to our Age , that even our Miscreants shew it frequently in their Journey to Tiburn . And if this Gentleman's Eyes had not been quite dazled with his Ancients vanity , he might at Copenhagen , when he was there , have seen the Remnants of Valour , Bravery and Constancy , which the Citizens of that place , when reduced to the utmost , shewed under the Conduct of so brave a King in our Age. Hath our Author forgot what one single Person , whose Name was Hasselaer , did in our memory at Amsterdam ; who saved that City from falling into the hands of the French , who were much stronger and nearer to that City , than ever Hannibal was to Rome , after the defeat of Cannas ? Can our Author have forgot that successive Off-spring of Heroes , of that illustrious Family , from whence his present Majesty is descended ? Has he forgot what his Ancestors not only , but more particularly he in Person has done for the Deliverance of his Native Country , first , and again for us , against a more potent Enemy , than the Carthaginians were in comparison of Rome ? If I should but hint the particulars of these great actions , certainly it would make him asham'd of his vain Conceits . But since these great and unparallell'd Actions will never be forgot by all good Men , and my Pen is in no ways able to find words proportionable to so extraordinary Merits , I will only say , that I will defie our Author to shew me out of all his worm-eaten Antiquities , ( whether Greeks or Romans , ) a Family by a continual Succession of time so abounding with Champions for their Country , as his Majesty's , or any one of the Ancient Hero's surpassing his Majesty in Valour , Prudence and Justice . It is therefore to be admired , why among so many Romans eminent for their Vertues , he could not pick out any others to put as Examples , besides Cato and Brutus ; Cato was always censured by all understanding Politicians , for having more surliness in him than was useful to the State. And Brutus committed the blackest Villany against his Friend , and murthered him , to whom he ow'd more than to his Parents . Neither is the matter much mended , by excusing his Villany with the pretence of publick Liberty ; for not to mention , that he and Cassius took upon themselves the same Title of Imperator , as Caesar had done : it is evident enough to all sensible Men , that they intended to play the same Game , if not a worse , since they were far behind him in every respect . And if a pretence of Liberty is sufficient to warrant the blackest Crimes , I see no reason why Ravaillac , and others of that stamp , should not claim the same Priviledge ; since questionless the pretence of their Principles of Religion are as specious as those of Liberty . Methinks our Author shews in this point especially a little too much inclination to such , as rail with great violence against the Jesuits ; yet have not laid aside their Doctrine of Sacrificing either King , Friend , Relations or Kindred , when ever they are possessed with the Frensical humour , that any thing is done in prejudice of their pretended Rights , which they know how to deduce with as many florid Speeches , as ever the whimsical b Greeks and some of the b c Romans did , when they intended to impose upon the People under the pretext of publick Liberty . And here I should say something concerning our Author's new broach'd Rules of Policy , as also the Digression he makes upon the most Antient Constitutions of Government in Europe : but because these Remarks are grown almost as monstrous in bigness as the Preface it self , and we shall be obliged to treat of these Points hereafter , when he in the Treatise represents the form of Government in Denmark and other Countries , we will supersede it here , as also , what he says according to his Romantick way , That in Spain , Italy , and France , Slavery is not so conspicuous , but in the Northern parts it appears in its true shape ; since something of that will be said in the Conclusion of the Treatise , where he speaks to the same purpose . But what he says , That it is now or never seasonable to assert both the Peoples Right and his Majesty's Title , is like all the rest of his Vanity , since God knows he has not said one word farther of it ; and it would have been but common Wisdom not to have inserted things of that high moment in a transitory way among his fantastical Conceits , especially at a time when the People enjoy their legal Liberties under the Reign of a Wise , Just , and Brave King , whose Title is so generally approved by the Practice of all , and especially our Age , and more particularly by the general approbation of all Europe , and all good Men in these Kingdoms , I conclude with the great Roman Politician and Philosopher . Nihil est temeritate turpius , nec quidquam tam indignum sapientis gravitate & constantia , quam aut falsum sentire , aut quod non satis exploratè perceptum aut cognitum sit , sine ulla dubitatione defendere . ( ic . lib. 1. de natur . Deor. REMARKS UPON THE TREATISE , CALLED An ACCOUNT OF DENMARK . THE first Chapter of the Treatise it self , having nothing material in it , besides a general Geographical Description of the Territories belonging to the King of Denmark , does not require any further Observations ; and if the Author in some other matters had , ( as he has done in this ) rather follow'd the foot-steps of Authentick Writers , than his Sensible and Grave Men ( as he calls them in this Chapter ) who have misled him for the most part , into a Conceit of his own Knowledge and an ill-grounded Experience , instead of Truth , we might have superseded to extend these Remarks so far as we are obliged now to do . We will therefore go on to the Second Chapter , where he speaks thus , concerning the Island of Zealand : It is almost of a circular Figure , and contains about 180 English Miles in circumference : I cannot commend its Fertility , there being no Bread Corn growing in any part of it , except Rye , which indeed is in good quantity , and whereof most of their Bread is made , &c. It has no Rivers , nor above half a score Brooks that are able to turn a Mill , &c. About one fourth part of it is Forrest lying open for the King 's Hunting , and his Game , such as Stags , Wild Boars , Roe Buck , &c. These are such Sacred things , that no body dares touch them , tho' they find them in whole Herds destroying their Corn , to the infinite yearly damage of the poor Peasants , &c. For Sea-Ports , that most excellent one belonging to Copenhagen , must make amends for the want of them , not only in this , but many other of the Islands ; there being few others , that I know of , capable of harboring a Vessel of 200 Tuns , &c. Neither is this a sensible want , because there are no Commodities in this Island , for Exportation . I have been told , that forty years ago , ten or twelve Dutch Fly-Boats found yearly their Lading at Kiog , a pretty flourishing Town at that time , within twenty English Miles of Copenhagen , but of late they seem to be well satisfied , if the Product of the Isle maintains in this sort of Grain the Inhabitants of it : Not that the Numbers of these are increased , but Husbandry is not so much encouraged now , as when the Taxes of the poor Country People were less frequent and grievous , &c. The feeding of the Commonalty generally throughout all Denmark , is very mean , the Burgers or Citizens sustaining themselves with Rye Bread , Sale Flesh , Stock Fish , Bacon , and very bad Cheese ; insomuch that the Inspecters of our Markets in England , who use to destory or send to the Prisons all such Victuals as are not judged wholesom , would ( if they found them no better provided than at Copenhagen ) go near to empty the Markets , and leave little so either Buyer or Seller ; the Peasants live on Roots , white Meats , and Rye Bread , feldom tasting fresh Fish , and scarce ever Flesh , unless on some extraordinary Festivals as on St. Martin's Eve , when each Family in Denmark , without fail , makes merry with a roasted Goose at Supper , Here and in all Denmark , are but two Seasons of the year , Winter and Summer ; those two other more agreeable ones of Spring and Autumn not being commonly known ; the Spring never , and the Autumn seldom , &c. The principal things of this Island , and indeed of all Denmark , are the City of Copenhagen , and the Passage of the Sound . I will begin with the City , the rather , because when I have done with that , I have little more to say of any other in the King of Denmark's Dominions , there being no other belonging to him , much better than our Town of St. Albans . Thus far our Author . This Island of Zealand containing the chief City of all Denmark , and being the place of Residence of its Kings , and consequently more frequented by Strangers , than most of the other parts of this Kingdom , we might have justly expected a more exact Account thereof , than of the rest ; which , how it has been performed , will be worth our taking notice of . The circumference of Zealand he makes to be ●80 English Miles , when I am surre I could never meet with any body whether Da●e or other Foreigner , that knew this Island , but all confirmed what I had observed as near as I could , before , that the length of this Island were about 20 Danish Leagues , and if you do reckon but a Danish League to consist of four English Miles ( as certainly they do at least ) the circumference which this Gentleman himself is pleased to make almost circular , must by computation , amount to 240 English Miles , which is 60 more than is mentioned in the Author's Description . And according to this Calculation , you must give grains of allowance for all the rest ; he cannot ( says he ) recommend its Fertility , there being no Bread Corn growing there in any part , except Rye : but he had forgot that there also grows Wheat in some parts , and Barley almost every where in abundance , as also a great quantity of Oats . He says , That there are few Ports in this and many other of these Islands capable of harbouring a Vessel of 200 Tuns ; neither that this is a sensible want , because there are no Commodities in this Island for Exportation . I must confess he has been a little more modest in this Assertion than in any other before , having added the words ( that I know of ) yet it is a wonder that his Grave and Sensible Men could not instruct him better . They must for all their Gravity have been either very ignorant , or else very negligent in not telling him , that in this very Island of Zealand , were other Cities and Ports ( not to speak in this place of those in the other Islands , which shall he mentioned in their proper places ) which could , and did harbour Ships of above 200 Tuns , and that it would be a considerable want , if these places were not in that Island ; since from Corsoer , a place well Fortified with a Castle , and lying on the West side of this Island on the great Belt over against Nyburgh in Funen , a considerable quantity of Barley is yearly Exported to Holland ; as is done likewise from Holbeck , but more especially from Calenburgh ; which being a well built place , exceeding St. Albans in every respect , and having a very good Port capable of harbouring Ships of a much greater burden than 200 Tuns , stands about fifteen or sixteen English Miles North of Corsoer . In the South part of this Island , is also a place called Nestwed , situated on a Navigable River , which extends it self much higher into the Country , ( tho' our Author has been pleased to allow none at all here ) from whence there is a considerable Trade to Lubeck . And if from Kiog , an inconsiderable place in comparison of these places we have now mentioned , but particularly remembered by this Gentleman , when he forgot the rest , there used formerly to go a few Fly-Boats to Holland , there go more now from thence to Norwegen with Malt. I will not insist now upon some of less Note , as Schelsoer and Warburg , tho' the last of these has been famous in our Age , because Charles King of Sweden in his first Expedition against Denmark , Anno 1657. did set first footing there , as he did afterwards in his second , Anno 1658. at Cursoer . When I consider with my self , that this Gentleman has not as much as made the least mention of these before-mentioned places , and how much this contradicts his Norions he has set down of this Island of Zealand , as also that not so much as any places have been named by him , lying beyond Elsinore , Cronenburgh & King , the most remote of which is within 20 English Miles of Copenhagen , it seems to be very obvious , that both his own Knowledge and that of his Grave and Sensible Teachers , did not reach much farther . And what may confirm any body in this opinion is , that he tells us a most dismal Story , of whole Herds of Stags , Wild Boars and Ro● Bucks , ( whom he calls Sacred things ) destroying the poor Peasants Corn : when it is sufficiently known , that there is scarce any Kingdom to be found , where there is not Provision made for preserving the Royal Game against the rapaciousness of the Peasants and other Vagabonds . And tho' there is a considerable quantity of Forests Royal , and Wild Beasts in this Island , yet is an effectual care taken , that they may not be destructive to the Country ; since not only every Nobleman , ( who possess almost all the Lands not belonging to the King here ) have the Priviledge of Hunting and Shooting in their own Lordships , or Territories , but also the Court by frequent Hunting , kill a great number of them , and the King keeps in every part a certain number of Huntsmen , whose Duty it is to preserve the Country from receiving damage by these wild Beasts . But leaving the wild Beasts , we must also see what he says concerning the Inhabitants of Denmark , whose feeding ( if this Gentleman is to be believed ) is very mean , and the Burgers and Citizens sustain themselves with Rye Bread , Salt Flesh , Stock Fish , Bacon , and very bad Cheese . Here you see the Fare of the Danes , and that of those who live in the Cities , for the poor Peasants fare worse . I am apt to think that this Gentleman happened to light into some Black-Smiths or other their like Mechanicks House in Copenhagen , who ( according to the Custom of these Northern Countries ) being obliged to find their Journey-Men with Victuals at their Houses , where they work , make use of such Dishes as our Author has been pleased to mention here . But if he had been acquainted in Burgers or Citizens Houses of an higher Degree , he would have met also with another sort of Victuals . It is so generally objected as a fault to the Northern Nations , that they are too Liberal and Hospitable in their Houses , and that they mind Eating and Drinking more than any thing else , that I wonder how this Gentleman could think upon it , except he takes a particular Pride to be singular , and to t●ll us Miracles , which were never seen or heard of before his Arrival in Denmark . I may say it without Vanity , that the Northern parts are very well known to me , and perhaps as well as to this Gentleman , and this I can affirm for a truh , which may easily be confirmed by hundreds in this Town , that the abovesaid Objection of the Author , is utterly contrary to the Experience of all understanding People ; since it has been always confessed by them , that they rather exceed the true bounds in this point . For nothing is more common in those parts , than to see the Table-Cloath laid thrice a day , and at every Meal to have hot Victuals , at Dinner especially you shall seldom find them without two Dishes ; among Mechanicks the most solid sort of Victuals● such as are suitable to their Constitutions and Labour are used , but the better sort of Citizens generally deny themselves not any thing that the Season affords , and are extreamly addicted to Varieties in their Diet. It is true , you may seldom meet there with such large Dishes of Meat at the Tables of the better sort , as are customary here , but they make that up in the Number ; since even in private Burgers Houses , they seldom sit down at Dinner or Snpper without two Dishes , & a Glass of Wine , which generally they are furnish'd withall in their own Houses , Taverns being not to be found in so excessive anumber there , as they are with us . When they invite their Friends , their Tables are always thrice fill'd up with variety of Victuals , & Wine is so plentiful among them , that if a Man does not feel the effects of the Feast the next day , he does not think himself well Entertained the day before . I will not undertake here to make an exact Comparison betwixt our and their Markets , since perhaps this Gentleman and his Friends have taken more pains in searching them , than ever I did ; but this is notorious enough , that in Denmark the Beef is exceeding well tasted and very fat , that Veal is proportionably good , ( tho' not so large as here ) and their Hogs-flesh to be compared to any in the World , as also Lambs-flesh and Mutton not to be despised , tho' the latter be not so common among them . Concerning their Poultry we will say nothing in this place , because we shall have occasion to speak something of this hereafter , when we come to our Author 's Remarkable History of the Green-Geese and other wild and tame Fowl. What he says concerning that there are but two Seasons in Denmark , may best be explained by comparing the North Latitude of these Countries with some of ours . The North Latitude then of Denmark being betwixt the Degrees of 54 and 58 lies parallel to all that Tract in our Island , laying betwixt the City of York and the further end of Scotland ; and the City of Copenhagen being situated under the 56 Degrees of Northern Latitude , which is correspondent to that of Edenburgh in Scotland , we may from thence conjecture , That the leaping from extremity of heat to extremity of cold , is not near so fearful as this Gentleman would make us believe , or at least it is not so in all parts of Denmark . The rest of this Chapter is taken up with the Description of Copenhagen , which being the only place this Gentleman has thought worthy of taking particular notice of , yet is described by him so superficially , that besides what he says of the Port and its situation , scarce any thing else has been mentioned of the same . This Author having already shewed himself no great admirer of Universities , I do not much admire at his not so much as naming that of Copenhagen ; but since he seem'd so fond in his Preface , of the Bodily Exercises practised in the Antient Academies , one might justly wonder why he has not mentioned that set up a few years ago at Copenhagen , which as it is greatly encouraged by his present Danish Majesty , in allowing considerable Sallaries and Priviledges to the same ; so all sorts of Exercises , ( besides Foreign Languages and Mathematicks ) are taught in great Perfection . The Change and Arsenal he has just vouchsafed to name , when it is confess'd by all that have taken a right view of the last of these two , that it is one of the finest to be met withall , and is especially much celebrated for that most wonderful Coelestial Globe , which having six foot of Diameter , was once the work of that so much renowned Danish Astronomer , Tycho Brahe ; I will only say thus much concerning Copenhagen , That as its Situation is one of the most Commodious in Europe , as to the Sea-side ; so on the Land-side , it standing upon a Flat , and containing near 9000 Houses , it is encompass'd with a pleasant and delightful Country . The Streets are broad , clean and neat , wherein are Lights kept in the Night-time , and what our Author says , That their Buildings being Cage-work , the intervals of the Timber being fill'd up with Brick , and therefore very mean , is frivolous ; it being obvious enough to any considering Person , that in a Country where Timber is very cheap , and consequently not so sparingly used as here , the Houses so built , are much exceeding for Beauty , our antient way of Plaister-work betwixt Timber , and even surpassing our modern common way of Brick-Buildings , which are so much inferior to those in the Northern parts for strength , that they generally do not stand half so long , tho' it cannot be denied , that ours for Uniformity and Contrivance , excel theirs . And before we leave this Island of Zealand , I cannot but mention also a place called Roshild , some Leagues distant from Copenhagen , formerly an Episcopal See , the Bishops whereof had the Honour of Crowning the Kings of Denmark , and the Cathedral here is famous for the Tombs of a great many Danish Kings , some whereof are very Sumptuous and Magnificent . And tho' it has been Celebrated again in our Age , for the Peace concluded there Anno 1658● betwixt the Two Northern Crowns ; and it also excels our Town of St. Albans : yet the Author has not thought fit to name it to us . And so I will have done with this Island , when I have added this , That besides a great many other Towns not mentioned , it is computed to contain near 350 Villages . The following Chapter treating of the Sound , but more especially of the Toll there at Cronenburgh , whereof the Author has given us a large History , we will pass by , as having nothing much remarkable in it , besides what is mentioned there : and come to the Fourth Chapter , where he treats of the other Islands , and Jutland . Not to insist here upon some Islands , which are left out by our Author , though they are more considerable than some that he has mentioned , we will take them in the same Order as he has set them down in the Treatise ; and thus he speaks concerning Funen : Funen is Second to Zealand , whether its bigness , or the goodness of its Soil be considered : It has plenty of Corn , Hogs , Lakes , and Woods . The chief Town of it is Odensee , a well-seated , and formerly a flourishing little City ; but at present much fallen to decay . This Island produces nothing for the Merchant to export , except some few Horses , the Inhabitants generally consuming their own Commodities , &c. This is the whole Description he has given us concerning this Island ; which being about 190 English Miles in Circumference , and containing above 250 Villages , is situated between Zealand and Jutland ; parted from the first by the great Belt , and from the latter by the little Belt : The chief Town of it was formerly Odensee , a flourishing little City , as this Gentleman says ; but yet much better than St. Albans ; though Nyburgh seems now to be the principal City in this Island : which lying opposite to Corsoer in Zealand , has a capacious and commodious Port , able to harbour a great many stout Ships , beyond the Burden of 200 Tuns ; as have also likewife Swenburgh , Kartemunde , Voburgh , Middelfare , and other considerable Ports here ; from whence good store of Barley is transported into Holland , and a great quantity of Oxen into other Parts : from whence may appear the Vanity of this Author's Assertion in the Second Chapter concerning the Danish Ports , and what he has been willing to perswade us here , That this Island produces nothing for the Merchant to export . The rest of the Islands mentioned by our Author , being of less Consequence ●han the rest , seem not to require any Remarks , unless what may be said as to their Situation , Laland , Falster , and Mo●●en , lying close together , South of Zealand , and only are parted from that Island ●y a very narrow Streight , called Grone●ound : Laland being the biggest of the Three , is also the most fruitful ; the ●hief Town whereof is Naskaw , pretty ●ell fortified , and famous for the long ●esistance it made against the Swedes , ●nno 1659. Monen being but about Thirty English Miles in Circumference , ●id also defend it self better in the same ●ear against the Swedes , than any of the ●igger Islands . Falster lying South West ●om Monen , is celebrated for its Plenty , ●●t more especially for the chief place of ●●e Island , called Nicoping , the great●t , and best built of any place in Den●ark . In Langland the principal Town Rudcoping : Alsen is famous for the ●wo Castles of Norburgh and Sunder●rgh , which have given Titles to Two ●ukes of the same Name ; and the lat●r for holding out against the Attacks of Wrangel , the Swedish General ; so that he was thereby obliged to quit the whole Island . But Amack , says the Author , deserves particularly to be ●● membred : This Island joins closely ●● the City of Copenhagen , from which it●● only separated by a small Arm of the S● which is pass'd over by a Draw-bridge and exceeds in fruitfulness any spot of Ground in Denmark . This Land we●● given many Years ago to several Families of North Hollanders , who were plant●● there to make Butter and Cheese for ●● Court , &c. This Island being the lea●● of all that lie scattered in the Sea , ne●● Zealand , as having but Fifteen or S●teen English Miles in Compass , may w● be called the Store-house of Copenhage● since it furnishes its Markets abundant●● not only with all sorts of good Meat , b● also with Butter , Cheese , Hares , D● mestick Fowls , and all sorts of Kitche● Herbs , and Salleting . There are in● several Villages , and Three or Four P● rish Churches ; One of which is only ●● the Possession of the North Holland●● granted to them above 150 Years ag● by Christiern II. King of Denmark : T●●● other part of the Island being inhabit●● by the Danes , I wonder how our A●thor could fall into this mistake , That this Land was given to the North Hollanders , without so much as mentioning the Danes , who possess'd the greatest part of it , and that in the very sight of Copenhagen . And so taking our leave of these Islands , we must also take into consideration what our Author has told us concerning Jutland ; which though it be a Peninsula , yet he has began to treat of it here in the same Chapter with the Islands . But let us hear his Words : Jutland , part of the ancient Cimbrica Chersonesus , is the biggest part of the Kingdom of Denmark , and may amount to about Two Thirds of the whole . It is divided into Four Stiffts-Ampts , or principal Governments . This is a plentiful Country , abounding more especially in Cat●le : It wants good Sea-Ports towards the Ocean ; notwithstanding which , the Hollanders transport yearly great quantities of ●●ean Cows and Oxen from hence , to their more fertile Soil , &c. The Horse and Swine of this Country are excellen● , and in great quantities . It affords Corn in sufficient quantity for the use of its own People , &c. In short , it is the best Country the King of Denmark is Master of , ●●nd appears to be least declining , because most remote from Copenhagen . Procul ●● Jove , procul à fulmine . Jutland being at this time divided into to North and South Jutland , the Author has given us his Description of the North part of it in this Chapter , reserving the South Part for the next following . North Jutland then is divided into Four Principal Dioceses , or Governments , viz. Alburg , Wiburg , Arhusen , and Ripen , so denominated from the Capital Cities of each Government . And here one might , not without good Reason enquire , why this Gentleman has not vouchsafed to add something more concerning these Part● which he himself calls the biggest of t●● Kingdom of Denmark , and are indeed the most considerable ; since under th● Diocese of Ripen alone , there is reck●●ed to be near 300 Parishes , Seven walled Towns , and Ten Royal Cities : But I am apt to believe , he was unwilling to contradict himself in what he had said in the Second Chapter , That there were no places in Denmark much better than our Town of St. Albans ; neither ●● Sea-Ports capable of harbouring Ships ●● above 200 Tun , except Copenhagen . It will not therefore be amiss to say ●● little of each of these places ; fro● whence may appear how miserably this Gentleman has been mis-led by his grave and sensible Men. And to begin first with Aalburg , which lying most North , is the chief and largest place of this Government , ( unto which it has given the same Name ) approaching in bigness to Copenhagen it self . It has a good Port capable of containing Ships of a much greater Burthen than 200 Tuns , seated on the South-side of a very large Bay , called Limfort . This Bay extends it self all along a great part of the Peninsule , and comprehends within its compass a good large Island , called Mors. The second District or Government lying next to this , Southward , is called Wiburg . The Capital place whereof is of the same Name , situated on a small River , which runs Northward into the above named Bay of Limfort . It is an Episcopal See , and though but an Inland place , the River being scarce navigable ; yet near as big as Aalburg : South of this lies the Government of Aalhuis , likewise so named from its principal City . This place is situated to the South-East of Wiburg , a few Miles above the lesser Belt on the Sea-side , having as commodious a Port as Aalburg , and coming very near to it in bigness . Opposite to this , viz. on the West-side of the Peninsule near 60 English Miles distant is Rinkoping , a most famous Sea-port on the German Ocean . This with some other convenient Ports lying on the West-side of this Peninsule , do contradict manifestly what this Gentleman has been pleased to tell us in this Chapter , that it wants good Sea-ports towards the Ocean , as the above-mentioned Cities do shew the Vanity of what he pretended to perswade us in the second Chapter , concerning the want of Sea-ports in Denmark , and that no place here were better than our Town of St. Albans . The fourth and last of these Northern Dioceses , is called Ripen , it is the largest of these four ; its Capital City is called likewise Ripen , being an Episcopal See , situated on the West-side of the Peninsule , near the German Ocean , being defended by a well fortified Castle . Among other Towns here is a place called Fredericks Ode , deserves to be taken particular notice of . This though well fortified to the Land side , and provided with Pallisado's near the Sea-side ; yet was surprized Anno 1657. by the Swe●sh General Wrangel , who , with his Men in the Night-time , beating down the Pallisado's , and passing through the Waters , took it by storm ; where above 2000 were slain , and 2000 taken Prisoners , besides Officers , and a great store of Ammunition and Plunder . A few Miles from this place is also a good Sea-port called Colding , with a strongly fortified Castle called Arnsburg , where is paid the Toll for the Horses and Oxen , which pass this way for Germany in great Quantities ; so that it is a manifest Errour in our Author , when he says , that only lean Cows and Oxen are transported from this Peninsule to Holland ; since besides these a prodigious Number of fat Oxen , very good Horses , and the best Hogs are sent from hence by Land into Germany , and a considerable Quantity of Corn and Fish , is from the above-mentioned Ports transported into Holland , and other adjacent Countries . The reason this Gentleman has been pleased to give , why Jutland appears least declining , because most remote from Copenhagen , as it favours a little of Malice , so it may perhaps take with some inconsidering Persons . But to the more judicious it will be evident enough ; that , if this point of its appearing least declining should be granted ; which however it is not , since near Copenhagen , the Country appears in as good a Condition as here ; yet the difference arises chiefly from thence , what our Author had said a little before , That this is a plentiful Country , abounding more especially with Cattle ; to which I will add , that it has also convenient Ports , and abounds with more Commodities for Exportation . And that this is the true Cause of its appearing least declining , may be gathered out of the Authors own Words in this very Chapter ; where he says , The Land is more fertile near the Seac●oasts , the Inland being full of Heaths , Lakes and Woods : and truly in these places , Jutland makes no better appearance than Zealand . I could also assign this for one reason among others , that the Peasants in general here , being not Vassals to the Nobility as they are in Zealand , might contribute much to this Appearance ; but as the first is most evident , so I think it may convince all unbyass'd and judicious Persons , how impartial this Gentleman has been in his pretended Account of Denmark . In the V. Chapter , which he entitles , Of the rest of the King of Denmark's Territories ; he begins with the Dútchy of Sleswick thus : The Dutchy of Sleswick is in general a very good Country ; It s convenient Situations between two Seas , the Ocean and the Baltick , rendring it considerable for Trade ; although the natural Commodities fit for Exportation , are in no great Quantity . Some Cor● , Cattle , Horses and Wood for firing , it affords to its Neighbours , over and above a sufficient store of each for its own Inhabitants . It is divided between the King and the Duke of Holstein . The principal Town , which gives name to the Dutchy , belongs to the Duke of Holstein , who resides near it in his Pallace of Gottorp , &c. This is all that this Gentleman has thought fit to afford us concerning the Dutchy of Sleswick ; which being the South-part of Jutland , comprehends a large and fruitful Tract of ground , adorned with a great many fair Cities , and commodious Sea ports ; whereas he hath taken up more with the Description of the Resident place of the Duke of Holstein Gottorp ; which as it does not belong to the King of Denmark's Dominions ; so it is much inferiour ( though else a very fine Seat ) to some of the King of Denmark's , which either are not mentioned at all by the Author , or else represented much less advantageous . It must needs be a great Wonder to any Body that knows these Countries , how he should make a Digression to describe the Residence of the Duke of Holstein Gottorp , and neglect to remember here a goodly Town , called Hadersleben , situated in the same Dukedom near the Baltick , and beautified with the fair Castle of Hansburg , begun to be built by John the Eldest Son of Christiern I , and finished by Frederick II. this present King● of Denmark's great Grandfather . Not to mention here Apenrade and Tondern ; the first whereof lies on the Baltick , as the Second is situated near the German Ocean ; certainly the Town of Flensbourgh with its Castle , might have deserved to be remembred as well as Gottorp , except he was afraid of contradicting what he said before concerning the want of Harbours in Denmark , which were capable of harbouring a Ship of 200 Tuns ; it being notorious that this place situated on a Bay of the Baltick Sea , called Hever Bay , has so deep and commodious a Port , that it not only receives Ships of a far greater Burthen ; but also the same lye up close to the Houses almost every where , as they do at Wapping , and other adjacent parts of the Thames . It would , I think , not have been amiss to have described here , that Tract of Ground , which lying betwixt Sleswick and Flensburgh , goes to this Day by the Name of Anglen ; and the Inhabitants of it are called Engel Saxen ; who being esteemed the Remnants of one of those three Nations , that setled here , this Kingdom has particularly derived its Name from them . The River Eyder also , which divides the Dukedoms of Sleswick , and Holstein , ought not to have been forgot , since it was the ancient Boundary betwixt the Saxons and Danes . And since this Gentleman is so strangely taken in the next Chapter with the ancient Goths , I cannot devise why he should not have remembred a piece of Work of their Posterity extant in this Country , somewhat resembling that ancient Roman Work in our Island , called Picts-wall . This is a long Trench and Wall which was built about the Year 809 , in the Times of the Emperour Charles the Great , by Gotricus , then King of Denmark , to hinder the Incursions of the Saxons . The Tract of this Work is easily to be seen yet in a great many places within a few Miles South of Sleswick , and is by the Inhabitants called Danewark to this Day , and reported , that it did reach from the one Sea to the other . These matters , as also a great many others , having a near relation to our ancient times , the Author did either think not worth mentioning ; or else those grave Men who instructed him , were not so sensible as he describes them in his first Chapter . But it is time also to see what he says concerning Holstein , these are among others his Words . The Country , ( meaning Holstein ) is very fruitful and pleasant , excellently well seated for Trade , lying between the two Seas , and having the advantage of the Neighbourhood of the River Elbe , and of Hamburgh , &c. Stormar and Ditmarsh , he says , lie the nearest to the River Elbe , and are for the most part low and rich Countries ; the soil being fat , and in many places resembling Holland , as well in its fertility , as manner of improvement , &c. This is all the Account the Author gives us of Holstein , ( besides what he says of its being divided into several Branches ) which Country , considering the ancientness and number of its Nobility , the variety and fertility of Ground , number and consequence of its Cities and Towns , would have deserved also a more particular Description : But since he has told us in the First Chapter , That he did include in this Account the Dutchy of Sleswick , as part of Denmark , but not the Dutchy of Holstein ; because the former was a F●ef of that Crown , the latter of the Empire ; and our Remarks being limited by the Account he has given of Denmark , we will only add , That Holstein being divided into Four Principal Parts , viz. Ditmarsen , Holstein , properly so called , Stormar , and Wageren , the Author has not mentioned the last of all , though that famous City of Lubeck lies in the same , as that of Hamburg is situated in Stormaren ; each of which would deserve a particular Description , if the Nature and Bounds of these Remarks would permit us to undertake it . What he has said concerning the Country of Oldenburgh , is not much to be said to , only to remember , that it is not only that sort of Cream-coloured . Coach-Horses he speaks of , that abound there ; but that there is also in that Country so excellent a breed of all sorts of Horses , introduced some Years ago by Anthony Gunter , the last Count of Oldenburgh , that I much question , whether the like , both in number and quality● can be found in Europe in so small a spot of Ground . Concerning Norway , the Author having given a pretty regular account , we will say no more of it , but that it is not destitute of Corn ; since Tellemarch , Hemarch , and Gouldbrands Daal , afford considerable Quantities of Corn. The like is also to be found about Druntheim ; and when I have once more put him in mind that the City of Bergen in Norway is one of those which are much better than our Town of St. Albans , and is capable of harbouring Ships of a much greater Burthen than 200 Tuns : I will take my leave of him as far as he describes the Territories of Denmark ; and go on to the following Chapters , where he treats of the Form of Government , and other Matters . Yet , before I conclude , I cannot but mention here , that as , out of what has been said in these Remarks upon the foregoing Chapters , it is evident● that Denmark is generally a fertile Country , abounding in Corn , and pasture grounds for the feeding of Oxen , and Horses , of both which kind prodigious quantities are sent yearly into Germany and other parts ; that their Forrests and Woods feed innumerable Herds of Swine of the best kind , so I cannot sufficiently admire with what confidence this Gentleman can conclude this Chapter with these words ; producing ( meaning D●nmark in general ) but few Commodities for the Merchant . But it is time to supersede to say any thing farther of this point , and to see what he says in the VI. Chapter , concerning their Form of Government , his words are these , The Antient Form of Government ●ere , was the same which the Goths and Vandals Established in most , if not all parts of Europe , whither they carried their Conquests , and which in England is retained to this day for the most part . 'T is said of the Romans , that those Provinces which they Conquered , were amply recompenced for the loss of their Liberty , by being duced from their Barbarity to Civility ; by the introduction of Arts , Learning , Commerce & Politness . I know not whether this way of arguing have not more of Pomp than Truth in it ; but with much greater reason may it be said , that all Europe was beholding to these People for introducing or restoring a Constitution of Government far excelling all others , that we know of in the World. 'T is to the Antient Inhabitants of these Countries , with other Neighbouring Provinces , that we owe the original of Parliaments , formerly so common , but lost within this last Age , in all Kingdoms , but those of Poland , Great Britain , and Ireland . And in the Preface he speaks to the same purpose ; which we will consider in this place , because it explains what he has said just now . These are his words , All Europe was in a manner a free Country till very lately , in so much that the Europeans were , and still are distinguished in the Eastern parts of the World , by the name of Franks In the beginning small Territories or Congregations of People , chose Valiant and Wise Men to be their Captains or Judges , and as often depased them upon mismanagement These ●● Captains doing their Duty well and faithfully ) were the Originals of all our Kings and Princes , which at first , and for a long time , were every where Elective . According to their own Warlike temper , or that of the People which they Governed , they ( upon the score of Revenge , Ambition , or being overthrowing with multitudes at home ) encroached upon their Neighbours , till from petty Principalities , their Countries waxed to mighty Kingdoms . Spain alone consisting of twelve or thirteen till 'tother day , and one part of our Island of no less than seven : Each of these was at first , made through an Union of many petty Lordships . Italy from several small Commonwealths was at length swallowed up by the Emperors , Popes , Kings of Spain , Dukes of Florence , and other lesser Tyrants . Yet 't is to be remarked , that the Antient States of Europe is best preserved in Italy , even to this day , notwithstanding the Encroachments which have been there made on the Peoples Liberties ; of which one reason may be , that the Republicks which are more in Number and Quality in that spot of ground , than in all Europe besides , keep their Ecclesiasticks within their due bounds , and make use of that Natural Wit which Providence and a happy Climate has given them , to curb those , who if they had Power , would curb all the World. Every one ought to know how great the Rights of the People were very lately in the Elective Kingdoms of Sweeden and Denmark ; how Germany was freer than any other part of Europe , till at length 't was Lorded by Captains which in process of time grew Princes and Electors , and by Bishops with Temporal Authority , who may thank Charles the Great , ( a bigotted Prince ) for the double Sword of Flesh and Spirit . In this Passage , the Author pretends to give us an Account of the Origine , Growth , and Alterations of Government , he pretends give us a short History of the Goths , Vandals , Germans , Spaniards , Italians ; nay , even English , Sweeds , Danes and Poles , and all this in a few Pages , which great Authors before in whole Volumes , have scarce been able to effect to the purpose : But that which is most pleasant , is , that he having entangled himself among his Antient Goths and Vandals , and their most admirable Constitutions , has not given himself leisure to look rightly into our latter times , else he could scarce have fallen into such a Paradox as to affirm , That in Italy the Republicks are more in Number & Quality , than in all Europe besides . When I did read these words to some Gentlemen , who had Travelled in those as well as other parts of Europe , and were come to pass a little time in the Country , they did cry out aloud , risum teneatis amici ; and I remember that a certain Myn Heer , who seem'd to be well vers'd in those Countries , could not forbear saying , according to his Native blunt way , That surely this Gentleman must not have seen much of Europe , or else have slept by day , and never Travell'd but by night ; since if he had but walk'd through the streets of Amsterdam in the day time , and considered with what vast Charges that City had been built , the stupendiousness and vastness of its Fortifications , which together with a large Mote all Brick'd round , comprehended above 1000 Acres of Ground , the Magnificence and Regularity of the Houses and Garden ; in and about that City ; as also that prodigious number of Shipping of all sorts , which was obvious enough to every Body's Eye , he might from thence have taken an occasion to inquire better into the Power and Wealth of this Commonwealth , before he had made this Assertion concerning his Italian Republicks . He ought , said the Amsterdamer ( for so I understood afterwards he was ) have cast his Eyes upon the two Jews Synagogues at Amsterdam , whereof one is far exceeding , not only those at Rome and Venice , but also all the rest in Europe ; he ought to have look'd upon that famous Stadthuyse there , with the large Magazin of Arms by it ; upon those most excellent Statues a top of it , especially that of Atlas bearing upon his Shoulders the Globe which holds 30 Barrels of Water : He ought to have view'd the extraordinariness of the Globes Coelestial and Terrestial , laid in the Floor of the Great Hall , together with the rest of the Rarities of Pictures , Carved Works and Marble Statues there : He ought to have made an exact Observation concerning the great Number and Splendor of their Alms Houses in this City , which being like Princes Palaces , maintain 20000 Poor per diem ; as also the Multitude , Largeness , and Magnificense of their Bridges and Channels , which are to be found in every street , and fac'd every where with Brick and Square Stone-work , and other innumerable advantages which this City enjoys , and are all acquired with vast Charges and great Industry ; and then he would easily have been able to find out , that if Venice boasts of its Channels which divide , and Bridges which unite their City ; if Genova is proud of her Magnificent Buildings , Amsterdam surpasses the first , and is not behind hand with the latter in either kind ; But , said he , if this Author have made a due enquiry and have been instructed , that Amsterdam is the Magazeen of Europe for Corn and Spices , the latter of which the Venetians formerly brought by Land through AEgypt , that it has a inconceivable store of all manner of Provisions for War , and more store of saw'd and prepar'd Timber for Shipping , than can be found in any one Nation besides in the World ; how it has the vastest Magazeens of Marbles whereof Versails it self has been built ; how it is the Emperor's Staple of Quick-silver , and that from hence , not only Spain , but also almost whole Europe and the Indias are furnished ; if he had been duly informed , what vast quantities of Wines , Brandies , Hemp , Pitch and Tar are to be found here , besides the prodigious Stores for Shipping which are laid up in the Admiralty and East-India Houses , and are almost incredible to be related ; how great a share Amsterdam bears in the Charges of such a War as the United Provinces now wage with the rest of the Confedrates against France ; and how at last the Bank of Amsterdam is the most considerable in Europe , and the World , and so much surpassing both these of Venice and Genoua ( the only two Commonwealths now in Italy , worth mentioning ) that these of Amsterdam writes more in one day , than these of Venice and Genoua together do in two : He might from thence have easily been convinced concerning the Vanity of his Supposition . The whole Company cou'd not forbear smiling at the eagerness , wherein this Gentleman had represented the advantages of his Native place , when it was objected to him by one , who particularly well seem'd to understand the Italian Commonwealths : That it was scarce to be deny'd , but that Amsterdam alone , for Wealth and Trade , did surpass all the Commonwealths in Italy , yet that he had not consider'd what large Possessions the Venetians had on the Terra firma , and in the Morea , besides what belongs to them in Candia and Dalmatia , and what a considerable Tract of Ground were in the Possession of the Genueses , all along the Sea side about that City , to all which Amsterdam could not pretend to , as having very small Territories belonging to it . The Amsterdammer was a little startled at this unexpected Objection , but quickly recollecting himself , he answer'd , That the Wealth of Amsterdam was such as to be able to purchase the Territories of all the Italian Commonwealths whatsoever . And said he , since this may seem a hard saying in the Opinion of some , who have not been so inquisitive in this matter , I will shew you another Common-wealth within the Commonwealth of the United Provinces , and whose chief strength is lodged within the City of Amsterdam , which easily may be proved to exceed all the Commonwealths of Italy together , in Trade , Strength , and extent of its Territories , and this is the East India Company in Holland . This is easie to be believed by these who will consider , said he , what vast and rich Possessions this Company has in the Island of Java , where in the Capital City called Batava , Built and Fortified after the manner of Amsterdam , the General of the Indies lives like a Prince attended with his Horse and Foot-Guards , and assisted by his Councellors ; what a vast Trade it has in Japan , China , the Isles of Sumatra and Bengala , in the two latter of which the Company has also here Lodges and vast Store-Houses , as he has likewise on the Coast of Malabar , and Cormandel , and in the Countries of the Great Mogul and King of Galcanda . How in the Molucca and Banda Islands she is almost become Master of all , as in the rich Island of Zealon , she has all the plain Country under her Jurisdiction , having obliged the Emperor to live in the Mountains , while she is possessed of Colomba and other Garisons there . These places being maintained by 30000 Men and 200 great Ships , whereof 50 are Capital ones , which are in constant Pay of the Commonwealths , of the East Indias and Transport yearly such prodigious Riches from those parts into the six Chambers of Amsterdam , Zealand , Delph , Roterdam , Horne , and Enckhuysen , from whence they are dispersed again through whole Europe ; I will , said the Gentleman , leave it to the Judgment of Understanding Men in this matter , whether all the Common-wealths of Italy put together , can produce any thing like it . All the Company was much delighted to hear with what dexterity this Gentleman pleaded the Cause of his Native Country , unto whom I replied , That since it was obvious enough that the Strength and Power of all the Republicks that are now adays in Italy , was in no ways to be compared with Holland ; I could not but be of Opinion , that what our Author had said concerning the Quality of these Republicks , was meant concerning their Policy , and , when the Amsterdammer , interrupting me , answered , That , tho' he saw me willing to help , as the saying was , A lame Dog over the Stile , yet if I would but look upon the Author's passage where the words , more in Number and Quality were joyned together , I might easily find what his meaning were , and that one was as extravagant as the other . For , said he , what is more evident to any judicious Traveller , than the great difference there is betwixt the number of Republicks in Italy and betwixt the rest of Europe . Not to speak of the seven United Provinces , which are each of them a separate Commonwealth , but joyned by a mutual Confederacy ; are not the Switz Cantons and other Commonwealths sufficiently known to out-number all the Republicks in Italy , and to possess great Territories ? What Traveller can be so ignorant as not to have heard or seen , that considerable number of Commonwealths , which are remaining to this day in Germany only , is Venice , Genoua , Lucca , and one or two more not worth mentioning , equal in number to all these . And if we should add that Bologna which retains somlething of its Antient Freedom under the Jurisdiction of the Pope ; and that of Vinzenza under the Government of the Venetians ; nay , even the three small Leagues of the Grisons , laying on the utmost Borders of Italy , all these will not amount to the number alone of the Commonwealths now in being in Germany . This may be easily computed if we remember but the chiefest of them ; as Hamborough , Bremen , Lubeck , Embden , Frankford , on the Mayn , Cologne , Worms , Ratisbon , Augsburgh , Eger , Nurenburg , Ulm , Oppenheimb , Nordlinger , and the greatest part of the two Circles of Suabia , and Franconia , besides others ; and considering that Hamborough Nurenburg , Collen , Frankford and Bremen , come very near in bigness even to the best Commonwealth in Italy ; that the Bank of Hamborough comes next to those of Venice and Genoua , and surpasses either of them in Trade and Shipping ; that Bremen and others come very to them in Trade now ; and what great Territorie some of them possess ; it is evident enough that if our Author , instead of Europe , had but said Germany , yet it would have been taken for a Rodomontado by all Travellers , especially those who have made a due comparison betwixt the Frontier Places and Garisons of the Venetians , and the vast Fortifications and considerable Forces . which are maintained by these abovementioned Commonwealths in Germany . But at last , said the Dutchmen , supposing I should be willing , according to your opinion , to apply the Author's word Quality to the Policy of the Common-wealths of Italy , in comparison of all the rest in Europe , who is so ignorant , as not to know that a great many of them enjoy a much greater share of Liberty ( as being democratical ) than any of his Italian Republicks ; and tho' some of the Swiz Cantons have modell'd their Government some what according to the Venetians ; yet some in Germany , & especially the Seven United Provinces , tho' Aristocratical do enjoy a so much higher Degree of Liberty before the Venetian Subjects , generally speaking , that if in those parts the Countryman should be a Vassal to his Baron or Lord , the Gentlemen should be squeez'd continually , and oppress'd by one Podesta or another ; and in general , the Nobility again in constant fear of an Inquisition , they would not like to change theirs with the Venetians ; and I believe that all our Author's Rhetorick would not be sufficient to perswade them ; but that their new way of living free were much to be preferred before his antient Gothick way of Governing . But it is time to break off this Dialogue , and to consider what our Author further says concerning the antient Goths and Vandals , whom he makes the Fundators of that sort of Government in Europe , as is now , for the most part retained in England , and says , That we owe the Originals of Parliaments to them . I know not whether this Assertion have not more pomp than truth in it , ( to make use of his own words , which he has given us concerning the Romans ) since , if we look rightly into the Matter , the Government of these Nations when they at first extended their Conquests over Spain , Africa and Italy , as the Franks did over France , and the Saxons over England , being wholly adapted to Military Enterprizes ; there was , it 's true , commonly a General chosen by the Army , and the Heads of the same were admitted to all Debates ; yet was it in no ways to be compared with what of latter years has been called a Parliament , If we peruse what the antient Authors have left us concerning their way of Government at home we may conjecture what it was abroad . Considering then the most antient way or custom of these People ( which were Germans ) It is manifest enough , That they were divided in a great number of Commonwealths , whereof each had one whom they called sometimes a King , sometimes a Duke ; These being again subdivided in Petty Governments a had their Heads , to whom they paid some sort of Respect at pleasure . At home Matters of no great Concerns were debated , and adjusted by the Chief or Heads b but those of moment the whole Body of the People consulted about , and determined even as far as Capital Matters went. As one of these Common-wealths was rarely in a Condition to undertake any foreign War ; so the same was always begun with the joynt Consent of such as intended to engage themselves in the same ; when a General ( without regard to his Nobility sometimes ) c was chosen , who with the Advice of the Heads of those several Commonwealths , that were partakers of the Troubles and Dangers of the War was fain to act rather precariously than with Authority . And considering that Cities , nay , even Villages were unknown to them d that they changed their Habitations as often as they found an opportunity , or dislik'd the former ; that their Fences were hor , rible Forests , and impassable Mountains and inaccessible Moores ; what wonder if their Custom of Governing ( for Laws they had none ) were according their wild Inclinations , and Savage Habitations . But to deduce the Orginals of Parliaments , used in the best regulated , Governments of Europe from the Barbarous and Irregular Conventions of a Savage People ; when we may have them from better Hands , I must confess , is a way that savours a little to much of a conceit of unknown Antiquity . I see no reason why wemight not with the same Right , or perhaps more affirm that the Cosarcks upon the Frontiers of Poland ; the Rascians in Bosnia , and Morlacks in Dalmatia have their Parliaments , since it is certain they are as free as ever the Germans were , and have their way of consulting together under their Heads as well , and that more orderly than those had in antient times . Nevertheless it can scarce be denied , but that Spain and France , which were the first places whither those barbarous Nations extended their Conquests , have been very Instrumental in first shewing to the other Nations in Europe the Parliamentary way . These two Nations being a great deal sooner and more known to the Romans than the Germans , we have receiv'd a more perfect and authentick Account concerning them ; And as they were sooner and better Civiliz'd than the Germans in those Times , so their Government was more regular , and coming a great deal nearer to these most excellent Conventions , afterwards called Parliaments . The Spaniards were , it 's true , divided into a great many Commonwealths , or separate Governments ; but these were more Aristocratical than Democratical , having sometimes their petty Kings , Princes or Senate ; and as they had a great many well fortified Cities , Towns and Sea-ports ; so had the most Civilized Provinces their Capital Cities , where the Prince that governed the rest , together with their Principals did reside , and had a great , though limited Power over them . Of this is a very remarkable Instance related by Livy : from whence may be conjectured in how great a Veneration the Name and Authority of Kings was among these People , when they would have proclaimed Scipio a King ; which he refusing , says the Historian , they were surprised how he could refuse the highest Degree of Dignity , which all the rest of Mortals were so covetous of . The ancient Gauls , adjoining on one side to Spain , as they were not unacquainted with the Spaniards , serving sometimes there under the Carthaginians , sometimes under the Romans , and having even extended their Conquest thither , as may be seen by the Celtiberians , who came out of France into Spain ; so they had questionless a great part of their Policy from thence , it being evident that they had their Kings , Princes , Senate and Nobility , who did Command over such several distinct . Commonwealths , as they were divided into : And as they , according to the Method of the Spaniards , had their well regulated Councils , consisting of their principal Men , so they had their fortified Towns , where their Kings , Princes and Magistrates generally resided , who had a Power much beyond what was usual then in Germany , nay , even of Life and Death , and were not depending on the Popularicy , but some of them according to their Laws and Constitutions , were Hereditary : How much more polish'd these People were than the Germans , and how much more regular their Councils ; Caesar has a left us a notable Instance concerning the Helvetians in his Commentaries ; Where he tells us , That after the Defeat of the Helvetians , there was a Register found written in the Grecian Tongue in their Camp , wherein was contained a most exact Account of the Names and Number of such , as according to the Agreement of the Grand Council of the several Helvetian Commonwealths , were come to settle themselves in those parts of France , where they were defeated by Caesar. b And much to the same purpose he speaks afterwards concerning those People in France , which were then called Belgae , and inhabited those parts of the Netherlands , Normandy and Picardy , which are opposite to our shoar , though at the same time he reckons them the least civiliz'd of all the French. Any body that will take the pains duly to compare what Caesar , Livy and Tacitus have left behind them concerning the ancient Spaniards , French and Germans , will soon be convinc'd , how far the well regulated Policy of the two former in their Cities and Councils exceeded those confused Meetings of the Germans , without Order or Command ; and which of these may justly claim that Prerogative of having been the Original of these Conventions of the States since called Parliaments . What some object , that these Nations being subdu'd by the Romans , had before the Germans came thither , lost together with their Liberty , their ancient Constitutions of Government , is very insignificant ; Since it may easily be proved , that , as all of them did not lose their Liberty , so they retain'd their Constitutions . Who can be ignorant that a great many Commonwealths , both in Spain and France , were not Conquer'd by the Romans ; but were receiv'd as Allies , and proved very instrumental in subduing the rest ? c And yet among these also that were subdu'd , it was a common Custom among the Romans to let them enjoy their Laws , and even to confirm their Kings and Princes . Caesar call'd the French that inhabited the Neighbouring Provinces of the Rhine , the Allies of the Romans ; and said that France , according to the Decree of the Senate , ought to enjoy its Liberty and Laws d . And when he afterwards returned the second time out of Britanny : and had occasion to lay his Army into Winter quarters among the Belgas or Armoricans , subdu'd by him before , he call'd a general Council together of these several Common-wealths , where he intended to divide his Forces into Winter quarters : e And that some of these Common-wealths retain'd their Liberty and Constitutions about 150 Years after Caesar's time ; Tacitus has left as a particular Observation concerning some of them , that lived near the Rhine . It would be too tedious to relate all that the Ancients have left behind them in their Monuments concerning this Point ; out of what has been said , I think , it may easily be seen , that , as the Constitution of Government among the ancient Spaniards and French , ( being composed out of their Kings , the Nobility and principal Men of the Cities , ) did come a great deal nearer to the Parliamentary way of consulting in latter Times , than the irregular Proceedings of the Germans in those times ; So those that will throughly peruse the ancient Histories , will be sufficiently convinc'd , that the same Form of Government was never extinguish'd in all parts of those Kingdoms , but preserved even till the time , when the Goths , Vandals , Suevians , Franks , and others , setled themselves in those parts ; So that it may be said , that we owe the first Rudiments of Governing by consent of the Estates to those Countries , which were Conquered afterwards by the Germans , but that the same should have been establish'd by them , when they were so many hundred Years before in use there , is , what scarce any body , who is not prepossessed with the conceit of a Gothick and tumultuous sort of Goverment , will assert . And here , if we should enquire into the Originals of Princes and Kings , ( which our Author pretends to have done in a few Lines ) at several Times and Places , we should be obliged to go much beyond the design of these Remarks , since to understanding Men it is apparent enough , that if the Author 's whole Book , had been employed upon that Point only , it would not have been sufficient so much as to touch the chief Heads of so ample a Subject . I will only say , that I cannot sufficiently admire , why this Gentleman is so mightily taken with these Times , when Spain and England were divided , the first into thirteen , and the latter into seven or more peculiar Governments , considering that they were perhaps the worst of Times ever these Countries saw ; neither could any lasting Peace be setled , till instead of the same , one Head had the Management of the whole Body . But before we leave this Subject , we must say something concerning Germany and Sweden : For every one ought to know , says he , how great the Rights of the People were very lately in the Elective Kingdoms of Sweden and Denmark : If every one ought to know , he might have said a little more of it , since else few will know it for him . What clear a Notion this Gentleman has concerning Elective Kingdoms , will better appear hereafter , when we shall have occasion to treat upon the Question , Whither the Kingdom of Denmark has been Hereditary or Elective ; But as for the Rights of the People in Sweden , why they should so much vary from the same , that they were lately , he would have done well to have explained a little . I am not ignorant , that the Wings of the Nobility , that composed formerly the Senate there , have been considerably clipt , and that about fifteen or sixteen Years ago , when that Kingdom during the Minority of this present King , was partly through Mismanagement , partly through the War with the Empire and Denmark , miserably exhausted ; the Estates then , finding themselves not in a Capacity to restore matters without extraordinary Subsidies , which could not easily be levied upon the Subjects , did then advise the King , to oblige such of his Subjects as had by the Profuseness of some of his Predecessors , or other means , acquired to themselves vast Estates and other Advantages belonging to the Crown , to restore the same , which was executed accordingly ; some of the chiefest profering the same voluntarily , the rest being obliged to follow their Example . As by these means the King was enabled to restore the decayed State of the Militia and Army ; so it is not to be denied , but that his Revenues were greatly encreased , as well as his Power ; yet is from hence not necessarily to be concluded , that the Rights of the People are lost , since the four Estates of the Nobility , Clergy , Citizens and Peasants , have thereby not surrendred any thing of their Native Rights , tho perhaps some particular Persons have felt the smart of it . Germany was freer than any other part of Europe , says our Author , but he ought to have remembred that this was in those days when every body being his own Master , there , they liv'd more like the Tartars do now , than like any of the rest of the Europeans ; And if they had continued in that so much admired State of Liberty , I am apt to believe Germany would not have come into that flourishing Condition it has been in since . If it was for my purpose here to enlarge me self upon this matter , I could shew easie enough , that these , whom our Author calls Captains , Princes , Electors , Bishops , &c. were the first Restorers of the Liberty of Germany ; that they were the Founders of its Greatness , and Upholders of the same after this Country was Conquered by Charles the Great . I could shew him , that there were the Bishops in Germany before the times of Charles the Great , and that those instituted by him , for all their double Sword of Flesh and Spirit , have not been armed sufficiently so to subdue the Germans , but that in the most parts the ancient Liberty has been preserv'd under their Jurisdiction , and some have been able to find ways to free themselves quite from it . And thus much I will only say in the Vindication of Charles the Great ; As he has laid the Foundation of what Germany is now ( whom our Author makes bold to call bigotted ) that as able Headpieces as this Gentleman , and these some what better versed in the German Constitutions than he can pretend to , have so greatly approved of the Methods that that Great Emperor took in uniting so vast a Country both in Laws and Religion , that his vain and confident Assertions will prove ridiculous to all , who have had any true insight into the Affairs of Germany . I must add something more concerning Poland , which he says , is the only Kingdom besides this Island and Ireland , where Parliaments are not lost , to shew what sort of Parliament is to be found there , that so every body may be able to judge how far the Polish Parliaments do differ from the English , both in their Proceedings and fundamental Constitutions . It is therefore to be known , that there are but two sorts of People ( besides the King ) in Poland , that can justly be said to have a Share in the Government , viz. the Clergy and Nobility ; The Citizens and Peasants being totally excluded from the same , and being for the most part subjected either to the Clergy or the Nobility , the fewest to the King. And though the Cities in the Regal Prussia enjoy a greater share of Freedom , as having their own Constitutions , and sending their Deputies to the Dyet ; yet is their Number so inconsiderable , in comparison of the rest , that it scarce comes into Consideration . The King 's chief Advantage is , That he has a considerable Revenue allow'd him , and has the choosing of all the Officers , both Civil and Military ; but the Great Officers , especially those who by their Places are Members of the Senate of the Kingdom , as also all the Senators , have their Offices granted them ad Vitam ; so that when once put in Possession of the same , they have not any Dependance further from the King. The two Archbishops , and other Bishops , as they owe their Promotion chiefly to the Pope , ( though they are nominated by the King ) and are exempted from the King's Jurisdiction ; so they having vast Possessions , which depend only from them , have therefore a great , if not the greatest Sway in the Senate of the Kingdom . But both the Spiritual Lords , as also the rest of the Nobles who compose the Senate , having the Places of the best Profit in their Possession , and maintaining in their Palaces a great many of the poorer sort of Nobility , become thereby so powerful , that it may justly be said , that these are the chief Governours of the Realm , since the King cannot do any Publick Matter of Moment without them , as being by their Constitution his constant Advisers and Directors ; the Deputies of the Provinces ( who are chosen by the Nobility ) being only called together when Matters of the highest Moment are to be consulted , or concluded . These were , in former Times , never to meet , but in case of agreeing to a new Tax , resolved before-hand in the Senate ; but within these Hundred Years , or thereabouts , their Power is so much increased , that they claim a Right to be consulted with in all Publick Matters of great Moment . The Senate of the Kingdom , which is the constant Council of the King , the Members whereof , as I have said , are constituted by the King ad Vitam , consists first of the two Archbishops of the Kingdom , of whom the Archbishop of Guiesen is Primate of Poland , having the Power of Administring the Kingdom in Absence or in case of the Death of the King : After these are the Bishops , and some Abbots , Thirty Four Governours of Provinces called Palatines , Eighty Three Governours of Castles , or Deputy-Lieutenants of the Palatines called Castellans , and Ten of the Great Officers of State , who are in all computed to amount to near an Hundred and Fifty in Number . And are always chosen out of the Nobility ; The Clergy among these , though the least in Number , yet having more Possessions than both the King and Nobility , and in no ways depending on them , has the greatest Sway ; and the two Chancellors and Vicechancellors also a great Power of Signing and Dispatching Things without the King's consent , and refusing also his Orders , if they do not think convenient to obey them , Three of these Four being generally Ecclesiasticks . When with their Advice , the King has resolved to call together the Dyet , he orders a Convention of all the Nobility to be had in every particular Diocese or Government , at a certain Time and customary Place ; where being convened , the Palatine , Castellans , and other Senators , having explained to them the Reasons why the King intended to call a Dyet , and what Time the same was to be held , the Nobility of each Diocese , after Prayers finish'd , choose their Deputies ; to whom they give Instructions concerning the Propositions made to them by the Senators , though sometimes they also allow them a larger Authority , which however expires with one and the same Dyet , which is not to last above Six Weeks , and seldom continued much longer . These particular Conventions being over , there are two more Conventions to be held , which they call General Conventions , one whereof is always in Great Poland , the other in Little Poland ; in which two Places , all the Deputies , and such of the Nobility as are pleased to come , being again Convened at a certain Time , they there confer together concerning the Propositions made by the King , and what Instructions they have received thereupon from their several Provinces . Thus prepared they come to the Dyet , where the Senate being seated in a Theatre , the Deputies and Clerks standing by , the Chancellor or Vice-Chancellor proposes in the Name of the King such Matters as they are to consult upon . This done , the Archbishops and Bishops , and so all the rest of the Senate , having given their Votes , the Deputies ask Leave from the King to withdraw , and to consult concerning the Propositions made to them . Their Consultation being over , they repair again to the Senate ; and having given their Opinion concerning the Business in Agitation , they also propose such Matters as they think fit to be consulted about : Which Matters being agreed unto by common Consent of the Senate and Deputies , the King gives his Consent last of all ; which done , it has the Force of a Decree of the Dyet . But if one of the Deputies makes his Protestation against any Thing , as done in Prejudice of the Liberties and Prerogatives of the Nobility , or the Constitutions of the Kingdom , the whole Proceeding becomes thereby void , and of no Force . From hence may be collected , what Difference there is betwixt the Dyets in Poland and our Meeting of Parliaments , as well in their Fundamental Constitutions , as Manner of Proceedings . And if we consider how all the Cities and Commons in Poland ( except the City of Cracaw , and a few more in Prussia ) are excluded not only from the Dyet , but also all Places of Note , nay that even in the most of them the Magistracy and whole Corporations are depending on either the Clergy or Nobility ; and what prodigious Prerogatives● they have acquired to themselves ; as by Example , That a Noble-man Killing a Commoner , shall pay but a small Fine ; but if a Commoner Kills a Noble-man , it shall be Capital : That a Malefactor being a Noble-man , and taken in the Fact , shall not be judged by the Magistrates of that City or Corporation where he is taken : That the Bishops , as well as other Noble-men , have their Strong Castles , Garrison'd by themselves ; and a great many the like , of dangerous Consequence : These , I say , duely considered by an English-man , will , I am apt to believe , put him very much out of Conceit of Polish Parliaments ; and both the King , as also the Cities , Corporations , and Commons of England , will have but little Reason to thank this Gentleman for his comparing the same with ours ; especially since he might have found out other Countries , and that nearer at hand , where the Meeting of the Estates come a great deal nearer to our Parliaments . But leaving to our Author the Advantages of his Ancient Gothick and New Polish Parliaments , we must go on , to see what he says in this same Chapter concerning the Form of Government in Denmark in particular . These are his Words : Denmark therefore was , till within these Thirty Two Years , govern'd by a King chosen by the People of all sorts , ( even the Boors had their Voices ; ) which King Waldemar the Third acknowledged in that memorable Answer of his to the Pope's Nuncio , who pretended to a great Power over him : Naturam habemus à Deo , regnum à subditis , Divitias à parentibus , Religionem à Romana Ecclesia ; quam si nobis invides , renuntiamus per praesentes . The Estates of the Realm being convened to that Intent , were to Elect for their Prince such a Person as to them appeared Personable , Valiant , Just , Merciful , Affable , a Maintainer of the Laws , a Lover of the People , Prudent , and adorn'd with all other Vertues fit for Government , and requisite for the great Trust reposed in him ; yet with due Regard had to the Family of the preceding Kings . If within that Line they found a Person thus qualified , or esteem'd to be so , they thought it but a piece of just Gratitude to prefer him before any other to this high Dignity , and were pleased , when they had reason to choose the Eldest Son of their former King , rather than any of the Younger ; as well , because they had regard to Priority of Birth , when all other Vertues were equal , as because the Greatness of his Paternal Estate might put him above the Reach of Temptations to be Covetous or Dishonest , and enable him , in some degree , to support the Dignity of his Office. But , after such a Choice , if they found themselves mistaken , and that they had advanced a Cruel , Vicious , Tyrannical , Covetous , or Wasteful Person , they frequently Deposed him , oftentimes Banished , sometimes Destroyed him , and this either Formally , by making him Answer before the Representative Body of the People ; Or if by ill Practices , such as making of Parties , Levying of Souldiers , contracting of Alliances to support himself in Opposition to the Peoples Rights , he was grown too Powerful to be legally Contended with , they dispatched him without any more Ceremony the best way they could , and Elected presently a better Man in his Room ; sometimes the next of Kin to him , sometimes the Valiant Man that had exposed himself so far as to undertake the Expulsion , or the Killing of the Tyrant ; at other times a Private Person of Good Reputation , who possibly least dream't of such an Advancement . Frequent meetings of the Estates , was a part of the very Fundamental Constitution : In those meetings all matters relating to Good Government were Transacted : Good Laws were Enacted , all Affairs belonging to Peace or War , Alliances , disposal of great Offices , Contracts of Marriages for the Royal Family , &c. were debated , &c. This was the Ancient Form of Goverment in this Kingdom , which continued with very little variation ( excepting that the Power of the Nobles encreased too much ) till about 32 years ago , when at one instant the whole Face of Affairs was changed , &c. It is easie for any considering Person to guess the Consequences of this , which are Frequent and Arbitrary Taxes , and commonly very Excessive ones , even in times of Peace ; little regard being had to the occasion of them : So that the value of Estates in most parts of the Kingdom is fallen three fourths . And it is worse near the Capital City , under the Eye and Hand of the Government , than in Remoter Provinces ; Poverty in the Gentry , which ●ecessarily causes extremities of misery in the Peasants , Partiality in the distribution of Justice , when Favorites are concerned , with many other mischiefs , which shall be hereafter more particularly mentioned ; being the constant Effects of Arbitrary Rule in this and all other Countries wherein it has prevailed . This Description or Form of Government it is likely the Author has given us in imitation of some old Fashion Romance or other , for I am sure out of History he can bring none that were ever like it ; I must confess that I could scarce Read without some Indignation , how he had abused in a most unanswerable manner , the Laudable Ancient Constitutions of the Danes , not only , but also by so doing had taken an Opportunity to put his Fictitious Suppositions ; the conceits of his own Brains or some States Mountebanks Chimerical Notions for Truth upon the English Nation . What he says concerning the Election of their Princes , How the Eldest were preferred before the Younger out of Courtesie , if they were equal in Vertues , as also their Adhering to a Line being at pleasure , might be taken for a vulgar mistake , such as does arise from the neglect of true History : The Qualifications , which he says , were required in their Princes , might be look'd upon , as an Effect of a Poetical fancy ; But what he tells of frequently Deposing and Banishing , nay even Destroying their Kings , either Formally or without Ceremony , by some Valiant Hand , who for his Meritorious Act of Killing or Expelling the Tyrant , used to Succeed in the Kingdom : Is so much against the Practice of the Ancient Danes described in True History , that these Extravagancies cannot be look'd upon by Judicious Persons , otherwise than self-invented Notions , fitted to the Humour of some self-conceited Politicians ; but always esteemed by the more Understanding sort , as most pernicious to Human Society . To make this appear the better , what if we should endeavour to show that the Ancient Government of the Danes was so far from Adhering to such Barbarous Practices , or choosing their Kings by Courtesie , that the Laws of Succession were so Sacred with them , that that Kingdom ought rather to be called Hereditary ( if any one ever was , in this Gentleman's Opinion , to be esteemed as such in Europe ) than Elective . Not to mention here the times before Charles the Great , the History of those Countries before that time being infected with many Fabulous Relations , we will begin with the Year 804 P. C. N. When Gotricus Brother to his Predecessor , Sigifrid being declared King of Denmark , left that Crown to his Son Olaus , from whom it always descended in the same Line to the next Heir , till after the Death of Margaret Queen of Denmark , Sweden and Norway , which was about the Year 1414. Thus the Crown of Denmark having been in a perpetual Lineal Succession of one Family for above 600 Years , and the said Margaret having no Issue , she had in her Life time Crowned Eric VIII . her Sisters Son , who having left Denmark , and resigned the Crown , after an Anarchy of Six Years , in his Place , was Constituted Christopher III. Eric's Sister's Son , who 's Mother was also Niece to the above named Queen Margaret . This Christopher dying without Heirs , as did also his Sister before him ; the most Ancient Race of the Danish Kings was then extinguished about the Year 1448. Only that there was left Adolph VIII . Duke of Sleswick , and Count of Holstein , being Son to a Nephew of Woldemar IV. to whom the Crown of Denmark being offered by the States , he refused the same as having no Children . The Crown being thus fallen into the Hands of the States , yet were they so Religious in observing their Ancient Right of Succession , that they chose Christian Count of Oldenburg for their King , as being Son of Hedwig Sister of Adolph , Duke of Sleswick , and consequently being Related to the Family of the Ancient Danish Kings ; his Son John Succeeding him , Constituted with consent of the States , his Son Christian II. King of Denmark , who was afterwards Declared by the States , ( who had now acquired a greater power ) incapable of the Crown , as having Reigned very Tyrannically over them ; and in his stead Frederick I. Brother of John King of Denmark , and Uncle to Christiern , was made their King. And I think it is a remarkable Instance , that even at that time the States of Denmark did not esteem it belonging to themselves to alter the Succession of the Crown , when they did not only choose Frederick I. who was Son of John King of Denmark , but also afterwards , in a publick Convention of the said Estates , they did promise to John , Son to the banished King Christiern , the Restitution of his Fathers Kingdoms , not only , but also the immediate Succession after the Death of Frederick I. But John the Son of Christiern II. dying about the same time , when Frederick I. dyed , the Crown came to his Son Christiern III. whom in a direct Line have Succeeded Frederick II. Christiern IV. Frederick III. and Christiern V. the present King of Denmark . Out of these Heads , which I have thought fit to mention here , it may be evident , whether the Succession of Denmark was precarious , as this Author has taken a great deal of pains to perswade us . And whether this long and constant Succession in one Family , were Anciently depending from a free choice or not , will be worth our enquiring into . a Canute Surnamed the Hardy , 1044. having no Issue , had by Compact Resigned the Crown of Denmark , after his death , to Magnus King of Norwegan , who by force of Arms taking Possession of the same , was opposed by Sueno , Canute's Sister Son , till Magnus after a Reign of Eight Years , coming to dye of a fall from his Horse : He was declared King of Denmark , tho' in no ways beloved of the Danish Nobility , as having Waged continually War against them in the time of Magnus ; yet being the only one that was left of the Ancient Race of the Danish Kings , was received as King of Denmark . b Afterwards when in the Year 1250. Abel had caused his Brother Eric V. King of Denmark to be murthered , tho' the States abominated the Fact , yet Eric having left no Children , and he being the Eldest among the Brothers that were left , was made King of Denmark , being Preferred before his Younger Brother Christopher , who Reigned after him . How the States did promise the Crown to John the deposed Christiern II's . Son , after the death of Frederick I. has been said before : and how in our Age the States of this Kingdom , set Frederick III. the present King of Denmark , Father upon the Throne in spite of a Faction that were for Advancing his Younger Brother , begotten of another Mother and the Second Wife of Christiern the IV. to the Royal Dignity , cannot be out of the Memory of such as are acquainted with the Transactions of these Countries . Besides , these undeniable Examples there are also obvious amongst the Historians Testimonies sufficient to convince any Body that is not prepossess'd with a vain conceit of his own opinion , That the Succession was not Anciently depending from the will of the States , but that their Kings had , and did claim a Right to the same for themselves and their Heirs , both Males and Females . When after the death of Waldemar , the States declared Olaus Haquin and Margarets , ( King and Queen of Norway ) Son King of Denmark c the Danish Historiographer gives this among others for a Reason , because he was from his Mothers side the next to the Kingdom . And in the same Book he has given us an Extract d out of the Records , wherein the said Margaret Mother to this Olaus , and Daughter of King Waldemar is called Queen of Norway and Sweden , and the true Heiress of Denmark . That noted Historian Crantius speaks much to the same purpose , both of Olaus and his Mother Margaret . He says , that the two Kingdoms of Denmark are Hereditary to Olaus , and that after the Decease of him , there being no Male Heirs left , all was fall'n to Queen Margaret . d The same Author calls Siwald the First , Heir and Successor to his Father King Ungrin , in the Kingdom of Denmark ; and speaks much to the same purpose of Broderick , Son of Yarmerick King of Denmark , And truly the Name of Heir of Denmark is so frequent in the ancient Histories of Denmark , especially before the Times of Charles the Great , that it would be infinite to mention them here , since even in latter Times the same has not been out of date there . Meursius does not only call Christiern Son to Christiern Heir of that Kingdom , but also bestows the same Title upon John the Son of the deposed Christiern the II. And here I cannot but insert the Reasons , which were alledged by the States of Denmark , among others in their Proclamation , for the declaring Frederick I. King of Denmark , after they had renounced all Obedience to Christiern II. ; Their Reasons are these , Because he was the Heir of Norway , and had his Off-spring out of the most glorious Family of the Danish Kings ; That He was born a Kings ( Christiern I's ) Son , and that therefore this Honour did belong to him in his own Right before any other Prince , and that he ought to have a Portion or Patrimonial Share out of his Fatherly Kingdom . From hence I think may be easily understood , that the States of Denmark , even in latter Times , ( did not assume to themselves the free disposal of the Crown , and that the Succession was not precarious , and as our Author would have it , according to good Behaviour . This will appear more clear to us if we consider , that the same Right of Succession has not only in former , but also latter Times , ever since the Oldenburg Family has sway'd the Scepter in that Kingdom , been deprived , not only to the next Male Heirs , though Minors , but also to the Females and their Off-spring . Of the Female Succession we have Two Instances since the Oldenburg Family came to the Crown . The first is , That it was agreed by Marriage Contract betwixt Christiern II. and Isabel , Sister to the Emperor Charles V. That if they should leave no Male-Heirs behind them , the eldest Daughter should suceed in the Throne of Denmark . And when afterwards the same Isabella followed her Husband in his Exile , after he was deposed , the States did not only recall her , but also promis'd her Obedience ; nay , they did declare by a publick Proclamation , That if she would return to the Kingdom , they would acknowledge her for their Queen and Sovereign Lady . Which Proffer however , though never so advantageous , she refused to accept of . Of the Female Succession the Danish ancient History furnishes us with a remarkable Example in Margaret , Daughter to King Waldemar IV. who being married to Haquin King of Norway , after the Decease of her Husband and Son Olaus , succeeded them in both the Kingdoms of Denmark and Norway , and reigned for about Thirty Years , about the Year 1400. And of several Kings of Denmark , who came to that Crown by Right of the Female Succession , there are several Examples in their Histories . Sueno III. about the Year 1155 succeeded Canute IV. he being born from Margaret , the Sister of Canute , surnamed The Great , and not much beloved by the Danes , as having to his Father one Ulpho , an Englishman ; yet being the only One that was left of the Royal Family , was therefore declared King of Denmark : So was Olaus , Son to Haqui●● , and Margaret , King and Queen of Norway , declared King of Denmark ; because from his Mother's side , he came from the Race of the Danish Kings , she being Daughter to Waldemar IV. King of Denmark . This was about the Year 1340. And not long after , viz. about the Year 1417. Eric , the same Margaret's Sister's Son , succeeded here in the Kingdom upon the same Pretensions , having been by her recieved as a Consort in the Danish Empire before . As for the Succession of the next Heirs of the Royal Family in their Minority , several Instances also may be found in the ancient Histories of Denmark , as well as these of latter times . Eric , about the Year 855. succeeded his Father Siward in the Kingdom of Denmark , being a very Child ; from whence he was surnamed Barn ; which in the Danish Tongue signifies a Child . Waldemar I. being constituted King of Denmark about the Year 1157. when he was scarce nine Years of Age , is another instance in this kind . Eric VII . also Son of King Christopher I. and Olaus Son of Queen Margaret , were both declared and crowned Kings of Denmark , before they were come to the Age of Eleven ; the first about the Year 1260. the second about the Year 1340. And Eric , Queen Margaret's Sister's Son , was by her made Consort in the Government , when he was a Child . Neither has the Succession and Declaration of the next Heirs , though Minors , ceased since the Oldenburg Family had the Government of this Kingdom . Christiern I. had his Son John declared King in his Life time , when he was about the Age of Twelve : Likewise had King John his Son Christiern declared his Successor when he was not above Six Years of Age. And Christiern IV. was at the Age of Seven declared Successor to his Father , King Frederick , then living ; and having received Homage from the States , actually succeeded him after his Death before he was quite Eleven . Out of the History of the continual Succession of the next Heirs , belonging to the Royal Family of Denmark , both Males and Females , and that also in their Minority , it will be no difficult matter to judge , how great the Rights were of the Danish Royal Family in the Succession of the Crown ; but when I shall have demonstrated that they also had a right of adopting not only , but also by Testament to appoint their Successor , and even dividing the Kingdom among their Heirs , it will then , I think , be evident , that scarce ever any Kings in these very Kingdoms , which have been esteemed ways heredittry , could pretend to a greater prerogative . An Example of Adoption for the Danish Crown , we have in the often before mentioned Queen Margaret ; who after the Death of her Son Olaus , being without Heirs , did not only constitute Eric her Sisters Son her Consort and Successor in the Danish Empire ; but also to make his Title the more firm , did adopt him ; and he was as such , receive● after her Death by the Estates of Denmark . An Example of disposing of th● Crown , by Testament , Albert Krant● that Ancient and Celebrated Historian has given us in the Danish King Haldan , who left by his last Will the Kingdom to Unguin , which being confirmed by the Estates , is mentioned by this Author as an Act without a Precedent in Denmark at that time . As for the Division of the Kingdom of Denmark , there are several Examples extant in their Histories . Canute I. sirnamed the great , being King of England , Denmark and Norway , divided in his Life-time , about the Year 1030 , the three Kingdoms , without consulting the Estates , between his three Sons , giving to the Eldest Harald , England ; to Canute , Denmark ; and Norway to Sueno . And having the two Crowns of England and Norway in his Possession by right of Conquest ; yet he used the same Power in appointing his Successor in the Kingdom of Denmark . The second Instance of dividing the Kingdom , is in the Reign of Waldemar , about the Year 1170 , Who having called together the Estates at Samso● , he had his Son Waldemar crowned King of Denmark . After which another Son being born to him , who 's Name was Eric . he declared him Duke of Sleswick , and to Canute another Son of his he assigned Laland . But Waldemar the younger , not long after his Coronation happening to die by a Mischance which he got in Hunting ; King Waldemar made a new Division among the rest of his Sons , and before he died exhorted them to Unity ; alledging that to the best of his Power , he had equitably divided the Kingdom among them . And the several Provinces so , assigned by King Waldemar , to his Son , were afterwards devolved to their Children , and Grandchildren before they were reunited into one Kingdom . There is one remarkable Instance more in the Danish History of this Kingdom being divided into three Parts , betwixt Waldemar , Canute , and Sueno . For aftere the Death of Eric sirnamed the Lamb , during the Minority of Waldemar I. who was declared King before , contended for the Crown of Denmark Sueno and Canute , the first having on his side the Zealanders , and Inhabitants of Schonen , the latter the Jutlanders ; being at last tired by the Wars , the Decision was referred to Waldemar I. who dividing the Kingdom into three Parts , assigned to himself Jutland , to Canute Zealand and Funen , and to Sueno , Schonen , Halland and Blekingen , and that all three should be called Kings . And even since that time that the Family of Oldenburg has ruled in Denmark , Christiern I , dying Anno 1482. at Copenhagen , divided the Kingdom , and that by Testament , betwixt his two Sons John and Frederick ; giving to the Eldest the Kingdoms , and to the Youngest the Dukedoms . And it is remarkable , that when afterwards both Frederick and the Holsteiners urged the Execution of Christiern I's Will , it was alledged for a reason by them , that since John the Eldest had for his share two Kingdoms , it was no more than reason that the Dukedom should come to Frederick , in recompensation of what John had obtained . Truly , if the Succession of Denmark had been precarious , Sweedland being then already faln off from Denmark , this would have been a foolish reason , since , the Dukedoms being hereditary , and very considerable in themselves , the Younger would have had much the better share . And that the said Christiern I , had a right of disposing the same among his Children , the States afterwards did confess themselves in their Proclamation , wherein having published their reasons for refusing to obey Christiern II , and receiving Frederick I. for their King , they alledged as one main reason for Frederick , that there was due unto him his patrimonial share out of his Father's Kingdom . As out of what I have related here , it will easily appear , how ill grounded our Author's Assertions are concerning the Danish Government ; so , he that will be so curious as to make a thorough search into the Danish History will be the better convinced , that the Ancient Kings enjoyed , and exercised the same Prerogatives , which are acknowledged to appertain to other hereditary Kingdoms in Europe . It is not to be denied , that in this as well as other Kingdoms , either during the Minority of some Kings , or else by the Division of the Kingdom betwixt several Heirs , and other Accidents , many Irregularities , Contests , Wars and Slaughters have happened ; but to draw these into Consequence , and to attribute the villanous Acts of exasperated Parties to the whole Government , is to overturn the whole frame of History , and at once to charge all Governments with the blackest Villanies that can be imagined , since none have been free of them : And I verily believe , if a due Comparison were made , there would be as few to be found of this Kind in the Danish History as in any in Christendom . Let but any Body , who is not byass'd by his own Opinions , look into the Reign of Woldemar I. and consider with what severity he did punish those who had laid hands on Canute his Predecessor ; How afterwards Eric VII , in his Minority , with consent of the Estates of Denmark , pursued the Murtherers of his Father , and their Adherents , and when fled into Norway , waged War with that King , partly upon that Score ; With how much reluctancy the Estates received Abel for their King , who had caused his Brother to be murthered ! and I say , let but any Body consider the Succession of these Kings , and what severities have been used in that Kingdom against such as did attempt the like ; he will questionless be convinced how little their Histories do agree with what our Author has been pleased to tell us of the Ancient Form of Government of the Danes , viz. That if they found themselves mistaken in their choice , they used sometimes to destroy him ( meaning their King ) either formally , or if he was grown too powerful , by dispatching him without any more Ceremony , the best way they could ; And to elect presently a better Man in his room , sometimes the next of Kin to him , sometimes the valiant Man that had undertaken the killing of the Tyrant , at other times a private Person , who least dreamt of it , &c. If these were not his own Inventions , he would have much obliged the Publick in only naming his Authors , out of whom he had his secret History of Denmark since the same has been never known before to the World. What he says , That all Affairs belonging to Peace or War , Alliances , Disposals of great Offices , Contracts of Marriages , &c. were debated in the Meeting of the Estates : I will not absolutely deny , but that the like instances may be given in the Danish History ; but I could also easily shew , That the most of these have been frequently debated without them ; as also that the ancient Form of Government was very much altered before the whole Face of Affairs ( as he says ) was changed about 32 Years ago : But that the first would be too long for these Animadversions ; and of the second we shall be obliged to say something hereafter upon the Chapter , How the Kingdom of Denmark became Hereditary and Absolute . In the mean time we must not let quite pass by in silence , what he tells of the Consequence of this Change , and their Effects , viz. frequent and arbitrary Taxes , and commonly very excessive ones , even in times of Peace ; little regard being had to the occasion of them : The fal●ng of the value of Estates , Poverty in the Gentry , extremity of Misery in the Peasants , &c. That the Taxes are now more frequent in Denmark than they used to be formerly in times of Peace , is what scarce any body of Sense will deny ; but that the same should be the Consequences of the late Change in Denmark , is not so easie to guess for a considering Person , as this Gentleman fancies : and I am apt to think , that those who are thoroughly acquainted with the State of Denmark will rather say , That the Author has laid the Saddle upon the wrong Horse , as the Saying is , since these Taxes are the Consequences and Effects of that so unprosperous War betwixt Denmark● and Sweden , which did end in the Year 1660. The chief Calamities of which were partly occasioned by the mismanagement and miscarriages of these Times , which preceded this Change. For who , that is not ignorant in Foreign Affairs , but knows how considerable a Loser Denmark was by this War , as Swedeland got most prodigiously , not only in Denmark but also in Germany . It is then to this encrease of the Swedes , and other neighbouring Princes , whose Territories surround Denmark , that these more frequent Taxes are to be attributed ; since he that will duly consider the antient Contest betwixt the Northern Crowns ; what great Power and Strength Swedeland has acquired to it self within these Fifty Years ; and how the Swedish Territories joyn to the King of Denmark's in Norway ; how they are only parted in Denmark by that narrow Streight , called the Sound ; as the Dukedoms of Bremen and Verden are only separated from Holstein by the River Elbe , may easily be convinced , That the King of Denmark , though his Territories are considerably diminished , yet is obliged to keep a much greater Army constantly on Foot than formerly , if he will not run the hazard of being suprized and put to the utmost Extremity , as his Father was in the War with the Swedes . Besides this , the House of Lunenburgh , being grown more Potent , and keeping greater Forces on Foot than they used to do formerly ; as also the Duke of Holstein Gottorp , whose Territories in a great many places are intermingled with those of Denmark , having of late Years been in the Interest of Sweden , puts the King of Demark to a vast charge , of keeping a considerable Force constantly on that side . 'T is then from the circumstances of the Affairs of Denmark , and their Neighbours that the effects of these Taxes ( now usual in Denmark ) do proceed ; which in a Kingdom less powerful than formerly , and yet forced to maintain a much greater Force both by Sea and Land , must needs now much exceed those in former Times . If the Author had not forgot what he himself had remark'd at the end of his first Chapter , concerning the Danish Dominions ; That they had this Inconveniency , that they were disjoyned and separated from each other , and therefore exposed to many dangers , and requiring a more than ordinary expence to preserve them entire , he might from thence alone , considering the State of Affairs now in Europe , have reasonably concluded , That the● Taxes levied in the Kingdom of Denmark , were rather the Consequences of their Situation now , than the Effects of the late Change ; and that therefore it could with no Justice be asserted , what he has told us here , That in imposing the same upon the Subjects , little regard was commonly had ( in Denmark now ) to the occasion of them . The Author also ought to have taken into Consideration , when he made this malicious Assertion , how this would agree with what he has endeavoured to perswade us in several Passages in this Treatise , about the Meanness of the Danish Court , and the continual want of Money there ; as also , what a great number of Fortresses he gives us an Account of ; all which being necessarily to be maintained by Garrisons , and otherwise , he might easily have found out , that these things contradict one another ; since , if it be true , that the Court has so small a share for its Use in these Taxes that are paid in Denmark , it is from thence evident , that a necessity of maintaining so considerable Forces and Fortresses , but not an Arbitrary Will , without having a regard to the Occasion , enforces the paying of greater Taxes now in Denmark than formerly . As to what he says of the Value of the Land being fallen , of the Poverty of the Gentry , and Misery of the Peasants , every body can easily guess , That in this , as in all other Matters of that Nature some Grains of Allowance must be given to this Gentleman 's Romantick Expressions , wherewith he has all along endeavoured to ensnare the ignorant sort of People into a belief of his own Suppositions . Yet is it not to be wondred at , that the value of the Estates should be less now , when so considerable Taxes are paid out of them . than they were formerly , when the Gentry , being the sole Possessors of Lands , and having the chief Sway in the Kingdom , used to be sure to exempt themselves as much as was possible . The same Reason may be given why the Gentry or Nobility in Denmark in general , do not live up to that Splendor as they did in former times ; since having in those Days all plaecs of Profit and Trust in their Hands , and paying very small Taxes , it is evident , that at this time , when to these Places others are admitted as well as they , and are also obliged to bear a proportionable share in all Taxes , their Revenues cannot be so great now as they were formerly . Of the Peasants we shall be obliged to say something hereafter : wherefore we will go to the next Chapter , which describes the manner how the Kingdom of Denmark became Hereditary and absolute . After the Conclusion of the Peace , saysthe Author , between the Two Northern Crowns , Anno 1660 , Some considerable care and time was necessary to redress the Disorders occasioned by so terrible a War. Denmark had been most violently shaken ; and although the Fury of the Tempest was over● the Agitation caused by it still continued : The Army was not yet disbanded , nor could be , for want of Money to discharge Arrears : This caused frequent Insolencies in the Soldiers , with a further Oppression of the Burghers and poor Country People , who had been in a manner already ruined by the Miseries attendingthe War , the Nobility , and Gentry , tho' Lords and Masters were full of Discontents , and the Clergy not in the condition they wished , &c. Here the Author gives us some hints rather than reasons , which induced the Estates of Denmark to make so remarkable a Change in the Government . But , since from hence does depend the understanding of the true nature of this Change , he ought , I think , to have been a little more circumstantial in this Point , if he intended to prove to us what he said in the conclusion of the last Chapter ; That it was astonishing to consider how a free and rich People should be perswaded intirely to part with their Liberties . Astonishing indeed ; But if this Gentleman , by the People does understand all the Estates of the Kingdom , as he ought to do , and has done so in other places , when he alledged that famous Law of the Romans , Salus populi supremae Lex esto , he has not hit the mark right in this assertion , since , by his own words it may be proved , that the Nobility mere Lords and Masters , and all the rest depending on them . It will not be a very difficult task , to find out by what steps the Nobility in Denmark , did acquire this Power over all the rest ; if we consider how the Nobility first clipt the Royal Prerogatives , after that Crown was transferred to the Oldenburg Family ; and more especially , after the deposing of Christiern the II. How after the Reformation the Power of the Bishops and Prelates , ( who were , chosen commonly out of the Citizens ) being fall'n together with their Revenues , the Nobility made thereby the greatest step , that could be , towards the advancing their own Power above the Citizens and Peasants not only , but also the Clergy ; who now were no more in a capacity to keep up the ballance , as they used to do formerly . The King's Prerogatives being thus brought into narrow bounds , and the Clergy's Authority and Power quite abolished , the Citizens alone were not able to resist long against those , who , sitting at the Helm , had the chief management of all affairs of moment ; and the Peasants , being most of them depending from the Nobility , by being partly their Tenants , partly their Vassals , were not in a condition of making , so much as a shew , of resistance , against the Power of their Lords and Masters . Thus the name of the four ancient Estates of Denmark , viz. the Nobility , Clergy , Citizens and Peasants remaining , the Power was effectually lodged in the first , which from time to time did encrease to that degree , that not only the whole Senate of the Kingdom , and all the great Offices of the Court were in their possession , but also they did claim a right to all the rest of any moment , and a priviledge to be consulted withall in the disposing of any Office of moment , even to be given to a Nobleman . They did claim a Prerogative , and actually exercised the same of nominating the Magistrates in the Cities , and had so eneroached upon the rest of the Estates that neither Clergyman , Citizen or Peasant could purchase any Lands ; and if by Mortgaging or other wise any Lands happened to fall into their hands , they were obliged by a yearly , publick Proclamation to proffer the same to sale to the Nobility , upon the same condition as they were possessed of it . From hence came the dependancy of the Citizens from them , and the entire subjection of the Peasants to their Will , and by possessing most all the Lands in the Kingdom , and thereby having the Rights of Patronages , in a great measure , in their own hands ; the Clergy was also , for the most part , fain to dance after their Pipe. It is easie , I think , to imagine , the natural consequence of this to have been , That they exempting themselves , as much as could be done , from Taxes , and other burdens , the same did fall more heavy upon the rest ; and these not being able alone , to provide sufficiently for the security of the Kingdom , this was one main reason , why the Kingdom was so surprized by the Swedes , and did contribute as much as any thing towards the Miseries , which these Countries endured in this War. There was another great reason yet , which , as it contributed greatly to the miseries and misfortunes this Kingdom was fain to undergo in this War ; so questionless was it partly the Occasion of the great Change afterwards made by the States . After the Death of Christiern IV. a certain Party of the Nobility were for excluding Frederick III. second Son of the said King Christiern IV. after the death of Christiern his elder brother , and for setting up Wolmar his younger Son by a second Wife , whose Sisters were married to several noble Men , which , though they could not effect , yet were ( before Frederick III. this present King of Denmark's Father was received by them as King ) the royal prerogatives more streightned than ever , and thereby the power of some of the Nobility mightily increased ; which did give occasion to a great many Dissensions in that Kingdom afterwards : And it is very remarkable , that when Charles the King of Sweden surprised the Kingdom of Denmark the second time , viz. Anno 1658. He used it for a Pretence , that he came to compose the Differences arisen betwixt the King and the Nobility . Besides this , the Commons did lay their Calamities , sustained in the late Wars , in a great measure , at the door of the Nobility ; for , that , by having excluded all the the rest even from military Employments ( so that it was a rarity to find a Commoner above the station of a Captain ) and a great many of these not having done their Duty in defending some Places of the greatest moment , they had been the cheif Occasion of these great Progresses which were made at that time by the Swedes in Denmark . There was a manifest Instance of this in the Siege of that almost impregnable Castle of Cronenburg , the most considerable Fortress of all Denmark ; as being built with incredible Charges , upon Oaken Piles fastend in the very bottom of the Sea ; which being defended by a sufficient Garrison , and abounding in ammunition and provision , under the Conduct and Command of three Governours , was surrendred to Wrangel the Swedish General meerly out of Fear ; he having , by discharging of his Cannon and other Demonstrations of Joy , deceived the Governours into a belief that Copenhagen was taken by the Swedes . The woful Experience then the Danes had had of these and such like Miscarriages were the true Cause of finding a Necessity of Changing the Constitution of their Government . With out which , they saw it was impossible to avoid the same Dangers and Calamities which they had so lately undergone . It would be too tedious to insert here other Reasons that might be alledg'd for this Change ; as also the whole Narrative of our Authors concerning the manner of this Change , wherein he has been more taken up with the Formalities than the true Causes ; yet , out of what he has said , it may appear , that he contrdicts here , what he had said before , that they were a free People ; wherefore we must insert some of them to make the Case the plainer out of the Treatise it self . Thus he says ; After some few days Session , speaking of that Session when the Change was made in Denmark , during which the Nobility , according to their usual practice , debated , how the sums of Money requisite might with greatest ease and conveniency be levied upon the Commons without the least Intention ef bearing any proportionable Share themselves , several Disputes arose , and many sharp Expressions passed between them and the Commons . The Nobility were for maintaining their ancient Prerogative of paying nothing by way of Tax , but only by voluntary Contribution ; and shewing themselves too stiff at a time when the Country was exhausted , and most of the remaining Riches lodged in their hands : They seemed to make use of this Occasion , not only to vindicate , but even to widen and enlarge their Privileges above the other two Estates , by laying Impositions on them at pleasure , which Weight they themselves woold not touch with one of their Fingers any further than as they thought fitting , On the other hand , the Clergy for their late adherence to the Interest of their Country , and the Burghers for the vigorous defence of their City thought they might justly pretend to new merit , and be considered at least as good Subjects in a State , which they themselves had so valiantly defended . They remembred the great Promises made to them when dangerous Enterprises were to be taken in hand , and how successfully they had executed them , thereby saving from a foreign Yoke not only the City of Copenhagen , but the whole Kingdom , the Royal Family , nay those very Nobles that now dealt so hardly with them : They judged it therefore reasonable that the sums of money necessary should be levied proportionably , and that the Nobility who enjoyed all the Land , should at least pay their share of the Taxes , since they had suffered less in the common Calamity as well as done less to prevent the Progress of it . These Words , I think , do not want any further Observations , since they are sufficiently explained by what I have said before concerning the Causes of this Change of Government , and mayrather serve as a Confirmation of what has been alledged there concerning this point . I wil only add , that passage ( also related by the Author ) between Otto Craeg one of the chief Senators then , and Nanson the then President of the City of Copenhagen and Speaker of the Commons . For Otto Craeg did not stick to tell the President , That the Commons neither understood nor considered the Priviledges of the Nobility , who at all times had been exempted from Taxes , nor the true Condition of themselves who were no other than Slaves , ( the Word in the Danish is Unfree ) so that their best way was to keep within their Bounds , &c. To which the President replied , That the Commons were no Slaves , nor would from thence forth called so by the Nobility , which they should soon prove to their Cost . These passages alone are convincing Arguments how Free a People the Danes were at that time , and that it is more like a Romance than a Truth , what he says , in the Conclusion of this Chapter , That the Commons have since experienced , that the little Finger of an absolute Prince can be heavier than the Loins of many Nobles . It being apparent enough , out of what has been said upon this Subject , that the Estates of Denmark were not only treated by the Nobles as Slaves , but that they also esteemed them as such ; and that things were come to that pass , that they must either be in continual Slavery to the Nobility at home , and in fear of a foreign Yoak from their Neighbours , or else strive , by a Change in the Government , to meliorate in some measure their Condition . What he says concerning the Citizens of Copenhagen ; that they have only obtained the insignificant Privilege of wearing Swords , in this his , grav● and sensible men have grossly abused him . For not to mention here , that this as well as other Priviledges were granted to them before the change of Government , to encourage them to a vigorous Defence at the time of the Siege of Copenhagen , the some were not so insignificant : For besides a great many Privileges for the benefit of Trade , a Vote was allowed them in all publick Consultations ; a Privilege was given them to purchase any Lands and Lordships whatsoever , and to enjoy them with the same Right as the Nobles : They were not to be burthened with any Impositions , but such as the Nobles did bear ; and not that , but by publick Consent : They were to be free from all Contributions or Inquarterings whatsoever in times of Peace ; and their Children were to be admitted to all Honours and publick Offices equally with Noble-Mens Children . These were no insignificant Privileges at that time , when most of the same were only challenged by the Nobility ; and since the purchasing and enjoying of Lands , as also their being capable of publick Offices and Honours , have also after the Change of the Government been communicated to the rest of the Subjects in Denmark ; and that the Nobles bear their proportionable Share in such Taxes as the Necessity of their Affairs obliges them to pay . it is evident that the Nobility have been the chief Loosers by that Change , and that the other Estates , by being very near made equal to them in a great many Respects , are Gainers and not Losers by it . I might take here an Opportunity to enlarge my self upon some Rules of Policy which were mentioned by our Authour upon this Subject in his Preface , viz. That no People in their right Wits can be supposed to confer an absolute Dominion ; That such a Donation ought to be esteemed of no greater Validity than the Gift made by a Mad-man , or a Child , from his lawful Successours . That nothing which even the representative Body of the People does , which shall afterward tend to the detriment of the Universality , can then be obligatory , &c. But that these are Matters of too nice a Nature to be transitorily treated of ; as also what might be said considering the manner of the Proceedings of the Commons of Denmark ( related by the Authour at large ) when they obliged the Nobility to concurr with them in the Change of the Government . But thus much may be said according to this Gentleman 's own Suppositions , that if even some Matters , which the representative Body of the People does , may be invalid , I see no Reason why it should not be justifiable in the Commons of Denmark to have taken an Opportunity to free themselves of these Incroachments , which were made upon them by the Nobility ; and the Matter duely weighed , will , I believe , to the most Judicious , appear not so much to be transacted like Children or Madmen , but like People in their right Wits . What he has added , That the Clergy were the only Gainers , in the Point , is , I am sure , what no man that knows Denmark can comprehend , they having not gained any thing by it , what they had not before , but what all the rest also have obtained at the same time . As to his Passive Obedience-Principle riding Triumphant , there has been so much said of it in the Preface , that it would be superfluous to repeat it here . In the next Chapter being the VIII . where he speaks concerning the Condition , Customs , and Temper of the People , he talks of such appearances of Slavery , Laziness , and idle despondency , of carelessness and insensibility , all which he has interwoven with his own Tragical Inventions , that one would rather believe the whole to be fitted for a piece of Tragedy , than History ; it would be ridiculous therefore to answer every particular Whimsical Conceit , of which this Chapter is almost as full as Hudibras ; it will suffice to hint at two or three passages , from whence may be guessed , with what candor he has related to us the rest . One instance of this is what he relates , That there is no buying or selling of Lands here , and tells it as a Miracle , That some Lands were sold to one Monsieur Taxera a rich Jew , at Hamburg , and one Monsieur Marseilles a Dutch Merchant , but that they were fain to take these Lands for Money owing to them from the King : As what concerns the first , I am apt to believe , I have it from as Grave and Sensible Men as his could be , and besides of such as were very understanding and not ignorant in this matter , who have assured me , that this Money was not owing to Texera from the King , neither had he his Lands from him , but being a very considerable Debt due to him from particulor persons in Denmark , ( whom I could name if I thought it convenient ) he took these Lands for the Payment of the same . The second , it is true , had his Lands from the King in lieu of Money owing to him , but it is also to be observed , that he having been Danish Factor at Amsterdam , and having left a very great Estate behind him , it is supposed he had got the greatest part of it by his Factorship ; so , that if he paid somewhat extraordinary for those Lands , he had questionless got so considerably by the King , that he might afford to buy it at a better rate than another would do . And truly a great many the like instances might be given in other Countries also , and if they were represented so maliciously as these have been , they would perhaps appear worse than these ; since in most Countries , there are without doubt to be found , who would take Lands , tho' at an extraordinary rate , where Money is not to be had . But , what he says in this Chapter concerning the Prodigality not only of the Gentry , but also of the Burgers and Peasants , of their expensiveness in Coaches , Retinue , Cloathes , &c. we must take a little notice of , and put him in mind of what he said before , That they lived very miserably ; but these contradictions are with him so common , that it was impossible to remember them all ; I will only add , that it is to their too free and expensive way of living , and the Sumptuousness especially of their Weddings , Christnings and Burials , that ought to be ascribed to what has been observed ; That the People in general , are not so rich here as in some other places . A great many more Observations might be made upon his malicious way of representing matters in this Chapter , of which scarce any one is related without Passion ; but we will add but one more upon what he says concerning the Peasants : In Zealand , says he , they are all as absolute Slaves as the Negroes are in Barbadoes ; neither they , nor their Posterity , to all Generations , can leave the Land , to which they belong . There is no computing there by number of Acres , but by number of Boors , who with all that belong to them , appertain to the Proprietors of the Land. Yeamontry , which is the strength of England , is a state not known or heard of in Denmark . If any of these Wretches prove to be of a diligent and improving temper , who endeavours to live a little better than his Fellows , and to that end has repaired his Farm-House , making it convenient , neat , or pleasant , it is forty to one , but he is presently transplanted from thence to a naked and uncomfortable habitation , &c. Here is the full and true account of the Peasantry in Denmark wherein he has again been most miserably deceived by his grave and sensible men , that instructed him . For that they are as aboluute slaves as the Negroes , in this as well as in the rest , he has been strangely misinformed : The Vassals then in the Islands of Zealand , Laland , Falster , and Moenen , ( for in the other parts of Denmark few of them are to be found ) are such as either they themselves , or their Fore-Fathers , have by paying a certain Fine to Landlords , purchased to themselves certain Farm-Houses and Grounds thereunto belonging , under Conditions of paying certain yearly proportions of the Product of the Land , and doing some other petty Services to the Landlord . Now it being sufficiently known to all that understand the Rights of Vassalage in this and some other Countries , that these yearly Contributions out of the Product of the Lands , and Services to be done to the Landlords , are determined by most antient Laws ; I will give any Man leave to judge , with what sincerity the Author has described to us the State of the Peasantry : He might as well say , that these in England and all their Posterities , who possess Copy-holds , cannot leave the Land which belongs to them ; since it is all the same Case , only that here we have power to sell , and transfer our Right to another , which cannot be done there , without the consent of the Landlord ; but for the rest it is rather esteemed among them a Priviledge , That they cannot be put out of a Farm at pleasure , which Tye is by the Laws of these Countries made reciprocal , betwixt the Landlord and Vassal . And this Tye is so insignificant in this Country , that you meet with frequent Examples , not only of such as for the value of three pound Sterling , buy their freedom from their Landlords , but also a great many Peasants out of Jutland , Funen and other Islands , where they are not Vassals , transplant themselves into the other parts , and by paying a Fine make themselves Vassals ; they finding it more commodious to live in that State , than with the Title of Freeman to be incontinual fear of being ruin'd by their Landlords , if they do not pay their yearly Rent . And since all these Peasants are possess'd of some Lands , less or more ; nothing can be more more vain than what he endeavours to perswade us , that there is no computing there by Acres , but by Boors . And as it is not in the Power of any Landlord to remove a Peasant from his Farm-house , without his consent , so he has no propriety in his Goods ; and a Peasant now , that has got any thing by his Industry , may purchase Lands as well as the best Nobleman . What he says , that no Yeomantry is there , is also of the same Stamp with the rest ; since in those parts of Denmark , where the Peasants are not Vassals ( as it is not in the most part of that Kingdom ) there are to this day Peasants who possess Lands by right of Inheritance , and the rest are Tenants by paying yearly Rents , as we do here in England . Another Grievance he tells us of Quartering of Souldiers ; but , if in a Country where Necessity obliges to keep a Standing Army , Souldiers should not be quartered in the houses of the Subjects , the Souldiers would be in a very bad Case ; and since no body is exempted from that burthen in Denmark , and that by paying a small matter you may keep the Inmate from your Door , and House , this is not esteemed so burthensom as it doth appear at first Sight . He says that the Tables of the better sort are well furnished with Dishes , but he does not like the Cheer : Truly it is no new thing that People used to their own Country Diet , do not like that of other Countries : Like the Kentish Esquire , who being treated in France with such Dainties as are frequent there , could not be perswaded to stay above three days , because he long'd for such Apple-Dumplings as he used to eat at his Father's House ; and yet the Cheer may be nothing the worse for it . But I perceive the chief want was in Denmark , that they had no cramm'd Capons : to this may be answer'd , that in Denmark where Corn is extraordinary cheap , the same are rather fed in the Houses out of hand as they call it ; and it is also notorious , that the same , as well in other , as this Countrey , are preferred before cramm'd Fowl , except by some that are particularly fond of a large fat London Rump . In the mean time , the Danes , to my Knowledge , loving a dainty Bit as well as any body , would have been very much obliged to this Gentleman if he would have vouehsafed to have set his Name to this Treatise , that , sometimes over a Glass of Wine and fat Capon , they might have celebrated in after Ages ( as they do with their Geese on Martin's Eve ) the Memory of him in whose days the Mystery of Cramming tame Fowl was first reveal'd and establish'd at Copenhagen . The next relation he makes of a Country woman that would not sell him Green-Geese to his Company , he gives us as an instance of their simplicity and superstition ; for a Week after she brought four to them , saying , That she had had no luck with them , since the Kite had eat Eight of them . A most remarkable History to prove the simplicity of a whole , or at least the greatest part of a Nation ; it being evident that in the most civilized Nations , some Country People are soon surprized at any thing that is new to them , and generally addicted to their little superstitious Fancies . And yet , I can affirm it , that I have eat about the beginning of June , in the King of Denmark● Territories ( though not in Copenhagen ) as delicious Green Geese at a Gentleman's Seat , as ever I eat any where else . And I remember a certain Frenchman living in these parts , who having a particular way of feeding Capons , used to sell them at 10s . Sterling a piece . But leaving these Tri●les ; we must return to other more serious Matters . The two next following Chapters containing a particular Recital of the King's Revenue , and of the Army , Fleet and Fortresses ; little can be added to it of any Moment , but only to put the Reader in mind , that if an equitable Ballance be made betwixt the said Revenue , and the Number of Land and Sea-forces ; as also of the Fortresses and their Charge : It will from thence be evident , how unjustly the Author has dealt with us , when he endeavoured to perswade us , that the Taxes in Denmark were the Effects of an absolute Government , and that little regard was had there in the occasion of them . The eleventh Chapter treat , of the Court , wherein you may meet with so many Extravagancies , that it would be endless to pretend to refute them . He make bold with the King and Royal Family ; he pretends to tell you what is commendable or not in them : As for the Ministers of State , he describes their H●mors , Capacities● and other Qualifications to a hair ; as if he ( like the Turkish-Spy ) had dived into the most obstruse Secrets of them . I know , that boldness ( like action in an Orator ) takes often-times much more with the vulgar Sort of People , than true Sense ; but when it transcends all the Rules of Decency , and Reason it self , it cannot but be odious to all , who are lovers of Moderation and Truth . This Gentleman must have a very mean Opinion of the Capacity of the English ( though questionless he has a very calm ordinary one of his own ) to perswade himself , that his vain and confident Assertions could ensnare the more judicious Sort into a belief , that a nameless Romantick Politician , who has committed so many Errors , ( and some of them very obvio●s , even to Men of indifferent parts and knowledge ) in this Treatise , ought to be taken for a proper Judge of the Qualifications and Conditions of a whole Court. What he lays concerning his Majesty , the present King of Denmark , that he neither loves , nor has a Genius for business , must needs seem the oddest Assertion that can be to those , who have seen and known , with what Activity that King appears everywhere , how seldom he is absent from his Council , when any matter of Moment is in debate , and how he in Person assists frequently in the highest Court of Justice , and there takes particular notice of the matters in Controversie . Of his Excellency Guldinlieu , he speaks much to the same purpose , as that he loves his Divertisements rather than to embark himself deep in the publick Affairs , when it is known to all who understand the Danish Court ; that , as it cannot be denied , but that this great Person understands the enjoyment of pleasures , so he never addicts himself to them , so much as to neglect the publick Business ; What he has also said of his having burnt his Fingers en● some occurrences , and that King Frederick his Father thought once of making him King of Norway , cannot be look'd upon by unbiass'd Persons , who are acquainted with the Affairs of Denmark , otherwise than an unanswerable Slander forged by his grave and sensible Men. If we should take notice of all particulars of this kind , which according to his whimsical fancies he has related of the Ministers of State , it would exceed the compass of these Remarks . One thing I cannot but hint at , which is the too much reservedness of Mons : Ehrenshild , so much ridiculed by this Gentleman , in calling him patrem difficultatum and alledging his celapeut estre , as a great Infirmity , when by all refined Politicians reservedness has been always look'd upon in a States Man , much preferable before a forward Confidence ; the first being commonly the product of a far seeing prudence with the latter , the effect of a conceited Vanity . There is another pretty Notion in this Chapter , which we must not pass by in silence , viz. That he compares the Court of Denmark rather to some of our Noblemen's in England than White-Hall ; and , that upon a Sunday an hour before Dinner ( being the rightest Court Time ) the number of such as appear in the Antichambre and Bedchambre seldom amount to above 20 or 30. I will put it to the Judgmnnt of any sensible Body , that will compute only these Officers of the Court by him named ; ( besides others , as Lords of the Bed-Chamber , Gentlemen of the Privy-Chamber ; The Queens Attendance , and others not mentioned ) the considerable Number of Superiour Officers in the Army and Fleet ; And more especially . if any one will take the pains so peruse the Proclamation of the King of Denmark , inserted by the Author , concerning Precedency of the several Officers both Civil and Military , as also what this Author ha● said before , concerning their Sumptuousness of Apparel and Equipage ; and compare all this with what he says now concerning the Court , whether it have as much as a Probability of Truth in it . Much the same Allowance must be given to what he says , concerning that most sumptuous and magnificent Palace of the K. of Denmark , called Fredericksburg , which being computed to have cost at least a Million Sterl . he says , falls short of many Noblemens Country Houses in England . It is hard , that , to verifie his Assertion , he would not name one of them ; since all that ever I could meet with , who knew Fredericksburg , and have also been in a great many Noblemen's Seats in England , do unanimously take this for a most unaccountable Rodomontado . But these Remarks having increased in bulk beyond our Intention , we will not insist upon what he says in the 12th and 14th Chapters , concerning the Inclinations of the King of Denmark towards his Neighbours , as also of his Interests in relation to other Princes , since a great deal may easily be said , but scarce any thing be determined , in matters of this nature : But in Chap. 13th , where he treats of the Differences which some years ago were betwixt Denmark and the Duke of Holstein Gottorp ; he has shown himself very partial in not mentioning the true Cause of these proceedings . One of the chiefest was ( not to mention others ) that the Duke of Holstein Gottorp , holding that part of Sleswick which he possesses as a Feef of Denmark ; notwithstanding this , having been assisting to the Swedes in the subduing of the greatest part of Denmark , at the Treaty at Roschild , 1658. had forced the K. of Denmark to declare him independent of that Crown , to maintain which he had ever since been in the Interest of Swedeland . I do not therefore see , how the King of Denmark , with Justice could be blamed to recover his Just Right . And when he saw a fair Prospect of being even with Swedeland , for what they taken from his Crown , to begin with drawing out first that Thorn which stuck so close to him , that without being freed from it , he could not have promised to himself the same Success as he afterwards had against the Swedes . In the Fifteenth Chapt. treating of the Laws and Courts of Justice , as things are indifferently well related ; so we will go on to the Sixteenth Chapter , where the State of Religion , of the Clergy , and Learning is represented ; the greatest part of this being taken up with railing against the Clergy ; upon which Point we have said enough in the Preface ; we only will only put him in mind , That Learning is not at so low an Ebb , but that lately Denmark has had its Puffendorf , a Man to be compared to the best of our Age ; and that if I had a mind to speak of the Living , I could name him some , who would be able to give other Proofs of their Learning , than our Author has done in this Treatise , though he pretends to be much beyond the common Sort : I will add but a few Words concerning what he says , That a Popish Chappel , permitted to be built at Gluckstadt , has been the first there since the Reformation ; that to my Knowledge at least twenty Years ago , not only Popish Chapels , but also of most other Religions ; as of Calvinists , Independents , Anabaptists , &c. have been erected at Altena , a place near Hamburgh , where these several Sorts of Religions are tolerated ; but no religious service allow'd them . At Fredericia also a free Exercise of Religion has been allowed a great many Years ago , which are two convincing Instances ; that this Gentleman having been deceived by his grave and sensible Men , has given us a great many things for a confessed Truth , which he had not sufficiently been instructed in . But to come to the Conclusion : The Author in this whole Book having been so abounding every where with his own Fancies , and new Model'd Opinions has been the Occasion , that these Remarks are increased beyond intention ; if every thing should have been but touched upon , there would have been matter sufficient for a very large Book ; But to have examined in particular , all his speculative Assertions , would have required whole Volumes . 'T is for this reason that I have been obliged to let a great many of less moment slip by untouched ; and as to these of more consequence , I have treated of them with as much brevity as the nature matter would permit : Since by hinting only the Heads , and referring my Reader to the true Ancient History it self . I did not question but the more curious would take an opportunity to compare the same , both with the Author's Suppositions , and the historical Account it self . What he has related of such matters as are not extant in Histories ; wherein the sacred Laws of History have obliged me to contradict his ill-grounded Relation , I will only say thus much : That as the Kingdom of Denmark is very well known to me , so I am sure I have related nothing , but what I not only very well know , but also can easily prove , by unquestionable Witnesses who are not ashamed to own their Names . And if this Gentleman's Friends , who instructed him had had a little less Gravity , but somewhat more Knowledge in these Affairs , which they pretended to understand , we might questionless have expected a more fair Account of Denmark . FINIS . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A35311-e710 Symb. CAROLI IV. Imp , Optimum est alienâ insaniâ frui . Liv. Hist Rom. lib. 44. c. 22. Dialogue betwixt Whigg and Tory. p. 258 , 260 , 261 , 262. Concilia Theologica Witten●errica Francofurt ad Moenum . Pag. 94 Vid. Georgii Dedekennii Thesaurum consilior . Theol . & jurid . Edit . per Job . Ernest. Gerhard . Jen. 1671. Hector . Gothofred . Masii Theol . D. & Prof. P. in acad. Hafn. Interesse Principum circa religionem Evangelicam ad sereniss . ac potentiss Daniae Regem . Hafniae . 1687 Formal , Exorcism , Leave this Child , thou unclean Spirit , and give place to the Holy Ghost ! 1674. 2. Supplicat . Fas non est vel publicum religionis exercitium , lege● , aut constitutiones Ecclesiasticas hactenus ibi receptas , templa , scholas , hospitalia aut eo per●inentes reditus , pensione , stipendia prioribus adimere , suorumque Sacrorum hominibus applicare , vel juris territorialis . Episcopalis , patronatus , aliove quocunque praetextu subditis ministros alterins confessionis obtrudere , ullumve aliud impedimentum aut praejudicium directe● vel indirecte alterius sacris afferre . Pac. Osnabrug . Instrument . §. 7. * Hamburgh . Perdam Babylonis homen . Grammon ● Hist. Ga● , lib. xv . An. 167● . Important Considerations writien by the Secular Priests , p. 4 Vertumnus Romanus . Jesuites Reasons unreasonable . Letters Card. d'●fs● . p. 2. lib. 7. 8. n. 162. Letter of Father Peter Walsh of the Order of St. Francis 1674. Hamborrough . Dicd . l. 1. sect 2. Cic. l. 1. Divinat . Puffendorff . de habit . relig . ad vit . civil Quam ob causam populus Judaicas salva sua religione cum alia civitate plene coalescere non potuit , unde sicut religio Judaica statue fuit coaeva , codem tempore ac volumine sancitis legibus , circa sacra & civilia . Ita & religio Judaica implicita fuit , ut illa huic superstes esse non posset . Sicut destructio templi & eversio Reip● certissimum indicium sit abolitae religionis Judaicae . Cic. de Orator . l. 1. Magno conatu magnas nugas agere . Diod. lib. 1. ● . 2. Herodot . lib. 2. Plat. in Tim. a Cic. pro L. Flacc. Tribuo Graecis literas , do multarum artium disciplinam , non adimo sermonis leporem , ingeniorum acumen , dicendi copiam : denique etiam , si quae alia sibi sumunt , non repugno : testimoniorum religionem & fidem nunquam ista natio coluit : to●iusque bujus rei , quae sit vis , quae auctoritas , quod pondus , ignorant . Ibid b Qu●m in the atro imperiti komines rerum ●●nnium rudes ignarique consederant , tum bella inutilia suscipiebant , tum sediticsos homines Reip. praeficiebant , tum optime meritos cives è civitate ejiciebant . c Cic. de Orator . lib. 1. Quantum praestiterint majores nostri prudentia caeteris gentibus , tumfacillime quisque intelliget , si cum Graecoruni Lycurgo & Dracone & Solone nostras leges conferre voluerit . Incredibile est enim , quam sit omne jus civile , praeter nostrum , inconditum ac pene ridiculum . Cic. Tuscul. quaest . l. 1. Omnia Romani aut invenere per se sapientius , quam Graeci , aut accepta ab iliis fecere meliora , quae quidem digna statuissent , in quibus elaborarent . Remp. nostri majores certe melioribus tempera●verunt & institutis & legibus quam Graect . d De orat . l. 2. Seculis multis ante Gymnasia inven●a sunt , quam in his Philosophi garrire ●●perunt . e De orat . lib. 3. Graeci aliqui doctores pervulgata praecepta decantant , quum ipsi nunquam forum , nunquam ullum judicium aspexerint . f Cic , de legib . lib. 1. Gellius , quum proconsul , expraetura in Graeciam venisset , Athenis Philosophos , qui tum erant , in locum unum convocaevit , ipsisque magnopere author fuit , ut aliquando controversiarum aliquem facerent modum ; quod si essent co-animo ut nollent aetatem in litibus conter●re , posse rem convenire , & . simul operam suam illis est pollicitus , si posset , inter eos , aliquid convenire . Cic. de sini● . l. 5. Cic. l. offic . 1. Lacedaemonios , classe ill● a rissa , aliam ptrare posse , se fugere sine de●ocere non posse . Des Cartes . a Cic. lib. 1. de Orat. Romae profecto nulla unquam vehementius , quam eloquentiae studia viguerunt . Nam posteaquam imperio omnium gentium constituto , diuturnitas pacis otium confirmavi● : nemo fere laudis cupidus adolescens , non sibi ad dicendum studio omni enitendum putavit . Ac primo quidem totius rei ignari , qui neque exercitationis ullam viam , neque aliquod praeceptum artis esse arbitrarentur , tantum , quantum ingenio & coginatione poterant , consequebantur . Post autem audicis oratoribus Graecis , cognitisque torum literis adhibitisque doctoribus , incredibili quodam dicendi studio , ●ostri homines flagraverunt . b lib. 1. offic . Quorum patres aut majores aliqua gloria praestiverunt , corum plerique in eo genere laudis student excellere ; Ut Q. Decius Publii silius , in jure civili : Pauli filius Africanus in re militari . c Pro P. Sext. Imitemur nostros Brutos , Camillos , Decios , Curios , F●bilcios , Maximos , Scipiones , Lentulos , AEmilios , innumerabilesq alios , qu : Romanam Remp. Stabiliverunt . ●●●● Philip. p. 5. Legibus ●●●●●● , cum grandiorem ●●●●●● ad consulatum Rom●●●●●uebant , adolescentiae ●●●●●●rem verebantur . d Cic. lib. 1. Offic. Carneades dicebat , eos qui Rhetores nominarentur , & qui dicendi praecepta traderent , nihil● plane tenere . Mnesarchus hos , quos nos oratores votaremas , nihil esse dicebat , nisi quosdam operarios , lingua celeri & exercitata , oratorem autem , nisi qui sapiens esset , esse neminem . O Urbem venalen . ●● si modo emptorem invenisset . Cic. Catilinar . 2. e Cic. pro leg . Manil. Quemenim poss●mus imperatorem aliquo in numero putare , cujus inexe●rcitu veneant centuriatus , atque venierint ? Quid hunc hominem magnum aut amplum cogitare de rep . qui pecuniam ex aerario deprompt●m ad bellum administrandum , a●t propter cupiditatem provinciae magistratibus diviserit , a●t propter avaritiam Romae in quaestu reliquerit ? Vestra admurmuratio facit , Quirites , ut agnoscere videamini qui haec fecerint . Ego autem neminem nomino . Quare mihi irasci nemo poterit , nisi qui ante de se voluerit confiteri . Itaque propter hanc avaritiam imperatorum quantas calamitates , quocunque ventum sit , nostri exercitus ferant , quis ignorat ? Itinera quae per hosce annos in Italia per agros atque oppida civium Romanorum imperatores fecerunt , recordamini : tum facilius statuetis , quid apud exteras nationes fieri existimetis . Utinam plures arbitramini per hosces annos militum vestrorum armis hostium urbe , an hibernis , sociorum civitates esse deletas ? Negue enim exercitum potest is continere imperator , qui seipsum non continet ; neque severus esse in judicando , qui alios in se severos esse judices non vult . a Lib. 3. dooffic . Pythius , & omnes aliud agentes , aliud simulantos , persidiimprobi , molitiosi sunt . Nullum igitur eorum factum potest esse utile , cu ● sit tot vitiis inquinatum . b Cic. lib. 2. Divinat . Vetus illud Catonis admodum scitum est , qui mirari se aiebat , quod non rideret aruspex , aruspicem cum vi diss . Rex Prusias cum apud eum Annibali exulanti pugnore placeret , negaba● se audere , quod exta prohiberent . An tu , inquit , ●● unculae vitulinae mavis quam veteri Imperatori credere ? a Err●s , mi Lucili , si existima ; nostri seculi esse vitium luxuriam & negligentiam boni moris & alia quae objicit suis quisque temporibus . Hominum suns ista non tempor●m : Nulla aetas v●cavit à culpa ; Et si aestimare licentiam cujusque seculi incipi●s , pudet dicere , nunquam ●pertius , quam coram Catione peccatum est . Cic. ad Attic. l. Ep. 1. Cato optimo animo utens & summa side , nocet incerdum Reip. Dicit enim ●anquam in Platonis politia , non tanquam in Romuli faece , sententi●●● . b Cic , lib. 2. de inven● . Dex Graecorum : Qui tyranum occiderit , Olympionicorum praemium capito , & quam voldt sibi rem à mag●stratu deposcito , & magistratus ei concedito . b Cic , lib. 2. de inven● . Dex Graecorum : Qui tyranum occiderit , Olympionicorum praemium capito , & quam voldt sibi rem à mag●stratu deposcito , & magistratus ei concedito . c Senec. Hercul Fur. Victima haud ulla amplior potest magisque opima mact●ri Jovi , quam R●n iniquus . Notes for div A35311-e8580 a Caesar. lib. 4. De Bello Galico Sueviorum Gens bellico sissima Germano●● omnium ; Iri centum pagos baber dicuntur : Ex quibus quotannis singuli miliae armatorum bellandi causae , suis ex finibus educunt . eliqui domi manent . Pro se atque illis Colunt . sed privati & separati agri apud eos nihil est : Neque longius an●o remanere uno in loco incole●dicausa , licet . Neque multum frumento , sed maxim●● partem lacte atque pecore vivunt multumque sunt in v●nationnibus . Que res & cibi genere & quotidiana exercitatione & libertate visa● ( quod a pueris nullo officio ●●● disciplina assue facti nihil o●● nino contra voluntatem faciant ) & vires alit & immani corporum magnitudine efficit . b Corn Tacit. de morib . Germ. De minoribusrebus principes consultant , de majoribus omnes , ita tamen ut ea quoque , quorum penes plebem arbitrium est , apud principes pertractentur . Illud ex libertate vitium , quod non semel nec just conveniunt , sed & alter & tertius dies cunctatione coeuntium absumitur . Ut turba placuit , considunt armati . Mox Rex vel Princeps , prout aetas cuique , prout nobilitas , ●prout decus bettorum , prout facundia est , audiuntur austoritate seadenda magis , quamjubendi potestate . Si displicuit sententia , fremit● aspernatur , sin placuit frame as asconcutiunt . Licet apud concilium accusare quoque & discrimen capitis intendere . c Ibid. ( c. ) Reges ex nobilitate , duces ex virtute sumunt . Et duces exemplo quotius , quam imperio , si prompti sint , si comspicui , si ant●aciem agant , admiratione praesunt . Caeterum neque animadvertere , neque vincire , neque verberare quidem , nisi Sacerdotibus , permissum . d ibid. Nullus Germanorum populis urbes habitari , satis notum est , ne pati quidem inter se junctas sedes . Colunt discreti ac divers● ut fons , nt campus , ut nemus , placuit . Vicos locant non in nostrum morem , connexis & cobaerentibus aedificiis . Suam qnifque domum spatiocirsumdat . Liv. Hists Rom. lib. 21. 24 , 28. Caes. lib. do bell . Hisp. Liv. Hist. Rom. Lib. 27. C. 19. Cricumfusa inde multitudo Hispanorum & ante deditorum & pridie captorum Regem eum ingenti consensu appellavi● Tum Scipo , silent to per praeconem facto , sibi maximum nomen Imperatoris esse , dixit , quo se milites sui appellassent . Regium nomen alibi magnum , Ramae intolerabile ad esse . Regalem animum in seesse ; si id in hominis ingenio amplissimum ducerent , tacitè judicarent ; Vocisusurpatione abstinerent . Sensere etiam barbari magnitudinem animi : Cujus miraculo nominis alii mortaleos stuperent , tam alto fast igio aspernantis . Dona inde Regulis principibusque Hispanor●● divisa , & ex magna copia captorum equorum trecentos . equos el●gere judibilem jussit . Caes. de bell . Gall. Lib. 1. 2. 3. Caes. bell , Gall. lib. 1. 2. a Caes. bell . Gall. lib. 1. In castris Helvetiorum tabule repertae sunt liter is Graeeis confectae & ad Caesarem perlatae , quibus in tabulis nominatim ratio confecta erat , qui numerus domo exisset eorum , qui arma ferre possent , & item separatim pueri , senes , mulieresque , &c. b Caes. lib. 2. bell . Gall. De numero corum omniase habere explorata Rhemi dicebant , propter●à quod propinquitatibus affinitatibusque conjuncti , quantam , quisque multitudinem in Belgarum communi concilio ad id bellum , pollicitus sit , cognoverint . Suessones suos esse finitimos latissimos ; feracissimosque agros possidere . Apud eos fuisse regem nostra etiam memoria Divitiacum totius Galli●e Potentissimum , qui qu●● magnae parti● harum Region●m , tum etiam Britanniae Imperium obtinuer●t● nune esse Regem Galbam : Ad hunc proter justitiam prudentiam que summani totius ●e●i● 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 voluntate doferri . c Caesar. lib. 1. bell● Gall. Orat. ad Ariovist● Multa à Caesare in cam sententiam dicta sunt , quare negotio desistere non posset , & neque suam neque Populi Rom. consuetudinem pati , ut optime meritos socios desereret ; neque se putare Galliam esse potius Ariouisti quam Populi Rom. bello superatos esse Arvernos & Rutenos à Q● Fabio Maximo , quibus Populus Rom. ignovisset , neque in provinciam redegisset , neque stipendium imposuisset . Quod si antiquissimum quodque tempus spectare oporteret , Populi Rom. justissimum esse in Gallia Imperium ; si judicium Senatus ser●ari aporteret , liberam esse debere Galliam , quam bello victam suis legibus uti vol●isset . d Caes. lib. 5. bell , Gall. Concilio Gallorum Sambrigiae peracto quod eo anno frumentum in Gallia , propter sic●itates angustius provenerat , coactus est aliter acsuperioribus annis , excrcitum in hybernis collocare , legionesque in plures Civitates distribuere , &c. Unam legionem , quam proximè trans Padum conscripserat , & Cohortes V. in Eburones , quorum pars maxima est inter Mosam & Rhenum , qui suo Imperio . Ambiorigis & Catavulci erant , misit . e Tacitus de moribus Germanor . ( e ) Ubii transgressi olim & experimento fidei super ipsam Rheni ripam collocati , ut arcerent , non ut custodir●ntur . Omnium harum gentium praecipue Bata●● non multum ex ripa , sed insulam Rheni amnis colunt . Manet honos & antiquae societatis insigne ; Nam nec tributis contemnuntur , nec publicanus atterit , &c. a Meurs . hist. Dan. part 1. lib. 3. Factus igitur Rex Sueno , quem Canuti M. nepotem Dant non amore aliquo ducti , sed necessitate coacti , quià è prosapia Regia nemo alius superesset , Regem sibi elegerunt . Pontan Rer. Dan. Hist. Lib. 5. sed Sueno ex sorore , ut indicavimus , Canuti M. genitus , solus se Magni conatibus objecit , fretus non tam amicorum praesidiis , quam sua virtute & natalibus , quibus id quod poscebat , omni ratione deberi existinabat . b Pont. Rer. Dan. lib. 7. Abelem qui parricidio meruerat ab omni non modo successionis , sed haeredii quoque ●ure excludi , Regem creant . ( 1. ) Quod nimirum frater ejus Ericus filios sibi superstites nullos reliquisset . ( 2. ) Et Abel inter fratres , qui superstites erant , natus esset maximus . ( 3. ) Quod metus alias foret , ne Slesvicensem Ducatum , quo potiebatur , a Regno separaret . Meurs . Hist. Dan. Part. 2. Lib. 2. Abelus igitur , fratre Erico per infandum scelus caeso , Regnum occupat ; quippe ille nullos liberos reliquerat : Et hic fratrum natu maximus Regno proximus censebatur , &c. Ille datis ad Senatum literis causam suam agere , & de multis fratrem accusare , tum testari , illum nullo suo scelere , verum casu , pluribus in scapham defilientibus , periisse . Haec cum reputarent proceres , Regem sibi necessarium potius quam dignum creant ipsis Kalend. Novembris . c Pontan . Rer. Dan. Histor . Libr. VIII . Olaum Hacquini Norvagiae & Margaretae filium Regem declarant , utpote qui matris aspectu non modo regni proximus esset , &c. Pont. Lib. 9. Rer. Dan. Pag. 516. Albert. Crantzius Histor. Norvag . Lib. VII . d Crantz . hist. Dan. 2. cap. XVII . Broderus filius Jarmerici quem ille destinatum supplicio priusquam interiret morte jussit revocare . Ne omnino Regnum haerede careret . d Crantz . hist. Dan. 2. cap. XVII . Broderus filius Jarmerici quem ille destinatum supplicio priusquam interiret morte jussit revocare . Ne omnino Regnum haerede careret . Meurs . Lib. 1. Chytr . Saxon. Chytr . in Saxon , ad an . 1522● Meurs . hist Dan. Part 1. lib. 3. Pontan . Rer. Dan. ●ist . lib 5. Crantz . Chron. Dan lib. 3. Pontan . Rer. Dan , Hist. lib. 1. Meurs . hist. Dan. lib. 3. Pontan . hist. Dan. lib. 5● Meurs . lib. 1. de gest . Christian II Meurs . lib. 2. de g●● . Joh. Crantz . Chron. Dan. l. 8. Pontan . lib. 9. Meurs . Hist. Dan. lib. 5. Lib. 2. c. 4. Chron. Dan. Meurs . Hist. Dan. lib. 3. Meurs . Hist. Dan. C●nt . l. 1. Pontan . l. 6 , 7 , 8. Meurs . Hist. Dan. lib. 5● Meurs de gest . Joh. Reg. l●● . Chytr . Saxon . lib. 10. Pontan . lib. 6. Pontan . lib. 7.